1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 7.8-7.13 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 184| 7.8. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה וְאֶל־אַהֲרֹן לֵאמֹר׃", 7.9. "כִּי יְדַבֵּר אֲלֵכֶם פַּרְעֹה לֵאמֹר תְּנוּ לָכֶם מוֹפֵת וְאָמַרְתָּ אֶל־אַהֲרֹן קַח אֶת־מַטְּךָ וְהַשְׁלֵךְ לִפְנֵי־פַרְעֹה יְהִי לְתַנִּין׃", 7.11. "וַיִּקְרָא גַּם־פַּרְעֹה לַחֲכָמִים וְלַמְכַשְּׁפִים וַיַּעֲשׂוּ גַם־הֵם חַרְטֻמֵּי מִצְרַיִם בְּלַהֲטֵיהֶם כֵּן׃", 7.12. "וַיַּשְׁלִיכוּ אִישׁ מַטֵּהוּ וַיִּהְיוּ לְתַנִּינִם וַיִּבְלַע מַטֵּה־אַהֲרֹן אֶת־מַטֹּתָם׃", 7.13. "וַיֶּחֱזַק לֵב פַּרְעֹה וְלֹא שָׁמַע אֲלֵהֶם כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר יְהוָה׃", | 7.8. "And the LORD spoke unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying:", 7.9. "’When Pharaoh shall speak unto you, saying: Show a wonder for you; then thou shalt say unto Aaron: Take thy rod, and cast it down before Pharaoh, that it become a serpent.’", 7.10. "And Moses and Aaron went in unto Pharaoh, and they did so, as the LORD had commanded; and Aaron cast down his rod before Pharaoh and before his servants, and it became a serpent.", 7.11. "Then Pharaoh also called for the wise men and the sorcerers; and they also, the magicians of Egypt, did in like manner with their secret arts.", 7.12. "For they cast down every man his rod, and they became serpents; but Aaron’s rod swallowed up their rods.", 7.13. "And Pharaoh’s heart was hardened, and he hearkened not unto them; as the LORD had spoken.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 11.1-11.9 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 178| 11.1. "וַיְהִי כָל־הָאָרֶץ שָׂפָה אֶחָת וּדְבָרִים אֲחָדִים׃", 11.1. "אֵלֶּה תּוֹלְדֹת שֵׁם שֵׁם בֶּן־מְאַת שָׁנָה וַיּוֹלֶד אֶת־אַרְפַּכְשָׁד שְׁנָתַיִם אַחַר הַמַּבּוּל׃", 11.2. "וַיְחִי רְעוּ שְׁתַּיִם וּשְׁלֹשִׁים שָׁנָה וַיּוֹלֶד אֶת־שְׂרוּג׃", 11.2. "וַיְהִי בְּנָסְעָם מִקֶּדֶם וַיִּמְצְאוּ בִקְעָה בְּאֶרֶץ שִׁנְעָר וַיֵּשְׁבוּ שָׁם׃", 11.3. "וַיֹּאמְרוּ אִישׁ אֶל־רֵעֵהוּ הָבָה נִלְבְּנָה לְבֵנִים וְנִשְׂרְפָה לִשְׂרֵפָה וַתְּהִי לָהֶם הַלְּבֵנָה לְאָבֶן וְהַחֵמָר הָיָה לָהֶם לַחֹמֶר׃", 11.3. "וַתְּהִי שָׂרַי עֲקָרָה אֵין לָהּ וָלָד׃", 11.4. "וַיֹּאמְרוּ הָבָה נִבְנֶה־לָּנוּ עִיר וּמִגְדָּל וְרֹאשׁוֹ בַשָּׁמַיִם וְנַעֲשֶׂה־לָּנוּ שֵׁם פֶּן־נָפוּץ עַל־פְּנֵי כָל־הָאָרֶץ׃", 11.5. "וַיֵּרֶד יְהוָה לִרְאֹת אֶת־הָעִיר וְאֶת־הַמִּגְדָּל אֲשֶׁר בָּנוּ בְּנֵי הָאָדָם׃", 11.6. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה הֵן עַם אֶחָד וְשָׂפָה אַחַת לְכֻלָּם וְזֶה הַחִלָּם לַעֲשׂוֹת וְעַתָּה לֹא־יִבָּצֵר מֵהֶם כֹּל אֲשֶׁר יָזְמוּ לַעֲשׂוֹת׃", 11.7. "הָבָה נֵרְדָה וְנָבְלָה שָׁם שְׂפָתָם אֲשֶׁר לֹא יִשְׁמְעוּ אִישׁ שְׂפַת רֵעֵהוּ׃", 11.8. "וַיָּפֶץ יְהוָה אֹתָם מִשָּׁם עַל־פְּנֵי כָל־הָאָרֶץ וַיַּחְדְּלוּ לִבְנֹת הָעִיר׃", 11.9. "עַל־כֵּן קָרָא שְׁמָהּ בָּבֶל כִּי־שָׁם בָּלַל יְהוָה שְׂפַת כָּל־הָאָרֶץ וּמִשָּׁם הֱפִיצָם יְהוָה עַל־פְּנֵי כָּל־הָאָרֶץ׃", | 11.1. "And the whole earth was of one language and of one speech.", 11.2. "And it came to pass, as they journeyed east, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar; and they dwelt there.", 11.3. "And they said one to another: ‘Come, let us make brick, and burn them thoroughly.’ And they had brick for stone, and slime had they for mortar.", 11.4. "And they said: ‘Come, let us build us a city, and a tower, with its top in heaven, and let us make us a name; lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth.’", 11.5. "And the LORD came down to see the city and the tower, which the children of men builded.", 11.6. "And the LORD said: ‘Behold, they are one people, and they have all one language; and this is what they begin to do; and now nothing will be withholden from them, which they purpose to do.", 11.7. "Come, let us go down, and there confound their language, that they may not understand one another’s speech.’", 11.8. "So the LORD scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth; and they left off to build the city.", 11.9. "Therefore was the name of it called Babel; because the LORD did there aconfound the language of all the earth; and from thence did the LORD scatter them abroad upon the face of all the earth.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 44.9 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Lunn-Rockliffe (2007), The Letter of Mara bar Sarapion in Context, 46| 44.9. "יֹצְרֵי־פֶסֶל כֻּלָּם תֹּהוּ וַחֲמוּדֵיהֶם בַּל־יוֹעִילוּ וְעֵדֵיהֶם הֵמָּה בַּל־יִרְאוּ וּבַל־יֵדְעוּ לְמַעַן יֵבֹשׁוּ׃", | 44.9. "They that fashion a graven image are all of them vanity, And their delectable things shall not profit; And their own witnesses see not, nor know; That they may be ashamed.", |
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| 4. Menander, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pater / patres, senators as Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 36 |
| 5. Menander, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pater / patres, senators as Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 36 |
| 6. Theophrastus, Characters, 2.7 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
| 7. Plautus, Persa, 1.2.5 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators, kinship •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 565; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
| 8. Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, 789, 791-792, 790 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 479 |
| 9. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 26.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
| 10. Cicero, Letters, 6.1.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators, meetings of Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 171 |
11. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 130-137, 41-42 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 40| 42. ' nescio ' inquit 'quae causa odi fuerit; fuisse odium intellego quia antea, cum duos filios haberet, illum alterum qui mortuus est secum omni tempore volebat esse, hunc in praedia rustica relegarat.' relegavit ς quod Erucio accidebat in mala nugatoriaque accusatione, idem mihi usu usu mihi A π1φ venit in causa optima. ille quo modo crimen commenticium confirmaret non inveniebat, ego res tam levis qua ratione infirmem ac diluam reperire non possum. | |
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| 12. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 40 |
| 13. Cicero, Letters, 6.1.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators, meetings of Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 171 |
| 14. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.130, 5.156, 6.31, 9.29, 9.79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate/senators, meetings of •senate/senators Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 171; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 190; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 247, 479, 526 |
| 15. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 12.21, 12.30.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators, granted lictors Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 73 |
| 16. Varro, Saturae Menippae, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 526 |
| 17. Cicero, In Catilinam, 3.25, 4.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators, meetings of Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 172, 174 |
| 18. Cicero, Letters, 5.18.1, 6.1.17, 12.9, 14.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators •senate/senators, meetings of •senate, senators Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 171; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 190; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 180, 246 |
| 19. Cicero, Letters, 6.1.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators, meetings of Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 171 |
20. Cicero, Republic, 4.11-4.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 210| 4.11. August. C.D. 2.9 Numquam comoediae, nisi consuetudo vitae pateretur, probare sua theatris flagitia potuissent. quem illa non adtigit vel potius quem non vexavit? cui pepercit? Esto, populares homines inprobos, in re publica seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum laesit. Patiamur, etsi eius modi cives a censore melius est quam a poeta notari; sed Periclen, cum iam suae civitati maxima auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli praefuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scaena non plus decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset aut Naevius Publio et Gnaeo Scipioni aut Caecilius Marco Catoni male dicere 4.12. Nostrae contra duo decim tabulae cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt, si quis occentavisset sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri. Praeclare; iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis, habere debemus nec probrum audire nisi ea lege, ut respondere liceat et iudicio defendere. veteribus displicuisse Romanis vel laudari quemquam in scaena vivum hominem vel vituperari. 4.13. August. C.D. 2.11 Aeschines Atheniensis, vir eloquentissimus, cum adulescens tragoedias actitavisset, rem publicam capessivit, et Aristodemum, tragicum item actorem, maximis de rebus pacis et belli legatum ad Philippum Athenienses saepe miserunt. | |
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21. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.18, 2.62-2.63, 3.214 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 108, 210, 246| 1.18. Nam quid ego de actione ipsa plura dicam? quae motu corporis, quae gestu, quae vultu, quae vocis conformatione ac varietate moderanda est; quae sola per se ipsa quanta sit, histrionum levis ars et scaena declarat; in qua cum omnes in oris et vocis et motus moderatione laborent, quis ignorat quam pauci sint fuerintque, quos animo aequo spectare possimus? Quid dicam de thesauro rerum omnium, memoria? Quae nisi custos inventis cogitatisque rebus et verbis adhibeatur, intellegimus omnia, etiam si praeclarissima fuerint in oratore, peritura. 2.62. Sed illuc redeo: videtisne, quantum munus sit oratoris historia? Haud scio an flumine orationis et varietate maximum; neque eam reperio usquam separatim instructam rhetorum praeceptis; sita sunt enim ante oculos. Nam quis nescit primam esse historiae legem, ne quid falsi dicere audeat? Deinde ne quid veri non audeat? Ne quae suspicio gratiae sit in scribendo? Ne quae simultatis? 2.63. Haec scilicet fundamenta nota sunt omnibus, ipsa autem exaedificatio posita est in rebus et verbis: rerum ratio ordinem temporum desiderat, regionum descriptionem; vult etiam, quoniam in rebus magnis memoriaque dignis consilia primum, deinde acta, postea eventus exspectentur, et de consiliis significari quid scriptor probet et in rebus gestis declarari non solum quid actum aut dictum sit, sed etiam quo modo, et cum de eventu dicatur, ut causae explicentur omnes vel casus vel sapientiae vel temeritatis hominumque ipsorum non solum res gestae, sed etiam, qui fama ac nomine excellant, de cuiusque vita atque natura; 3.214. Quid fuit in Graccho, quem tu melius, Catule, meministi, quod me puero tanto opere ferretur? "Quo me miser conferam? Quo vertam? In Capitoliumne? At fratris sanguine madet. An domum? Matremne ut miseram lamentantem videam et abiectam?" Quae sic ab illo esse acta constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici ut lacrimas tenere non possent. Haec ideo dico pluribus, quod genus hoc totum oratores, qui sunt veritatis ipsius actores, reliquerunt; imitatores autem veritatis, histriones, occupaverunt. | |
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| 22. Varro, On Agriculture, 2.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators, meetings of Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 170 |
| 23. Cicero, In P. Clodium Et C. Curionem, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
24. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 16-19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 253| 19. eos quibus odio sunt nostrae secures, nomen acerbitati, scriptura, decumae, portorium morti, libenter adripere facultatem laedendi quaecumque detur! Mementote igitur, cum audietis psephismata, non audire vos testimonia, audire temeritatem volgi, audire vocem levissimi cuiusque, audire strepitum imperitorum, audire contionem concitatam levissimae nationis. itaque perscrutamini penitus naturam rationemque criminum; iam nihil praeter spem, nihil praeter terrorem ac minas reperietis. | |
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| 25. Cicero, Oratio Pro Rege Deiotaro, 19, 40, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 247 |
26. Polybius, Histories, 6.56.6-6.56.12, 30.18.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 137; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251| 6.56.6. μεγίστην δέ μοι δοκεῖ διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων πολίτευμα πρὸς βέλτιον ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει. 6.56.7. καί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον, τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν· 6.56.8. ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐκτετραγῴδηται καὶ παρεισῆκται τοῦτο τὸ μέρος παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἴς τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ὥστε μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὑπερβολήν. ὃ καὶ δόξειεν ἂν πολλοῖς εἶναι θαυμάσιον. 6.56.9. ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι. 6.56.10. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἦν σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν πολίτευμα συναγαγεῖν, ἴσως οὐδὲν ἦν ἀναγκαῖος ὁ τοιοῦτος τρόπος· 6.56.11. ἐπεὶ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθός ἐστιν ἐλαφρὸν καὶ πλῆρες ἐπιθυμιῶν παρανόμων, ὀργῆς ἀλόγου, θυμοῦ βιαίου, λείπεται τοῖς ἀδήλοις φόβοις καὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ τραγῳδίᾳ τὰ πλήθη συνέχειν. 6.56.12. διόπερ οἱ παλαιοὶ δοκοῦσί μοι τὰς περὶ θεῶν ἐννοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν ᾅδου διαλήψεις οὐκ εἰκῇ καὶ ὡς ἔτυχεν εἰς τὰ πλήθη παρεισαγαγεῖν, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον οἱ νῦν εἰκῇ καὶ ἀλόγως ἐκβάλλειν αὐτά. 30.18.5. τότε δὲ κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον γενόμενος τὴν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, στὰς κατὰ τὸ θύρετρον ἀντίος τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ καθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας ἀμφοτέρας προσεκύνησε τὸν οὐδὸν καὶ τοὺς καθημένους, ἐπιφθεγξάμενος "χαίρετε, θεοὶ σωτῆρεσ", ὑπερβολὴν οὐ καταλιπὼν ἀνανδρίας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ γυναικισμοῦ καὶ κολακείας οὐδενὶ τῶν ἐπιγινομένων. | 6.56.6. But the quality in which the Roman commonwealth is most distinctly superior is in my opinion the nature of their religious convictions. 6.56.7. I believe that it is the very thing which among other peoples is an object of reproach, I mean superstition, which maintains the cohesion of the Roman State. 6.56.8. These matters are clothed in such pomp and introduced to such an extent into their public and private life that nothing could exceed it, a fact which will surprise many. 6.56.9. My own opinion at least is that they have adopted this course for the sake of the common people. 6.56.10. It is a course which perhaps would not have been necessary had it been possible to form a state composed of wise men, 6.56.11. but as every multitude is fickle, full of lawless desires, unreasoned passion, and violent anger, the multitude must be held in by invisible terrors and suchlike pageantry. 6.56.12. For this reason I think, not that the ancients acted rashly and at haphazard in introducing among the people notions concerning the gods and beliefs in the terrors of hell, but that the moderns are most rash and foolish in banishing such beliefs. 30.18.5. And now, on entering the senate-house he stood in the doorway facing the members and putting both his hands on the ground bowed his head to the ground in adoration of the threshold and the seated senators, with the words, "Hail, ye saviour gods," making it impossible for anyone after him to surpass him in unmanliness, womanishness, and servility. |
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| 27. Cicero, Cato, 3.25, 4.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators, meetings of Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 172, 174 |
28. Cicero, On Divination, 1.3, 1.10, 2.58, 2.84 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 90, 169; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 39; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 526| 1.3. Quam vero Graecia coloniam misit in Aeoliam, Ioniam, Asiam, Siciliam, Italiam sine Pythio aut Dodonaeo aut Hammonis oraculo? aut quod bellum susceptum ab ea sine consilio deorum est? Nec unum genus est divinationis publice privatimque celebratum. Nam, ut omittam ceteros populos, noster quam multa genera conplexus est! Principio huius urbis parens Romulus non solum auspicato urbem condidisse, sed ipse etiam optumus augur fuisse traditur. Deinde auguribus et reliqui reges usi, et exactis regibus nihil publice sine auspiciis nec domi nec militiae gerebatur. Cumque magna vis videretur esse et inpetriendis consulendisque rebus et monstris interpretandis ac procurandis in haruspicum disciplina, omnem hanc ex Etruria scientiam adhibebant, ne genus esset ullum divinationis, quod neglectum ab iis videretur. 1.10. Arcem tu quidem Stoicorum, inquam, Quinte, defendis, siquidem ista sic reciprocantur, ut et, si divinatio sit, di sint et, si di sint, sit divinatio. Quorum neutrum tam facile, quam tu arbitraris, conceditur. Nam et natura significari futura sine deo possunt et, ut sint di, potest fieri, ut nulla ab iis divinatio generi humano tributa sit. Atque ille: Mihi vero, inquit, satis est argumenti et esse deos et eos consulere rebus humanis, quod esse clara et perspicua divinationis genera iudico. De quibus quid ipse sentiam, si placet, exponam, ita tamen, si vacas animo neque habes aliquid, quod huic sermoni praevertendum putes. 2.58. Sanguine pluisse senatui nuntiatum est, Atratum etiam fluvium fluxisse sanguine, deorum sudasse simulacra. Num censes his nuntiis Thalen aut Anaxagoran aut quemquam physicum crediturum fuisse? nec enim sanguis nec sudor nisi e corpore. Sed et decoloratio quaedam ex aliqua contagione terrena maxume potest sanguini similis esse, et umor adlapsus extrinsecus, ut in tectoriis videmus austro, sudorem videtur imitari. Atque haec in bello plura et maiora videntur timentibus, eadem non tam animadvertuntur in pace; accedit illud etiam, quod in metu et periculo cum creduntur facilius, tum finguntur inpunius. 2.84. Cum M. Crassus exercitum Brundisii inponeret, quidam in portu caricas Cauno advectas vendens Cauneas clamitabat. Dicamus, si placet, monitum ab eo Crassum, caveret ne iret; non fuisse periturum, si omini paruisset. Quae si suscipiamus, pedis offensio nobis et abruptio corrigiae et sternumenta erunt observanda. | 1.3. And, indeed, what colony did Greece ever send into Aeolia, Ionia, Asia, Sicily, or Italy without consulting the Pythian or Dodonian oracle, or that of Jupiter Hammon? Or what war did she ever undertake without first seeking the counsel of the gods? [2] Nor is it only one single mode of divination that has been employed in public and in private. For, to say nothing of other nations, how many our own people have embraced! In the first place, according to tradition, Romulus, the father of this City, not only founded it in obedience to the auspices, but was himself a most skilful augur. Next, the other Roman kings employed augurs; and, again, after the expulsion of the kings, no public business was ever transacted at home or abroad without first taking the auspices. Furthermore, since our forefathers believed that the soothsayers art had great efficacy in seeking for omens and advice, as well as in cases where prodigies were to be interpreted and their effects averted, they gradually introduced that art in its entirety from Etruria, lest it should appear that any kind of divination had been disregarded by them. 1.10. Why, my dear Quintus, said I, you are defending the very citadel of the Stoics in asserting the interdependence of these two propositions: if there is divination there are gods, and, if there are gods there is divination. But neither is granted as readily as you think. For it is possible that nature gives signs of future events without the intervention of a god, and it may be that there are gods without their having conferred any power of divination upon men.To this he replied, I, at any rate, find sufficient proof to satisfy me of the existence of the gods and of their concern in human affairs in my conviction that there are some kinds of divination which are clear and manifest. With your permission I will set forth my views on this subject, provided you are at leisure and have nothing else which you think should be preferred to such a discussion. 2.58. Reports, you say, were made to the Senate that there was a shower of blood, that the river Atratus actually flowed with blood and that the statues of the gods dripped with sweat. You do not think for a moment that Thales, Anaxagoras, or any other natural philosopher would have believed such reports? Sweat and blood you may be sure do not come except from animate bodies. An effect strikingly like blood is produced by the admixture of water with certain kinds of soil; and the moisture which forms on the outside of objects, as we see it on our plastered walls when the south wind blows, seems to resemble sweat. Such occurrences, which in time of war appear to the timid to be most frequent and most real, are scarcely noticed in times of peace. Moreover, in periods of fear and of danger stories of portents are not only more readily believed, but they are invented with greater impunity. 2.84. When Marcus Crassus was embarking his army at Brundisium a man who was selling Caunian figs at the harbour, repeatedly cried out Cauneas, Cauneas. Let us say, if you will, that this was a warning to Crassus to bid him Beware of going, and that if he had obeyed the omen he would not have perished. But if we are going to accept chance utterances of this kind as omens, we had better look out when we stumble, or break a shoe-string, or sneeze![41] Lots and the Chaldean astrologers remain to be discussed before we come to prophets and to dreams. |
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| 29. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.67, 2.1.72 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators, granted lictors Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 73 |
| 30. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 116 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators, meetings of Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 171 |
31. Cicero, Topica, 29, 68, 70-71, 69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 154| 69. numero sic comparabuntur, plura bona ut paucioribus bonis antepotur, pauciora mala malis pluribus, diuturniora bona brevioribus, longe et late pervagata angustis, ex quibus plura bona propagentur quaeque plures imitentur et faciant. Specie autem comparantur, ut antepotur quae propter se expetenda sunt eis quae propter aliud et ut innata atque insita adsumptis atque adventiciis, integra contaminatis, iucunda minus iucundis, honesta ipsis etiam utilibus, proclivia laboriosis, necessaria non necessariis, sua alienis, rara vulgaribus, desiderabilia eis quibus facile carere possis, perfecta incohatis, tota partibus, ratione utentia rationis experti- bus, voluntaria necessariis, animata iimis, naturalia non naturalibus, artificiosa non artificiosis. | |
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32. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 14, 27, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246| 24. adopted one of these three lines of conduct: he must either have been with Saturninus, or with the good men, or he must have been lying in bed—to lie hid was a state equal to the most infamous death; to be with Saturninus was the act of insanity and wickedness. Virtue, and honour, and shame, compelled him to range himself on the side of the consuls. Do you, therefore, accuse Caius Rabirius on this account, that he was with those men whom he would have been utterly mad to have opposed, utterly infamous if he had deserted them? But Caius Decianus, whom you often mention, was condemned, because, when he was accusing, with the earnest approval of all good men, a man notorious for every description of infamy, Publius Furius, he dared to complain in the assembly of the death of Saturninus. And Sextus Titius was condemned for having an image of Lucius Saturninus in his house. The Roman knights laid it down by that decision that that man was a worthless citizen, and one who ought not to be allowed to remain in the state, who either by keeping his image sought, to do credit to the death of a man who was seditious to such a degree as to become an enemy to the republic, or who sought by pity to excite the regrets of ignorant men, or who showed his own inclination to imitate such villainy. | |
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| 33. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 98-99 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 73 |
| 34. Cicero, Pro Marcello, 17, 19, 6-7, 9, 16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 248 |
35. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.42, 1.122, 2.60-2.62, 3.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators •senators •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 137; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 40 | 1.42. "I have given a rough account of what are more like the dreams of madmen than the considered opinions of philosophers. For they are little less absurd than the outpourings of the poets, harmful as these have been owing to the mere charm of their style. The poets have represented the gods as inflamed by anger and maddened by lust, and have displayed to our gaze their wars and battles, their fights and wounds, their hatreds, enmities and quarrels, their births and deaths, their complaints and lamentations, the utter and unbridled licence of their passions, their adulteries and imprisonments, their unions with human beings and the birth of mortal progeny from an immortal parent. 1.122. But as for you, what mischief you cause when you reckon kindness and benevolence as weaknesses! Apart altogether from the nature and attributes of deity, do you think that even human beneficence and benignity are solely due to human infirmity? Is there no natural affection between the good? There is something attractive in the very sound of the word 'love,' from which the Latin term for friendship is derived. If we base our friendship on its profit to ourselves, and not on its advantage to those whom we love, it will not be friendship at all, but a mere bartering of selfish interests. That is our standard of value for meadows and fields and herds of cattle: we esteem them for the profits that we derive from them; but affection and friendship between men is disinterested; how much more so therefore is that of the gods, who, although in need of nothing, yet both love each other and care for the interests of men. If this be not so, why do we worship and pray to them? why have pontiffs and augurs to preside over our sacrifices and auspices? why make petitions and vow offerings to heaven? 'Why, but Epicurus (you tell me) actually wrote a treatise on holiness.' 2.60. On the contrary, they are endowed with supreme beauty of form, they are situated in the purest region of the sky, and they so control their motions and courses as to seem to be conspiring together to preserve and to protect the universe. "Many other divinities however have with good reason been recognized and named both by the wisest men of Greece and by our ancestors from the great benefits that they bestow. For it was thought that whatever confers great utility on the human race must be due to the operation of divine benevolence towards men. Thus sometimes a thing sprung from a god was called by the name of the god himself; as when we speak of corn as Ceres, of wine as Liber, so that Terence writes: when Ceres and when Liber fail, Venus is cold. 2.61. In other cases some exceptionally potent force is itself designated by a title of convey, for example Faith and Mind; we see the shrines on the Capitol lately dedicated to them both by Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, and Faith had previously been deified by Aulus Atilius Calatinus. You see the temple of Virtue, restored as the temple of Honour by Marcus Marcellus, but founded many years before by Quintus Maximus in the time of the Ligurian war. Again, there are the temples of Wealth, Safety, Concord, Liberty and Victory, all of which things, being so powerful as necessarily to imply divine goverce, were themselves designated as gods. In the same class the names of Desire, Pleasure and Venus Lubentina have been deified — things vicious and unnatural (although Velleius thinks otherwise), yet the urge of these vices often overpowers natural instinct. 2.62. Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. 3.5. "Very well," rejoined Cotta, "let us then proceed as the argument itself may lead us. But before we come to the subject, let me say a few words about myself. I am considerably influenced by your authority, Balbus, and by the plea that you put forward at the conclusion of your discourse, when you exhorted me to remember that I am both a Cotta and a pontife. This no doubt meant that I ought to uphold the beliefs about the immortal gods which have come down to us from our ancestors, and the rites and ceremonies and duties of religion. For my part I always shall uphold them and always have done so, and no eloquence of anybody, learned or unlearned, shall ever dislodge me from the belief as to the worship of the immortal gods which I have inherited from our forefathers. But on any question of el I am guided by the high pontifes, Titus Coruncanius, Publius Scipio and Publius Scaevola, not by Zeno or Cleanthes or Chrysippus; and I have Gaius Laelius, who was both an augur and a philosopher, to whose discourse upon religion, in his famous oration, I would rather listen than to any leader of the Stoics. The religion of the Roman people comprises ritual, auspices, and the third additional division consisting of all such prophetic warnings as the interpreters of the Sybil or the soothsayers have derived from portents and prodigies. While, I have always thought that none of these departments of religion was to be despised, and I have held the conviction that Romulus by his auspices and Numa by his establishment of our ritual laid the foundations of our state, which assuredly could never have been as great as it is had not the fullest measure of divine favour been obtained for it. |
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| 36. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.15, 3.31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 174 |
| 37. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo, 27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
| 38. Cicero, On Laws, 2.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 39, 40 |
39. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 4.1125 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 535| 4.1125. unguenta et pulchra in pedibus Sicyonia rident, | |
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40. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 3.272, 3.623 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 526| 3.272. rend= 3.623. Cum possit sura chartas celare ligatas, | |
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41. Ovid, Tristia, 2.247-2.248, 2.600 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 308| 2.247. este procul, vittae tenues, insigne pudoris, 2.248. quaeque tegis medios instita longa pedes! | |
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42. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.40.5, 7.68, 7.68.4, 13.1.1-13.1.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89, 90; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151, 245, 246 | 4.40.5. The death of Tullius having occasioned a great tumult and lamentation throughout the whole city, Tarquinius was afraid lest, if the body should be carried through the Forum, according to the custom of the Romans, adorned with the royal robes and the other marks of honour usual in royal funerals, some attack might be made against him by the populace before he had firmly established his authority; and accordingly he would not permit any of the usual ceremonies to be performed in his honour. But the wife of Tullius, who was daughter to Tarquinius, the former king, with a few of her friends carried the body out of the city at night as if it had been that of some ordinary person; and after uttering many lamentations over the fate both of herself and of her husband and heaping countless imprecations upon her son-inâlaw and her daughter, she buried the body in the ground. 7.68. 7.68. 1. A few days after this the time came for the election of magistrates, and Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus and Spurius Larcius Flavus were chosen consuls by the people, the latter for the second time. Sundry disturbances fell upon the commonwealth as the result of prodigies, and these were many; for unusual sights appeared to many, and voices too were heard, though no one uttered them; births of children and cattle, so very abnormal as to approach the incredible and the monstrous, were reported; oracles were uttered in many places; and women possessed with a divine frenzy foretold lamentable and dreadful misfortunes to the commonwealth.,2. A kind of pestilence also visited the population and destroyed great numbers of cattle; however, not many persons died of it, the mischief going no farther than sickness. Some thought that these things had occurred by the will of Heaven, which was angry with them for having banished from the country the most deserving of all their citizens, while others held that nothing that took place was the work of Heaven, but that both these and all other human events were due to chance.,3. Afterwards, a certain man named Titus Latinius, being ill, was brought to the senate-chamber in a litter; he was a man advanced in years and possessed of a competent fortune, a farmer who did his own work and passed the greater part of his life in the country. This man, having been carried into the senate, said that Jupiter Capitolinus had, as he thought, appeared to him in a dream and said to him: "Go, Latinius, and tell your fellow-citizens that in the recent procession they did not give me an acceptable leader of the dance, in order that they may renew the rites and perform them over again; for I have not accepted these.",4. He added that after awaking he had disregarded the vision, looking upon it as one of the deceitful dreams that are so common. Later, he said, the same vision of the god, appearing to him again in his sleep, was angry and displeased with him for not having reported to the senate the orders he had received, and threatened him that, if he did not do so promptly, he should learn by the experience of some great calamity not to neglect supernatural injunctions. After seeing this second dream also he had formed the same opinion of it, and at the same time had felt ashamed, being a farmer who did his own work and old, to report to the senate dreams full of foreboding and terrors, for fear of being laughed at.,5. But a few days later, he said, his son, who was young and handsome, had been suddenly snatched away by death without any sickness or any other obvious cause. And once more the vision of the god had appeared to him in his sleep and declared that he had already been punished in part for his contempt and neglect of the god's words by the loss of his son, and should soon suffer the rest of his punishment.,6. When he heard this, he said, he had received the threats with pleasure, in the hope that death would come to him, weary of life as he was; but the god did not inflict this punishment upon him, but sent such intolerable and cruel pains into all his limbs that he could not move a joint without the greatest effort. Then at last he had informed his friends of what had happened, and by their advice had now come to the senate. While he was giving this account his pains seemed to leave him by degrees; and after he had related everything, he rose from the litter, and having invoked the god, went home on foot through the city in perfect health. 7.68.4. He added that after awaking he had disregarded the vision, looking upon it as one of the deceitful dreams that are so common. Later, he said, the same vision of the god, appearing to him again in his sleep, was angry and displeased with him for not having reported to the senate the orders he had received, and threatened him that, if he did not do so promptly, he should learn by the experience of some great calamity not to neglect supernatural injunctions. After seeing this second dream also he had formed the same opinion of it, and at the same time had felt ashamed, being a farmer who did his own work and old, to report to the senate dreams full of foreboding and terrors, for fear of being laughed at. 13.1.1. When Camillus was besieging the city of Falerii, one of the Faliscans, either having given the city up for lost or seeking personal advantages for himself, tricked the sons of the most prominent families â he was a schoolmaster â and led them outside the city, as if to take a walk before the walls and to view the Roman camp. 13.1.2. And gradually leading them farther and farther from the city, he brought them to a Roman outpost and handed them over to the men who ran out. Being brought to Camillus by these men, he said he had long planned to put the city in the hands of the Romans, but not being in possession of any citadel or gate or arms, he had hit upon this plan, namely to put in their power the sons of the noblest citizens, assuming that the fathers in their yearning for the safety of their children would be compelled by inexorable necessity to hand over the city promptly to the Romans. |
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43. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 9.770-9.772, 15.796 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 479| 9.770. institerant, unusque dies restabat. At illa 9.771. crinalem capiti vittam nataeque sibique 9.772. detrahit et passis aram complexa capillis 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum | |
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| 44. Livy, Per., 29.12, 112.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 57, 232 |
| 45. Livy, History, 1.16, 1.31.3-1.31.4, 1.36.6, 1.41, 1.46.3, 1.49.2-1.49.7, 1.53.6, 2.7.2, 2.20.10, 2.36-2.37, 2.36.3, 3.52.5, 4.59.10, 5.2.1, 5.20.1-5.20.2, 5.23.3-5.23.6, 5.23.8, 5.24-5.28, 5.25.10-5.25.12, 5.26.10, 5.27.8, 5.27.10, 5.28.1-5.28.5, 5.31.5-5.31.6, 5.32.9, 5.37.1, 5.39.1, 5.43.6-5.43.7, 5.46.10, 5.50.6, 5.51-5.55, 6.41.4, 7.6.1-7.6.3, 7.8.5, 8.6.9-8.6.14, 8.9.1, 8.9.12, 8.13.14-8.13.15, 9.34.17-9.34.22, 9.38.2, 24.24.3, 27.27.9, 28.45, 30.38.10, 32.12.3, 36.1.3, 38.20.6, 39.16.9, 39.40.5, 40.29.11, 41.14-41.15, 41.16.5, 41.17.5-41.17.6, 41.18, 41.18.14-41.18.16, 43.13, 45.44.20 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 156 |
| 46. Propertius, Elegies, 2.23.13-2.23.16, 4.9.27 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 479, 535 |
| 47. Horace, Sermones, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 34 |
| 48. Sallust, Catiline, 6.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pater / patres, senators as Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 36 |
| 49. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.5.65-1.5.66 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 531 |
50. Ovid, Fasti, 1.410, 2.324, 3.809-3.876 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 531| 1.410. impediunt teneros vincula nulla pedes, 2.324. scindebant magni vincula parva pedes. 3.809. Una dies media est, et fiunt sacra Minervae, 3.810. nomina quae iunctis quinque diebus habent, 3.811. sanguine prima vacat, nec fas concurrere ferro: 3.812. causa, quod est illa nata Minerva die. 3.813. altera tresque super strata celebrantur harena: 3.814. ensibus exertis bellica laeta dea est. 3.815. Pallada nunc pueri teneraeque orate puellae: 3.816. qui bene placarit Pallada, doctus erit. 3.817. Pallade placata lanam mollire puellae 3.818. discant et plenas exonerare colos. 3.819. illa etiam stantis radio percurrere telas 3.820. erudit et rarum pectine denset opus. 3.821. hanc cole, qui maculas laesis de vestibus aufers, 3.822. hanc cole, velleribus quisquis aena paras; 3.823. nec quisquam invita faciet bene vincula plantae 3.824. Pallade, sit Tychio doctior ille licet; 3.825. et licet antiquo manibus conlatus Epeo 3.826. sit prior, irata Pallade manens erit. 3.827. vos quoque, Phoebea morbos qui pellitis arte, 3.828. munera de vestris pauca referte deae: 3.829. nec vos, turba fere censu fraudata, 1 magistri, 3.830. spernite; discipulos attrahit illa novos: 3.831. quique moves caelum, tabulamque coloribus uris, 3.832. quique facis docta mollia saxa manu. 3.833. mille dea est operum: certe dea carminis illa est; 3.834. si mereor, studiis adsit amica meis, 3.835. Caelius ex alto qua mons descendit in aequum, 3.836. hic, ubi non plana est, sed prope plana via, 3.837. parva licet videas Captae delubra Minervae, 3.838. quae dea natali coepit habere suo. 3.839. nominis in dubio causa est. capitale vocamus 3.840. ingenium sollers: ingeniosa dea est. 3.841. an quia de capitis fertur sine matre paterni 3.842. vertice cum clipeo prosiluisse suo? 3.843. an quia perdomitis ad nos captiva Faliscis 3.844. venit? et hoc ipsum littera prisca docet. 3.845. an quod habet legem, capitis quae pendere poenas 3.846. ex illo iubeat furta reperta loco? 3.847. a quacumque trahis ratione vocabula, Pallas, 3.848. pro ducibus nostris aegida semper habe. 23. B TVBIL — NP 3.849. Summa dies e quinque tubas lustrare canoras 3.850. admonet et forti sacrificare deae. 3.851. nunc potes ad solem sublato dicere voltu 3.852. hic here Phrixeae vellera pressit ovis. 3.853. seminibus tostis sceleratae fraude novercae 3.854. sustulerat nullas, ut solet, herba comas. 3.855. mittitur ad tripodas, certa qui sorte reportet, 3.856. quam sterili terrae Delphicus edat opem. 3.857. hic quoque corruptus cum semine nuntiat Helles 3.858. et iuvenis Phrixi funera sorte peti; 3.859. utque recusantem cives et tempus et Ino 3.860. compulerunt regem iussa nefanda pati, 3.861. et soror et Phrixus, velati tempora vittis, 3.862. stant simul ante aras iunctaque fata gemunt. 3.863. aspicit hos, ut forte pependerat aethere, mater 3.864. et ferit attonita pectora nuda manu, 3.865. inque draconigenam nimbis comitantibus urbem 3.866. desilit et natos eripit inde suos; 3.867. utque fugam capiant, aries nitidissimus auro 3.868. traditur: ille vehit per freta longa duos. 3.869. icitur infirma cornu tenuisse sinistra 3.870. femina, cum de se nomina fecit aquae. 3.871. paene simul periit, dum volt succurrere lapsae 3.872. frater, et extentas porrigit usque manus, 3.873. flebat, ut amissa gemini consorte pericli, 3.874. caeruleo iunctam nescius esse deo. 3.875. litoribus tactis aries fit sidus, at huius 3.876. pervenit in Colchas aurea lana domos. 24. C Q — REX — C — F 25. DC 26. EC | 1.410. Their tender feet are not encumbered with shoes. 2.324. And his giant feet split the little shoes. 3.809. Which take their name from the sequence of five days. 3.810. The first day is bloodless, and sword fights are unlawful, 3.811. Because Minerva was born on that very day. 3.812. The next four are celebrated with gladiatorial shows, 3.813. The warlike goddess delights in naked swords. 3.814. Pray now you boys and tender girls to Pallas: 3.815. He who can truly please Pallas, is learned. 3.816. Pleasing Pallas let girls learn to card wool, 3.817. And how to unwind the full distaff. 3.818. She shows how to draw the shuttle through the firm 3.819. Warp, and close up loose threads with the comb. 3.820. Worship her, you who remove stains from damaged clothes, 3.821. Worship her, you who ready bronze cauldrons for fleeces. 3.822. If Pallas frowns, no one could make good shoes, 3.823. Even if he were more skilled than Tychius: 3.824. And even if he were cleverer with his hand 3.825. Than Epeus once was, he’ll be useless if Pallas is angry. 3.826. You too who drive away ills with Apollo’s art, 3.827. Bring a few gifts of your own for the goddess: 3.828. And don’t scorn her, you schoolmasters, a tribe 3.829. So often cheated of its pay: she attracts new pupils: 3.830. Nor you engravers, and painters with encaustics, 3.831. Nor you who carve the stone with a skilful hand. 3.832. She’s the goddess of a thousand things: and song for sure: 3.833. If I’m worthy may she be a friend to my endeavours. 3.834. Where the Caelian Hill slopes down to the plain, 3.835. At the point where the street’s almost, but not quite, level, 3.836. You can see the little shrine of Minerva Capta, 3.837. Which the goddess first occupied on her birthday. 3.838. The source of the name is doubtful: we speak of 3.839. ‘Capital’ ingenuity: the goddess is herself ingenious. 3.840. Or is it because, motherless, she leapt, with a shield 3.841. From the crown of her father’s head (caput)? 3.842. Or because she came to us as a ‘captive’ from the conquest 3.843. of Falerii? This, an ancient inscription claims. 3.844. Or because her law ordains ‘capital’ punishment 3.845. For receiving things stolen from that place? 3.846. By whatever logic your title’s derived, Pallas, 3.847. Shield our leaders with your aegis forever. 3.848. The last day of the five exhorts us to purify 3.849. The tuneful trumpets, and sacrifice to the mighty god. 3.850. Now you can turn your face to the Sun and say: 3.851. ‘He touched the fleece of the Phrixian Ram yesterday’. 3.852. The seeds having been parched, by a wicked stepmother’ 3.853. Guile, the corn did not sprout in the usual way. 3.854. They sent to the oracle, to find by sure prophecy, 3.855. What cure the Delphic god would prescribe for sterility. 3.856. But tarnished like the seed, the messenger brought new 3.857. That the oracle sought the death of Helle and young Phrixus: 3.858. And when citizens, season, and Ino herself compelled 3.859. The reluctant king to obey that evil order, 3.860. Phrixus and his sister, brows covered with sacred bands, 3.861. Stood together before the altar, bemoaning their mutual fate. 3.862. Their mother saw them, as she hovered by chance in the air, 3.863. And, stunned, she beat her naked breasts with her hand: 3.864. Then, with the clouds as her companions, she leapt down 3.865. Into serpent-born Thebes, and snatched away her children: 3.866. And so that they could flee a ram, shining and golden, 3.867. Was brought, and it carried them over the wide ocean. 3.868. They say the sister held too weakly to the left-hand horn, 3.869. And so gave her own name to the waters below. 3.870. Her brother almost died with her, trying to help her 3.871. As she fell, stretching out his hands as far as he could. 3.872. He wept at losing her, his friend in their twin danger, 3.873. Not knowing she was now wedded to a sea-green god. 3.874. Reaching the shore the Ram was raised as a constellation, 3.875. While his golden fleece was carried to the halls of Colchis. 3.876. When the Morning Star has three times heralded the dawn, |
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| 51. Lucan, Pharsalia, 9.1010-9.1108 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
| 52. Juvenal, Satires, 7.136 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 452 |
53. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 3.399-3.408 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 137 | 3.399. 9. When Josephus heard him give those orders, he said that he had somewhat in his mind that he would willingly say to himself alone. When therefore they were all ordered to withdraw, excepting Titus and two of their friends, he said, 3.400. “Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law of the Jews in this case? and how it becomes generals to die. 3.401. Dost thou send me to Nero? For why? Are Nero’s successors till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and this thy son. 3.402. Bind me now still faster, and keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm anything of God.” 3.403. When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but supposed that Josephus said this as a cunning trick, in order to his own preservation; 3.404. but in a little time he was convinced, and believed what he said to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaining the empire, and by other signs foreshowing his advancement. 3.405. He also found Josephus to have spoken truth on other occasions; for one of those friends that were present at that secret conference said to Josephus, “I cannot but wonder how thou couldst not foretell to the people of Jotapata that they should be taken, nor couldst foretell this captivity which hath happened to thyself, unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is risen against thyself.” 3.406. To which Josephus replied, “I did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that I should be caught alive by the Romans.” 3.407. Now when Vespasian had inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. 3.408. Yet did he not set Josephus at liberty from his bands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes, and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest in the honors that were done him. |
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54. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 3.7.4, 8.266 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 247, 350 | 8.266. 1. However, God was in no long time ready to return Jeroboam’s wicked actions, and the punishment they deserved, upon his own head, and upon the heads of all his house. And whereas a soil of his lay sick at that time, who was called Abijah, he enjoined his wife to lay aside her robes, and to take the garments belonging to a private person, and to go to Ahijah the prophet, |
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| 55. Martial, Epigrams, 14.3-14.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 10 |
| 56. Martial, Epigrams, 1.96.6-1.96.7, 2.39, 2.46.1-2.46.4, 4.66.1-4.66.4, 5.79.1-5.79.2, 8.48.1-8.48.2, 10.29.1-10.29.4, 14.1.1, 14.3-14.7, 14.142 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate, senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 403, 452; Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 10 |
| 57. Frontinus, De Aquis Vrbis Romae, 102.7-102.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 207 |
| 58. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 11.1-11.3, 11.3.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 350 |
| 59. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 20.4, 67.4, 97.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 310 |
| 60. Tacitus, Agricola, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 3.1, 21.1, 29.1, 29.4, 30.1-32.3, 30.5, 42.3, 44.5-45.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 74 |
| 61. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 3, 17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246 |
| 62. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 5.6-5.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 137, 167 |
| 63. Suetonius, Tiberius, 35.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 239; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 348 |
| 64. Suetonius, Nero, 21.2, 32.2, 34.3, 49.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203, 210; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 452; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 34 |
| 65. Suetonius, Iulius, 56.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92 |
| 66. Suetonius, Galba, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 139 |
| 67. Suetonius, Domitianus, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators, from asia minor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 342 |
| 68. Suetonius, Claudius, 22 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 164 |
| 69. Suetonius, Caligula, 27.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 660; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 531 |
| 70. Suetonius, Augustus, 31.1, 49.3, 57.1, 94.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 660; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 163; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 247, 539 |
| 71. Statius, Siluae, 1.2.235 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 350 |
| 72. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 2.38.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 160 |
73. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 80.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 210, 239| 63. timui imperasse. levia sed nimium queror; | |
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| 74. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 6.14.3, 6.15.3, 11.17.2-11.17.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174, 232, 238, 245 |
| 75. Scribonius Largus, Compositiones, 133, 47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 310 |
| 76. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 11.1-11.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 350 |
| 77. Tacitus, Annals, 1.4.1-1.4.2, 1.6.1, 1.7-1.14, 1.16-1.49, 1.28.2-1.28.3, 1.76, 1.76.1, 1.86.3, 2.28-2.29, 2.73, 3.1.4, 3.2.3, 3.3.1, 3.5.2, 3.6, 3.15, 3.18.1-3.18.3, 3.22.2, 3.33-3.34, 3.55.5, 4.8-4.9, 4.12, 4.21.2, 4.27, 4.32-4.33, 4.32.1, 4.55.3, 4.56.1, 4.64.1, 11.4.1, 11.15, 11.24, 11.36.1-11.36.2, 12.27.1-12.27.2, 12.43, 13.1.1, 13.4.2, 13.21, 13.24.2, 14.1-14.13, 14.1.1, 14.4.1, 14.4.4, 14.6.3, 14.7.6, 14.10.2, 14.12.1-14.12.2, 14.17-14.18, 14.20-14.21, 14.22.1, 14.32, 14.48-14.49, 14.49.1, 14.57, 14.64.3, 15.23, 15.32, 15.36, 15.39.3, 15.42.1, 15.43.1, 15.44.1, 15.46.2, 15.47.2, 15.48, 15.50, 15.57.2-15.57.3, 15.73, 16.7-16.11, 16.21-16.35, 16.21.1-16.21.2, 16.24.1-16.24.2, 16.28.1-16.28.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 216 |
| 78. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 17.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 351 |
| 79. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 2.1, 9.6, 12.1, 38.2, 39.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 180 |
80. Plutarch, Sulla, 6.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 301| 6.3. ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἔπαθε ταὐτὸ Τιμοθέῳ τῷ τοῦ Κόνωνος, ὅς, εἰς τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ τὰ κατορθώματα τῶν ἐχθρῶν τιθεμένων καὶ γραφόντων ἐν πίναξι; κοιμώμενον ἐκεῖνον, τὴν δὲ Τύχην δικτύῳ τὰς πόλεις περιβάλλουσαν, ἀγροικιζόμενος καὶ χαλεπαίνων πρὸς τοὺς ταῦτα ποιοῦντας ὡς ἀποστερούμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν τῆς ἐπὶ ταῖς πράξεσι δόξης, ἔφη ποτὲ πρὸς τόν δῆμον, ἐπανήκων ἐκ στρατείας εὖ κεχωρηκέναι δοκούσης, ἀλλὰ ταύτης γε τῆς στρατείας οὐδέν, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τῇ τύχῃ μέτεστι. | 6.3. |
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| 81. Epictetus, Discourses, 4.1.40 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 354 |
| 82. Phlegon of Tralles, On Miraculous Things, 6.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 164 |
| 83. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 6.4.11, 9.114, 10.35, 15.136-15.137, 26.12-26.20, 29.14, 33.41, 34.74, 35.84, 37.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators, governors of imperial provinces •senators •senate/senators •pater / patres, senators as •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 139, 164; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 316; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 350, 535, 544, 547; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 36 |
| 84. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 40 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
85. Tacitus, Histories, 1.2-1.3, 1.50.4, 1.77, 1.86, 1.86.3, 2.38, 3.74.1, 4.1, 4.2.1, 4.3.3-4.3.4, 4.5-4.8, 4.40.1, 4.52, 4.86.2, 5.1.1, 5.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 167, 169; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 76, 77, 170, 238, 305 | 1.77. Since the armies and provinces were thus divided, Vitellius for his part needed to fight to gain the imperial fortune; but Otho was performing the duties of an emperor as if in profound peace. Some things he did in accordance with the dignity of the state, but often he acted contrary to its honour in the haste that was prompted by present need. He himself was consul with his brother Titianus until the first of March. The next months were allotted to Verginius as a sop to the army in Germany. With Verginius he associated Pompeius Vopiscus under the pretext of their ancient friendship; but most interpreted the act as an honour shown the people of Vienne. The rest of the consulships for the year remained as Nero and Galba had assigned them: Caelius Sabinus and Flavius Sabinus until July; Arrius Antoninus and Marius Celsus till September; their honours not even Vitellius vetoed when he became victor. But Otho assigned pontificates and augurships as a crowning distinction to old men who had already gone through the list of offices, or solaced young nobles recently returned from exile with priesthoods which their fathers and ancestors had held. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Blaesus, and Saevinus P. . . were restored to senatorial rank, which they had lost under Claudius and Nero on account of charges of bribery made against them; those who pardoned them decided to shift the name so that what had really been greed should seem treason, which was now so odious that it made even good laws null and useless. 1.86. Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess's hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno's chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people's minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes. 2.38. The old greed for power, long ingrained in mankind, came to full growth and broke bounds as the empire became great. When resources were moderate, equality was easily maintained; but when the world had been subjugated and rival states or kings destroyed, so that men were free to covet wealth without anxiety, then the first quarrels between patricians and plebeians broke out. Now the tribunes made trouble, again the consuls usurped too much power; in the city and forum the first essays at civil war were made. Later Gaius Marius, who had sprung from the dregs of the people, and that most cruel of nobles, Lucius Sulla, defeated liberty with arms and turned it into tyranny. After them came Gnaeus Pompey, no better man than they, but one who concealed his purpose more cleverly; and thenceforth there was never any aim but supreme power. The legions made up of Roman citizens did not lay down their arms at Pharsalia or Philippi; much less were the armies of Otho and Vitellius likely to abandon war voluntarily. The same divine wrath, the same human madness, the same motives to crime drove them on to strife. The fact that these wars were ended by a single blow, so to speak, was due to the worthlessness of the emperors. However, my reflections on the character of antiquity and of modern times have taken me too far afield; now I return to my narrative. 4.1. The death of Vitellius was rather the end of war than the beginning of peace. The victors ranged through the city in arms, pursuing their defeated foes with implacable hatred: the streets were full of carnage, the fora and temples reeked with blood; they slew right and left everyone whom chance put in their way. Presently, as their licence increased, they began to hunt out and drag into the light those who had concealed themselves; did they espy anyone who was tall and young, they cut him down, regardless whether he was soldier or civilian. Their ferocity, which found satisfaction in bloodshed while their hatred was fresh, turned then afterwards to greed. They let no place remain secret or closed, pretending that Vitellians were in hiding. This led to the forcing of private houses or, if resistance was made, became an excuse for murder. Nor was there any lack of starvelings among the mob or of the vilest slaves ready to betray their rich masters; others were pointed out by their friends. Everywhere were lamentations, cries of anguish, and the misfortunes that befall a captured city; so that the citizens actually longed for the licence of Otho's and Vitellius's soldiers, which earlier they had detested. The generals of the Flavian party, who had been quick to start the conflagration of civil war, were unequal to the task of controlling their victory, for in times of violence and civil strife the worst men have the greatest power; peace and quiet call for honest arts. 4.5. Since I have again had occasion to mention a man of whom I shall have cause to speak many times, I think that I ought to give a brief account of his life and interests, and of the vicissitudes of fortune that he experienced. Helvidius Priscus was born in the town of Cluviae [in the district of Caracina]. His father had been a centurion of the first rank. In his early youth Helvidius devoted his extraordinary talents to the higher studies, not as most youths do, in order to cloak a useless leisure with a pretentious name, but that he might enter public life better fortified against the chances of fortune. He followed those teachers of philosophy who count only those things "good" which are morally right and only those things "evil" which are base, and who reckon power, high birth, and everything else that is beyond the control of the will as neither good nor bad. After he had held only the quaestorship, he was selected by Paetus Thrasea to be his son-inâlaw; from the character of his father-inâlaw he derived above everything the spirit of freedom; as citizen, senator, husband, son-inâlaw, and friend he showed himself equal to all of life's duties, despising riches, determined in the right, unmoved by fear. 4.6. Some thought that he was rather too eager for fame, since the passion for glory is that from which even philosophers last divest themselves. Driven into exile by the ruin of his father, he returned under Galba and brought charges against Marcellus Eprius, who had informed against Thrasea. This attempt to avenge him, at once notable and just, divided the senators: for if Marcellus fell, it was the ruin of a host of the guilty. At first the struggle was threatening, as is proved by the elsewhere speeches on both sides; later, since Galba's attitude was uncertain, Priscus yielded to many appeals from his fellow senators and gave up the prosecution. This action called forth varied comments according to the nature of those who made them, some praising his moderation, others regretting his lack of firmness. However, at the meeting of the senate at which Vespasian was voted the imperial power, the senators decided to send a delegation to the emperor. This gave rise to a sharp difference between Helvidius and Eprius, for Helvidius demanded that the representatives be chosen by the magistrates under oath, Marcellus demanded a selection by lot, as the consul designate had proposed. 4.7. The interest that Marcellus felt was prompted by his personal vanity and his fear that others might be chosen and so he might seem neglected. Gradually the disputants were swept on in their wrangling to make long and bitter speeches. Helvidius asked Marcellus why he was so afraid of the decision of the magistrates. "You have," he said, "wealth and eloquence in which you would be superior to many, if you were not burdened with men's memory of your crimes. The lot and urn do not judge character; voting and the judgment of the senate have been devised as means to penetrate into the life and reputation of the individual. It is for the interests of the state and it touches the honour to be done Vespasian to have the delegation that meets him made up of the men whom the senate considers freest from reproach, that they may fill the emperor's ears with honourable counsels. Vespasian was once the friend of Thrasea, Soranus, and Sentius. Even if it is not well to punish their accusers, we ought not to make a display of them. By its decision in this matter the senate will, in a way, suggest to the emperor whom to approve, whom to fear. For a good government there is no greater instrument at hand than the possession of good friends. You, Marcellus, must be satisfied with the fact that you induced Nero to put to death so many innocent men. Enjoy your rewards and immunity; leave Vespasian to better men." 4.8. Marcellus replied that it was not his proposal, but that of the consul designate that was attacked; and it was a proposal that conformed to the ancient precedents, which prescribed that delegates should be chosen by lot, that there might be no room for self-seeking or for hate. Nothing had occurred to give reason for abandoning long-established customs or for turning the honour due an emperor into an insult to any man: they could all pay homage. What they must try to avoid was allowing the wilfulness of certain individuals to irritate the mind of the emperor, who was as yet unbiassed, being newly come to power and watchful of every look and every word. For his own part he remembered the time in which he was born, the form of government that their fathers and grandfathers had established; he admired the earlier period, but adapted himself to the present; he prayed for good emperors, but endured any sort. It was not by his speech any more than by the judgment of the senate that Thrasea had been brought to ruin; Nero's cruel nature found its delight in such shows of justice, and such a friendship caused him no less anxiety than exile in others. In short, let them set Helvidius on an equality with Cato and Brutus in firmness and courage: for himself, he was only one of a senate which accepted a common servitude. He would also advise Priscus not to exalt himself above an emperor, not to try to check by his precepts a man of ripe age as Vespasian was, a man who had gained the insignia of a triumph, and who had sons grown to man's estate. Just as the worst emperors wish for absolute tyrannical power, even the best desire some limit to the freedom of their subjects. These arguments, which were hurled back and forth with great vehemence, were received with different feelings. The party prevailed that favoured the selection of the envoys by lot, for even the ordinary senators were eager to preserve precedent, and all the most prominent also inclined to the same course, fearing to excite envy if they should be selected themselves. 4.52. It is said that Titus, before leaving, in a long interview with his father begged him not to be easily excited by the reports of those who calumniated Domitian, and urged him to show himself impartial and forgiving toward his son. "Neither armies nor fleets," he argued, "are so strong a defence of the imperial power as a number of children; for friends are chilled, changed, and lost by time, fortune, and sometimes by inordinate desires or by mistakes: the ties of blood cannot be severed by any man, least of all by princes, whose success others also enjoy, but whose misfortunes touch only their nearest kin. Not even brothers will always agree unless the father sets the example." Not so much reconciled toward Domitian as delighted with Titus's show of brotherly affection, Vespasian bade him be of good cheer and to magnify the state by war and arms; he would himself care for peace and his house. Then he had some of the swiftest ships laden with grain and entrusted to the sea, although it was still dangerous: for, in fact, Rome was in such a critical condition that she did not have more than ten days' supplies in her granaries when the supplies from Vespasian came to her relief. 5.13. Prodigies had indeed occurred, but to avert them either by victims or by vows is held unlawful by a people which, though prone to superstition, is opposed to all propitiatory rites. Contending hosts were seen meeting in the skies, arms flashed, and suddenly the temple was illumined with fire from the clouds. of a sudden the doors of the shrine opened and a superhuman voice cried: "The gods are departing": at the same moment the mighty stir of their going was heard. Few interpreted these omens as fearful; the majority firmly believed that their ancient priestly writings contained the prophecy that this was the very time when the East should grow strong and that men starting from Judea should possess the world. This mysterious prophecy had in reality pointed to Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, as is the way of human ambition, interpreted these great destinies in their own favour, and could not be turned to the truth even by adversity. We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand; there were arms for all who could use them, and the number ready to fight was larger than could have been anticipated from the total population. Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death. Such was the city and people against which Titus Caesar now proceeded; since the nature of the ground did not allow him to assault or employ any sudden operations, he decided to use earthworks and mantlets; the legions were assigned to their several tasks, and there was a respite of fighting until they made ready every device for storming a town that the ancients had ever employed or modern ingenuity invented. |
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86. Plutarch, Aratus, 21.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547| 21.3. καὶ τὸν πυλωρὸν ἀποκτιννύουσι καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ φύλακας, ἅμα δὲ αἵ τε κλίμακες προσετίθεντο καὶ κατὰ σπουδὴν ὁ Ἄρατος ὑπερβιβάσας ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας ὡς ἂν δύνωνται τάχιστα, τὰς κλίμακας ἀναρπάσας ἐχώρει διὰ τῆς πόλεως μετὰ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἐπὶ τήν ἄκραν, ἤδη περιχαρὴς διὰ τὸ λανθάνειν ὡς κατορθῶν. | 21.3. |
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| 87. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 47.3-47.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators •senate, senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 157; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
88. Plutarch, Camillus, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151| 10.3. ἀχθεὶς δὲ καὶ καταστὰς εἰς μέσον ἔλεγε παιδευτὴς μέν εἶναι καὶ διδάσκαλος, τὴν δὲ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον χάριν ἀντὶ τούτων ἑλόμενος τῶν δικαίων, ἥκειν αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν ἐν τοῖς παισὶ κομίζων, δεινὸν οὖν ἀκούσαντι τὸ ἔργον ἐφάνη Καμίλλῳ· καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἰπών, ὡς χαλεπὸν μέν ἐστι πόλεμος καὶ διὰ πολλῆς ἀδικίας καὶ βιαίων περαινόμενος ἔργων, | 10.3. So led, and in that presence, he said he was a boys’ school-teacher, but chose rather to win the general’s favour than to fulfil the duties of his office, and so had come bringing to him the city in the persons of its boys. It seemed to Camillus, on hearing him, that the man had done a monstrous deed, and turning to the bystanders he said: War is indeed a grievous thing, and is waged with much injustice and violence; |
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| 89. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 54.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
90. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 6.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 447| 6.3. τὸν κρατοῦντος, οὗτοι καὶ Τάτιον ἔστερξαν ἔπηλυν ἡγεμόνα, καὶ τὴν Ῥωμύλου μνήμην ἀποθεοῦσι ταῖς τιμαῖς. τίς δὲ οἶδεν εἰ καὶ νικῶντι δήμῳ πολέμου κόρος ἐστί, καὶ μεστοὶ θριάμβων καὶ λαφύρων γεγονότες ἡγεμόνα πρᾷον καὶ δίκης ἑταῖρον ἐπʼ εὐνομίᾳ καὶ εἰρήνῃ ποθοῦσιν; εἰ δὲ δὴ καὶ παντάπασιν ἀκρατῶς ἔχουσι καὶ μανικῶς πρὸς πόλεμον, ἆρʼ οὐχὶ βέλτιον ἀλλαχόσε τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτῶν τρέπειν, διὰ χειρὸς ἔχοντα τὰς ἡ νίας, τῇ δὲ πατρίδι καὶ παντὶ τῷ Σαβίνων ἔθνει σύνδεσμον εὐνοίας καὶ φιλίας πρὸς πόλιν ἀκμάζουσαν καὶ δυνατὴν γενέσθαι; | 6.3. |
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| 91. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203 |
92. Plutarch, Otho, 4.4-4.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 167| 4.4. σημείων δὲ καὶ φαντασμάτων πολλῶν λεγομένων, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα φήμας ἀδεσπότους καὶ ἀμφιβόλους εἶχεν, ἐν δὲ Καπιτωλίῳ Νίκης ἐφεστώσης ἅρματι τὰς ἡνίας πάντες εἶδον ἀφειμένας ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν, ὥσπερ κρατεῖν μὴ δυναμένης, καὶ τὸν ἐν μεσοποταμίᾳ νήσῳ Γαΐου Καίσαρος ἀνδριάντα μήτε σεισμοῦ γεγονότος μήτε πνεύματος ἀφʼ ἑσπέρας μεταστραφέντα πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολάς· 4.5. ὅ φασι συμβῆναι περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας ἐν αἷς οἱ περὶ Οὐεσπεσιανὸν ἐμφανῶς ἤδη τῶν πραγμάτων ἀντελαμβάνοντο. καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸν Θύμβριν δὲ σύμπτωμα σημεῖον ἐποιοῦντο οἱ πολλοὶ μοχθηρόν. ἦν μὲν γὰρ ὥρα περὶ ἣν μάλιστα οἱ ποταμοὶ πλήθουσιν, ἀλλʼ οὔπω τοσοῦτος ἤρθη πρότερον, οὐδὲ ἀπώλεσε τοσαῦτα καὶ διέφθειρεν, ὑπερχυθεὶς καὶ κατακλύσας πολὺ μέρος τῆς πόλεως, πλεῖστον δὲ ἐν ᾧ τὸν ἐπὶ πράσει διαπωλοῦσι σῖτον, ὡς δεινὴν ἀπορίαν ἡμερῶν συχνῶν κατασχεῖν. | 4.4. There were many reports of signs and apparitions, most of which were of uncertain and dubious origin; but everybody saw that a Victory standing in a chariot on the Capitol had dropped the reins from her hands, as if she had not power to hold them, and that the statue of Caius Caesar on the island in the Tiber, without the occurrence of earthquake or wind, had turned from west to east, 4.5. which is said to have happened during the time when Vespasian was at last openly trying to seize the supreme power. The behaviour of the Tiber, too, was regarded by most people as a baleful sign. It was a time, to be sure, when rivers are at their fullest, but the Tiber had never before risen so high, nor caused so great ruin and destruction. It overflowed its banks and submerged a great part of the city, and especially the grain-market, so that dire scarcity of food prevailed for many days together. |
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| 93. Plutarch, Pompey, 80 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
94. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 16.5, 19.5, 23.3-23.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pater / patres, senators as Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 36| 16.5. τοὐναντίον δʼ ὁ Κάτων οὐδεμίαν ἐνδιδοὺς ἐπιείκειαν, ἀλλʼ ἄντικρυς ἀπειλῶν τε τοῖς πονηροῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος καὶ κεκραγὼς μεγάλου καθαρμοῦ χρῄζειν τὴν πόλιν, ἠξίου τοὺς πολλοὺς, εἰ σωφρονοῦσι, μὴ τὸν ἥδιστον, ἀλλὰ τὸν σφοδρότατον αἱρεῖσθαι τῶν ἰατρῶν τοῦτον δὲ αὐτὸν εἶναι καὶ τῶν πατρικίων ἕνα Φλάκκον Οὐαλλέριον· μετʼ ἐκείνου γὰρ οἴεσθαι μόνου τὴν τρυφὴν καὶ τὴν μαλακίαν ὥσπερ ὕδραν τέμνων καὶ ἀποκαίων προὔργου τι ποιήσειν, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων ὁρᾶν ἕκαστον ἄρξαι κακῶς βιαζόμενον, ὅτι τοὺς καλῶς ἄρξοντας δέδοικεν. 19.5. τὸ δʼ ὅλον οὐδʼ ἐπαινούμενον ἠξίου τὸν ἀγαθὸν πολίτην ὑπομένειν, εἰ μὴ τοῦτο χρησίμως γίνοιτο τῷ κοινῷ. καίτοι καίτοι conjecture of Blass: καὶ. πλεῖστα πάντων ἑαυτὸν ἐγκεκωμίακεν, ὅς γε καὶ τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντάς τι περὶ τὸν βίον, εἶτʼ ἐλεγχομένους λέγειν φησίν, ὡς οὐκ ἄξιον ἐγκαλεῖν αὐτοῖς· οὐ γὰρ Κάτωνές εἰσι· καὶ τοὺς ἔνια μιμεῖσθαι τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ πραττομένων οὐκ ἐμμελῶς ἐπιχειροῦντας ἐπαριστέρους καλεῖσθαι Κάτωνας· 23.3. ἀλλὰ ταύτην μὲν αὐτοῦ τὴν δυσφημίαν ὁ χρόνος ἀποδείκνυσι κενήν, ἐν ᾧ τοῖς τε πράγμασιν ἡ πόλις ἤρθη μεγίστη καὶ πρὸς Ἑλληνικὰ μαθήματα καὶ παιδείαν ἅπασαν ἔσχεν οἰκείως. ὁ δʼ οὐ μόνον ἀπηχθάνετο τοῖς φιλοσοφοῦσιν Ἑλλήνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἰατρεύοντας ἐν Ῥώμῃ διʼ ὑποψίας εἶχε. καὶ τὸν Ἱπποκράτους, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀκηκοώς λόγον, ὃν εἶπε τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως καλοῦντος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πολλοῖς τισι ταλάντοις, οὐκ ἄν ποτε βαρβάροις Ἑλλήνων πολεμίοις ἑαυτὸν παρασχεῖν, ἔλεγε κοινὸν ὅρκον εἶναι τοῦτον ἰατρῶν ἁπάντων, 23.4. καὶ παρεκελεύετο φυλάττεσθαι τῷ παιδὶ πάντας· αὑτῷ δὲ γεγραμμένον ὑπόμνημα εἶναι, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο θεραπεύειν καὶ διαιτᾶν τοὺς νοσοῦντας οἴκοι, νῆστιν μὲν οὐδέποτε διατηρῶν οὐδένα, τρέφων δὲ λαχάνοις ἢ σαρκιδίοις νήσσης ἢ φάσσης ἢ λαγώ καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο κοῦφον εἶναι καὶ πρόσφορον ἀσθενοῦσι, πλὴν ὅτι πολλὰ συμβαίνει τοῖς φαγοῦσιν ἐνυπνιάζεσθαι τοιαύτῃ δὲ θεραπείᾳ καὶ διαίτῃ χρώμενος ὑγιαίνειν μὲν αὐτός, ὑγιαίνοντας δὲ τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ διαφυλάττειν. | 16.5. 19.5. 23.3. 23.4. |
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| 95. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 60 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 271 |
| 96. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 8.7.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151 |
| 97. Pollux, Onomasticon, 7.85 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
| 98. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 5.3-5.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 271; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 137 |
99. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.24.3-7.24.4, 10.33, 10.92-10.93 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators, benefactions •senators, legates •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 253, 552; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 370 | 10.33. To Trajan. While I was visiting a distant part of the province a most desolating fire broke out at Nicomedia and destroyed a number of private houses and two public buildings, the almshouse * and temple of Isis, although a road ran between them. The fire was allowed to spread farther than it need have done, first, owing to the violence of the wind, and, secondly, to the laziness of the inhabitants, it being generally agreed that they stood idly by without moving and merely watched the catastrophe. Moreover, there is not a single public fire-engine ** or bucket in the place, and not one solitary appliance for mastering an outbreak of fire. However, these will be provided in accordance with the orders I have already given. But, Sir, I would have you consider whether you think a guild of firemen, of about 150 men, should be instituted. I will take care that no one who is not a genuine fireman should be admitted, and that the guild should not misapply the charter granted to it, and there would be no difficulty in keeping an eye on so small a body. 0 |
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| 100. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 4.6.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245 |
| 101. Anon., Acts of Peter, 27, 4, 3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bremmer (2017), Magic and Martyrs in Early Christianity: Collected Essays, 145 |
| 102. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 520, 606 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 462 |
103. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 4.5 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ankyra (today ankara), senators from •italics, knights and senators •pergamon, senators •senators, from asia minor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 472| 4.5. ̓Αφικνουμένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ ἐς τὴν Σμύρναν προσαπήντων μὲν οἱ ̓́Ιωνες, καὶ γὰρ ἔτυχον Πανιώνια θύοντες, ἀναγνοὺς δὲ καὶ ψήφισμα ̓Ιωνικόν, ἐν ᾧ ἐδέοντο αὐτοῦ κοινωνῆσαί σφισι τοῦ ξυλλόγου, καὶ ὀνόματι προστυχὼν ἥκιστα ̓Ιωνικῷ, Λούκουλλος γάρ τις ἐπεγέγραπτο τῇ γνώμῃ, πέμπει ἐπιστολὴν ἐς τὸ κοινὸν αὐτῶν ἐπίπληξιν ποιούμενος περὶ τοῦ βαρβαρισμοῦ τούτου: καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ Φαβρίκιον καὶ τοιούτους ἑτέρους ἐν τοῖς ἐψηφισμένοις εὗρεν. ὡς μὲν οὖν ἐρρωμένως ἐπέπληξε, δηλοῖ ἡ περὶ τούτου ἐπιστολή. | 4.5. But when he came to Smyrna the Ionians went out to meet him, for they were just celebrating the pan-Ionian sacrifices. And he there read a decree of the Ionians, in which they besought him to take part in their solemn meeting; and in it he met with a name which had not at all an Ionian ring, for a certain Lucullus had signed the resolution. He accordingly sent a letter to their council expressing his astonishment at such an instance of barbarism; for he had, it seems, also found the name Fabricius and other such names in the decrees. The letter on this subject shows how sternly he reprimanded them. |
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| 104. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 50 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 271 |
| 105. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.7.10, 13.12.6, 13.22, 13.22.5, 18.4.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators •senators, granted lictors •senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 189; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 73; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 539, 547 |
| 106. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 473 |
| 107. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 31, 26 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 364 |
108. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 6.24.2-6.24.3, 41.61.4-41.61.5, 42.8.1-42.8.3, 46.28.3, 48.43, 48.43.2, 50.10-50.11, 50.10.6, 53.18.3, 53.20.1, 54.2.5, 54.7.6, 54.9.2, 56.25.7-56.25.8, 57.1.1-57.1.5, 57.18.6, 61.13.2-61.13.5, 62.15, 63.14.3, 66.1.4, 67.17, 69.2.5, 72.30.1, 74.5.3, 74.13.2-74.13.5, 75.5.3, 77.2.5-77.2.6, 78.5.4, 78.16.6, 78.39.1, 79.22.5, 80.5.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators •senate/senators •senate/senators, meetings of •senators, on stage •pater / patres, senators as •senators, governors of imperial provinces •senators, estates of •cappadocia/cappadocians, senators •pergamon, senators •senators, from asia minor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 543; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 172; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 137, 157, 158, 164; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 317, 355, 365, 473; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 71, 81, 151, 170, 203, 210, 216, 229, 232, 245, 248, 249; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 36 | 6.24.2. The Romans, who were besieging the city of the Faliscans, would have consumed much time encamped before it had not an incident of the following nature occurred. A school teacher of the place who instructed a number of children of good family, either under the influence of anger or through hope of gain, led them all outside the wall, ostensibly for some different purpose from his real one. For they had liberty enough left in any case so that the children were still attending school. And he led them to Camillus, saying that in their persons he surrendered to him the whole city; for the inhabitants would no longer hold out when those dearest to them were held prisoners. 6.24.3. However, he failed to accomplish anything; for Camillus, mindful of Roman valour and likewise of the vicissitudes in human affairs, would not agree to take them by treachery. Instead, he bound the traitor's hands behind his back and delivered him to the children themselves to lead home again. After this episode the Faliscans held out no longer, but in spite of the fact that they were securely entrenched and had ample resources to continue the war, they nevertheless made terms with him voluntarily. They were confident they should enjoy a remarkable friendship with one, whom, even as an enemy, they had found so just. 41.61.4. in Tralles a palm tree grew up in the temple of Victory and the goddess herself turned about toward an image of Caesar that stood beside her; in Syria two young men announced the result of the battle and vanished; and in Patavium, which now belongs to Italy but was then still a part of Gaul, some birds not only brought news of it but even acted it out to some extent, 41.61.5. for one Gaius Cornelius drew from their actions accurate information of all that had taken place, and narrated it to the bystanders. These several things happened on that very same day and though they were, not unnaturally, distrusted at the time, yet when news of the actual facts was brought, they were marvelled at. 42.8.1. Now Caesar at the sight of Pompey's head wept and lamented bitterly, calling him countryman and son-inâlaw, and enumerating all the kindnesses they had shown each other. As for the murderers, far from admitting that he owed them any reward, he actually heaped reproaches upon them; and he commanded that the head should be adorned, properly prepared, and buried. 42.8.2. For this he received praise, but for his hypocrisy he incurred ridicule. He had, of course, from the outset been very eager for dominion; he had always hated Pompey as his antagonist and rival, and besides all his other measures against him 42.8.3. he had brought on this war with no other purpose than to secure this rival's ruin and his own supremacy; he had but now been hurrying to Egypt with no other end in view than to overthrow him completely if he should still be alive; yet he feigned to mourn his loss and made a show of vexation over his murder. 46.28.3. Remember that day and the speech which you delivered in the precinct of Tellus, and concede also a little to this goddess of Concord in whose precinct we are now deliberating, lest you discredit what you said then and make it appear to have been uttered on that occasion from some other motive than an upright purpose; 48.43. 1. This is what happened at that time. But in the consulship of Appius Claudius and Gaius Norbanus, who were the first to have two quaestors apiece as associates, the populace revolted against the tax-gatherers, who oppressed them severely, and came to blows with the men themselves, their assistants, and the soldiers who helped them to collect the money;,2. and sixty-seven praetors one after another were appointed and held office. One person was chosen to be quaestor while still accounted a boy, and did not obtain the standing of a juvenis until the next day; and another, who had been enrolled in the senate, desired to fight as a gladiator.,3. Not only was he prevented, however, from doing this, but an act was also passed prohibiting any senator from fighting as a gladiator, any slave from serving as a lictor, and any burning of dead bodies from being carried on within two miles of the city.,4. Now many events of a portentous nature had occurred even before this, such as the spouting of olive oil on the bank of the Tiber, and many also at this time. Thus the hut of Romulus was burned as a result of some ritual which the pontifices were performing in it; a statue of Virtus, which stood before one of the gates, fell upon its face, and certain persons, becoming inspired by the Mother of the Gods, declared that the goddess was angry with them.,5. For this reason the Sibylline books were consulted, and they made the same declarations and prescribed that the statue should be taken down to the sea and purified in its waters. Now when the goddess was taken out a long distance from the land into the deep water and remained there a good while, being brought back only after a long time,,6. this circumstance also caused the Romans no little fear, and they did not recover their spirits until palm trees, four in number, sprang up round about her temple and in the Forum. Besides these occurrences at that time, Caesar married Livia. 48.43.2. and sixty-seven praetors one after another were appointed and held office. One person was chosen to be quaestor while still accounted a boy, and did not obtain the standing of a juvenis until the next day; and another, who had been enrolled in the senate, desired to fight as a gladiator. 50.10. 1. As consuls for the next year after this Caesar and Antony had been appointed at the time when they had settled the offices for eight years at once, and this was the last year of the period; but as Antony had been deposed, as I have stated, Valerius Messalla, who had once been proscribed by them, became consul with Caesar.,2. About this time a madman rushed into the theatre at one of the festivals and seized the crown of the former Caesar and put it on, whereupon he was torn to pieces by the bystanders. A wolf was caught as it was running into the temple of Fortune and killed,,3. and in the Circus at the very time of the horse-race a dog killed and devoured another dog. Fire also consumed a considerable portion of the Circus itself, along with the temple of Ceres, another shrine dedicated to Spes, and a large number of other structures.,4. The freedmen were thought to have caused this; for all of them who were in Italy and possessed property worth two hundred thousand sesterces or more had been ordered to contribute an eighth of it. This resulted in numerous riots, murders, and the burning of many buildings on their part, and they were not brought to order until they were subdued by armed force.,5. In consequence of this the freemen who held any land in Italy grew frightened and kept quiet; for they also had been ordered to give a quarter of their annual income, and though they were on the point of rebelling against this extortion, they were not bold enough after what had just happened to make any disturbance, but reluctantly brought in their contributions without resort to arms.,6. Therefore it was believed that the fire was due to a plot originated by the freedmen; yet this did not prevent it from being recorded among the out-andâout portents, because of the number of buildings burned. 50.10.6. Therefore it was believed that the fire was due to a plot originated by the freedmen; yet this did not prevent it from being recorded among the out-andâout portents, because of the number of buildings burned. 50.11. 1. Although such omens had appeared to them, the two leaders neither were dismayed nor relaxed their preparations for war, but spent the winter in spying upon and annoying each other. For Caesar had set sail from Brundisium and had proceeded as far as Corcyra, intending to attack while off their guard the enemy forces lying off Actium, but he encountered a storm and received damage which caused him to withdraw.,2. When spring came, Antony made no move at any point; for the crews that manned his triremes were made up of all sorts of races, and as they had been wintering at a distance from him, they had had no practice and their numbers had been diminished by disease and desertions.,3. Moreover Agrippa had captured Methone by storm and killed Bogud there, and was now watching for the merchant vessels that came to land and was making descents from time to time on various parts of Greece, all of which disturbed Antony greatly.,4. But Caesar was encouraged by this and wished to bring into play as soon as possible the enthusiasm of his army, which was splendidly trained, and to wage the war in Greece near his rival's bases rather than in Italy near Rome.,5. Therefore he assembled all his troops that were of any value, and likewise all the men of influence, both senators and knights, at Brundisium, wishing to make the first coöperate with him and to keep the others from beginning a rebellion as they might if left by themselves, but chiefly with the purpose of showing to all the world that he had the largest and strongest element among the Romans in sympathy with himself.,6. From Brundisium he sent orders to all these that they should take along with them a stated number of servants and also, except in the case of the soldiers, should carry with them their own supplies. Thereupon he crossed the Ionian Gulf with the entire array. 53.18.3. The term "Father" perhaps gives them a certain authority over us all â the authority which fathers once had over their children; yet it did not signify this at first, but betokened honour, and served as an admonition both to them, that they should love their subjects as they would their children, and to their subjects, that they should revere them as they would their fathers. 53.20.1. Caesar, as I have said, received the name of Augustus, and a sign of no little moment to him occurred that very night; for the Tiber overflowed and covered all of Rome that was on low ground, so that it was navigable for boats. From this sign the soothsayers prophesied that he would rise to great heights and hold the whole city under his sway. 54.2.5. And since knights and women of rank had given exhibitions on the stage even then, he forbade not only the sons of senators, who had even before this been excluded, but also their grandsons, so far, at least, as these belonged to the equestrian order, to do anything of the sort again. 54.7.6. He reduced the people of Cyzicus to slavery because during a factious quarrel they had flogged and put to death some Romans. And when he reached Syria, he took the same action in the case of the people of Tyre and Sidon on account of their factious quarrelling. 54.9.2. Therefore he undertook no war, at any rate for the time being, but actually gave away certain principalities â to Iamblichus, the son of Iamblichus, his ancestral dominion over the Arabians, and to Tarcondimotus, the son of Tarcondimotus, the kingdom of Cilicia, which his father had held, except for a few places on the coast. These latter together with Lesser Armenia he granted to Archelaus, because the Mede, who previously had ruled them, was dead. 56.25.7. Three senators, as before, transacted business with embassies, and the knights â a fact which may cause surprise â were allowed to fight as gladiators. The reason for this was that some were making light of the disfranchisement imposed as the penalty for such conduct. For inasmuch as there proved to be no use in forbidding it, and the guilty seemed to require a greater punishment, or else because it seemed possible that they might even be turned aside from this course, they were granted permission to take part in such contests. 56.25.8. In this way they incurred death instead of disfranchisement; for they fought just as much as ever, especially since their contests were eagerly witnessed, so that even Augustus used to watch them in company with the praetors who superintended the contests. 57.1.1. Tiberius was a patrician of good education, but he had a most peculiar nature. He never let what he desired appear in his conversation, and what he said he wanted he usually did not desire at all. On the contrary, his words indicated the exact opposite of his real purpose; he denied all interest in what he longed for, and urged the claims of whatever he hated. He would exhibit anger over matters that were very far from arousing his wrath, and make a show of affability where he was most vexed. 57.1.2. He would pretend to pity those whom he severely punished, and would retain a grudge against those whom he pardoned. Sometimes he would regard his bitterest foe as if he were his most intimate companion, and again he would treat his dearest friend like the veriest stranger. In short, he thought it bad policy for the sovereign to reveal his thoughts; this was often the cause, he said, of great failures, whereas by the opposite course far more and greater successes were attained. 57.1.3. Now if he had merely followed this method quite consistently, it would have been easy for those who had once come to know him to be on their guard against him; for they would have taken everything by exact contraries, regarding his seeming indifference to anything as equivalent to his ardently desiring it, and his eagerness for anything as equivalent to his not caring for it. But, as it was, he became angry if anyone gave evidence of understanding him, and he put many to death for no other offence than that of having comprehended him. 57.1.4. While it was a dangerous matter, then, to fail to understand him, â for people often came to grief by approving what he said instead of what he wished, â it was still more dangerous to understand him, since people were then suspected of discovering his practice and consequently of being displeased with it. 57.1.5. Practically the only sort of man, therefore, that could maintain himself, â and such persons were very rare, â was one who neither misunderstood his nature nor exposed it to others; for under these conditions men were neither deceived by believing him nor hated for showing that they understood his motives. He certainly gave people a vast amount of trouble whether they opposed what he said or agreed with him; 57.18.6. At the death of Germanicus Tiberius and Livia were thoroughly pleased, but everybody else was deeply grieved. He was a man of the most striking physical beauty and likewise of the noblest spirit, and was conspicuous alike for his culture and for his strength. Though the bravest of men against the foe, he showed himself most gentle with his countrymen; 62.15. 7. When many of those who had assembled at Antium perished, Nero made this an occasion for a festival.,1a. A certain Thrasea expressed the opinion that for a senator the extreme penalty should be exile.,1. To such lengths did Nero's licence go that he actually drove chariots in public. And on one occasion after exhibiting a wild-beast hunt he immediately piped water into the theatre and produced a sea-fight; then he let the water out again and arranged a gladiatorial combat. Last of all, he flooded the place once more and gave a costly public banquet.,2. Tigellinus had been appointed director of the banquet and everything had been provided on a lavish scale. The arrangements were made as follows. In the centre of the lake there had first been lowered the great wooden casks used for holding wine, and on top of these, planks had been fastened,,3. while round about this platform taverns and booths had been erected. Thus Nero and Tigellinus and their fellow-banqueters occupied the centre, where they held their feast on purple rugs and soft cushions, while all the rest made merry in the taverns.,4. They would also enter the brothels and without let or hindrance have intercourse with any of the women who were seated there, among whom were the most beautiful and distinguished in the city, both slaves and free, courtesans and virgins and married women; and these were not merely of the common people but also of the very noblest families, both girls and grown women.,5. Every man had the privilege of enjoying whichever one he wished, as the women were not allowed to refuse anyone. Consequently, indiscriminate rabble as the throng was, they not only drank greedily but also wantoned riotously; and now a slave would debauch his mistress in the presence of his master, and now a gladiator would debauch a girl of noble family before the eyes of her father.,6. The pushing and fighting and general uproar that took place, both on the part of those who were actually going in and on the part of those who were standing around outside, were disgraceful. Many men met their death in these encounters, and many women, too, some of the latter being suffocated and some being seized and carried off. 67.17. 1. I have one more astonishing fact to record, which I shall give after describing Domitian's end. As soon as he rose to leave the court-room and was ready to take his afternoon rest, as was his cut, first Parthenius removed the blade from the sword which always lay under his pillow, so that Domitian should not have the use of it, and then he sent in Stephanus, who was stronger than the others.,2. Stephanus smote Domitian, and though it was not a fatal blow, the emperor was nevertheless knocked to the ground, where he lay prostrate. Then, fearing that he might escape, Parthenius rushed in, or, as some believe, he sent in Maximus, a freedman. Thus not only was Domitian murdered, but Stephanus, too, perished when those who had not shared in the conspiracy made a concerted rush upon him. 69.2.5. Hadrian, though he ruled with the greatest mildness, was nevertheless severely criticized for slaying several of the best men in the beginning of his reign and again near the end of his life, and for this reason he came near failing to be enrolled among the demigods. Those who were slain at the beginning were Palma and Celsus, Nigrinus and Lusius, the first two for the alleged reason that they had conspired against him during a hunt, and the others on certain complaints, but in reality because they had great influence and enjoyed wealth and fame. 77.2.5. Hence Plautianus became very indigt; he had even before this hated Antoninus for slighting his daughter, but now detested him more than ever as being responsible for this slight which had been put upon him, and he began to behave rather harshly toward him. For these reasons Antoninus, in addition to being disgusted with his wife, who was a most shameless creature, felt resentment against Plautianus as well, because he kept meddling in all his undertakings and rebuking him for everything that he did; and so he conceived the desire to get rid of him in some way or other. 78.5.4. Laenus was another whom he would have disgraced or even killed, had not the man been extremely ill. Antoninus before the soldiers called his illness wicked, because it did not permit him to display his own wickedness in the case of Laenus also. 78.16.6. Antoninus censured and rebuked them all because they asked nothing of him; and he said to them all: "It is evident from the fact that you ask nothing of me that you do not have confidence in me; and if you do not have confidence, you are suspicious of me; and if you are suspicious, you fear me; and if you fear me, you hate me." And he made this an excuse for plotting their destruction. 80.5.3. as, indeed, the Heavenly Power revealed to me most clearly when I was already in Bithynia. For once in a dream I thought I was commanded by it to write at the close of my work these verses:"Hector anon did Zeus lead forth out of range of the missiles, Out of the dust and the slaying of men and the blood and the uproar." Fragment When the false Antoninus had been put out of the way, Alexander, the son of Mamaea, and his cousin, inherited the supreme power. He immediately proclaimed his mother Augusta, and she took over the direction of affairs and gathered wise men about her son, in order that his habits might be correctly formed by them; she also chose the best men in the senate as advisers, informing them of all that had to be done. |
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| 109. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 3.7, 4.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251; Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 30 |
| 110. Athanasius, Life of Anthony, 22-23, 31, 33 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 73 |
| 111. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 14.18.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 154 |
| 112. Lactantius, Deaths of The Persecutors, 44.7-44.8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 171 |
| 113. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 5.1.17, 5.2.4-5.2.5, 5.2.8, 5.2.11-5.2.17, 5.4.2, 5.4.8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 38 |
114. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.23.13, 5.20.2, 8.1.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •acts of peter, senators/senatorial women •senate, senators Found in books: Bremmer (2017), Magic and Martyrs in Early Christianity: Collected Essays, 145; Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 216; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 134 | 5.20.2. At the close of the treatise we have found a most beautiful note which we are constrained to insert in this work. It runs as follows:I adjure you who may copy this book, by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious advent when he comes to judge the living and the dead, to compare what you shall write, and correct it carefully by this manuscript, and also to write this adjuration, and place it in the copy. 8.1.2. The favor shown our people by the rulers might be adduced as evidence; as they committed to them the government of provinces, and on account of the great friendship which they entertained toward their doctrine, released them from anxiety in regard to sacrificing. |
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115. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.6, 14.6.18, 23.5.12-23.5.13, 28.4, 28.4.6, 28.4.14, 28.4.25, 29.1.25-29.1.42, 29.1.44 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate, senators •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 171; Lunn-Rockliffe (2007), The Letter of Mara bar Sarapion in Context, 46, 47; Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 65, 213, 214 | 14.6.18. In consequence of this state of things, the few houses that were formerly famed for devotion to serious pursuits now teem with the sports of sluggish indolence, re-echoing to the sound of singing and the tinkling of flutes and lyres. In short, in place of the philosopher the singer is called in, and in place of the orator the teacher of stagecraft, and while the libraries are shut up forever like tombs, water-organs are manufactured and lyres as large as carriages, and flutes and instruments heavy for gesticulating actors. 23.5.12. Likewise, on the following day, which was the seventh of April, as the sun was already sloping towards its setting, starting with a little cloud thick darkness suddenly filled the air and daylight was removed; and after much menacing thunder and lightning a soldier named Jovian, with two horses which he was bringing back after watering them at the river, was struck dead by a bolt from the sky. 23.5.13. Upon seeing this, Julian again called in the interpreters of omens, and on being questioned they declared emphatically that this sign also forbade the expedition, pointing out that the thunderbolt was of the advisory kind; On this kind of thunderbolt see Seneca, Nat. Quaest. ii. 39, 1 ff. for so those are called which either recommend or dissuade any act. And so much the more was it necessary to guard against this one. because it killed a soldier of lofty name Since Jovianus is connected with Jupiter. as well as war-horses, and because places which were struck in that manner—so the books on lightning These prescribed the rites and taboos connected with thunderbolts. The expression libri fulgurales seems to occur only here and in Cic., Div. i. 33, 72, where we have haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri. declare— must neither be looked upon nor trodden. 28.4.6. And first, as often, according to the quantity of topics, Or possibly, so far as space allowed. I shall give an account of the delinquencies of the nobles and then of the common people, condensing the events in a rapid disgression. 28.4.14. Some of them hate learning as they do poison, and read with attentive care only Juvenal and Marius Maximus, City prefect under Macrinus (Dio, lxxix. 14, 3) who wrote biographies of the Caesars. On him see Vopiscus, Firmus , 1, 2: homo omnium verbosissimus, qui et mythistoricis se voluminibus implicavit. The association of Juvenal with this writer is a strange one, if the poet is meant. in their boundless idleness handling no other books than these, for what reason it is not for my humble mind to judge. Cf. xxvii. 11, 1. 28.4.25. Another, if he finds a creditor of his demanding his due with too great urgency, resorts to a charioteer Charioteers were notorious for the use of magic arts against their rivals, and in general; see xxvi. 3, 3, note; xxviii. 1, 27. who is all too ready to dare any enterprise, and causes the creditor to be charged with being a poisoner; and he is not let off until he has surrendered the bill of indebtedness and paid heavy costs. And besides, the accuser has the voluntary debtor The voluntary debtor is one who, to avoid a criminal charge, promises his accuser a sum of money; see Sen., De Benef. v. 19, 6, dico me tibi obligatm pro filio; non quia sum, sed quia volo me offerre tibi debitorem volun. tarium. He thus becomes a debtor, and is put in prison. put in prison as if he were his property, and does not set him free until he acknowledges the debt. 29.1.25. First, after some unimportant questions, Pergamius was called in, betrayed (as has been said) Cf. 1, 6, above. by Palladius of having foreknowledge of certain things through criminal incantations. Since he was very eloquent and was prone to say dangerous things, while the judges were in doubt what ought to be asked first and what last, he began to speak boldly, and shouted out in an endless flood the names of a very large number of men as accomplices, demanding that some be produced from all but the ends of the earth, to be accused of great crimes. He, as the contriver of too hard a task, In calling for the trial of so many men, and from remote places. was punished with death; and after him others were executed in flocks; then finally they came to the case of Theodorus himself, as if to the dusty arena of an Olympic contest. 29.1.26. And that same day, among very many others, this sad event also happened, that Salia, shortly before master of the treasures There were two classes of comites thesaurorum: one ( comitatenses ), located at the court, had charge of the imperial wardrobe, table-furnishings, etc.; the other ( provinciarum et urbium ) of the revenues and the equipment of the soldiers. in Thrace, when he was brought out of prison to be heard, just as he was putting his foot into his shoe, as if under the stroke of great terror suddenly falling upon him, breathed his last in the arms of those who held him. 29.1.27. Well then, when the court was ready to act, while the judges called attention to the provisions of the laws, but nevertheless regulated their handling of the cases according to the wish of the ruler, terror seized upon all. For Valens had entirely swerved from the high-way of justice, and had now learned better how to hurt; so he broke out into frenzied fits of rage, like a wild beast trained for the arena if it sees that anyone brought near to the barrier has made his escape. 29.1.28. Then Patricius and Hilarius were brought in and ordered to give a connected account of what had happened. In the beginning they were at variance with each other, but when their sides had been furrowed and the tripod which they were in the habit of using was brought in, they were driven into a corner, and gave a true account of the whole business, which they unfolded from its very beginning. First Hilarius said: 29.1.29. O most honoured judges, we constructed from laurel twigs under dire auspices this unlucky little table which you see, in the likeness of the Delphic tripod, and having duly consecrated it by secret incantations, after many long-continued rehearsals we at length made it work. Now the manner of its working, whenever it was consulted about hidden matters, was as follows. 29.1.30. It was placed in the middle of a house purified thoroughly with Arabic perfumes; on it was placed a perfectly round plate made of various metallic substances. Around its outer rim the written forms of the twenty-four letters of the alphabet were skilfully engraved, separated from one another by carefully measured spaces. 29.1.31. Then a man clad in linen garments, shod also in linen sandals and having a fillet wound about his head, carrying twigs from a tree of good omen, after propitiating in a set formula the divine power from whom predictions come, having full knowledge of the ceremonial, stood over the tripod as priest and set swinging a hanging ring fitted to a very fine linen Valesius read carbasio, which would correspond to the linen garments and sandals; the Thes. Ling. Lat. reads carpathio = linteo . thread and consecrated with mystic arts. This ring, passing over the designated intervals in a series of jumps, and falling upon this and that letter which detained it, made hexameters corresponding with the questions and completely finished in feet and rhythm, like the Pythian verses which we read, or those given out from the oracles of the Branchidae. The descendants of a certain Branchus, a favourite of Apollo, who were at first in charge of the oracle at Branchidae, later called oraculum Apollinis Didymei (Mela, i. 17, 86), in the Milesian territory; cf. Hdt. i. 1 57. The rings had magic powers, cf. Cic., De off. iii. 9, 38; Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 8. Some writers give a different account of the method of divination used by the conspirators. 29.1.32. When we then and there inquired, what man will succeed the present emperor ?, since it was said that he would be perfect in every particular, and the ring leaped forward and lightly touched the two syllables θεο, adding the next letter, of the name, i.e. δ. The prediction would apply equally well to Theodosius, who actually succeeded Valens. then one of those present cried out that by the decision of inevitable fate Theodorus was meant. And there was no further investigation of the matter; for it was agreed among us that he was the man who was sought. 29.1.33. And when Hilarius had laid the knowledge of the whole matter so clearly before the eyes of the judges, he kindly added that Theodorus was completely ignorant of what was done. After this, being asked whether they had, from belief in the oracles which they practised, known beforehand what they were now suffering, they uttered those familiar verses which clearly announced that this work of inquiring into the superhuman would soon be fatal to them, but that nevertheless the Furies, breathing out death and fire, threatened also the emperor himself and his judges. of these verses it will suffice to quote the last three: Avenged will be your blood. Against them too Tisiphonê’s deep wrath arms evil fate, While Ares rages on the plain of Mimas. When these verses had been read, both were terribly torn by the hooks of the torturers and taken away senseless. 29.1.34. Later, in order wholly to lay bare this factory of the crimes that had been meditated, a group of distinguished men was led in, comprising the very heads of the undertaking. But since each one had regard for nothing but himself, and tried to shift his ruin to another, by permission of the inquisitors Theodorus began to speak; at first lying prostrate in a humble prayer for pardon, but then, when compelled to talk more to the point, he declared that he had learned of the affair through Euserius and tried more than once to report it to the emperor, but was prevented by his informant, who assured him that no illicit attempt to usurp the throne, but some inevitable will of fate, would realize their hopes without effort on their part. 29.1.35. Then Euserius, under bloody torture, made the same confession, but Theodorus was convicted by a letter of his own written in ambiguous and tortuous language to Hilarius, in which he did not hesitate about the matter, but only sought an opportunity to attain his desire, having already a strong confidence begotten from the soothsayers. 29.1.36. When these had been removed after this information, Eutropius, Praetorian prefect in 380 and 381; whether he was the same as the author of the Epitome of Roman History is uncertain. then governing Asia with proconsular authority, was summoned on the charge of complicity in the plot. But he escaped without harm, saved by the philosopher Pasiphilus, who, although cruelly tortured to induce him to bring about the ruin of Eutropius through a false charge, could not be turned from the firmness of a steadfast mind. 29.1.37. There was, besides these, the philosopher Simonides, a young man, it is true, but of anyone within our memory the strictest in his principles. When he was charged with having heard of the affair through Fidustius and saw that the trial depended, not on the truth, but on the nod of one man, he said that he had learned of the predictions, but as a man of firm purpose he kept the secret which had been confided to him. 29.1.38. After all these matters had been examined with sharp eye, the emperor, in answer to the question put by the judges, under one decree ordered the execution of all of the accused; and in the presence of a vast throng, who could hardly look upon the dreadful sight without inward shuddering and burdening the air with laments—for the woes of individuals were regarded as common to all—they were all led away and wretchedly strangled except Simonides; him alone that cruel author of the verdict, maddened by his steadfast firmness, had ordered to be burned alive. 29.1.39. Simonides, however, ready to escape from life as from a cruel tyrant, and laughing at the sudden disasters of human destiny, stood unmoved amid the flames; imitating that celebrated philosopher Peregrinus, surnamed Proteus, According to Lucian, who wrote his biography, he was a Cynic; he was born at Parion on the Hellespont, and died in Olympiad 236 (A.D. 165). who, when he had determined to depart from life, at the quinquennial Olympic festival, in the sight of all Greece, mounted a funeral pyre which he himself had constructed and was consumed by the flames. 29.1.40. And after him, in the days that followed, a throng of men of almost all ranks, whom it would be difficult to enumerate by name, involved in the snares of calumny, wearied the arms of the executioners after being first crippled by rack, lead, and scourge. Some were punished without breathing-space or delay, while inquiry was being made whether they deserved punishment; everywhere the scene was like a slaughtering of cattle. 29.1.41. Then, innumerable writings and many heaps of volumes were hauled out from various houses and under the eyes of the judges were burned in heaps as being unlawful, to allay the indignation at the executions, although the greater number were treatises on the liberal arts and on jurisprudence. 29.1.42. And not so very long afterward that famous philosopher Maximus, a man with a great reputation for learning, through whose rich discourses Julian stood out as an emperor well stored as regards knowledge, Cf. xxii. 7, 3; xxv. 3, 23; he plays a prominent part in Ibsen’s Emperor and Galilean. was alleged to have heard the verses of the aforesaid oracle. And he admitted that he had learnt of them, but out of regard for his philosophical principles had not divulged secrets, although he had volunteered the prediction that the consultors of the future would themselves perish by capital punishment. Thereupon he was taken to his native city of Ephesus and there beheaded; By order of Festus, proconsul of Asia. and taught by his final danger he came to know that the injustice of a judge was more formidable than any accusation. 29.1.44. Lo! even Alypius also, former vice-governor of Britain, Cf. xxiii. 1, 2, end. a man amiable and gentle, after living in leisure and retirement—since even as far as this had injustice stretched her hand—was made to wallow in utmost wretchedness; he was accused with his son Hierocles, a young man of good character, as guilty of magic, on the sole evidence of a certain Diogenes, a man of low origin, who was tortured with every degree of butchery, to lead him to give testimony agreeable to the emperor, or rather to the instigator of the charge. Diogenes, when not enough of his body was left for torture, was burned alive; Alypius himself also, after confiscation of his goods, was condemned to exile, but recovered his son, who was already being led to a wretched death, According to St. John Chrysostom, Orat. 3, De Incomprehensibili Dei Natura , Hierocles was being led to the Hippodrome, when all the people, who had gathered before the emperor’s palace, cried out for his pardon. but by a lucky chance was reprieved. |
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| 116. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, a b c\n0 6-7.1 6 6\n1 6 6 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 355 |
| 117. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 16, 2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 249 |
| 118. Philostorgius, Historia Ecclesiastica, 11.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 76 |
| 119. Theodore of Mopsuestia, Adv. Iul., None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 21 |
| 120. Paulinus of Nola, Carmina, 31.405-31.406 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 229 |
| 121. Augustine, Contra Cresconium Grammaticum Partis Donati, 3.27.30 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 30 |
122. Augustine, The City of God, 4.17-4.24, 7.34-7.35, 16.4, 18.41 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoi soteres, roman senators as •senate, senators Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251; Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 178, 228 | 4.17. Or do they say, perhaps, that Jupiter sends the goddess Victoria, and that she, as it were acting in obedience to the king of the gods, comes to those to whom he may have dispatched her, and takes up her quarters on their side? This is truly said, not of Jove, whom they, according to their own imagination, feign to be king of the gods, but of Him who is the true eternal King, because he sends, not Victory, who is no person, but His angel, and causes whom He pleases to conquer; whose counsel may be hidden, but cannot be unjust. For if Victory is a goddess, why is not Triumph also a god, and joined to Victory either as husband, or brother, or son? Indeed, they have imagined such things concerning the gods, that if the poets had feigned the like, and they should have been discussed by us, they would have replied that they were laughable figments of the poets not to be attributed to true deities. And yet they themselves did not laugh when they were, not reading in the poets, but worshipping in the temples such doating follies. Therefore they should entreat Jove alone for all things, and supplicate him only. For if Victory is a goddess, and is under him as her king, wherever he might have sent her, she could not dare to resist and do her own will rather than his. 4.18. What shall we say, besides, of the idea that Felicity also is a goddess? She has received a temple; she has merited an altar; suitable rites of worship are paid to her. She alone, then, should be worshipped. For where she is present, what good thing can be absent? But what does a man wish, that he thinks Fortune also a goddess and worships her? Is felicity one thing, fortune another? Fortune, indeed, may be bad as well as good; but felicity, if it could be bad, would not be felicity. Certainly we ought to think all the gods of either sex (if they also have sex) are only good. This says Plato; this say other philosophers; this say all estimable rulers of the republic and the nations. How is it, then, that the goddess Fortune is sometimes good, sometimes bad? Is it perhaps the case that when she is bad she is not a goddess, but is suddenly changed into a maligt demon? How many Fortunes are there then? Just as many as there are men who are fortunate, that is, of good fortune. But since there must also be very many others who at the very same time are men of bad fortune, could she, being one and the same Fortune, be at the same time both bad and good - the one to these, the other to those? She who is the goddess, is she always good? Then she herself is felicity. Why, then, are two names given her? Yet this is tolerable; for it is customary that one thing should be called by two names. But why different temples, different altars, different rituals? There is a reason, say they, because Felicity is she whom the good have by previous merit; but fortune, which is termed good without any trial of merit, befalls both good and bad men fortuitously, whence also she is named Fortune. How, therefore, is she good, who without any discernment comes - both to the good and to the bad? Why is she worshipped, who is thus blind, running at random on any one whatever, so that for the most part she passes by her worshippers, and cleaves to those who despise her? Or if her worshippers profit somewhat, so that they are seen by her and loved, then she follows merit, and does not come fortuitously. What, then, becomes of that definition of fortune? What becomes of the opinion that she has received her very name from fortuitous events? For it profits one nothing to worship her if she is truly fortune. But if she distinguishes her worshippers, so that she may benefit them, she is not fortune. Or does, Jupiter send her too, whither he pleases? Then let him alone be worshipped; because Fortune is not able to resist him when he commands her, and sends her where he pleases. Or, at least, let the bad worship her, who do not choose to have merit by which the goddess Felicity might be invited. 4.19. To this supposed deity, whom they call Fortuna, they ascribe so much, indeed, that they have a tradition that the image of her, which was dedicated by the Roman matrons, and called Fortuna Muliebris, has spoken, and has said, once and again, that the matrons pleased her by their homage; which, indeed, if it is true, ought not to excite our wonder. For it is not so difficult for maligt demons to deceive, and they ought the rather to advert to their wits and wiles, because it is that goddess who comes by haphazard who has spoken, and not she who comes to reward merit. For Fortuna was loquacious, and Felicitas mute; and for what other reason but that men might not care to live rightly, having made Fortuna their friend, who could make them fortunate without any good desert? And truly, if Fortuna speaks, she should at least speak, not with a womanly, but with a manly voice; lest they themselves who have dedicated the image should think so great a miracle has been wrought by feminine loquacity. 4.20. They have made Virtue also a goddess, which, indeed, if it could be a goddess, had been preferable to many. And now, because it is not a goddess, but a gift of God, let it be obtained by prayer from Him, by whom alone it can be given, and the whole crowd of false gods vanishes. But why is Faith believed to be a goddess, and why does she herself receive temple and altar? For whoever prudently acknowledges her makes his own self an abode for her. But how do they know what faith is, of which it is the prime and greatest function that the true God may be believed in? But why had not virtue sufficed? Does it not include faith also? Forasmuch as they have thought proper to distribute virtue into four divisions - prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance- and as each of these divisions has its own virtues, faith is among the parts of justice, and has the chief place with as many of us as know what that saying means, The just shall live by faith. Habakkuk 2:4 But if Faith is a goddess, I wonder why these keen lovers of a multitude of gods have wronged so many other goddesses, by passing them by, when they could have dedicated temples and altars to them likewise. Why has temperance not deserved to be a goddess, when some Roman princes have obtained no small glory on account of her? Why, in fine, is fortitude not a goddess, who aided Mucius when he thrust his right hand into the flames; who aided Curtius, when for the sake of his country he threw himself headlong into the yawning earth; who aided Decius the sire, and Decius the son, when they devoted themselves for the army?- though we might question whether these men had true fortitude, if this concerned our present discussion. Why have prudence and wisdom merited no place among the gods? Is it because they are all worshipped under the general name of Virtue itself? Then they could thus worship the true God also, of whom all the other gods are thought to be parts. But in that one name of virtue is comprehended both faith and chastity, which yet have obtained separate altars in temples of their own. 4.21. These, not verity but vanity has made goddesses. For these are gifts of the true God, not themselves goddesses. However, where virtue and felicity are, what else is sought for? What can suffice the man whom virtue and felicity do not suffice? For surely virtue comprehends all things we need do, felicity all things we need wish for. If Jupiter, then, was worshipped in order that he might give these two things - because, if extent and duration of empire is something good, it pertains to this same felicity - why is it not understood that they are not goddesses, but the gifts of God? But if they are judged to be goddesses, then at least that other great crowd of gods should not be sought after. For, having considered all the offices which their fancy has distributed among the various gods and goddesses, let them find out, if they can, anything which could be bestowed by any god whatever on a man possessing virtue, possessing felicity. What instruction could be sought either from Mercury or Minerva, when Virtue already possessed all in herself? Virtue, indeed, is defined by the ancients as itself the art of living well and rightly. Hence, because virtue is called in Greek ἀρετη, it has been thought the Latins have derived from it the term art. But if Virtue cannot come except to the clever, what need was there of the god Father Catius, who should make men cautious, that is, acute, when Felicity could confer this? Because, to be born clever belongs to felicity. Whence, although goddess Felicity could not be worshipped by one not yet born, in order that, being made his friend, she might bestow this on him, yet she might confer this favor on parents who were her worshippers, that clever children should be born to them. What need had women in childbirth to invoke Lucina, when, if Felicity should be present, they would have, not only a good delivery, but good children too? What need was there to commend the children to the goddess Ops when they were being born; to the god Vaticanus in their birth-cry; to the goddess Cunina when lying cradled; to the goddess Rimina when sucking; to the god Statilinus when standing; to the goddess Adeona when coming; to Abeona when going away; to the goddess Mens that they might have a good mind; to the god Volumnus, and the goddess Volumna, that they might wish for good things; to the nuptial gods, that they might make good matches; to the rural gods, and chiefly to the goddess Fructesca herself, that they might receive the most abundant fruits; to Mars and Bellona, that they might carry on war well; to the goddess Victoria, that they might be victorious; to the god Honor, that they might be honored; to the goddess Pecunia, that they might have plenty money; to the god Aesculanus, and his son Argentinus, that they might have brass and silver coin? For they set down Aesculanus as the father of Argentinus for this reason, that brass coin began to be used before silver. But I wonder Argentinus has not begotten Aurinus, since gold coin also has followed. Could they have him for a god, they would prefer Aurinus both to his father Argentinus and his grandfather Aesculanus, just as they set Jove before Saturn. Therefore, what necessity was there on account of these gifts, either of soul, or body, or outward estate, to worship and invoke so great a crowd of gods, all of whom I have not mentioned, nor have they themselves been able to provide for all human benefits, minutely and singly methodized, minute and single gods, when the one goddess Felicity was able, with the greatest ease, compendiously to bestow the whole of them? Nor should any other be sought after, either for the bestowing of good things, or for the averting of evil. For why should they invoke the goddess Fessonia for the weary; for driving away enemies, the goddess Pellonia; for the sick, as a physician, either Apollo or Æsculapius, or both together if there should be great danger? Neither should the god Spiniensis be entreated that he might root out the thorns from the fields; nor the goddess Rubigo that the mildew might not come - Felicitas alone being present and guarding, either no evils would have arisen, or they would have been quite easily driven away. Finally, since we treat of these two goddesses, Virtue and Felicity, if felicity is the reward of virtue, she is not a goddess, but a gift of God. But if she is a goddess, why may she not be said to confer virtue itself, inasmuch as it is a great felicity to attain virtue? 4.22. What is it, then, that Varro boasts he has bestowed as a very great benefit on his fellow citizens, because he not only recounts the gods who ought to be worshipped by the Romans, but also tells what pertains to each of them? Just as it is of no advantage, he says, to know the name and appearance of any man who is a physician, and not know that he is a physician, so, he says, it is of no advantage to know well that Æsculapius is a god, if you are not aware that he can bestow the gift of health, and consequently do not know why you ought to supplicate him. He also affirms this by another comparison, saying, No one is able, not only to live well, but even to live at all, if he does not know who is a smith, who a baker, who a weaver, from whom he can seek any utensil, whom he may take for a helper, whom for a leader, whom for a teacher; asserting, that in this way it can be doubtful to no one, that thus the knowledge of the gods is useful, if one can know what force, and faculty, or power any god may have in any thing. For from this we may be able, he says, to know what god we ought to call to, and invoke for any cause; lest we should do as too many are wont to do, and desire water from Liber, and wine from Lymphs. Very useful, forsooth! Who would not give this man thanks if he could show true things, and if he could teach that the one true God, from whom all good things are, is to be worshipped by men? 4.23. But how does it happen, if their books and rituals are true, and Felicity is a goddess, that she herself is not appointed as the only one to be worshipped, since she could confer all things, and all at once make men happy? For who wishes anything for any other reason than that he may become happy? Why was it left to Lucullus to dedicate a temple to so great a goddess at so late a date, and after so many Roman rulers? Why did Romulus himself, ambitious as he was of founding a fortunate city, not erect a temple to this goddess before all others? Why did he supplicate the other gods for anything, since he would have lacked nothing had she been with him? For even he himself would neither have been first a king, then afterwards, as they think, a god, if this goddess had not been propitious to him. Why, therefore, did he appoint as gods for the Romans, Janus, Jove, Mars, Picus, Faunus, Tibernus, Hercules, and others, if there were more of them? Why did Titus Tatius add Saturn, Ops, Sun, Moon, Vulcan, Light, and whatever others he added, among whom was even the goddess Cloacina, while Felicity was neglected? Why did Numa appoint so many gods and so many goddesses without this one? Was it perhaps because he could not see her among so great a crowd? Certainly king Hostilius would not have introduced the new gods Fear and Dread to be propitiated, if he could have known or might have worshipped this goddess. For, in presence of Felicity, Fear and Dread would have disappeared - I do not say propitiated, but put to flight. Next, I ask, how is it that the Roman empire had already immensely increased before any one worshipped Felicity? Was the empire, therefore, more great than happy? For how could true felicity be there, where there was not true piety? For piety is the genuine worship of the true God, and not the worship of as many demons as there are false gods. Yet even afterwards, when Felicity had already been taken into the number of the gods, the great infelicity of the civil wars ensued. Was Felicity perhaps justly indigt, both because she was invited so late, and was invited not to honor, but rather to reproach, because along with her were worshipped Priapus, and Cloacina, and Fear and Dread, and Ague, and others which were not gods to be worshipped, but the crimes of the worshippers? Last of all, if it seemed good to worship so great a goddess along with a most unworthy crowd, why at least was she not worshipped in a more honorable way than the rest? For is it not intolerable that Felicity is placed neither among the gods Consentes, whom they allege to be admitted into the council of Jupiter, nor among the gods whom they term Select? Some temple might be made for her which might be pre-eminent, both in loftiness of site and dignity of style. Why, indeed, not something better than is made for Jupiter himself? For who gave the kingdom even to Jupiter but Felicity? I am supposing that when he reigned he was happy. Felicity, however, is certainly more valuable than a kingdom. For no one doubts that a man might easily be found who may fear to be made a king; but no one is found who is unwilling to be happy. Therefore, if it is thought they can be consulted by augury, or in any other way, the gods themselves should be consulted about this thing, whether they may wish to give place to Felicity. If, perchance, the place should already be occupied by the temples and altars of others, where a greater and more lofty temple might be built to Felicity, even Jupiter himself might give way, so that Felicity might rather obtain the very pinnacle of the Capitoline hill. For there is not any one who would resist Felicity, except, which is impossible, one who might wish to be unhappy. Certainly, if he should be consulted, Jupiter would in no case do what those three gods, Mars, Terminus, and Juventas, did, who positively refused to give place to their superior and king. For, as their books record, when king Tarquin wished to construct the Capitol, and perceived that the place which seemed to him to be the most worthy and suitable was preoccupied by other gods, not daring to do anything contrary to their pleasure, and believing that they would willingly give place to a god who was so great, and was their own master, because there were many of them there when the Capitol was founded, he inquired by augury whether they chose to give place to Jupiter, and they were all willing to remove thence except those whom I have named, Mars, Terminus, and Juventas; and therefore the Capitol was built in such a way that these three also might be within it, yet with such obscure signs that even the most learned men could scarcely know this. Surely, then, Jupiter himself would by no means despise Felicity, as he was himself despised by Terminus, Mars, and Juventas. But even they themselves who had not given place to Jupiter, would certainly give place to Felicity, who had made Jupiter king over them. Or if they should not give place, they would act thus not out of contempt of her, but because they chose rather to be obscure in the house of Felicity, than to be eminent without her in their own places. Thus the goddess Felicity being established in the largest and loftiest place, the citizens should learn whence the furtherance of every good desire should be sought. And so, by the persuasion of nature herself, the superfluous multitude of other gods being abandoned, Felicity alone would be worshipped, prayer would be made to her alone, her temple alone would be frequented by the citizens who wished to be happy, which no one of them would not wish; and thus felicity, who was sought for from all the gods, would be sought for only from her own self. For who wishes to receive from any god anything else than felicity, or what he supposes to tend to felicity? Wherefore, if Felicity has it in her power to be with what man she pleases (and she has it if she is a goddess), what folly is it, after all, to seek from any other god her whom you can obtain by request from her own self! Therefore they ought to honor this goddess above other gods, even by dignity of place. For, as we read in their own authors, the ancient Romans paid greater honors to I know not what Summanus, to whom they attributed nocturnal thunderbolts, than to Jupiter, to whom diurnal thunderbolts were held to pertain. But, after a famous and conspicuous temple had been built to Jupiter, owing to the dignity of the building, the multitude resorted to him in so great numbers, that scarce one can be found who remembers even to have read the name of Summanus, which now he cannot once hear named. But if Felicity is not a goddess, because, as is true, it is a gift of God, that god must be sought who has power to give it, and that hurtful multitude of false gods must be abandoned which the vain multitude of foolish men follows after, making gods to itself of the gifts of God, and offending Himself whose gifts they are by the stubbornness of a proud will. For he cannot be free from infelicity who worships Felicity as a goddess, and forsakes God, the giver of felicity; just as he cannot be free from hunger who licks a painted loaf of bread, and does not buy it of the man who has a real one. 4.24. We may, however, consider their reasons. Is it to be believed, say they, that our forefathers were besotted even to such a degree as not to know that these things are divine gifts, and not gods? But as they knew that such things are granted to no one, except by some god freely bestowing them, they called the gods whose names they did not find out by the names of those things which they deemed to be given by them; sometimes slightly altering the name for that purpose, as, for example, from war they have named Bellona, not bellum; from cradles, Cunina, not cun ; from standing grain, Segetia, not seges; from apples, Pomona, not pomum; from oxen, Bubona, not bos. Sometimes, again, with no alteration of the word, just as the things themselves are named, so that the goddess who gives money is called Pecunia, and money is not thought to be itself a goddess: so of Virtus, who gives virtue; Honor, who gives honor; Concordia, who gives concord; Victoria, who gives victory. So, they say, when Felicitas is called a goddess, what is meant is not the thing itself which is given, but that deity by whom felicity is given. 7.34. But, on the other hand, we find, as the same most learned man has related, that the causes of the sacred rites which were given from the books of Numa Pompilius could by no means be tolerated, and were considered unworthy, not only to become known to the religious by being read, but even to lie written in the darkness in which they had been concealed. For now let me say what I promised in the third book of this work to say in its proper place. For, as we read in the same Varro's book on the worship of the gods, A certain one Terentius had a field at the Janiculum, and once, when his ploughman was passing the plough near to the tomb of Numa Pompilius, he turned up from the ground the books of Numa, in which were written the causes of the sacred institutions; which books he carried to the pr tor, who, having read the beginnings of them, referred to the senate what seemed to be a matter of so much importance. And when the chief senators had read certain of the causes why this or that rite was instituted, the senate assented to the dead Numa, and the conscript fathers, as though concerned for the interests of religion, ordered the pr tor to burn the books. Let each one believe what he thinks; nay, let every champion of such impiety say whatever mad contention may suggest. For my part, let it suffice to suggest that the causes of those sacred things which were written down by King Numa Pompilius, the institutor of the Roman rites, ought never to have become known to people or senate, or even to the priests themselves; and also that Numa him self attained to these secrets of demons by an illicit curiosity, in order that he might write them down, so as to be able, by reading, to be reminded of them. However, though he was king, and had no cause to be afraid of any one, he neither dared to teach them to any one, nor to destroy them by obliteration, or any other form of destruction. Therefore, because he was unwilling that any one should know them, lest men should be taught infamous things, and because he was afraid to violate them, lest he should enrage the demons against himself, he buried them in what he thought a safe place, believing that a plough could not approach his sepulchre. But the senate, fearing to condemn the religious solemnities of their ancestors, and therefore compelled to assent to Numa, were nevertheless so convinced that those books were pernicious, that they did not order them to be buried again, knowing that human curiosity would thereby be excited to seek with far greater eagerness after the matter already divulged, but ordered the scandalous relics to be destroyed with fire; because, as they thought it was now a necessity to perform those sacred rites, they judged that the error arising from ignorance of their causes was more tolerable than the disturbance which the knowledge of them would occasion the state. 7.35. For Numa himself also, to whom no prophet of God, no holy angel was sent, was driven to have recourse to hydromancy, that he might see the images of the gods in the water (or, rather, appearances whereby the demons made sport of him), and might learn from them what he ought to ordain and observe in the sacred rites. This kind of divination, says Varro, was introduced from the Persians, and was used by Numa himself, and at an after time by the philosopher Pythagoras. In this divination, he says, they also inquire at the inhabitants of the nether world, and make use of blood; and this the Greeks call νεκρομαντείαν . But whether it be called necromancy or hydromancy it is the same thing, for in either case the dead are supposed to foretell future things. But by what artifices these things are done, let themselves consider; for I am unwilling to say that these artifices were wont to be prohibited by the laws, and to be very severely punished even in the Gentile states, before the advent of our Saviour. I am unwilling, I say, to affirm this, for perhaps even such things were then allowed. However, it was by these arts that Pompilius learned those sacred rites which he gave forth as facts, while he concealed their causes; for even he himself was afraid of that which he had learned. The senate also caused the books in which those causes were recorded to be burned. What is it, then, to me, that Varro attempts to adduce all sorts of fanciful physical interpretations, which if these books had contained, they would certainly not have been burned? For otherwise the conscript fathers would also have burned those books which Varro published and dedicated to the high priest C sar. Now Numa is said to have married the nymph Egeria, because (as Varro explains it in the forementioned book) he carried forth water wherewith to perform his hydromancy. Thus facts are wont to be converted into fables through false colorings. It was by that hydromancy, then, that that over-curious Roman king learned both the sacred rites which were to be written in the books of the priests, and also the causes of those rites - which latter, however, he was unwilling that any one besides himself should know. Wherefore he made these causes, as it were, to die along with himself, taking care to have them written by themselves, and removed from the knowledge of men by being buried in the earth. Wherefore the things which are written in those books were either abominations of demons, so foul and noxious as to render that whole civil theology execrable even in the eyes of such men as those senators, who had accepted so many shameful things in the sacred rites themselves, or they were nothing else than the accounts of dead men, whom, through the lapse of ages, almost all the Gentile nations had come to believe to be immortal gods; while those same demons were delighted even with such rites, having presented themselves to receive worship under pretence of being those very dead men whom they had caused to be thought immortal gods by certain fallacious miracles, performed in order to establish that belief. But, by the hidden providence of the true God, these demons were permitted to confess these things to their friend Numa, having been gained by those arts through which necromancy could be performed, and yet were not constrained to admonish him rather at his death to burn than to bury the books in which they were written. But, in order that these books might be unknown, the demons could not resist the plough by which they were thrown up, or the pen of Varro, through which the things which were done in reference to this matter have come down even to our knowledge. For they are not able to effect anything which they are not allowed; but they are permitted to influence those whom God, in His deep and just judgment, according to their deserts, gives over either to be simply afflicted by them, or to be also subdued and deceived. But how pernicious these writings were judged to be, or how alien from the worship of the true Divinity, may be understood from the fact that the senate preferred to burn what Pompilius had hid, rather than to fear what he feared, so that he could not dare to do that. Wherefore let him who does not desire to live a pious life even now, seek eternal life by means of such rites. But let him who does not wish to have fellowship with malign demons have no fear for the noxious superstition wherewith they are worshipped, but let him recognize the true religion by which they are unmasked and vanquished. 16.4. But though these nations are said to have been dispersed according to their languages, yet the narrator recurs to that time when all had but one language, and explains how it came to pass that a diversity of languages was introduced. The whole earth, he says, was of one lip, and all had one speech. And it came to pass, as they journeyed from the east, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar, and dwelt there. And they said one to another, Come, and let us make bricks, and burn them thoroughly. And they had bricks for stone, and slime for mortar. And they said, Come, and let us build for ourselves a city, and a tower whose top shall reach the sky; and let us make us a name, before we be scattered abroad on the face of all the earth. And the Lord came down to see the city and the tower, which the children of men built. And the Lord God said, Behold, the people is one, and they have all one language; and this they begin to do: and now nothing will be restrained from them, which they have imagined to do. Come, and let us go down, and confound there their language, that they may not understand one another's speech. And God scattered them thence on the face of all the earth: and they left off to build the city and the tower. Therefore the name of it is called Confusion; because the Lord did there confound the language of all the earth: and the Lord God scattered them thence on the face of all the earth. Genesis 11:1-9 This city, which was called Confusion, is the same as Babylon, whose wonderful construction Gentile history also notices. For Babylon means Confusion. Whence we conclude that the giant Nimrod was its founder, as had been hinted a little before, where Scripture, in speaking of him, says that the beginning of his kingdom was Babylon, that is, Babylon had a supremacy over the other cities as the metropolis and royal residence; although it did not rise to the grand dimensions designed by its proud and impious founder. The plan was to make it so high that it should reach the sky, whether this was meant of one tower which they intended to build higher than the others, or of all the towers, which might be signified by the singular number, as we speak of the soldier, meaning the army, and of the frog or the locust, when we refer to the whole multitude of frogs and locusts in the plagues with which Moses smote the Egyptians. Exodus x But what did these vain and presumptuous men intend? How did they expect to raise this lofty mass against God, when they had built it above all the mountains and the clouds of the earth's atmosphere? What injury could any spiritual or material elevation do to God? The safe and true way to heaven is made by humility, which lifts up the heart to the Lord, not against Him; as this giant is said to have been a hunter against the Lord. This has been misunderstood by some through the ambiguity of the Greek word, and they have translated it, not against the Lord, but before the Lord; for ἐναντίον means both before and against. In the Psalm this word is rendered, Let us weep before the Lord our Maker. The same word occurs in the book of Job, where it is written, You have broken into fury against the Lord. Job 15:13 And so this giant is to be recognized as a hunter against the Lord. And what is meant by the term hunter but deceiver, oppressor, and destroyer of the animals of the earth? He and his people therefore, erected this tower against the Lord, and so gave expression to their impious pride; and justly was their wicked intention punished by God, even though it was unsuccessful. But what was the nature of the punishment? As the tongue is the instrument of domination, in it pride was punished; so that man, who would not understand God when He issued His commands, should be misunderstood when he himself gave orders. Thus was that conspiracy disbanded, for each man retired from those he could not understand, and associated with those whose speech was intelligible; and the nations were divided according to their languages, and scattered over the earth as seemed good to God, who accomplished this in ways hidden from and incomprehensible to us. 18.41. But let us omit further examination of history, and return to the philosophers from whom we digressed to these things. They seem to have labored in their studies for no other end than to find out how to live in a way proper for laying hold of blessedness. Why, then, have the disciples dissented from their masters, and the fellow disciples from one another, except because as men they have sought after these things by human sense and human reasonings? Now, although there might be among them a desire of glory, so that each wished to be thought wiser and more acute than another, and in no way addicted to the judgment of others, but the inventor of his own dogma and opinion, yet I may grant that there were some, or even very many of them, whose love of truth severed them from their teachers or fellow disciples, that they might strive for what they thought was the truth, whether it was so or not. But what can human misery do, or how or where can it reach forth, so as to attain blessedness, if divine authority does not lead it? Finally, let our authors, among whom the canon of the sacred books is fixed and bounded, be far from disagreeing in any respect. It is not without good reason, then, that not merely a few people prating in the schools and gymnasia in captious disputations, but so many and great people, both learned and unlearned, in countries and cities, have believed that God spoke to them or by them, i.e. the canonical writers, when they wrote these books. There ought, indeed, to be but few of them, lest on account of their multitude what ought to be religiously esteemed should grow cheap; and yet not so few that their agreement should not be wonderful. For among the multitude of philosophers, who in their works have left behind them the monuments of their dogmas, no one will easily find any who agree in all their opinions. But to show this is too long a task for this work. But what author of any sect is so approved in this demon-worshipping city, that the rest who have differed from or opposed him in opinion have been disapproved? The Epicureans asserted that human affairs were not under the providence of the gods; and the Stoics, holding the opposite opinion, agreed that they were ruled and defended by favorable and tutelary gods. Yet were not both sects famous among the Athenians? I wonder, then, why Anaxagoras was accused of a crime for saying that the sun was a burning stone, and denying that it was a god at all; while in the same city Epicurus flourished gloriously and lived securely, although he not only did not believe that the sun or any star was a god, but contended that neither Jupiter nor any of the gods dwelt in the world at all, so that the prayers and supplications of men might reach them! Were not both Aristippus and Antisthenes there, two noble philosophers and both Socratic? Yet they placed the chief end of life within bounds so diverse and contradictory, that the first made the delight of the body the chief good, while the other asserted that man was made happy mainly by the virtue of the mind. The one also said that the wise man should flee from the republic; the other, that he should administer its affairs. Yet did not each gather disciples to follow his own sect? Indeed, in the conspicuous and well-known porch, in gymnasia, in gardens, in places public and private, they openly strove in bands each for his own opinion, some asserting there was one world, others innumerable worlds; some that this world had a beginning, others that it had not; some that it would perish, others that it would exist always; some that it was governed by the divine mind, others by chance and accident; some that souls are immortal, others that they are mortal - and of those who asserted their immortality, some said they transmigrated through beasts, others that it was by no means so; while of those who asserted their mortality, some said they perished immediately after the body, others that they survived either a little while or a longer time, but not always; some fixing supreme good in the body, some in the mind, some in both; others adding to the mind and body external good things; some thinking that the bodily senses ought to be trusted always, some not always, others never. Now what people, senate, power, or public dignity of the impious city has ever taken care to judge between all these and other nearly innumerable dissensions of the philosophers, approving and accepting some, and disapproving and rejecting others? Has it not held in its bosom at random, without any judgment, and confusedly, so many controversies of men at variance, not about fields, houses, or anything of a pecuniary nature, but about those things which make life either miserable or happy? Even if some true things were said in it, yet falsehoods were uttered with the same licence; so that such a city has not amiss received the title of the mystic Babylon. For Babylon means confusion, as we remember we have already explained. Nor does it matter to the devil, its king, how they wrangle among themselves in contradictory errors, since all alike deservedly belong to him on account of their great and varied impiety. But that nation, that people, that city, that republic, these Israelites, to whom the oracles of God were entrusted, by no means confounded with similar licence false prophets with the true prophets; but, agreeing together, and differing in nothing, acknowledged and upheld the authentic authors of their sacred books. These were their philosophers, these were their sages, divines, prophets, and teachers of probity and piety. Whoever was wise and lived according to them was wise and lived not according to men, but according to God who has spoken by them. If sacrilege is forbidden there, God has forbidden it. If it is said, Honor your father and your mother, Exodus 20:12 God has commanded it. If it is said, You shall not commit adultery, You shall not kill, You shall not steal, and other similar commandments, not human lips but the divine oracles have enounced them. Whatever truth certain philosophers, amid their false opinions, were able to see, and strove by laborious discussions to persuade men of - such as that God had made this world, and Himself most providently governs it, or of the nobility of the virtues, of the love of country, of fidelity in friendship, of good works and everything pertaining to virtuous manners, although they knew not to what end and what rule all these things were to be referred - all these, by words prophetic, that is, divine, although spoken by men, were commended to the people in that city, and not inculcated by contention in arguments, so that he who should know them might be afraid of contemning, not the wit of men, but the oracle of God. |
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| 123. Carmina Duodecim Sapientum, Carmina, 64.309, 68.70-68.72 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 479, 547 |
| 124. Augustine, Breviculus Collationis Cum Donatistis, 3.13.25 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 30 |
| 125. Olympiodorus, Fragments, 5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 75 |
| 126. Nonius Marcellus, De Conpendiosa Doctrina, 155.24-155.26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 526 |
| 127. John Chrysostom, Ad Populum Antiochenum (Homiliae 121), 19.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 203 |
| 128. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 6.9.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 215 |
| 129. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 7.1-7.2, 9.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 81 |
| 130. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.16.3, 6.9.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators •senate, senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 190; Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 215 |
| 131. Ambrose, Letters, 72.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 241 |
| 132. Ambrose, On Faith, To Gratian Augustus, 1.10.4, 1.13.1, 16.4.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Lunn-Rockliffe (2007), The Letter of Mara bar Sarapion in Context, 16 |
| 133. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 89 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 154 |
| 134. Carmina Duodecim Sapientum, Carmina, 64.309, 68.70-68.72 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 479, 547 |
| 135. Libanius, Orations, 1.41-1.48, 1.50, 1.62-1.64, 1.98-1.100, 1.243-1.250, 19.61, 23.20, 31.8, 31.11, 31.13, 31.26, 31.28, 31.48, 62.9-62.10 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 210, 212 |
| 136. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 18.4-18.20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 271; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 171 |
137. Augustine, Confessions, 9.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 184 | 9.4. 7. And the day arrived on which, in very deed, I was to be released from the Professorship of Rhetoric, from which in intention I had been already released. And done it was; and Thou delivered my tongue whence You had already delivered my heart; and full of joy I blessed You for it, and retired with all mine to the villa. What I accomplished here in writing, which was now wholly devoted to Your service, though still, in this pause as it were, panting from the school of pride, my books testify, - those in which I disputed with my friends, and those with myself alone before You; and what with the absent Nebridius, my letters testify. And when can I find time to recount all Your great benefits which You bestowed upon us at that time, especially as I am hasting on to still greater mercies? For my memory calls upon me, and pleasant it is to me, O Lord, to confess unto You, by what inward goads You subdued me, and how Thou made me low, bringing down the mountains and hills of my imaginations, and straightened my crookedness, and smooth my rough ways; Luke 3:5 and by what means Thou also subdued that brother of my heart, Alypius, unto the name of Your only-begotten, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, which he at first refused to have inserted in our writings. For he rather desired that they should savour of the cedars of the schools, which the Lord has now broken down, than of the wholesome herbs of the Church, hostile to serpents. 8. What utterances sent I up unto You, my God, when I read the Psalms of David, those faithful songs and sounds of devotion which exclude all swelling of spirit, when new to Your true love, at rest in the villa with Alypius, a catechumen like myself, my mother cleaving unto us - in woman's garb truly, but with a man's faith, with the peacefulness of age, full of motherly love and Christian piety! What utterances used I to send up unto You in those Psalms, and how was I inflamed towards You by them, and burned to rehearse them, if it were possible, throughout the whole world, against the pride of the human race! And yet they are sung throughout the whole world, and none can hide himself from Your heat. With what vehement and bitter sorrow was I indigt at the Manich ans; whom yet again I pitied, for that they were ignorant of those sacraments, those medicaments, and were mad against the antidote which might have made them sane! I wished that they had been somewhere near me then, and, without my being aware of their presence, could have beheld my face, and heard my words, when I read the fourth Psalm in that time of my leisure - how that Psalm wrought upon me. When I called upon You, Thou heard me, O God of my righteousness; You have enlarged me when I was in distress; have mercy upon me, and hear my prayer. Oh that they might have heard what I uttered on these words, without my knowing whether they heard or no, lest they should think that I spoke it because of them! For, of a truth, neither should I have said the same things, nor in the way I said them, if I had perceived that I was heard and seen by them; and had I spoken them, they would not so have received them as when I spoke by and for myself before You, out of the private feelings of my soul. 9. I alternately quaked with fear, and warmed with hope, and with rejoicing in Your mercy, O Father. And all these passed forth, both by my eyes and voice, when Your good Spirit, turning unto us, said, O you sons of men, how long will you be slow of heart? How long will you love vanity, and seek after leasing? For I had loved vanity, and sought after leasing. And You, O Lord, had already magnified Your Holy One, raising Him from the dead, and setting Him at Your right hand, Ephesians 1:20 whence from on high He should send His promise, Luke 24:49 the Paraclete, the Spirit of Truth. John 14:16-17 And He had already sent Him, Acts 2:1-4 but I knew it not; He had sent Him, because He was now magnified, rising again from the dead, and ascending into heaven. For till then the Holy Ghost was not yet given, because that Jesus was not yet glorified. John 7:39 And the prophet cries out, How long will you be slow of heart? How long will you love vanity, and seek after leasing? Know this, that the Lord has magnified His Holy One. He cries out, How long? He cries out, Know this, and I, so long ignorant, loved vanity, and sought after leasing. And therefore I heard and trembled, because these words were spoken unto such as I remembered that I myself had been. For in those phantasms which I once held for truths was there vanity and leasing. And I spoke many things loudly and earnestly, in the sorrow of my remembrance, which, would that they who yet love vanity and seek after leasing had heard! They would perchance have been troubled, and have vomited it forth, and You would hear them when they cried unto You; for by a true death in the flesh He died for us, who now makes intercession for us Romans 8:34 with You. 10. I read further, Be angry, and sin not. Ephesians 4:26 And how was I moved, O my God, who had now learned to be angry with myself for the things past, so that in the future I might not sin! Yea, to be justly angry; for that it was not another nature of the race of darkness which sinned for me, as they affirm it to be who are not angry with themselves, and who treasure up to themselves wrath against the day of wrath, and of the revelation of Your righteous judgment. Romans 2:5 Nor were my good things now without, nor were they sought after with eyes of flesh in that sun; for they that would have joy from without easily sink into oblivion, and are wasted upon those things which are seen and temporal, and in their starving thoughts do lick their very shadows. Oh, if only they were wearied out with their fasting, and said, Who will show us any good? And we would answer, and they hear, O Lord. The light of Your countece is lifted up upon us. For we are not that Light, which lights every man, John 1:9 but we are enlightened by You, that we, who were sometimes darkness, may be light in You. Ephesians 5:8 Oh that they could behold the internal Eternal, which having tasted I gnashed my teeth that I could not show It to them, while they brought me their heart in their eyes, roaming abroad from You, and said, Who will show us any good? But there, where I was angry with myself in my chamber, where I was inwardly pricked, where I had offered my sacrifice, slaying my old man, and beginning the resolution of a new life, putting my trust in You, - there had Thou begun to grow sweet unto me, and to put gladness in my heart. And I cried out as I read this outwardly, and felt it inwardly. Nor would I be increased with worldly goods, wasting time and being wasted by time; whereas I possessed in Your eternal simplicity other grain, and wine, and oil. 11. And with a loud cry from my heart, I called out in the following verse, Oh, in peace! and the self-same! Oh, what said he, I will lay me down and sleep! For who shall hinder us, when shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is swallowed up in victory? 1 Corinthians 15:54 And You are in the highest degree the self-same, who changest not; and in You is the rest which forgets all labour, for there is no other beside You, nor ought we to seek after those many other things which are not what You are; but Thou, Lord, only makest me to dwell in hope. These things I read, and was inflamed; but discovered not what to do with those deaf and dead, of whom I had been a pestilent member - a bitter and a blind declaimer against the writings be-honied with the honey of heaven and luminous with Your own light; and I was consumed on account of the enemies of this Scripture. 12. When shall I call to mind all that took place in those holidays? Yet neither have I forgotten, nor will I be silent about the severity of Your scourge, and the amazing quickness of Your mercy. Thou at that time tortured me with toothache; and when it had become so exceeding great that I was not able to speak, it came into my heart to urge all my friends who were present to pray for me to You, the God of all manner of health. And I wrote it down on wax, and gave it to them to read. Presently, as with submissive desire we bowed our knees, that pain departed. But what pain? Or how did it depart? I confess to being much afraid, my Lord my God, seeing that from my earliest years I had not experienced such pain. And Your purposes were profoundly impressed upon me; and, rejoicing in faith, I praised Your name. And that faith suffered me not to be at rest in regard to my past sins, which were not yet forgiven me by Your baptism. |
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| 138. Ambrosiaster, Quaestiones Veteris Et Novi Testamenti, 47.4, 81.2, 102.5, 107.6, 114.2, 114.9, 115.16 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Lunn-Rockliffe (2007), The Letter of Mara bar Sarapion in Context, 16, 46, 47 |
| 139. Prudentius, Hamartigenia, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 185 |
| 140. Ambrose, Commentary On Colossians, 2.17.3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Lunn-Rockliffe (2007), The Letter of Mara bar Sarapion in Context, 46 |
| 141. Ambrose, Letters, 72.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 241 |
| 142. Symmachus, Relationes, 3.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 185 |
| 143. Ambrose, Letters, 72.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 241 |
| 144. Themistius, Orations, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 259 |
| 145. Symmachus, Letters, 4.5, 4.18.5-4.18.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 10; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 34 |
| 146. Evagrius Ponticus, Scholia In Ecclesiasten (Fragmenta E Catenis), 3.14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 241 |
| 147. Prudentius, On The Crown of Martyrdom, 10.216-10.219, 10.1111-10.1118 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 228, 229 |
| 148. Prudentius, Apotheosis, 377-385, 782, 952-958, 376 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 229 |
| 149. Ambrose, Letters, 72.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 241 |
| 150. Prudentius, Contra Symmachum, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 228 |
| 151. Ambrose, Letters, 72.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 241 |
| 152. Damaskios, Vita Isidori (Ap. Photium, Bibl. Codd. 181, 242), 90, 89 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 95 |
| 153. Justinian, Digest, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 348 |
| 154. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 2.33.3-2.33.4, 7.16.1, 9.16.9-9.16.10, 9.34.7, 9.40.21, 14.9.2, 14.10.1, 16.5.30-16.5.32, 16.10.1 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate, senators •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 172; Lunn-Rockliffe (2007), The Letter of Mara bar Sarapion in Context, 46, 47; Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 65, 76, 259; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 34 |
| 155. Damaskios, Vita Isidori, 90, 89 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 95 |
| 156. Jerome, Letters, 80.3 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 216 |
| 157. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 19.34.12 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 531 |
| 158. Evagrius Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 3.14 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 241 |
| 159. Augustine, Letters, 118.1.2, 118.2.8-118.2.9, 118.2.11-118.2.12, 118.5.34 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 165 |
| 160. Platon Com., Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
| 161. Theocritus, Eidyllia, 15.6 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
162. Strabo, Geography, 12.1-12.2, 12.2.7, 14.5.6, 14.5.10, 14.5.14 Tagged with subjects: •senators, governors of imperial provinces Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 316, 317 | 12.1. 1. Cappadocia, also, is a country of many parts and has undergone numerous changes. However, the inhabitants who speak the same language are, generally speaking, those who are bounded on the south by the Cilician Taurus, as it is called, and on the east by Armenia and Colchis and by the intervening peoples who speak a different group of languages, and on the north by the Euxine as far as the outlets of the Halys River, and on the west both by the tribe of the Paphlagonians and by those Galatae who settled in Phrygia and extended as far as the Lycaonians and those Cilicians who occupy Cilicia Tracheia.,2. Now as for the tribes themselves which speak the same language, the ancients set one of them, the Cataonians, by themselves, contradistinguishing them from the Cappadocians, regarding the latter as a different tribe; and in their enumeration of the tribes they placed Cataonia after Cappadocia, and then placed the Euphrates and the tribes beyond it so as to include in Cataonia Melitene, which lies between Cataonia and the Euphrates, borders on Commagene, and, according to the division of Cappadocia into ten prefectures, is a tenth portion of the country. Indeed, it was in this way that the kings in my time who preceded Archelaus held their several prefectures over Cappadocia. And Cataonia, also, is a tenth portion of Cappadocia. In my time each of the two countries had its own prefect; but since, as compared with the other Cappadocians, there is no difference to be seen either in the language or in any other usages of the Cataonians, it is remarkable how utterly all signs of their being a different tribe have disappeared. At any rate, they were once a distinct tribe, but they were annexed by Ariarathes, the first man to be called king of the Cappadocians.,3. Cappadocia constitutes the isthmus, as it were, of a large peninsula bounded by two seas, by that of the Issian Gulf as far as Cilicia Tracheia and by that of the Euxine as far as Sinope and the coast of the Tibareni. I mean by peninsula all the country which is west of Cappadocia this side the isthmus, which by Herodotus is called the country this side the Halys River; for this is the country which in its entirety was ruled by Croesus, whom Herodotus calls the tyrant of the tribes this side the Halys River. However, the writers of today give the name of Asia to the country this side the Taurus, applying to this country the same name as to the whole continent of Asia. This Asia comprises the first nations on the east, the Paphlagonians and Phrygians and Lycaonians, and then the Bithynians and Mysians and the Epictetus, and, besides these, the Troad and Hellespontia, and after these, on the sea, the Aeolians and Ionians, who are Greeks, and, among the rest, the Carians and Lycians, and, in the interior, the Lydians. As for the other tribes, I shall speak of them later.,4. Cappadocia was divided into two satrapies by the Persians at the time when it was taken over by the Macedonians; the Macedonians willingly allowed one part of the country, but unwillingly the other, to change to kingdoms instead of satrapies; and one of these kingdoms they named Cappadocia Proper and Cappadocia near Taurus, and even Greater Cappadocia, and the other they named Pontus, though others named it Cappadocia Pontica. As for Greater Cappadocia, we at present do not yet know its administrative divisions, for after the death of king Archelaus, Caesar and the senate decreed that it was a Roman province. But when, in the reign of Archelaus and of the kings who preceded him, the country was divided into ten prefectures, those near the Taurus were reckoned as five in number, I mean Melitene, Cataonia, Cilicia, Tyanitis, and Garsauritis; and Laviansene, Sargarausene, Saravene, Chamanene, and Morimene as the remaining five. The Romans later assigned to the predecessors of Archelaus an eleventh prefecture, taken from Cilicia, I mean the country round Castabala and Cybistra, extending to Derbe, which last had belonged to Antipater the pirate; and to Archelaus they further assigned the part of Cilicia Tracheia round Elaeussa, and also all the country that had organized the business of piracy. 12.2. 1. Melitene: Melitene is similar to Commagene, for the whole of it is planted with fruit trees, the only country in all Cappadocia of which this is true, so that it produces, not only the olive, but also the Monarite wine, which rivals the Greek wines. It is situated opposite to Sophene; and the Euphrates River flows between it and Commagene, which latter borders on it. On the far side of the river is a noteworthy fortress belonging to the Cappadocians, Tomisa by name. This was sold to the ruler of Sophene for one hundred talents, but later was presented by Lucullus as a meed of valor to the ruler of Cappadocia who took the field with him in the war against Mithridates.,2. Cataonia is a broad hollow plain, and produces everything except evergreen-trees. It is surrounded on its southern side by mountains, among others by the Amanus, which is a branch of the Cilician Taurus, and by the Antitaurus, which branches off in the opposite direction; for the Amanus extends from Cataonia to Cilicia and the Syrian Sea towards the west and south, and in this intervening space it surrounds the whole of the Gulf of Issos and the intervening plains of the Cilicians which lie towards the Taurus. But the Antitaurus inclines to the north and takes a slightly easterly direction, and then terminates in the interior of the country.,3. In this Antitaurus are deep and narrow valleys, in which are situated Comana and the sanctuary of Enyo, whom the people there call Ma. It is a considerable city; its inhabitants, however, consist mostly of the divinely inspired people and the temple-servants who live in it. Its inhabitants are Cataonians, who, though in a general way classed as subject to the king, are in most respects subject to the priest. The priest is master of the sanctuary, and also of the temple-servants, who on my sojourn there were more than six thousand in number, men and women together. Also, considerable territory belongs to the sanctuary, and the revenue is enjoyed by the priest. He is second in rank in Cappadocia after the king; and in general the priests belonged to the same family as the kings. It is thought that Orestes, with his sister Iphigeneia, brought these sacred rites here from the Tauric Scythia, the rites in honor of Artemis Tauropolus, and that here they also deposited the hair of mourning; whence the city's name. Now the Sarus River flows through this city and passes out through the gorges of the Taurus to the plains of the Cilicians and to the sea that lies below them.,4. But the Pyramus, a navigable river with its sources in the middle of the plain, flows through Cataonia. There is a notable pit in the earth through which one can see the water as it runs into a long hidden passage underground and then rises to the surface. If one lets down a javelin from above into the pit, the force of the water resists so strongly that the javelin can hardly be immersed in it. But although it flows in great volume because of its immense depth and breadth, yet, when it reaches the Taurus, it undergoes a remarkable contraction; and remarkable also is the cleft of the mountain through which the stream is carried; for, as in the case of rocks which have been broken and split into two parts, the projections on either side correspond so exactly to the cavities on the other that they could be fitted together, so it was in the case of the rocks I saw there, which, lying above the river on either side and reaching up to the summit of the mountain at a distance of two or three plethra from each other, had cavities corresponding with the opposite projections. The whole intervening bed is rock, and it has a cleft through the middle which is deep and so extremely narrow that a dog or hare could leap across it. This cleft is the channel of the river, is full to the brim, and in breadth resembles a canal; but on account of the crookedness of its course and its great contraction in width and the depth of the gorge, a noise like thunder strikes the ears of travellers long before they reach it. In passing out through the mountains it brings down so much silt to the sea, partly from Cataonia and partly from the Cilician plains, that even an oracle is reported as having been given out in reference to it, as follows: Men that are yet to be shall experience this at the time when the Pyramus of the silver eddies shall silt up its sacred sea-beach and come to Cyprus. Indeed, something similar to this takes place also in Egypt, since the Nile is always turning the sea into dry land by throwing out silt. Accordingly, Herodotus calls Egypt the gift of the Nile, while Homer speaks of Pharos as being out in the open sea, since in earlier times it was not, as now, connected with the mainland of Egypt.,5. 14The third in rank is the priesthood of Zeus Dacieus, which, though inferior to that of Enyo, is noteworthy. At this place there is a reservoir of salt water which has the circumference of a considerable lake; it is shut in by brows of hills so high and steep that people go down to it by ladder-like steps. The water, they say, neither increases nor anywhere has a visible outflow.,6. Neither the plain of the Cataonians nor the country Melitene has a city, but they have strongholds on the mountains, I mean Azamora and Dastarcum; and round the latter flows the Carmalas River. It contains also a sanctuary, that of the Cataonian Apollo, which is held in honor throughout the whole of Cappadocia, the Cappadocians having made it the model of sanctuaries of their own. Neither do the other prefectures, except two, contain cities; and of the remaining prefectures, Sargarausene contains a small town Herpa, and also the Carmalas River, this too emptying into the Cilician Sea. In the other prefectures are Argos, a lofty stronghold near the Taurus, and Nora, now called Neroassus, in which Eumenes held out against a siege for a long time. In my time it served as the treasury of Sisines, who made an attack upon the empire of the Cappadocians. To him belonged also Cadena, which had the royal palace and had the aspect of a city. Situated on the borders of Lycaonia is also a town called Garsauira. This too is said once to have been the metropolis of the country. In Morimene, at Venasa, is the sanctuary of the Venasian Zeus, which has a settlement of almost three thousand temple-servants and also a sacred territory that is very productive, affording the priest a yearly revenue of fifteen talents. He, too, is priest for life, as is the Priest at Comana, and is second in rank after him.,7. Only two prefectures have cities, Tyanitis the city Tyana, which lies below the Taurus at the Cilician Gates, where for all is the easiest and most commonly used pass into Cilicia and Syria. It is called Eusebeia near the Taurus; and its territory is for the most part fertile and level. Tyana is situated upon a mound of Semiramis, which is beautifully fortified. Not far from this city are Castabala and Cybistra, towns still nearer to the mountain. At Castabala is the sanctuary of the Perasian Artemis, where the priestesses, it is said, walk with naked feet over hot embers without pain. And here, too, some tell us over and over the same story of Orestes and Tauropolus, asserting that she was called Perasian because she was brought from the other side. So then, in the prefecture Tyanitis, one of the ten above mentioned is Tyana (I am not enumerating along with these prefectures those that were acquired later, I mean Castabala and Cybistra and the places in Cilicia Tracheia, where is Elaeussa, a very fertile island, which was settled in a noteworthy manner by Archelaus, who spent the greater part of his time there), whereas Mazaca, the metropolis of the tribe, is in the Cilician prefecture, as it is called. This city, too, is called Eusebeia, with the additional words near the Argaeus, for it is situated below the Argaeus, the highest mountain of all, whose summit never fails to have snow upon it; and those who ascend it (those are few) say that in clear weather both seas, both the Pontus and the Issian Sea, are visible from it. Now in general Mazaca is not naturally a suitable place for the founding of a city, for it is without water and unfortified by nature; and, because of the neglect of the prefects, it is also without walls (perhaps intentionally so, in order that people inhabiting a plain, with hills above it that were advantageous and beyond range of missiles, might not, through too much reliance upon the wall as a fortification, engage in plundering). Further, the districts all round are utterly barren and untilled, although they are level; but they are sandy and are rocky underneath. And, proceeding a little farther on, one comes to plains extending over many stadia that are volcanic and full of fire-pits; and therefore the necessaries of life must be brought from a distance. And further, that which seems to be an advantage is attended with peril, for although almost the whole of Cappadocia is without timber, the Argaeus has forests all round it, and therefore the working of timber is close at hand; but the region which lies below the forests also contains fires in many places and at the same time has an underground supply of cold water, although neither the fire nor the water emerges to the surface; and therefore most of the country is covered with grass. In some places, also, the ground is marshy, and at night flames rise therefrom. Now those who are acquainted with the country can work the timber, since they are on their guard, but the country is perilous for most people, and especially for cattle, since they fall into the hidden fire-pits.,8. There is also a river in the plain before the city; it is called Melas, is about forty stadia distant from the city, and has its sources in a district that is below the level of the city. For this reason, therefore, it is useless to the inhabitants, since its stream is not in a favorable position higher up, but spreads abroad into marshes and lakes, and in the summertime vitiates the air round the city, and also makes the stone-quarry hard to work, though otherwise easy to work; for there are ledges of flat stones from which the Mazaceni obtain an abundant supply of stone for their buildings, but when the slabs are concealed by the waters they are hard to obtain. And these marshes, also, are everywhere volcanic. Ariarathes the king, since the Melas had an outlet into the Euphrates by a certain narrow defile, dammed this and converted the neighboring plain into a sea-like lake, and there, shutting off certain isle — like the Cyclades — from the outside world, passed his time there in boyish diversions. But the barrier broke all at once, the water streamed out again, and the Euphrates, thus filled, swept away much of the soil of Cappadocia, and obliterated numerous settlements and plantations, and also damaged no little of the country of the Galatians who held Phrygia. In return for the damage the inhabitants, who gave over the decision of the matter to the Romans, exacted a fine of three hundred talents. The same was the case also in regard to Herpa; for there too he dammed the stream of the Carmalas River; and then, the mouth having broken open and the water having ruined certain districts in Cilicia in the neighborhood of Mallos, he paid damages to those who had been wronged.,9. However, although the district of the Mazaceni is in many respects not naturally suitable for habitation, the kings seem to have preferred it, because of all places in the country this was nearest to the center of the region which contained timber and stone for buildings, and at the same time provender, of which, being cattle-breeders, they needed a very large quantity, for in a way the city was for them a camp. And as for their security in general, both that of themselves and of their slaves, they got it from the defences in their strongholds, of which there are many, some belonging to the king and others to their friends. Mazaca is distant from Pontus about eight hundred stadia to the south, from the Euphrates slightly less than double that distance, and from the Cilician Gates and the camp of Cyrus a journey of six days by way of Tyana. Tyana is situated at the middle of the journey and is three hundred stadia distant from Cybistra. The Mazaceni use the laws of Charondas, choosing also a Nomodus, who, like the jurisconsults among the Romans, is the expounder of the laws. But Tigranes put the people in bad plight when he overran Cappadocia, for he forced them, one and all, to migrate into Mesopotamia; and it was mostly with these that he settled Tigranocerta. But later, after the capture of Tigranocerta, those who could returned home.,10. The size of the country is as follows: In breadth, from Pontus to the Taurus, about one thousand eight hundred stadia, and in length, from Lycaonia and Phrygia to the Euphrates towards the east and Armenia, about three thousand. It is an excellent country, not only in respect to fruits, but particularly in respect to grain and all kinds of cattle. Although it lies farther south than Pontus, it is colder. Bagadania, though level and farthest south of all (for it lies at the foot of the Taurus), produces hardly any fruit-bearing trees, although it is grazed by wild asses, both it and the greater part of the rest of the country, and particularly that round Garsauira and Lycaonia and Morimene. In Cappadocia is produced also the ruddle called Sinopean, the best in the world, although the Iberian rivals it. It was named Sinopean because the merchants were wont to bring it down thence to Sinope before the traffic of the Ephesians had penetrated as far as the people of Cappadocia. It is said that also slabs of crystal and of onyx stone were found by the miners of Archelaus near the country of the Galatians. There was a certain place, also, which had white stone that was like ivory in color and yielded pieces of the size of small whetstones; and from these pieces they made handles for their small swords. And there was another place which yielded such large lumps of transparent stone that they were exported. The boundary of Pontus and Cappadocia is a mountain tract parallel to the Taurus, which has its beginning at the western extremities of Chammanene, where is situated Dasmenda, a stronghold with sheer ascent, and extends to the eastern extremities of Laviansene. Both Chammanene and Laviansene are prefectures in Cappadocia.,11. It came to pass, as soon as the Romans, after conquering Antiochus, began to administer the affairs of Asia and were forming friendships and alliances both with the tribes and with the kings, that in all other cases they gave this honor to the kings individually, but gave it to the king of Cappadocia and the tribe jointly. And when the royal family died out, the Romans, in accordance with their compact of friendship and alliance with the tribe, conceded to them the right to live under their own laws; but those who came on the embassy not only begged off from the freedom (for they said that they were unable to bear it), but requested that a king be appointed for them. The Romans, amazed that any people should be so tired of freedom, — at any rate, they permitted them to choose by vote from their own number whomever they wished. And they chose Ariobarzanes; but in the course of the third generation his family died out; and Archelaus was appointed king, though not related to the people, being appointed by Antony. So much for Greater Cappadocia. As for Cilicia Tracheia, which was added to Greater Cappadocia, it is better for me to describe it in my account of the whole of Cilicia. 12.2.7. Only two prefectures have cities, Tyanitis the city Tyana, which lies below the Taurus at the Cilician Gates, where for all is the easiest and most commonly used pass into Cilicia and Syria. It is called Eusebeia near the Taurus; and its territory is for the most part fertile and level. Tyana is situated upon a mound of Semiramis, which is beautifully fortified. Not far from this city are Castabala and Cybistra, towns still nearer to the mountain. At Castabala is the sanctuary of the Perasian Artemis, where the priestesses, it is said, walk with naked feet over hot embers without pain. And here, too, some tell us over and over the same story of Orestes and Tauropolus, asserting that she was called Perasian because she was brought from the other side. So then, in the prefecture Tyanitis, one of the ten above mentioned is Tyana (I am not enumerating along with these prefectures those that were acquired later, I mean Castabala and Cybistra and the places in Cilicia Tracheia, where is Elaeussa, a very fertile island, which was settled in a noteworthy manner by Archelaus, who spent the greater part of his time there), whereas Mazaca, the metropolis of the tribe, is in the Cilician prefecture, as it is called. This city, too, is called Eusebeia, with the additional words near the Argaeus, for it is situated below the Argaeus, the highest mountain of all, whose summit never fails to have snow upon it; and those who ascend it (those are few) say that in clear weather both seas, both the Pontus and the Issian Sea, are visible from it. Now in general Mazaca is not naturally a suitable place for the founding of a city, for it is without water and unfortified by nature; and, because of the neglect of the prefects, it is also without walls (perhaps intentionally so, in order that people inhabiting a plain, with hills above it that were advantageous and beyond range of missiles, might not, through too much reliance upon the wall as a fortification, engage in plundering). Further, the districts all round are utterly barren and untilled, although they are level; but they are sandy and are rocky underneath. And, proceeding a little farther on, one comes to plains extending over many stadia that are volcanic and full of fire-pits; and therefore the necessaries of life must be brought from a distance. And further, that which seems to be an advantage is attended with peril, for although almost the whole of Cappadocia is without timber, the Argaeus has forests all round it, and therefore the working of timber is close at hand; but the region which lies below the forests also contains fires in many places and at the same time has an underground supply of cold water, although neither the fire nor the water emerges to the surface; and therefore most of the country is covered with grass. In some places, also, the ground is marshy, and at night flames rise therefrom. Now those who are acquainted with the country can work the timber, since they are on their guard, but the country is perilous for most people, and especially for cattle, since they fall into the hidden fire-pits. 14.5.6. Then, after Corycus, one comes to Elaeussa, an island lying close to the mainland, which Archelaus settled, making it a royal residence, after he had received the whole of Cilicia Tracheia except Seleuceia — the same way in which it was obtained formerly by Amyntas and still earlier by Cleopatra; for since the region was naturally well adapted to the business of piracy both by land and by sea — by land, because of the height of the mountains and the large tribes that live beyond them, tribes which have plains and farm-lands that are large and easily overrun, and by sea, because of the good supply, not only of shipbuilding timber, but also of harbors and fortresses and secret recesses — with all this in view, I say, the Romans thought that it was better for the region to be ruled by kings than to be under the Roman prefects sent to administer justice, who were not likely always to be present or to have armed forces with them. Thus Archelaus received, in addition to Cappadocia, Cilicia Tracheia; and the boundary of the latter, the river Lamus and the village of the same name, lies between Soli and Elaeussa. 14.5.10. Above Anchiale lies Cyinda, a fortress, which at one time was used as a treasury by the Macedonians. But the treasures were taken away by Eumenes, when he revolted from Antigonus. And still above this and Soli is a mountainous country, in which is a city Olbe, with a sanctuary of Zeus, founded by Ajax the son of Teucer. The priest of this sanctuary became dynast of Cilicia Tracheia; and then the country was beset by numerous tyrants, and the gangs of pirates were organized. And after the overthrow of these they called this country the domain of Teucer, and called the same also the priesthood of Teucer; and most of the priests were named Teucer or Ajax. But Aba, the daughter of Xenophanes, one of the tyrants, came into this family by marriage and herself took possession of the empire, her father having previously received it in the guise of guardian. But later both Antony and Cleopatra conferred it upon her as a favor, being moved by her courteous entreaties. And then she was overthrown, but the empire remained with her descendants. After Anchiale one comes to the outlets of the Cydnus, near the Rhegma, as it is called. It is a place that forms into a lake, having also ancient arsenals; and into it empties the Cydnus River, which flows through the middle of Tarsus and has its sources in the city Taurus, which lies above Tarsus. The lake is also the naval station of Tarsus. 14.5.14. The following men were natives of Tarsus: among the Stoics, Antipater and Archedemus and Nestor; and also the two Athenodoruses, one of whom, called Cordylion, lived with Marcus Cato and died at his house; and the other, the son of Sandon, called Caites after some village, was Caesar's teacher and was greatly honored by him; and when he returned to his native land, now an old man, he broke up the government there established, which was being badly conducted by Boethus, among others, who was a bad poet and a bad citizen, having prevailed there by currying the favour of the people. He had been raised to prominence by Antony, who at the outset received favorably the poem which he had written upon the victory at Philippi, but still more by that facility prevalent among the Tarsians whereby he could instantly speak offhand and unceasingly on any given subject. Furthermore, Antony promised the Tarsians an office of gymnasiarch, but appointed Boethus instead of a gymnasiarch, and entrusted to him the expenditures. But Boethus was caught secreting, among other things, the olive-oil; and when he was being proven guilty by his accusers in the presence of Antony he deprecated Antony's wrath, saying, among other things, that Just as Homer had hymned the praises of Achilles and Agamemnon and Odysseus, so I have hymned thine. It is not right, therefore, that I should be brought before you on such slanderous charges. When, however, the accuser caught the statement, he said, Yes, but Homer did not steal Agamemnon's oil, nor yet that of Achilles, but you did; and therefore you shall be punished. However, he broke the wrath of Antony by courteous attentions, and no less than before kept on plundering the city until the overthrow of Antony. Finding the city in this plight, Athenodorus for a time tried to induce both Boethus and his partisans to change their course; but since they would abstain from no act of insolence, he used the authority given him by Caesar, condemned them to exile, and expelled them. These at first indicted him with the following inscription on the walls: Work for young men, counsels for the middle-aged, and flatulence for old men; and when he, taking the inscription as a joke, ordered the following words to be inscribed beside it, thunder for old men, someone, contemptuous of all decency and afflicted with looseness of the bowels, profusely bespattered the door and wall of Athenodorus' house as he was passing by it at night. Athenodorus, while bringing accusations in the assembly against the faction, said: One may see the sickly plight and the disaffection of the city in many ways, and in particular from its excrements. These men were Stoics; but the Nestor of my time, the teacher of Marcellus, son of Octavia the sister of Caesar, was an Academician. He too was at the head of the government of Tarsus, having succeeded Athenodorus; and he continued to be held in honor both by the prefects and in the city. |
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| 163. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 259 |
| 164. Suetonius, Divus Iulius (Caes.), 45.3, 80.2 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 34 |
| 165. Apologia, Metamorphoses, 7.8 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 526 |
| 166. Epigraphy, Iljug, 2.678 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 218 |
| 167. Epigraphy, Igrr, 3.179 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 215 |
168. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, 9.6 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 75 | 9.6. Thus was the Eastern Empire preserved from the evils of war, and governed with high order, contrary to all expectations, for its ruler was still young. In the meantime, the Western Empire fell a prey to disorders, because many tyrants arose. After the death of Stilicho, Alaric, the leader of the Goths, sent an embassy to Honorius to treat of peace; but without avail. He advanced to Rome, and laid siege to it; and by posting a large army of barbarians on the banks of the Tiber, he effectually prevented the transmission of all provisions into the city from Portus. After the siege had lasted some time, and fearful ravages had been made in the city by famine and pestilence, many of the slaves, and most of the barbarians by race within the walls, deserted to Alaric. Those among the senators who still adhered to pagan superstition, proposed to offer sacrifices in the Capitol and the other temples; and certain Tuscans, who were summoned by the prefect of the city, promised to drive out the barbarians with thunder and lightning; they boasted of having performed a similar exploit at Larnia, a city of Tuscany, which Alaric had passed by for Rome, and had not taken. The event, however, proved that no advantage could be derived from these persons for the city. All persons of good sense were aware that the calamities which this siege entailed upon the Romans were indications of Divine wrath sent to chastise them for their luxury, their debauchery, and their manifold acts of injustice towards each other, as well as towards strangers. It is said that, when Alaric was marching against Rome, a good monk of Italy besought him to spare the city, and not to become the author of so many calamities. Alaric, in reply, assured him that he did not feel disposed to commence the siege, but that some resistless influence compelled and commanded him to go against Rome; and this he eventually did. While he was besieging the city, the inhabitants presented many gifts to him, and for some time he raised the siege, when the Romans agreed to persuade the emperor to enter into a treaty of peace with him. |
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| 169. Cicero, Pro P. Sestio, 19 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 447 |
| 170. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.8, 1.1.12, 1.5.9, 1.7.3-1.7.5, 3.2.17, 5.1.10, 6.5.1 Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators •senate, senators •senate/senators, meetings of Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 170, 171; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89, 188, 190; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151, 232; Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 228 |
| 171. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.100 Tagged with subjects: •senators •κράτιστος, rank title of equestrians, also of senators and imperial freedmen •λαμπρότατος, rank title of senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 202 |
| 172. Epigraphy, Illrp, 182, 310, 454, 466, 516, 561, 662, 309 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 205, 628 |
| 173. John Malalas, History, 15.16, 18.42, 18.136 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 56; Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 95, 108 |
| 174. Epigraphy, Tam, 2.495 Tagged with subjects: •onomastics, senators •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 266 |
| 175. Epigraphy, Mama, 7.305 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 384 |
| 176. Anon., Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum, 1, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-127, 13-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-67, 69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 68 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 206, 673 |
| 177. Epigraphy, Jiwe, None Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 374 |
| 178. Various, Anthologia Latina, 16.70 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 259 |
| 179. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, R.S., 24-25 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 229, 544 |
| 180. Cedrenus, Synopsis Historion, 1.621-1.622, 1.795-1.796 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 95, 259 |
| 181. Zonaras, Epitome, 14.2.8-14.2.11, 14.2.29, 15.3.13-15.3.22 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 95, 259 |
| 182. Various, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, 2.1.277-2.1.278, 2.1.411 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 266 |
| 183. Epigraphy, T. Pomp, 1, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-129, 13, 130-139, 14, 140-149, 15, 150-153, 16-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 31-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 30 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 673 |
| 184. Epigraphy, Gliankara, None Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 215 |
| 185. Epigraphy, Ilcv, 792, 63 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 374 |
| 186. Epigraphy, Cle, 7 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 205, 628 |
| 187. Epigraphy, Lex Coloniae Genetivae Iuliae, 62, 66, 70-71, 105 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 229 |
| 188. Epigraphy, Iltun, 193 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 374 |
| 189. Epigraphy, Eaor, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 552 |
| 190. Epigraphy, Fira, None Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 381 |
| 191. Xenophon, Equ., 12.10 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
| 192. Epigraphy, Igbulg, None Tagged with subjects: •senators •κράτιστος, rank title of equestrians, also of senators and imperial freedmen •λαμπρότατος, rank title of senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 202 |
| 193. Galen, De Praenot. Ad Postumum, 620.1, 625.3 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 539 |
| 194. Cicero, Pro M. Caelio, 77 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 447 |
195. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.1, 1.10 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 96; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 65 | 1.1. Arms and the man I sing, who first made way, 1.10. the Latin race, old Alba's reverend lords, |
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| 196. Plutarch, Amatorius 16. P. 720 B, a b c d\n0 16. 16. 16 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 547 |
| 197. Epigraphy, Aphrodisias, 4.104 Tagged with subjects: •senators, on stage Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 543 |
| 198. Epigraphy, Puhl And Möbius, 1136 Tagged with subjects: •senators, estates of Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 462 |
| 199. Caesar, Bg, 1.7.1, 2.35.4, 3.1-3.6, 4.38.5, 5.47.4, 6.35-6.42, 7.62.10, 7.78, 7.79.3, 7.90.7 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92, 149 |
| 200. Sha, M. Ant., 3 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245 |
| 201. Sha, Geta, 7 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245 |
| 203. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203 |
| 204. Plin., Ep., 4.13.1, 8.22, 9.23, 10.57.2 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 71, 76, 170 |
| 206. Eutrop., Flor. Epit., 1.1.15, 1.3, 1.6.3, 1.6.5, 1.6.8, 1.17, 1.22.54, 1.47.14, 1.48, 2.1.5-2.1.7, 2.9.6, 2.12.7, 2.14.4-2.14.8, 2.16, 2.21.2, 2.34.5-2.34.6 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 151 |
| 207. Mela, Nepos, None Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 210 |
| 208. Claudian, On The Gildonic Revolt, 427 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 34 |
| 209. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 5.51 Tagged with subjects: •pergamon, senators Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 366 |
| 210. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 8.5.3 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 86 |
| 211. Caesar, Bc, 2.23-2.30, 2.33-2.37 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92 |
| 212. Zonaras, Poroi, 7.26 Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89 |
| 214. Zosimus, Poroi, 2.16.1 Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 171 |
| 215. Epigraphy, Tralles, 51 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 261 |
| 216. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 266 |
| 217. Epigraphy, Ogis, 540, 458 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 316 |
| 218. Epigraphy, Ivo, 449-450 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 266 |
| 219. Epigraphy, Ils, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 342 |
| 220. Epigraphy, Igur, None Tagged with subjects: •senators, on stage •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 376, 543 |
| 221. Epigraphy, Ig Iv, 310, 1319 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251 |
| 222. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, 820, 892 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 215 |
| 223. Epigraphy, Ekm 1. Beroia, 117 Tagged with subjects: •senators Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 264 |
| 224. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 170 |
| 225. Valerius Antias, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •senate/senators Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 189 |
| 226. Augustus, Tam, 4.1.60 Tagged with subjects: •italics, knights and senators •senators, estates of Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 449 |
| 229. Epigraphy, Ms, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 462, 473 |
| 230. Augustus, Seg, 16.781 Tagged with subjects: •senators, from asia minor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 342 |
| 231. Dion of Prusa, Or., 31.66, 35.15 Tagged with subjects: •senators, governors of imperial provinces •senators, legates Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 317, 370 |
232. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 3.3.17, 8.8.10, 9.2.24 Tagged with subjects: •senators •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 173; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 288| 3.3.17. Cultus regis inter omnia luxuria notabatur: purpureae tunicae medium album intextum erat, pallam auro distinctam aurei accipitres, velut rostris inter se concurrerent, 8.8.10. At enim Persae, quos vicimus, in magno honore sunt apud me! Mihi quidem moderationis meae certissimum indicium est, quod ne victis quidem superbe impero. Veni enim in Asiam, non ut funditus everterem gentes nec ut dimidiam partem terrarum solitudinem facerem, 9.2.24. Sero hostium legiones numerare coepistis, postquam solitudinem in Asia vincendo fecistis. Cum per Hellespontum navigaremus, de paucitate nostra cogitandum fuit: nunc nos Scythae sequuntur, Bactriana auxilia praesto sunt, Dahae Sogdianique inter nos militant. | |
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| 233. Epigraphy, I. Epidauros Asklepieion, 133 Tagged with subjects: •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251 |
| 234. Michael Glycas, Annales, 4 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 259 |
| 235. Johannes of Damascus, Liber De Haeresibus, 8 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 259 |
| 236. Ephraem Aenius, Historia Chronica, 1002-1014 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 259 |
| 237. Johannes of Ephesus, Historiae Beatorum Orientalium, 43, 51, 40 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 108 |
| 239. Johannes of Ephesus, Historia Ecclesiastica, 2.482, 3.2.44, 3.36-3.37 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 108 |
| 240. Michael Syrus, Chronicon, 9.24, 9.33 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 108 |
| 241. Javol., Dig., 4.8.39 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 170 |
| 242. Zosimus, Epitome Historiarum, 5.38, 5.41-5.42 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 75 |
| 244. Anon., Passio S. Felicis Episcopi, 12 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 30 |
| 245. Anon., Passio Agapis Et Sociarum, 5.1, 6.1 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 30 |
| 246. Optatus of Milevis, Hal., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 30 |
| 247. Theophanes, Theophanes, 5982-5983 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 259 |
| 248. Manuscripts, Codices Latini Antiquiores, 1470, 1507, 304 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 12 |
| 249. Manuscripts, Codex Vaticanus Graecus, None Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 203 |
| 254. Prudentius, Praefatio Operum, 10-11, 7-9, 12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 184 |
| 255. Hebrew Bible, Matthew, 4.1-4.11 Tagged with subjects: •senate, senators Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 73 |
| 256. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 309-341, 343-376, 342 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 15 |
