1. Homer, Iliad, 2.212 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 138 | 2.212. / thundereth on the long beach, and the deep roareth.Now the others sate them down and were stayed in their places, only there still kept chattering on Thersites of measureless speech, whose mind was full of great store of disorderly words, wherewith to utter revilings against the kings, idly, and in no orderly wise, |
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| 2. Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes, 646-648 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 137, 138 |
| 3. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 175 |
| 4. Cicero, Letters, 1.14.5, 2.17.3, 5.11.3, 5.11.6, 6.1.15, 7.7.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 216, 227, 269 |
| 5. Cicero, Letters, 2.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 6. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 2.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 7. Cicero, In Pisonem, 37, 58 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 246 |
| 8. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 29.70, 70.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 9. Cicero, Pro Milone, 13.35 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
10. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.89 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 36| 1.89. quotiens non modo ductores nostri, sed universi etiam exercitus ad non dubiam mortem concurrerunt! concurrerunt V 2 concurrerint (con ex cu K 1 )X quae quidem si timeretur, non Lucius Brutus arcens eum reditu tyrannum, quem ipse expulerat, in proelio concidisset; non cum Latinis decertans pater Decius, cum Etruscis filius, cum Pyrrho pirrho GVK ( s. v. ) nepos se hostium telis obiecissent; non uno bello pro patria cadentis Scipiones Hispania vidisset, Paulum et Geminum geminium X Cannae, Venusia Marcellum, Litana Litana (cf. Liv. 23, 24) Li. latina GKR Albinum, hirpin in r. V c Lucani Gracchum. gracum G grachum V num quis horum miser hodie? ne tum ne tum G quidem post spiritum extremum; nec enim potest esse miser quisquam sensu perempto. | |
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11. Polybius, Histories, 1.7.12-1.7.13, 1.10.3-1.10.4, 1.88.8-1.88.12, 2.8.12-2.8.13, 3.4.2-3.4.3, 3.4.6-3.4.8, 3.4.13, 3.15.10, 3.17.4-3.17.8, 3.28.2, 3.118.8, 6.5-6.10, 6.11.11, 6.15.5, 6.16.2, 6.18.1-6.18.3, 6.18.5-6.18.8, 6.48.5-6.48.6, 6.50, 6.51.1-6.51.2, 6.53, 6.56.11, 6.58.1-6.58.13, 7.15.4-7.15.6, 7.19.6, 8.21.11, 10.6.10, 10.9.1, 10.40.5-10.40.6, 11.29.9-11.29.11, 14.1.13, 16.27.2-16.27.3, 16.34.3-16.34.4, 18.12.2-18.12.5, 18.35.1-18.35.2, 18.46.5, 18.47.1-18.47.2, 21.14.4-21.14.6, 21.31.9-21.31.11, 22.15.1-22.15.6, 23.2.6, 23.8.2, 24.10.5, 28.7.8, 29.2.1-29.2.2, 29.20.1-29.20.3, 30.5.12, 30.17, 30.17.2, 30.18.5, 30.23.1, 30.30.2-30.30.3, 31.1.6-31.1.8, 31.2.7, 31.10.6-31.10.8, 31.11.11, 31.21.6, 31.25.3-31.25.7, 32.3.11-32.3.13, 32.13, 32.13.4, 32.13.9, 33.7.3, 33.9.1-33.9.8, 33.12.8, 35.2.14, 35.3, 35.3.1-35.3.2, 35.3.4, 35.3.6, 35.3.8-35.3.9, 35.4.1, 35.4.3-35.4.7, 35.4.13, 36.2, 36.9.6, 38.9.3, 38.20.1-38.20.3, 39.5.2-39.5.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), senate, relationship with •caria/carians, declared free by roman senate •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212, 225, 244; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 228; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 20, 73, 125, 131, 134, 135, 138, 139, 140, 144, 146; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 120| 1.7.12. ὧν ἀναπεμφθέντων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, οἱ στρατηγοὶ προαγαγόντες εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ μαστιγώσαντες ἅπαντας κατὰ τὸ παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἔθος ἐπελέκισαν, βουλόμενοι διὰ τῆς εἰς ἐκείνους τιμωρίας, καθʼ ὅσον οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν, διορθοῦσθαι παρὰ τοῖς συμμάχοις τὴν αὑτῶν πίστιν. 1.7.13. τὴν δὲ χώραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν παραχρῆμα τοῖς Ῥηγίνοις ἀπέδοσαν. 1.10.3. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἠπόρησαν διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν ἐξόφθαλμον εἶναι τὴν ἀλογίαν τῆς βοηθείας. 1.10.4. τὸ γὰρ μικρῷ πρότερον τοὺς ἰδίους πολίτας μετὰ τῆς μεγίστης ἀνῃρηκότας τιμωρίας, ὅτι Ῥηγίνους παρεσπόνδησαν, παραχρῆμα Μαμερτίνοις βοηθεῖν ζητεῖν τοῖς τὰ παραπλήσια πεποιηκόσιν οὐ μόνον εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν Ῥηγίνων πόλιν, δυσαπολόγητον εἶχε τὴν ἁμαρτίαν. 1.88.8. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Σαρδόνος αὐτομολησάντων μισθοφόρων πρὸς σφᾶς ἐκκληθέντες ἐπεβάλοντο πλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν προειρημένην νῆσον. τῶν δὲ Καρχηδονίων ἀγανακτούντων, 1.88.9. ὡς αὐτοῖς καθηκούσης μᾶλλον τῆς τῶν Σαρδῴων δυναστείας, καὶ παρασκευαζομένων μεταπορεύεσθαι τοὺς ἀποστήσαντας αὐτῶν τὴν νῆσον, 1.88.10. λαβόμενοι τῆς ἀφορμῆς ταύτης οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πόλεμον ἐψηφίσαντο πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους, φάσκοντες αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἐπὶ Σαρδονίους, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ποιεῖσθαι τὴν παρασκευήν. 1.88.11. οἱ δὲ παραδόξως διαπεφευγότες τὸν προειρημένον πόλεμον, κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἀφυῶς διακείμενοι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν πρὸς τὸ πάλιν ἀναλαμβάνειν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀπέχθειαν, 1.88.12. εἴξαντες τοῖς καιροῖς οὐ μόνον ἀπέστησαν τῆς Σαρδόνος, ἀλλὰ καὶ χίλια τάλαντα καὶ διακόσια προσέθηκαν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἀναδέξασθαι τὸν πόλεμον. ταῦτα μὲν οὕτως ἐπράχθη. 2.8.12. ἡ δὲ γυναικοθύμως καὶ ἀλογίστως δεξαμένη τὴν παρρησίαν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξωργίσθη πρὸς τὸ ῥηθὲν ὡς ὀλιγωρήσασα τῶν παρʼ ἀνθρώποις ὡρισμένων δικαίων ἀποπλέουσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπαποστεῖλαί τινας τὸν παρρησιασάμενον τῶν πρέσβεων ἀποκτεῖναι. 2.8.13. προσπεσόντος δὲ τοῦ γεγονότος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, διοργισθέντες ἐπὶ τῇ παρανομίᾳ τῆς γυναικὸς εὐθέως περὶ παρασκευὴν ἐγίνοντο καὶ στρατόπεδα κατέγραφον καὶ στόλον συνήθροιζον. 3.4.2. ὅ τε γὰρ χρόνος ὁ πεντηκοντακαιτριετὴς εἰς ταῦτʼ ἔληγεν, ἥ τʼ αὔξησις καὶ προκοπὴ τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυναστείας ἐτετελείωτο· 3.4.3. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὁμολογούμενον ἐδόκει τοῦτʼ εἶναι καὶ κατηναγκασμένον ἅπασιν ὅτι λοιπόν ἐστι Ῥωμαίων ἀκούειν καὶ τούτοις πειθαρχεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν παραγγελλομένων. 3.4.6. προσθετέον ἂν εἴη ταῖς προειρημέναις πράξεσι τήν τε τῶν κρατούντων αἵρεσιν, ποία τις ἦν μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ πῶς προεστάτει τῶν ὅλων, τάς τε τῶν ἄλλων ἀποδοχὰς καὶ διαλήψεις, πόσαι καὶ τίνες ὑπῆρχον περὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰς ὁρμὰς καὶ τοὺς ζήλους ἐξηγητέον, τίνες παρʼ ἑκάστοις ἐπεκράτουν καὶ κατίσχυον περί τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰς κοινὰς πολιτείας. 3.4.7. δῆλον γὰρ ὡς ἐκ τούτων φανερὸν ἔσται τοῖς μὲν νῦν οὖσιν πότερα φευκτὴν ἢ τοὐναντίον αἱρετὴν εἶναι συμβαίνει τὴν Ῥωμαίων δυναστείαν, τοῖς δʼ ἐπιγενομένοις πότερον ἐπαινετὴν καὶ ζηλωτὴν ἢ ψεκτὴν γεγονέναι νομιστέον τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῶν. 3.4.8. τὸ γὰρ ὠφέλιμον τῆς ἡμετέρας ἱστορίας πρός τε τὸ παρὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐν τούτῳ πλεῖστον κείσεται τῷ μέρει. 3.4.13. ὑπὲρ ἧς διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ πράξεων καὶ τὸ παράδοξον τῶν συμβαινόντων, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, διὰ τὸ τῶν πλείστων μὴ μόνον αὐτόπτης, ἀλλʼ ὧν μὲν συνεργὸς ὧν δὲ καὶ χειριστὴς γεγονέναι, προήχθην οἷον ἀρ 3.15.10. πόσῳ γὰρ ἦν ἄμεινον οἴεσθαι δεῖν Ῥωμαίους ἀποδοῦναι σφίσι Σαρδόνα καὶ τοὺς ἐπιταχθέντας ἅμα ταύτῃ φόρους, οὓς τοῖς καιροῖς συνεπιθέμενοι πρότερον ἀδίκως παρʼ αὐτῶν ἔλαβον· εἰ δὲ μή, φάναι πολεμήσειν; 3.17.4. ᾗ τότε παραστρατοπεδεύσας Ἀννίβας ἐνεργὸς ἐγίνετο περὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν, πολλὰ προορώμενος εὔχρηστα πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν αὐτήν. 3.17.5. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ὑπέλαβε παρελέσθαι Ῥωμαίων τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ συστήσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ· δεύτερον δὲ καταπληξάμενος ἅπαντας εὐτακτοτέρους μὲν ἐπέπειστο παρασκευάσειν τοὺς ὑφʼ αὐτὸν ἤδη ταττομένους, εὐλαβεστέρους δὲ τοὺς ἀκμὴν αὐτοκράτορας ὄντας τῶν Ἰβήρων, 3.17.6. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, οὐδὲν ἀπολιπὼν ὄπισθεν πολέμιον ἀσφαλῶς ποιήσεσθαι τὴν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν πορείαν. 3.17.7. χωρίς τε τούτων εὐπορήσειν μὲν χορηγιῶν αὐτὸς ὑπελάμβανεν πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολάς, προθυμίαν δʼ ἐνεργάσεσθαι ταῖς δυνάμεσιν ἐκ τῆς ἐσομένης ἑκάστοις ὠφελείας, προκαλέσεσθαι δὲ τὴν εὔνοιαν τῶν ἐν οἴκῳ Καρχηδονίων διὰ τῶν ἀποσταλησομένων αὐτοῖς λαφύρων. 3.17.8. τοιούτοις δὲ χρώμενος διαλογισμοῖς ἐνεργῶς προσέκειτο τῇ πολιορκίᾳ, τοτὲ μὲν ὑπόδειγμα τῷ πλήθει ποιῶν αὑτὸν καὶ γινόμενος αὐτουργὸς τῆς ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις ταλαιπωρίας, ἔστι δʼ ὅτε παρακαλῶν τὰ πλήθη καὶ παραβόλως διδοὺς αὑτὸν εἰς τοὺς κινδύνους. 3.28.2. ἀλλʼ ὁμολογουμένως τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἠναγκασμένους παρὰ πάντα τὰ δίκαια διὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκχωρῆσαι μὲν Σαρδόνος, ἐξενεγκεῖν δὲ τὸ προειρημένον πλῆθος τῶν χρημάτων. 3.118.8. ὁμολογουμένως γὰρ Ῥωμαίων ἡττηθέντων τότε καὶ παραχωρησάντων τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀρετῆς, 6.11.11. ἦν μὲν δὴ τρία μέρη τὰ κρατοῦντα τῆς πολιτείας, ἅπερ εἶπα πρότερον ἅπαντα· οὕτως δὲ πάντα κατὰ μέρος ἴσως καὶ πρεπόντως συνετέτακτο καὶ διῳκεῖτο διὰ τούτων ὥστε μηδένα ποτʼ ἂν εἰπεῖν δύνασθαι βεβαίως μηδὲ τῶν ἐγχωρίων πότερʼ ἀριστοκρατικὸν τὸ πολίτευμα σύμπαν ἢ δημοκρατικὸν ἢ μοναρχικόν. 6.15.5. ὥστʼ ἀπράκτους γίνεσθαι τὰς ἐπιβολὰς τῶν ἡγουμένων, ἐθελοκακεῖν καὶ κωλυσιεργεῖν προθεμένης τῆς συγκλήτου. 6.16.2. τὰς δʼ ὁλοσχερεστάτας καὶ μεγίστας ζητήσεις καὶ διορθώσεις τῶν ἁμαρτανομένων κατὰ τῆς πολιτείας, οἷς θάνατος ἀκολουθεῖ τὸ πρόστιμον, οὐ δύναται συντελεῖν, ἂν μὴ συνεπικυρώσῃ τὸ προβεβουλευμένον ὁ δῆμος. 6.18.1. τοιαύτης δʼ οὔσης τῆς ἑκάστου τῶν μερῶν δυνάμεως εἰς τὸ καὶ βλάπτειν καὶ συνεργεῖν ἀλλήλοις, πρὸς πάσας συμβαίνει τὰς περιστάσεις δεόντως ἔχειν τὴν ἁρμογὴν αὐτῶν, ὥστε μὴ οἷόν τʼ εἶναι ταύτης εὑρεῖν ἀμείνω πολιτείας σύστασιν. 6.18.2. ὅταν μὲν γάρ τις ἔξωθεν κοινὸς φόβος ἐπιστὰς ἀναγκάσῃ σφᾶς συμφρονεῖν καὶ συνεργεῖν ἀλλήλοις, τηλικαύτην καὶ τοιαύτην συμβαίνει γίνεσθαι τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ πολι 6.18.3. τεύματος ὥστε μήτε παραλείπεσθαι τῶν δεόντων μηδέν, ἅτε περὶ τὸ προσπεσὸν ἀεὶ πάντων ὁμοῦ ταῖς ἐπινοίαις ἁμιλλωμένων, μήτε τὸ κριθὲν ὑστερεῖν τοῦ καιροῦ, κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἑκάστου συνεργοῦντος πρὸς τὴν τοῦ προκειμένου συντέλειαν. 6.18.5. ὅταν γε μὴν πάλιν ἀπολυθέντες τῶν ἐκτὸς φόβων ἐνδιατρίβωσι ταῖς εὐτυχίαις καὶ περιουσίαις ταῖς ἐκ τῶν κατορθωμάτων, ἀπολαύοντες τῆς εὐδαιμονίας, καὶ ὑποκολακευόμενοι καὶ ῥᾳθυμοῦντες τρέπωνται πρὸς ὕβριν καὶ πρὸς ὑπερηφανίαν, ὃ δὴ φιλεῖ γίνεσθαι, 6.18.6. τότε καὶ μάλιστα συνιδεῖν ἔστιν αὐτὸ παρʼ αὑτοῦ ποριζόμενον τὸ πολίτευμα τὴν βοήθειαν. 6.18.7. ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ἐξοιδοῦν τι τῶν μερῶν φιλονεικῇ καὶ πλέον τοῦ δέοντος ἐπικρατῇ, δῆλον ὡς οὐδενὸς αὐτοτελοῦς ὄντος κατὰ τὸν ἄρτι λόγον, ἀντισπᾶσθαι δὲ καὶ παραποδίζεσθαι δυναμένης τῆς ἑκάστου προθέσεως ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων, οὐδὲν ἐξοιδεῖ τῶν μερῶν οὐδʼ ὑπερφρονεῖ. 6.18.8. πάντα γὰρ ἐμμένει τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις τὰ μὲν κωλυόμενα τῆς ὁρμῆς, τὰ δʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς δεδιότα τὴν ἐκ τοῦ πέλας ἐπίστασιν. [ ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 66 εχξ. αντ. π. 177 .] 6.48.5. διόπερ οὕτως καὶ διὰ τούτων συστησάμενος τὴν πολιτείαν, βεβαίαν μὲν τῇ συμπάσῃ Λακωνικῇ παρεσκεύασε τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, πολυχρόνιον δὲ τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις αὐτοῖς ἀπέλιπε τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. 6.48.6. πρὸς μέντοι γε τὴν τῶν πέλας κατάκτησιν καὶ πρὸς ἡγεμονίαν καὶ καθόλου πρὸς πραγμάτων ἀμφισβήτησιν οὔτʼ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος οὔτʼ ἐν τοῖς ὅλοις δοκεῖ μοι προνοηθῆναι καθάπαξ οὐδέν. 6.51.1. τὸ δὲ Καρχηδονίων πολίτευμα τὸ μὲν ἀνέκαθέν μοι δοκεῖ καλῶς κατά γε τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαφορὰς συνεστάσθαι. 6.51.2. καὶ γὰρ βασιλεῖς ἦσαν παρʼ αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ γερόντιον εἶχε τὴν ἀριστοκρατικὴν ἐξουσίαν, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἦν κύριον τῶν καθηκόντων αὐτῷ· καθόλου δὲ τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἁρμογὴν εἶχε παραπλησίαν τῇ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων. 6.56.11. ἐπεὶ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθός ἐστιν ἐλαφρὸν καὶ πλῆρες ἐπιθυμιῶν παρανόμων, ὀργῆς ἀλόγου, θυμοῦ βιαίου, λείπεται τοῖς ἀδήλοις φόβοις καὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ τραγῳδίᾳ τὰ πλήθη συνέχειν. 6.58.1. τῶν δὲ συναπτόντων μερῶν τῆς ἱστορίας τοῖς καιροῖς, ἀφʼ ὧν παρεξέβημεν, παραλαβόντες ἐπὶ βραχὺ μιᾶς πράξεως ποιησόμεθα κεφαλαιώδη μνήμην, ἵνα μὴ τῷ λόγῳ μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὥσπερ ἀγαθοῦ τεχνίτου δεῖγμα τῶν ἔργων ἕν τι προενεγκάμενοι, φανερὰν ποιήσωμεν τῆς πολιτείας τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ δύναμιν, οἵα τις ἦν κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους. 6.58.2. Ἀννίβας γὰρ ἐπειδὴ τῇ περὶ Κάνναν μάχῃ περιγενόμενος Ῥωμαίων ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο τῶν τὸν χάρακα φυλαττόντων ὀκτακισχιλίων, ζωγρήσας ἅπαντας συνεχώρησε διαπέμπεσθαι σφίσι πρὸς τοὺς ἐν οἴκῳ περὶ λύτρων καὶ σωτηρίας. 6.58.3. τῶν δὲ προχειρισαμένων δέκα τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους, ὁρκίσας ἦ μὴν ἐπανήξειν πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐξέπεμψε τούτους. 6.58.4. εἷς δὲ τῶν προχειρισθέντων ἐκπορευόμενος ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἤδη, καί τι φήσας ἐπιλελῆσθαι, πάλιν ἀνέκαμψε, καὶ λαβὼν τὸ καταλειφθὲν αὖθις ἀπελύετο, νομίζων διὰ τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως τετηρηκέναι τὴν πίστιν καὶ λελυκέναι τὸν ὅρκον. 6.58.5. ὧν παραγενομένων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, καὶ δεομένων καὶ παρακαλούντων τὴν σύγκλητον μὴ φθονῆσαι τοῖς ἑαλωκόσι τῆς σωτηρίας, ἀλλʼ ἐᾶσαι τρεῖς μνᾶς ἕκαστον καταβαλόντα σωθῆναι πρὸς τοὺς ἀναγκαίους· τοῦτο γὰρ συγχωρεῖν ἔφασαν τὸν Ἀννίβαν· 6.58.6. εἶναι δʼ ἀξίους σωτηρίας αὑτούς· οὔτε γὰρ ἀποδεδειλιακέναι κατὰ τὴν μάχην οὔτʼ ἀνάξιον οὐδὲν πεποιηκέναι τῆς Ῥώμης, ἀλλʼ ἀπολειφθέντας τὸν χάρακα τηρεῖν, πάντων ἀπολομένων τῶν ἄλλων ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῷ καιρῷ περιληφθέντας ὑποχειρίους γενέσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις. 6.58.7. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ μεγάλοις κατὰ τὰς μάχας περιπεπτωκότες ἐλαττώμασι, πάντων δʼ ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν ἐστερημένοι τότε τῶν συμμάχων, ὅσον οὔπω δὲ προσδοκῶντες τὸν περὶ τῆς πατρίδος αὐτοῖς ἐκφέρεσθαι κίνδυνον, 6.58.8. διακούσαντες τῶν λεγομένων οὔτε τοῦ πρέποντος αὑτοῖς εἴξαντες ταῖς συμφοραῖς ὠλιγώρησαν οὔτε τῶν δεόντων οὐδὲν τοῖς λογισμοῖς παρεῖδον, 6.58.9. ἀλλὰ συνιδόντες τὴν Ἀννίβου πρόθεσιν, ὅτι βούλεται διὰ τῆς πράξεως ταύτης ἅμα μὲν εὐπορῆσαι χρημάτων, ἅμα δὲ τὸ φιλότιμον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἐξελέσθαι τῶν ἀντιταττομένων, ὑποδείξας ὅτι τοῖς ἡττημένοις ὅμως ἐλπὶς ἀπολείπεται σωτηρίας, 6.58.10. τοσοῦτʼ ἀπέσχον τοῦ ποιῆσαί τι τῶν ἀξιουμένων ὥστʼ οὔτε τὸν τῶν οἰκείων ἔλεον οὔτε τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐσομένας χρείας ἐποιήσαντο περὶ πλείονος, 6.58.11. ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν Ἀννίβου λογισμοὺς καὶ τὰς ἐν τούτοις ἐλπίδας ἀπέδειξαν κενάς, ἀπειπάμενοι τὴν διαλύτρωσιν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, τοῖς δὲ παρʼ αὑτῶν ἐνομοθέτησαν ἢ νικᾶν μαχομένους ἢ θνήσκειν, ὡς ἄλλης οὐδεμιᾶς ἐλπίδος ὑπαρχούσης εἰς σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς ἡττωμένοις. 6.58.12. διὸ καὶ ταῦτα προθέμενοι τοὺς μὲν ἐννέα τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἐθελοντὴν κατὰ τὸν ὅρκον ἀναχωροῦντας ἐξέπεμψαν, τὸν δὲ σοφισάμενον πρὸς τὸ λῦσαι τὸν ὅρκον δήσαντες ἀποκατέστησαν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, 6.58.13. ὥστε τὸν Ἀννίβαν μὴ τοσοῦτον χαρῆναι νικήσαντα τῇ μάχῃ Ῥωμαίους ὡς συντριβῆναι καταπλαγέντα τὸ στάσιμον καὶ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐν τοῖς διαβουλίοις. [ ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 94 εχξ. αντ. π. 192. ] 7.15.4. καὶ τότε θεωρῶν κατὰ τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν δόξαν περὶ τῆς τῶν Σάρδεων ὀχυρότητος ἅπαντας ἀπεγνωκότας ὡς διὰ τοιαύτης πράξεως κυριεύσειν αὐτῆς, μίαν δὲ ταύτην ἔχοντας ἐλπίδα τοῦ διὰ τῆς ἐνδείας κρατήσειν τῆς πόλεως, 7.15.5. τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον προσεῖχε καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἠρεύνα, σπεύδων ἀφορμῆς τινος ἐπιλαβέσθαι τοιαύτης. 7.15.6. συνθεωρήσας δὲ τὸ κατὰ τὸν καλούμενον Πρίονα τεῖχος ἀφυλακτούμενον — οὗτος δʼ ἔστι τόπος ὁ συνάπτων τὴν ἄκραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν — ἐγίνετο περὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα καὶ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ταύτην. 8.21.11. καθʼ ἕνα μὲν πρὸς τὸ μηδενὶ πιστεύειν ῥᾳδίως, καθʼ ἕτερον δὲ πρὸς τὸ μὴ μεγαλαυχεῖν ἐν ταῖς εὐπραγίαις, πᾶν δὲ προσδοκᾶν ἀνθρώπους ὄντας. [ ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 109 εχξ. αντ. π. 199 ετ ινδε αβ 360, 10. πιστεύειν εχξ. ϝατ. π. 374 μ. 27, 1 η. ποστ υνιυς φολιι λαξυναμ ϝ. ϝιιι, 36, 9 .] 10.6.10. ἔτος γὰρ ἕβδομον ἔχων πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ πράξεις αὑτὸν ἔδωκε τελέως παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀπηλπισμένας διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν προγεγονότων ἐλαττωμάτων, 10.9.1. ἐγίνετο τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐν τῇ παραχειμασίᾳ. καὶ ταύτην ἔχων τὴν ἐπιβολὴν καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἣν ἀρτίως εἶπα, πάντας ἀπεκρύψατο χωρὶς Γαΐου Λαιλίου, μέχρι πάλιν αὐτὸς ἔκρινε φανερὸν ποιεῖν. 10.40.5. διὸ καὶ συναθροίσας τοὺς Ἴβηρας βασιλικὸς μὲν ἔφη βούλεσθαι καὶ λέγεσθαι παρὰ πᾶσι καὶ ταῖς ἀληθείαις ὑπάρχειν, βασιλεύς γε μὴν οὔτʼ εἶναι θέλειν οὔτε λέγεσθαι παρʼ οὐδενί. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν παρήγγειλε στρατηγὸν αὑτὸν προσφωνεῖν. 10.40.6. ἴσως μὲν οὖν καὶ τότε δικαίως ἄν τις ἐπεσημήνατο τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν τἀνδρός, ᾗ κομιδῇ νέος ὢν καὶ τῆς τύχης αὐτῷ συνεκδραμούσης ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε πάντας τοὺς ὑποταττομένους ἐξ αὑτῶν ἐπί τε ταύτην κατενεχθῆναι τὴν διάληψιν καὶ τὴν ὀνομασίαν, ὅμως ἐν ἑαυτῷ διέμεινε καὶ παρῃτεῖτο τὴν τοιαύτην ὁρμὴν καὶ φαντασίαν. 11.29.9. ταῦτα δʼ ἐστὶ διότι πᾶς ὄχλος εὐπαραλόγιστος ὑπάρχει καὶ πρὸς πᾶν εὐάγωγος. ὅθεν αἰεὶ τὸ παραπλήσιον πάθος συμβαίνει περί τε τοὺς ὄχλους καὶ τὴν θάλατταν. 11.29.10. καθάπερ γὰρ κἀκείνης ἡ μὲν ἰδία φύσις ἐστὶν ἀβλαβὴς τοῖς χρωμένοις καὶ στάσιμος, ὅταν δʼ εἰς αὐτὴν ἐμπέσῃ τὰ πνεύματα βίᾳ, τοιαύτη φαίνεται τοῖς χρωμένοις οἷοί τινες ἂν ὦσιν οἱ κυκλοῦντες αὐτὴν ἄνεμοι, 11.29.11. τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἀεὶ καὶ φαίνεται καὶ γίνεται πρὸς τοὺς χρωμένους οἵους ἂν ἔχῃ προστάτας καὶ συμβούλους. 14.1.13. ἐν αἷς ὁ Πόπλιος ἀεί τινας μὲν τῶν πραγματικῶν, οὓς δὲ καὶ στρατιωτικῶν, ῥυπῶντας καὶ ταπεινούς, εἰς δουλικὰς ἐσθῆτας διασκευάζων, μετὰ τῶν ἀποστελλομένων ἐξέπεμπε χάριν τοῦ τὰς προσόδους καὶ τὰς εἰσόδους τὰς εἰς ἑκατέραν τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἀσφαλῶς ἐξερευνῆσαι καὶ κατοπτεῦσαι. 16.27.2. Ῥωμαῖοι κήρυκα συνέμιξαν αὐτῷ καὶ παρεκάλεσαν ἀναγγεῖλαι τῷ Φιλίππῳ διότι Ῥωμαῖοι παρακαλοῦσι τὸν βασιλέα τῶν μὲν Ἑλλήνων μηδενὶ πολεμεῖν, τῶν δὲ γεγονότων εἰς Ἄτταλον ἀδικημάτων δίκας ὑπέχειν ἐν ἴσῳ κριτηρίῳ, 16.27.3. καὶ διότι πράξαντι μὲν ταῦτα τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγειν ἔξεστι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, μὴ βουλομένῳ δὲ πείθεσθαι τἀναντία συνεξακολουθήσειν ἔφασαν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Νικάνωρ ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας ἀπηλλάγη· 16.34.3. ὃς καὶ συμμίξας περὶ τὴν Ἄβυδον διεσάφει τῷ βασιλεῖ διότι δέδοκται τῇ συγκλήτῳ παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν μήτε τῶν Ἑλλήνων μηδενὶ πολεμεῖν μήτε τοῖς Πτολεμαίου πράγμασιν ἐπιβάλλειν τὰς χεῖρας, περὶ δὲ τῶν εἰς Ἄτταλον καὶ Ῥοδίους ἀδικημάτων δίκας ὑποσχεῖν, 16.34.4. καὶ διότι ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω πράττοντι τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγειν ἐξέσται, μὴ βουλομένῳ δὲ πειθαρχεῖν ἑτοίμως ὑπάρξειν τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον. 18.12.2. ταχὺ δὲ τούτων εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διασαφηθέντων ἐγεγόνει τῷ Τίτῳ πάντα κατὰ νοῦν, ἐπὶ βραχὺ μὲν καὶ ταὐτομάτου συνεργήσαντος, τὸ δὲ πολὺ διὰ τῆς αὐτοῦ προνοίας ἁπάντων κεχειρισμένων. 18.12.3. πάνυ γὰρ ἀγχίνους, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος Ῥωμαίων, [καὶ] ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ γέγονεν· 18.12.4. οὕτως γὰρ εὐστόχως ἐχείριζε καὶ νουνεχῶς οὐ μόνον τὰς κοινὰς ἐπιβολάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντεύξεις, ὥσθʼ ὑπερβολὴν μὴ καταλιπεῖν. 18.12.5. καίτοι γε [καὶ] νέος ἦν κομιδῇ· πλείω γὰρ τῶν τριάκοντʼ ἐτῶν οὐκ εἶχε· καὶ πρῶτος εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διαβεβήκει μετὰ στρατοπέδων. — 18.35.1. ἐγὼ δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς ἀνωτέρω χρόνους καὶ κοινὴν ἂν ποιούμενος ἀπόφασιν ἐθάρρησα περὶ πάντων Ῥωμαίων εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν πράξαιεν τοιοῦτον, λέγω δὲ πρότερον ἢ τοῖς διαποντίοις αὐτοὺς ἐγχειρῆσαι πολέμοις, ἕως ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἐθῶν καὶ νομίμων ἔμενον. 18.35.2. ἐν δὲ τοῖς νῦν καιροῖς περὶ πάντων μὲν οὐκ ἂν τολμήσαιμι τοῦτʼ εἰπεῖν· κατʼ ἰδίαν μέντοι γε περὶ πλειόνων ἀνδρῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ θαρρήσαιμʼ ἂν ἀποφήνασθαι διότι δύνανται τὴν πίστιν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ μέρει διαφυλάττειν. 18.46.5. ἡ σύγκλητος ἡ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Τίτος Κοΐντιος στρατηγὸς ὕπατος, καταπολεμήσαντες βασιλέα Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας, ἀφιᾶσιν ἐλευθέρους, ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους, νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις, Κορινθίους, Φωκέας, Λοκρούς, Εὐβοεῖς, Ἀχαιοὺς τοὺς Φθιώτας, Μάγνητας, Θετταλούς, Περραιβούσ". 18.47.1. διελθούσης δὲ τῆς πανηγύρεως πρώτοις μὲν ἐχρημάτισαν τοῖς παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευταῖς, διακελευόμενοι τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας πόλεων τῶν μὲν αὐτονόμων ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ μηδεμιᾷ πολεμεῖν, ὅσας δὲ νῦν παρείληφε τῶν ὑπὸ Πτολεμαῖον καὶ Φίλιππον ταττομένων, ἐκχωρεῖν. 18.47.2. σὺν δὲ τούτοις προηγόρευον μὴ διαβαίνειν εἰς τὴν Εὐρώπην μετὰ δυνάμεως· οὐδένα γὰρ ἔτι τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὔτε πολεμεῖσθαι νῦν ὑπʼ οὐδενὸς οὔτε δουλεύειν οὐδενί. 21.14.4. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἕτερα πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν διελέχθη, παρακαλῶν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μήτε τὴν τύχην λίαν ἐξελέγχειν ἀνθρώπους ὑπάρχοντας, μήτε τὸ μέγεθος τῆς αὑτῶν ἐξουσίας ἀόριστον ποιεῖν, ἀλλὰ περιγράφειν, μάλιστα μὲν τοῖς τῆς Εὐρώπης ὅροις· 21.14.5. καὶ γὰρ ταύτην μεγάλην ὑπάρχειν καὶ παράδοξον διὰ τὸ μηδένα καθῖχθαι τῶν προγεγονότων αὐτῆς· 21.14.6. εἰ δὲ πάντως καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας βούλονταί τινα προσεπιδράττεσθαι, διορίσαι ταῦτα· πρὸς πᾶν γὰρ τὸ δυνατὸν προσελεύσεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα. 21.31.9. εἶναι γὰρ τὸ συμβαῖνον ἐν ταῖς πολιτείαις περὶ τὰ πλήθη παραπλήσιον τῷ γινομένῳ περὶ τὴν θάλατταν. 21.31.10. καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνην κατὰ μὲν τὴν αὑτῆς φύσιν ἀεί ποτʼ εἶναι γαληνὴν καὶ καθεστηκυῖαν καὶ συλλήβδην τοιαύτην ὥστε μηδέποτʼ ἂν ἐνοχλῆσαι μηδένα τῶν προσπελαζόντων αὐτῇ καὶ χρωμένων· 21.31.11. ἐπειδὰν δʼ ἐμπεσόντες εἰς αὐτὴν ἄνεμοι βίαιοι ταράξωσι καὶ παρὰ φύσιν ἀναγκάσωσι κινεῖσθαι, τότε μηθὲν ἔτι δεινότερον εἶναι μηδὲ φοβερώτερον θαλάττης· ὃ καὶ νῦν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν συμπεσεῖν. 22.15.1. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Κρήτην, κοσμοῦντος ἐν Γορτύνῃ Κύδα τοῦ Ἀντάλκους, κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἐλαττούμενοι Γορτύνιοι τοὺς Κνωσίους, ἀποτεμόμενοι τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν τὸ μὲν καλούμενον Λυκάστιον προσένειμαν Ῥαυκίοις, τὸ δὲ Διατόνιον Λυττίοις. 22.15.2. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον παραγενομένων πρεσβευτῶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης εἰς τὴν Κρήτην τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον χάριν τοῦ διαλῦσαι τὰς ἐνεστώσας αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαφοράς, καὶ ποιησαμένων λόγους ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐν τῇ Κνωσίων καὶ Γορτυνίων, πεισθέντες οἱ Κρηταιεῖς ἐπέτρεψαν τὰ καθʼ αὑτοὺς τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον. 22.15.3. οἱ δὲ [πεισθέντες] Κνωσίοις μὲν ἀποκατέστησαν τὴν χώραν, Κυδωνιάταις δὲ προσέταξαν τοὺς μὲν ὁμήρους ἀπολαβεῖν, οὓς ἐγκατέλειπον δόντες τοῖς περὶ Χαρμίωνα πρότερον, τὴν δὲ Φαλάσαρναν ἀφεῖναι μηδὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς νοσφισαμένους. 22.15.4. περὶ δὲ τῶν κατὰ κοινοδίκιον συνεχώρησαν αὐτοῖς βουλομένοις μὲν [αὐτοῖς] ἐξεῖναι μετέχειν, 22.15.5. μὴ βουλομένοις δὲ καὶ τοῦτʼ ἐξεῖναι, 22.15.6. πάσης ἀπεχομένοις τῆς ἄλλης Κρήτης αὐτοῖς τε καὶ τοῖς ἐκ Φαλασάρνης φυγάσιν. ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς περὶ Μενοίτιον, ἐπιφανεστάτους ὄντας τῶν πολιτῶν. 23.2.6. ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πεποιηκέναι τὸ προσταχθὲν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἔφασκεν, ἢ τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ μὴ πεπρᾶχθαι τοῖς ἐγκαλοῦσιν ἀνετίθει. 23.8.2. διωρθώσατο δὲ καὶ τἄλλα πάντα, περὶ ὧν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι προσεπέταττον, βουλόμενος ἐκείνοις μὲν μηδεμίαν ἔμφασιν ποιεῖν ἀλλοτριότητος, λαμβάνειν δʼ ἀναστροφὴν πρὸς τὰς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευάς. 24.10.5. προστρέχοντας αὐτῇ σωματοποιεῖν. ἐξ ὧν αὐτῇ συνέβη κατὰ βραχύ, τοῦ χρόνου προβαίνοντος, κολάκων μὲν εὐπορεῖν, φίλων δὲ σπανίζειν ἀληθινῶν. 28.7.8. πολλῆς δʼ οὔσης ἀπορίας ὁ Πολύβιος ἀναστὰς ἐποιήσατο μὲν καὶ πλείονας λόγους, μάλιστα δὲ προσέδραμε πρὸς τὴν τῶν πολλῶν γνώμην, ὑποδείξας τὸ γεγονὸς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ψήφισμα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὑπὲρ τῶν τιμῶν, ἐν ᾧ γεγραμμένον ἦν ὅτι δεῖ τὰς ἀπρεπεῖς ἀρθῆναι τιμὰς καὶ τὰς παρανόμους, οὐ μὰ Δίʼ ἁπάσας. 29.2.1. ὅτι ἡ σύγκλητος πυνθανομένη τὸν Ἀντίοχον τῆς μὲν Αἰγύπτου κύριον γεγονέναι, τῆς δʼ Ἀλεξανδρείας παρʼ ὀλίγον, 29.2.2. νομίζουσα πρὸς αὑτήν τι διατείνειν τὴν αὔξησιν τοῦ προειρημένου βασιλέως, κατέστησε πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ Γάιον Ποπίλιον, 29.20.1. ὁ δὲ μεταλαβὼν τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον παρεκάλει τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ βλέποντας εἰς τὰ παρόντα, δεικνὺς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὸν Περσέα, μήτε μεγαλαυχεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατορθώμασι παρὰ τὸ δέον μήτε βουλεύεσθαι μηδὲν ὑπερήφανον μηδʼ ἀνήκεστον περὶ μηδενός, μήτε καθόλου πιστεύειν μηδέποτε ταῖς παρούσαις εὐτυχίαις· 29.20.2. ἀλλʼ ὅτε μάλιστά τις κατορθοίη κατὰ τὸν ἴδιον βίον καὶ κατὰ τὰς κοινὰς πράξεις, τότε μάλιστα παρεκάλει τῆς ἐναντίας τύχης ἔννοιαν λαμβάνειν. 29.20.3. καὶ γὰρ οὕτω μόλις ἂν ἐν ταῖς εὐκαιρίαις ἄνθρωπον μέτριον ὄντα φανῆναι. 30.5.12. κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐξέβαλε δόγμα διότι δεῖ Κᾶρας καὶ Λυκίους ἐλευθέρους εἶναι πάντας, ὅσους προσένειμε Ῥοδίοις μετὰ τὸν Ἀντιοχικὸν πόλεμον. 30.17.2. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι νομίσαντες ἠνύσθαι σφίσι τὸ προκείμενον, τοῦ πρὸς τὸν Περσέα πολέμου κατὰ νοῦν προκεχωρηκότος, τὴν δὲ πρὸς Κότυν διαφορὰν πρὸς οὐδὲν ἔτι διατείνειν, 30.18.5. τότε δὲ κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον γενόμενος τὴν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, στὰς κατὰ τὸ θύρετρον ἀντίος τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ καθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας ἀμφοτέρας προσεκύνησε τὸν οὐδὸν καὶ τοὺς καθημένους, ἐπιφθεγξάμενος "χαίρετε, θεοὶ σωτῆρεσ", ὑπερβολὴν οὐ καταλιπὼν ἀνανδρίας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ γυναικισμοῦ καὶ κολακείας οὐδενὶ τῶν ἐπιγινομένων. 30.23.1. ὅτι ἐξεπολέμησαν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Κνώσιοι μετὰ Γορτυνίων πρὸς τοὺς Ῥαυκίους καὶ συνθήκας ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐνόρκους μὴ πρότερον λύσειν τὸν πόλεμον πρὶν ἢ κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν τὴν Ῥαῦκον. 30.30.2. οἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ τοῦ Προυσίου κατηγορίαν ἐποιοῦντʼ Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως, φάσκοντες αὑτῶν τέ τινα χωρία παραιρεῖσθαι τὸν Εὐμένη καὶ τῆς Γαλατίας οὐκ ἀφίστασθαι τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμασιν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς τὰ σφέτερα μὲν φρονοῦντας σωματοποιεῖν, 30.30.3. τοὺς δὲ τὰ Ῥωμαίων αἱρουμένους καὶ βουλομένους πολιτεύεσθαι τοῖς τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμασιν ἀκολούθως κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἐλαττοῦν. 31.1.6. οὐ μὴν τῆς γε κατὰ τὸν Εὐμένη καὶ κατὰ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ὑποψίας ἔληγεν ἡ σύγκλητος, ἀλλὰ Γάιον Σολπίκιον καὶ Μάνιον Σέργιον καταστήσασα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστελλεν, 31.1.7. ἅμα μὲν ἐποπτεύσοντας τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἅμα δὲ τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις καὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις διευκρινήσοντας περὶ τῆς ἀντιλεγομένης χώρας, 31.1.8. μάλιστα δὲ πολυπραγμονήσοντας τὰ κατὰ τὸν Ἀντίοχον καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὸν Εὐμένη, μή τις ἐξ αὐτῶν παρασκευὴ γίνεται καὶ κοινοπραγία κατὰ Ῥωμαίων. — 31.2.7. ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, ὑπιδομένη τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ Δημητρίου, μᾶλλον δὲ κρίνασα συμφέρειν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασι τὴν νεότητα καὶ τὴν ἀδυναμίαν τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ διαδεδεγμένου τὴν βασιλείαν. 31.10.6. τοῦ δὲ Πτολεμαίου πᾶσι τούτοις ἀντιλέγοντος, ἡ σύγκλητος, ἅμα μὲν ὁρῶσα τὸν μερισμὸν γεγονότα τελέως, ἅμα δὲ βουλομένη διελεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν πραγματικῶς, αὐτῶν αἰτίων γενομένων τῆς διαιρέσεως, συγκατέθετο τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ νεωτέρου παρακαλουμένοις ἐπὶ τῷ σφετέρῳ συμφέροντι. 31.10.7. πολὺ γὰρ ἤδη τοῦτο τὸ γένος ἐστὶ τῶν διαβουλίων παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις, ἐν οἷς διὰ τῆς τῶν πέλας ἀγνοίας αὔξουσι καὶ κατασκευάζονται τὴν ἰδίαν ἀρχὴν πραγματικῶς, ἅμα χαριζόμενοι καὶ δοκοῦντες εὐεργετεῖν τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας. 31.10.8. διὸ καὶ καθορῶντες τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δυναστείας καὶ δεδιότες, ἄν ποτε τύχῃ προστάτου, μὴ μεῖζον φρονήσῃ τοῦ καθήκοντος, 31.11.11. καὶ γὰρ πρότερον οὐ διὰ τὸ μὴ λέγειν τὰ δίκαια τὸν Δημήτριον ἔκρινεν τὴν ἀρχὴν τῷ παιδὶ συνδιαφυλάττειν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ συμφέρειν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασιν, 31.21.6. αἰεὶ συνέβαινε τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἐλαττοῦσθαι παρὰ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, οὐ τοῖς δικαίοις, ἀλλὰ τῷ πεπεῖσθαι τοὺς κρίνοντας συμφέρειν σφίσι τὴν τοιαύτην γνώμην, 31.25.3. ὢν δὲ μέγας οὗτος καὶ δυσέφικτος ὁ στέφανος εὐθήρατος ἦν κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ὁρμὴν τῶν πλείστων. 31.25.4. οἱ μὲν γὰρ εἰς ἐρωμένους τῶν νέων, οἱ δʼ εἰς ἑταίρας ἐξεκέχυντο, πολλοὶ δʼ εἰς ἀκροάματα καὶ πότους καὶ τὴν ἐν τούτοις πολυτέλειαν, ταχέως ἡρπακότες ἐν τῷ Περσικῷ πολέμῳ τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος εὐχέρειαν. 31.25.5. καὶ τηλικαύτη τις ἐνεπεπτώκει περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἔργων ἀκρασία τοῖς νέοις ὥστε πολλοὺς μὲν ἐρώμενον ἠγορακέναι ταλάντου, πολλοὺς δὲ ταρίχου Ποντικοῦ κεράμιον τριακοσίων δραχμῶν. 31.25.6. συνέβη δὲ τὴν παροῦσαν αἵρεσιν οἷον ἐκλάμψαι κατὰ τοὺς νῦν λεγομένους καιροὺς πρῶτον μὲν διὰ τὸ καταλυθείσης τῆς ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ βασιλείας δοκεῖν ἀδήριτον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν τὴν περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐξουσίαν, 31.25.7. ἔπειτα διὰ τὸ πολλὴν ἐπίφασιν γενέσθαι τῆς εὐδαιμονίας περί τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ περὶ τὰ κοινά, τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας μετακομισθέντων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην χορηγίων. 32.3.11. ἡ γὰρ σύγκλητος, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, ὑπολαβοῦσα διότι δόξει τοῖς πολλοῖς ἔχειν τοῦ φόνου δίκην, ἐὰν τοὺς αἰτίους παραλαβοῦσα τιμωρήσηται, τούτους μὲν οὐ προσεδέξατο μικροῦ δεῖν, ἐτήρει δὲ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀκέραιον, 32.3.12. ὥστʼ ἔχειν ἐξουσίαν, ὅτε βουληθείη, χρήσασθαι τοῖς ἐγκλήμασι. 32.3.13. διὸ καὶ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἔδωκε τοιαύτην τῷ Δημητρίῳ, διότι τεύξεται τῶν φιλανθρώπων, ἐὰν τὸ ἱκανὸν ποιῇ τῇ συγκλήτῳ κατὰ τὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐξουσίαν. — 32.13.4. ὧν ἡ σύγκλητος ἀκούσασα μετʼ ἐπιστάσεως ἠγανάκτει μὲν καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν Δελματέων ἀπειθείᾳ καὶ σκαιότητι, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ὑπέλαβε τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι πρὸς τὸ πολεμῆσαι τοῖς προειρημένοις διὰ πλείους αἰτίας. 32.13.9. αὗται μὲν οὖν ἦσαν αἰτίαι διʼ ἃς ἐπολέμησαν Ῥωμαῖοι Δελματεῦσι· τοῖς γε μὴν ἐκτὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀνεδείκνυον, ὡς διὰ τὴν εἰς τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ὕβριν κεκρικότες πολεμεῖν. — 33.7.3. ἡ σύγκλητος ὀργισθεῖσα καὶ βαρέως φέρουσα τὸ γεγονὸς ἐξ αὐτῆς δέκα πρεσβευτὰς κατέστησε τοὺς περὶ Λεύκιον Ἀνίκιον καὶ Γάιον Φάννιον καὶ Κόιντον Φάβιον Μάξιμον, 33.9.1. ὅτι τῶν Μασσαλιητῶν διαπρεσβευσαμένων πρὸς Ῥωμαίους κακῶς πάσχειν αὑτοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν Λιγυστίνων, παραχρῆμα κατέστησαν Φλαμίνιον καὶ Ποπίλιον Λαινᾶτον καὶ Λεύκιον Πόπιον πρεσβευτάς. 33.9.2. οἳ καὶ πλέοντες μετὰ τῶν Μασσαλιητῶν προσέσχον τῆς Ὀξυβίων χώρας κατὰ πόλιν Αἴγιτναν. 33.9.3. οἱ δὲ Λιγυστῖνοι προακηκοότες ὅτι πάρεισιν ἐπιτάξοντες αὐτοῖς λύειν τὴν πολιορκίαν, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἔτι καθορμιζομένους ἐπελθόντες ἐκώλυσαν τῆς ἀποβάσεως, 33.9.4. τὸν δὲ Φλαμίνιον καταλαβόντες ἀποβεβηκότα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς ἀποτεθειμένον, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἐκέλευον αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπολύεσθαι, τοῦ δὲ παρακούοντος ἤρξαντο τὰ σκεύη διαρπάζειν. 33.9.5. τῶν δὲ παίδων καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων ἀντιποιουμένων καὶ κωλυόντων, ἀπεβιάζοντο καὶ προσέφερον τούτοις τὰς χεῖρας. 33.9.6. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καὶ τοῦ Φλαμινίου βοηθοῦντος τοῖς ἰδίοις, τοῦτον μὲν κατέτρωσαν, δύο δὲ τῶν οἰκετῶν κατέβαλον, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς κατεδίωξαν εἰς τὴν ναῦν, ὡς τὸν Φλαμίνιον μόγις ἀποκόψαντα τἀπίγυα καὶ τὰς ἀγκύρας διαφυγεῖν τὸν κίνδυνον. 33.9.7. οὗτος μὲν ἀποκομισθεὶς εἰς Μασσαλίαν ἐθεραπεύετο μετὰ πάσης ἐπιμελείας· 33.9.8. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος πυθομένη τὰ γεγονότα παραχρῆμα τὸν ἕνα τῶν ὑπάτων Κόιντον Ὀπίμιον ἐξαπέστελλε μετὰ δυνάμεως πολεμήσοντα τοῖς Ὀξυβίοις καὶ Δεκιήταις. 33.12.8. αὐτοὶ δὲ μερίσαντες σφᾶς αὐτούς, οἱ μὲν ἔπλεον κατὰ σπουδὴν ἀπαγγελοῦντες τῇ συγκλήτῳ τὴν ἀπείθειαν τοῦ Προυσίου, τινὲς δʼ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰωνίας ἐχωρίσθησαν, ἕτεροι δʼ ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ Βυζάντιον τόπων, μίαν ἔχοντες καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν πρόθεσιν ἅπαντες, 35.2.14. καὶ γὰρ τὰ τῆς τύχης ἄδηλα πολλάκις ὑπεδείκνυον καὶ τὰς προγεγενημένας μάχας ἀμφιδηρίτους ποιοῦντες ἐν πάσαις ἔμφασιν ἀπέλειπον ὡς ἐπικυδεστέρων αὐτῶν γεγονότων. 35.3.1. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ διακούσαντες ἀμφοτέρων εἰσήγαγον τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου πρέσβεις. 35.3.2. θεωροῦντες δὲ καὶ τούτους ῥέποντας ἐπὶ τὴν διάλυσιν καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν προσνέμοντα τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην τοῖς πολεμίοις μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς συμμάχοις, 35.3.4. αὐτοὶ δὲ νομίσαντες τοὺς συμμάχους ἀληθῆ καὶ συμφέροντα σφίσι λέγειν, τοὺς δʼ Ἀραυάκας ἀκμὴν μεγαλοφρονεῖν, τὸν δὲ στρατηγὸν ἀποδειλιᾶν τὸν πόλεμον, 35.3.6. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἐποίησαν κατάμονον, πρῶτον μὲν τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ διαπιστήσαντες ἕτερον στρατηγὸν ἔμελλον διαπέμπειν εἰς τὴν Ἰβηρίαν· 35.3.8. ἔπειτα περὶ τὰς παρασκευὰς ἐγίνοντο φιλοτίμως καὶ μεγαλομερῶς, νομίζοντες διὰ ταύτης τῆς πράξεως κριθήσεσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν· 35.3.9. κρατηθέντων μὲν γὰρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν πάντας ὑπέλαβον σφίσι ποιήσειν τὸ προσταττόμενον, ἀποστρεψαμένων δὲ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα φόβον οὐ μόνον Ἀραυάκας καταθαρρήσειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας. 35.4.1. ὅσῳ δὲ φιλοτιμότερον ἡ σύγκλητος διέκειτο πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, τοσούτῳ σφίσι τὰ πράγματʼ ἀπέβαινε παραδοξότερα. 35.4.3. τοῦ δὲ Μαρκέλλου προφανῶς ἀποδειλιῶντος τὸν πόλεμον, ἐνέπεσέ τις πτοία τοῖς νέοις παράλογος, οἵαν οὐκ ἔφασαν οἱ πρεσβῦται γεγενημένην πρότερον. 35.4.4. εἰς γὰρ τοῦτο προύβη τὰ τῆς ἀποδειλιάσεως ὥστε μήτε χιλιάρχους προπορεύεσθαι πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν τοὺς ἱκανούς, ἀλλʼ ἐλλείπειν τὰς χώρας, τὸ πρότερον εἰθισμένων πολλαπλασιόνων προπορεύεσθαι τῶν καθηκόντων, 35.4.5. μήτε τοὺς εἰσφερομένους ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων πρεσβευτὰς ὑπακούειν, οὓς ἔδει πορεύεσθαι μετὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, 35.4.6. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, τοὺς νέους διακλίνειν τὰς καταγραφὰς καὶ τοιαύτας πορίζεσθαι προφάσεις ἃς λέγειν μὲν αἰσχρὸν ἦν, ἐξετάζειν δʼ ἀπρεπές, ἐπιτέμνειν δʼ ἀδύνατον. 35.4.7. τέλος δὲ καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἐν ἀμηχανίαις ὄντων τί τὸ πέρας ἔσται τῆς τῶν νέων ἀναισχυντίας — τούτῳ γὰρ ἠναγκάζοντο χρῆσθαι τῷ ῥήματι διὰ τὰ συμβαίνοντα — Πόπλιος Κορνήλιος [Ἀφρικανός], 35.4.13. πᾶσιν δὲ παραδόξου φανείσης τῆς ἐπαγγελίας καὶ διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ διὰ τὴν ἄλλην εὐλάβειαν, παραυτίκα μὲν εὐθέως συνέβη μεγάλην ἀποδοχὴν γενέσθαι τοῦ Σκιπίωνος, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ταῖς ἑξῆς ἡμέραις· 36.9.6. πρότερον μὲν γὰρ πᾶσι πεπολεμηκέναι μέχρι τοῦ κρατῆσαι καὶ συγχωρῆσαι τοὺς ἀντιταξαμένους ὅτι δεῖ πείθεσθαι σφίσι καὶ ποιεῖν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον· 38.9.3. ἡ σύγκλητος ἠγανάκτησεν μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν ὡς οὐδέποτε καὶ παραχρῆμα πρεσβευτὰς κατεστήσατο τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἰούλιον, καὶ τούτους ἔπεμπε δοῦσα τοιαύτας ἐντολάς, 38.20.1. ὅτι τοῦ Ἀσδρούβου τοῦ τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγοῦ ἱκέτου παραγενομένου τοῖς τοῦ Σκιπίωνος γόνασιν, ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐμβλέψας εἰς τοὺς συνόντας "ὁρᾶτʼ" ἔφη "τὴν τύχην, ὦ ἄνδρες, ὡς ἀγαθὴ παραδειγματίζειν ἐστὶ τοὺς ἀλογίστους τῶν ἀνθρώπων. 38.20.2. οὗτός ἐστιν Ἀσδρούβας ὁ νεωστὶ πολλῶν αὐτῷ καὶ φιλανθρώπων προτεινομένων ὑφʼ ἡμῶν ἀπαξιῶν, φάσκων δὲ κάλλιστον ἐντάφιον εἶναι τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸ ταύτης πῦρ, νῦν πάρεστι μετὰ στεμμάτων δεόμενος ἡμῶν τυχεῖν τῆς ζωῆς καὶ πάσας τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχων ἐν ἡμῖν. 38.20.3. ἃ τίς οὐκ ἂν ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν θεασάμενος ἐν νῷ λάβοι διότι δεῖ μηδέποτε λέγειν μηδὲ πράττειν μηδὲν ὑπερήφανον ἄνθρωπον ὄντα; 39.5.2. ἐνετείλαντο δὲ τῷ Πολυβίῳ χωριζόμενοι τὰς πόλεις ἐπιπορευθῆναι καὶ περὶ ὧν οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἀμφιβάλλουσι διευκρινῆσαι, μέχρις οὗ συνήθειαν ἔχωσι τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ τοῖς νόμοις. 39.5.3. ὃ δὴ καὶ μετά τινα χρόνον ἐποίησε πρὸς λόγον τοὺς ἀνθρώπους στέρξαι τὴν δεδομένην πολιτείαν καὶ μηδὲν ἀπόρημα μήτε κατʼ ἰδίαν μήτε κατὰ κοινὸν ἐκ τῶν νόμων γενέσθαι περὶ μηδενός. | 2.8.12. Giving way to her temper like a woman and heedless of the consequences, she took this frankness ill, and was so enraged at the speech that, defying the law of nations, when the ambassadors were leaving in their ship, she sent emissaries to assassinate the one who had been so bold of speech. 2.8.13. On the news reaching Rome, the woman's outrage created great indignation and they at once set themselves to prepare for an expedition, enrolling legions and getting a fleet together. 3.4.2. For the period of fifty-three years finished here, and the growth and advance of Roman power was now complete. 3.4.3. Besides which it was now universally accepted as a necessary fact that henceforth all must submit to the Romans and obey their orders. 3.4.6. I must append to the history of the above period an account of the subsequent policy of the conquerors and their method of universal rule, as well as of the various opinions and appreciations of their rulers entertained by the subjects, and finally I must describe what were the prevailing and domit tendencies and ambitions of the various peoples in their private and public life. 3.4.7. For it is evident that contemporaries will thus be able to see clearly whether the Roman rule is acceptable or the reverse, and future generations whether their government should be considered to have been worthy of praise and admiration or rather of blame. 3.4.8. And indeed it is just in this that the chief usefulness of this work for the present and the future will lie. 3.4.13. About this latter, owing to the importance of the actions and the unexpected character of the events, and chiefly because I not only witnessed most but took part and even directed some, I was induced to write as if starting on a fresh work. 3.15.10. How much better would it have been for him to demand from the Romans the restitution of Sardinia, and at the same time of the tribute which they had so unjustly exacted, availing themselves of the misfortunes of Carthage, and to threaten war in the event of refusal! 3.17.4. Hannibal, now encamping before the town, set himself to besiege it vigorously, foreseeing that many advantages would result from its capture. 3.17.5. First of all he thought that he would thus deprive the Romans of any prospect of a campaign in Iberia, and secondly he was convinced that by this blow he would inspire universal terror, and render the Iberian tribes who had already submitted more orderly and those who were still independent more cautious, 3.17.6. while above all he would be enabled to advance safely with no enemy left in his rear. 3.17.7. Besides, he would then have abundant funds and supplies for his projected expedition, he would raise the spirit of his troops by the booty distributed among them and would conciliate the Carthaginians at home by the spoils he would send them. 3.17.8. From all these considerations he actively pursued the siege, now setting an example to the soldiers by sharing personally the fatigue of the battering operations, now cheering on the troops and exposing recklessly to danger. 3.28.2. In this case everyone would agree that the Carthaginians, contrary to all justice, and merely because the occasion permitted it, were forced to evacuate Sardinia and pay the additional sum I mentioned. 6.5. 1. Perhaps this theory of the natural transformations into each other of the different forms of government is more elaborately set forth by Plato and certain other philosophers; but as the arguments are subtle and are stated at great length, they are beyond the reach of all but a few.,2. I therefore will attempt to give a short summary of the theory, as far as I consider it to apply to the actual history of facts and to appeal to the common intelligence of mankind.,3. For if there appear to be certain omissions in my general exposition of it, the detailed discussion which follows will afford the reader ample compensation for any difficulties now left unsolved.,4. What then are the beginnings I speak of and what is the first origin of political societies?,5. When owing to floods, famines, failure of crops or other such causes there occurs such a destruction of the human race as tradition tells us has more than once happened, and as we must believe will often happen again,,6. all arts and crafts perishing at the same time, then in the course of time, when springing from the survivors as from seeds men have again increased in numbers,7. and just like other animals form herds â it being a matter of course that they too should herd together with those of their kind owing to their natural weakness â it is a necessary consequence that the man who excels in bodily strength and in courage will lead and rule over the rest.,8. We observe and should regard as a most genuine work of nature this very phenomenon in the case of the other animals which act purely by instinct and among whom the strongest are always indisputably the masters â,9. I speak of bulls, boars, cocks, and the like.,9. It is probable then that at the beginning men lived thus, herding together like animals and following the lead of the strongest and bravest, the ruler's strength being here the sole limit to his power and the name we should give his rule being monarchy.,10. But when in time feelings of sociability and companionship begin to grow in such gatherings of men, than kingship has struck root; and the notions of goodness, justice, and their opposites begin to arise in men. 6.6. 1. The manner in which these notions come into being is as follows.,2. Men being all naturally inclined to sexual intercourse, and the consequence of this being the birth of children, whenever one of those who have been reared does not on growing up show gratitude to those who reared him or defend them, but on the contrary takes to speaking ill of them or ill treating them, it is evident that he will displease and offend those who have been familiar with his parents and have witnessed the care and pains they spent on attending to and feeding their children.,4. For seeing that men are distinguished from the other animals by possessing the faculty of reason, it is obviously improbable that such a difference of conduct should escape them, as it escapes the other animals:,5. they will notice the thing and be displeased at what is going on, looking to the future and reflecting that they may all meet with the same treatment.,6. Again when a man who has been helped or succoured when in danger by another does not show gratitude to his preserver, but even goes to the length of attempting to do him injury, it is clear that those who become aware of it will naturally be displeased and offended by such conduct, sharing the resentment of their injured neighbour and imagining themselves in the same situation.,7. From all this there arises in everyone a notion of the meaning and theory of duty, which is the beginning and end of justice.,8. Similarly, again, when any man is foremost in defending his fellows from danger, and braves and awaits the onslaught of the most powerful beasts, it is natural that he should receive marks of favour and honour from the people, while the man who acts in the opposite manner will meet with reprobation and dislike.,9. From this again some idea of what is base and what is noble and of what constitutes the difference is likely to arise among the people; and noble conduct will be admired and imitated because it is advantageous, while base conduct will be avoided.,10. Now when the leading and most powerful man among the people always throws the weight of his authority on the side of the notions on such matters which generally prevail, and when in the opinion of his subjects he apportions rewards and penalties according to desert, they yield obedience to him no longer because they fear his force, but rather because their judgement approves him; and they join in maintaining his rule even if he is quite enfeebled by age, defending him with one consent and battling against those who conspire to overthrow his rule.,12. Thus by insensible degrees the monarch becomes a king, ferocity and force having yielded the supremacy to reason. 6.7. 1. Thus is formed naturally among men the first notion of goodness and justice, and their opposites; this is the beginning and birth of true kingship.,2. For the people maintain the supreme power not only in the hands of these men themselves, but in those of their descendants, from the conviction that those born from and reared by such men will also have principles like to theirs.,3. And if they ever are displeased with the descendants, they now choose their kings and rulers no longer for their bodily strength and brute courage, but for the excellency of their judgement and reasoning powers, as they have gained experience from actual facts of the difference between the one class of qualities and the other.,4. In old times, then, those who had once been chosen to the royal office continued to hold it until they grew old, fortifying and enclosing fine strongholds with walls and acquiring lands, in the one case for the sake of the security of their subjects and in the other to provide them with abundance of the necessities of life.,5. And while pursuing these aims, they were exempt from all vituperation or jealousy, as neither in their dress nor in their food did they make any great distinction, they lived very much like everyone else, not keeping apart from the people.,6. But when they received the office by hereditary succession and found their safety now provided for, and more than sufficient provision of food,,7. they gave way to their appetites owing to this superabundance, and came to think that the rulers must be distinguished from their subjects by a peculiar dress, that there should be a peculiar luxury and variety in the dressing and serving of their viands, and that they should meet with no denial in the pursuit of their amours, however lawless.,8. These habits having given rise in the one case to envy and offence and in the other to an outburst of hatred and passionate resentment, the kingship changed into a tyranny; the first steps towards its overthrow were taken by the subjects, and conspiracies began to be formed.,9. These conspiracies were not the work of the worst men, but of the noblest, most high-spirited, and most courageous, because such men are least able to brook the insolence of princes. 6.8. 1. The people now having got leaders, would combine with them against the ruling powers for the reasons I stated above; kingship and monarchy would be utterly abolished, and in their place aristocracy would begin to grow.,2. For the commons, as if bound to pay at once their debt of gratitude to the abolishers of monarchy, would make them their leaders and entrust their destinies to them.,3. At first these chiefs gladly assumed this charge and regarded nothing as of greater importance than the common interest, administering the private and public affairs of the people with paternal solicitude.,4. But here again when children inherited this position of authority from their fathers, having no experience of misfortune and none at all of civil equality and liberty of speech, and having been brought up from the cradle amid the evidences of the power and high position of their fathers,,5. they abandoned themselves some to greed of gain and unscrupulous money-making, others to indulgence in wine and the convivial excess which accompanies it, and others again to the violation of women and the rape of boys; and thus converting the aristocracy into an oligarchy aroused in the people feelings similar to those of which I just spoke, and in consequence met with the same disastrous end as the tyrant. 6.9. 1. For whenever anyone who has noticed the jealousy and hatred with which you are regarded by the citizens, has the courage to speak or act against the chiefs of the state he has the whole mass of the people ready to back him.,2. Next, when they have either killed or banished the oligarchs, they no longer venture to set a king over them, as they still remember with terror the injustice they suffered from the former ones, nor can they entrust the government with confidence to a select few, with the evidence before them of their recent error in doing so.,3. Thus the only hope still surviving unimpaired is in themselves, and to this they resort, making the state a democracy instead of an oligarchy and assuming the responsibility for the conduct of affairs.,4. Then as long as some of those survive who experienced the evils of oligarchical dominion, they are well pleased with the present form of government, and set a high value on equality and freedom of speech. But when a new generation arises and the democracy falls into the hands of the grandchildren of its founders, they have become so accustomed to freedom and equality that they no longer value them, and begin to aim at pre-eminence; and it is chiefly those of ample fortune who fall into this error.,6. So when they begin to lust for power and cannot attain it through themselves or their own good qualities, they ruin their estates, tempting and corrupting the people in every possible way.,7. And hence when by their foolish thirst for reputation they have created among the masses an appetite for gifts and the habit of receiving them, democracy in its turn is abolished and changes into a rule of force and violence.,8. For the people, having grown accustomed to feed at the expense of others and to depend for their livelihood on the property of others, as soon as they find a leader who is enterprising but is excluded from the houses of office by his penury, institute the rule of violence;,9. and now uniting their forces massacre, banish, and plunder, until they degenerate again into perfect savages and find once more a master and monarch.,10. Such is the cycle of political revolution, the course appointed by nature in which constitutions change, disappear, and finally return to the point from which they started.,11. Anyone who clearly perceives this may indeed in speaking of the future of any state be wrong in his estimate of the time the process will take, but if his judgement is not tainted by animosity or jealousy, he will very seldom be mistaken as to the stage of growth or decline it has reached, and as to the form into which it will change.,12. And especially in the case of the Roman state will this method enable us to arrive at a knowledge of its formation, growth, and greatest perfection, and likewise of the change for the worse which is sure to follow some day.,13. For, as I said, this state, more than any other, has been formed and has grown naturally, and will undergo a natural decline and change to its contrary.,14. The reader will be able to judge of the truth of this from the subsequent parts of this work. 6.10. 1. At present I will give a brief account of the legislation of Lycurgus, a matter not alien to my present purpose.,2. Lycurgus had perfectly well understood that all the above changes take place necessarily and naturally, and had taken into consideration that every variety of constitution which is simple and formed on principle is precarious, as it is soon perverted into the corrupt form which is proper to it and naturally follows on it.,3. For just as rust in the case of iron and wood-worms and ship-worms in the case of timber are inbred pests, and these substances, even though they escape all external injury, fall a prey to the evils engendered in them, so each constitution has a vice engendered in it and inseparable from it. In kingship it is despotism, in aristocracy oligarchy,,5. and in democracy the savage rule of violence; and it is impossible, as I said above, that each of these should not in course of time change into this vicious form.,6. Lycurgus, then, foreseeing this, did not make his constitution simple and uniform, but united in it all the good and distinctive features of the best governments, so that none of the principles should grow unduly and be perverted into its allied evil, but that, the force of each being neutralized by that of the others, neither of them should prevail and outbalance another, but that the constitution should remain for long in a state of equilibrium like a well-trimmed boat, kingship being guarded from arrogance by the fear of the commons, who were given a sufficient share in the government, and the commons on the other hand not venturing to treat the kings with contempt from fear of the elders, who being selected from the best citizens would be sure all of them to be always on the side of justice;,10. so that that part of the state which was weakest owing to its subservience to traditional custom, acquired power and weight by the support and influence of the elders.,11. The consequence was that by drawing up his constitution thus he preserved liberty at Sparta for a longer period than is recorded elsewhere.,12. Lycurgus then, foreseeing, by a process of reasoning, whence and how events naturally happen, constructed his constitution untaught by adversity,,13. but the Romans while they have arrived at the same final result as regards their form of government,,14. have not reached it by any process of reasoning, but by the discipline of many struggles and troubles, and always choosing the best by the light of the experience gained in disaster have thus reached the same result as Lycurgus, that is to say, the best of all existing constitutions. V. On the Roman Constitution at its Prime 6.11.11. The three kinds of government that I spoke of above all shared in the control of the Roman state. And such fairness and propriety in all respects was shown in the use of these three elements for drawing up the constitution and in its subsequent administration that it was impossible even for a native to pronounce with certainty whether the whole system was aristocratic, democratic, or monarchical. This was indeed only natural. 6.15.5. so that the commander's plans come to nothing, if the senate chooses to be deliberately negligent and obstructive. 6.16.2. and it cannot carry out inquiries into the most grave and important offences against the state, punishable with death, and their correction, unless the senatus consultum is confirmed by the people. 6.18.1. Such being the power that each part has of hampering the others or co-operating with them, their union is adequate to all emergencies, so that it is impossible to find a better political system than this. 6.18.2. For whenever the menace of some common danger from abroad compels them to act in concord and support each other, so great does the strength of the state become, that nothing which is requisite can be neglected, as all are zealously competing in devising means of meeting the need of the hour, 6.18.3. nor can any decision arrived at fail to be executed promptly, as all are co-operating both in public and in private to the accomplishment of the task which they have set themselves; 6.18.5. When again they are freed from external menace, and reap the harvest of good fortune and affluence which is the result of their success, and in the enjoyment of this prosperity are corrupted by flattery and idleness and wax insolent and overbearing, as indeed happens often enough, 6.18.6. it is then especially that we see the state providing itself a remedy for the evil from which it suffers. 6.18.7. For when one part having grown out of proportion to the others aims at supremacy and tends to become too predomit, it is evident that, as for the reasons above given none of the three is absolute, but the purpose of the one can be counterworked and thwarted by the others, none of them will excessively outgrow the others or treat them with contempt. 6.18.8. All in fact remains in statu quo, on the one hand, because any aggressive impulse is sure to be checked and from the outset each estate stands in dread of being interfered with by the others. . . . VI. The Roman Military System 6.48.5. By constructing, therefore, his constitution in this manner and out of these elements, Lycurgus secured the absolute safety of the whole territory of Laconia, and left to the Spartans themselves a lasting heritage of freedom. 6.48.6. But as regards the annexation of neighbouring territories, supremacy in Greece, and, generally speaking, an ambitious policy, he seems to me to have made absolutely no provision for such contingencies, either in particular enactments or in the general constitution of the state. 6.50. 1. But what is the purpose of this digression? It is to show from the actual evidence of facts, that for the purpose of remaining in secure possession of their own territory and maintaining their freedom the legislation of Lycurgus is amply sufficient,,2. and to those who maintain this to be the object of political constitutions we must admit that there is not and never was any system or constitution superior to that of Lycurgus.,3. But if anyone is ambitious of greater things, and esteems it finer and more glorious than that to be the leader of many men and to rule and lord it over many and have the eyes of all the world turned to him,,4. it must be admitted that from this point of view the Laconian constitution is defective, while that of Rome is superior and better framed for the attainment of power,,5. as is indeed evident from the actual course of events. For when the Lacedaemonians endeavoured to obtain supremacy in Greece, they very soon ran the risk of losing their own liberty;,6. whereas the Romans, who had aimed merely at the subjection of Italy, in a short time brought the whole world under their sway, the abundant of supplies they had at their command conducing in no small measure to this result. 6.51.1. The constitution of Carthage seems to me to have been originally well contrived as regards its most distinctive points. 6.51.2. For there were kings, and the house of Elders was an aristocratical force, and the people were supreme in matters proper to them, the entire frame of the state much resembling that of Rome and Sparta. 6.53. 1. Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâcalled rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? 6.56.11. but as every multitude is fickle, full of lawless desires, unreasoned passion, and violent anger, the multitude must be held in by invisible terrors and suchlike pageantry. 6.58.1. But, drawing now upon the period immediately subsequent to the date at which I abandoned my narrative to enter on this digression, I will make brief and summary mention of one occurrence; so that, as if exhibiting a single specimen of a good artist's work, I may make manifest not by words only but by actual fact the perfection and strength of principle of the Republic such as it then was. 6.58.2. Hannibal, when, after his victory over the Romans at Cannae, the eight thousand who garrisoned the camp fell into his hands, after making them all prisoners, allowed them to send a deputation to those at home on the subject of their ransom and release. 6.58.3. Upon their naming ten of their most distinguished members, he sent them off after making them swear that they would return to him. 6.58.4. One of those nominated just as he was going out of the camp said he had forgotten something and went back, and after recovering the thing he had left behind again took his departure, thinking that by his return he had kept his faith and absolved himself of his oath. 6.58.5. Upon their arrival in Rome they begged and entreated the senate not to grudge the prisoners their release, but to allow each of them to pay three minae and return to his people; for Hannibal, they said, had made this concession. 6.58.6. The men deserved to be released, for they had neither been guilty of cowardice in the battle nor had they done anything unworthy of Rome; but having been left behind to guard the camp, they had, when all the rest had perished in the battle, been forced to yield to circumstances and surrender to the enemy. 6.58.7. But the Romans, though they had met with severe reverses in the war, and had now, roughly speaking, lost all their allies and were in momentary expectation of Rome itself being placed in peril, 6.58.8. after listening to this plea, neither disregarded their dignity under the pressure of calamity, nor neglected to take into consideration every proper step; 6.58.9. but seeing that Hannibal's object in acting thus was both to obtain funds and to deprive the troops opposed to him of their high spirit, by showing that, even if defeated, they might hope for safety, 6.58.10. they were so far from acceding to this request, that they did not allow their pity for their kinsmen, or the consideration of the service the men would render them, to prevail, 6.58.11. but defeated Hannibal's calculation and the hopes he had based on them by refusing to ransom the men, and at the same time imposed by law on their own troops the duty of either conquering or dying in the field, as there was no hope of safety for them if defeated. 6.58.12. Therefore after coming to this decision they dismissed the nine delegates who returned of their own free will, as bound by their oath, while as for the man who had thought to free himself from the oath by a ruse they put him in irons and returned him to the enemy; 6.58.13. so that Hannibal's joy at his victory in the battle was not so great as his dejection, when he saw with amazement how steadfast and high-spirited were the Romans in their deliberations. 7.15.4. At present he saw that owing to the prevailing notion of the extreme strength of Sardis, every one despaired of taking it by any such coup de main, and that their only hope was to subdue it by famine; 7.15.5. and this made him pay all the more attention to the matter and seek out every possible means in his eagerness to get hold of some such favourable opportunity. 7.15.6. Observing that the wall along the soâcalled Saw â which connects the citadel with the town â was unguarded, he began to entertain schemes and hopes of availing himself of this. 10.6.10. He was now but twenty-seven years of age, and yet he in the first place took in hand a situation pronounced by most people as desperate owing to the serious nature of the recent reverses, 10.9.1. and though he had formed such a great project and was only of the age I just stated he concealed the plan from everyone except Gaius Laelius, until the time when he judged it proper to make it public. 10.40.5. He therefore assembled the Iberians and told them that he wished to be called kingly by them and actually to be kingly, but that he did not wish to be king or to be called so by any one. After saying this he ordered them to call him general. 10.40.6. Perhaps even on this occasion one would be justified in noting with admiration Scipio's greatness of mind, in view of the fact that though he was still quite young and fortune had favoured him so highly that all who were subject to him were prompted to form this estimate of him and bestow on him the name of king of their own accord, he still kept his head and declined to profit by their enthusiasm and accept this splendid title. 11.29.9. and that is that all multitudes are easily misled and easily impelled to every excess, so that a multitude is ever liable to the same vicissitudes as the sea. 11.29.10. For as the sea is by its own nature harmless to those who voyage on it and quiet, but when winds fall violently upon it seems to those who have dealings with it to be of the same character as the winds that happen to stir it, so a multitude ever appears to be and actually is to those who deal with it of the same character as the leaders and counsellors it happens to have. 11.29.11. Therefore I, too, on the present occasion and all the superior officers of the army consent to be reconciled with you and engage to grant you amnesty. 14.1.13. Scipio on such occasions used to send in the company of his envoys certain expert observers and certain of his officers, looking mean and dirty fellows, disguised as they were in the habit of slaves, with the object of exploring and inspecting undisturbed the approaches and the entrances of both camps. 16.27.2. and asked him to inform Philip that the Romans requested that king to make war on no Grecian state and also to give such compensation to Attalus for the injuries he had inflicted on him as a fair tribunal should pronounce to be just. 16.27.3. If he acted so, they added, he might consider himself at peace with Rome, but if he refused to accede the consequences would be the reverse. Nicanor on hearing this departed. 16.34.4. If he acted so he would be allowed to remain at peace, but if he did not at once accept these terms he would find himself at war with Rome. 18.12.2. This information was rapidly conveyed to Greece, and now all had fallen out as Flamininus wished, chance having contributed little to help him, but nearly all being due to his own prudent management. 18.12.3. For this general had shown a sagacity equal to that of any Roman, having managed both public enterprises and his own private dealings with consummate skill and good sense, and this although he was yet quite young, not being over thirty. He was the first Roman who had crossed to Greece in command of an army. Definition of Treachery 18.35.1. If I were dealing with earlier times, I would have confidently asserted about all the Romans in general, that no one of them would do such a thing; I speak of the years before they undertook wars across the sea and during which they preserved their own principles and practices. 18.35.2. At the present time, however, I would not venture to assert this of all, but I could with perfect confidence say of many particular men in Rome that in this matter they can maintain their faith. 18.46.5. "The senate order and Titus Quintius the proconsul having overcome King Philip and the Macedonians, leave the following peoples free, without garrisons and subject to no tribute and governed by their countries' laws â the Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Phthiotic Achaeans, Magnesians, Thessalians, and Perrhaebians." 18.47.1. When the festival was over, the commissioners first gave audience to the ambassadors of Antiochus. They ordered him, as regards the Asiatic cities, to keep his hands off those which were autonomous and make war on none of them and to withdraw from those previously subject to Ptolemy and Philip which he had recently taken. 18.47.2. At the same time they enjoined him not to cross to Europe with an army, for none of the Greeks were any longer being attacked by anyone or the subjects of anyone, 21.14.4. He spoke at considerable length on the subject, exhorting the Romans first to remember that they were but men and not to test fortune too severely, and next to impose some limit on the extent of their empire, confining it if possible to Europe, 21.14.5. for even so it was vast and unexampled, no people in the past having attained to this. 21.14.6. But if they must at all hazards grasp for themselves some portions of Asia in addition, let them definitely state which, for the king would accede to anything that was in his power. 21.31.9. For what happened in states to the people was very much the same as what befalls the sea. 21.31.10. The sea by its proper nature was always calm and at rest, and in general of such a character that it would never give trouble to any of those who approach it and make use of it; 21.31.11. but when violent winds fall upon it and stir it up, compelling it to move contrary to its own nature, nothing was more terrible and appalling than the sea. "And this," he said, "is just what has happened to the Aetolians. 22.15.1. In Crete, when Cydas the son of Antalces held the office of Cosmos at Gortyna, the people of that city, exerting themselves to diminish in every way the power of the Cnosians, parcelled off from their territory the soâcalled Lycastium and assigned it to Rhaucus and the Diatonium to Lyttus. 22.15.2. At this time Appius Claudius and the other commissioners arrived in Crete from Rome, for the purpose of settling the disputes existing in the island. When they had spoken on the subject in Cnosus and Gortyna, the Cretans gave ear to them and put their affairs into their hands. 22.15.3. They restored the territory to Cnosus: they ordered the Cydoniats to take back the hostages they had formerly left in Charmion's hands, and to leave Phalasarna without taking anything away from it. 22.15.4. As for the joint court, they allowed them, if they wished, to take part in it, 22.15.5. and if they did not wish, to refuse 22.15.6. on condition that they and the exiles from Phalasarna left the rest of Crete untouched. The . . . killed Menoetius and others, the most notable of their citizens. VII. Affairs of Egypt 23.2.6. Philip in each case either maintained that he had executed the orders of the Romans, or, if he had not done so, cast the blame on his accusers. 23.8.2. He also set right all the other matters about which the Romans directed him, as he wished to give no sign of hostility to them and thus gain time to make his preparations for war. 24.10.5. The consequence of this was that gradually, as time went on, they had plenty of flatterers but very few true friends. 28.7.8. Much hesitation now prevailed; and Polybius rose and spoke at some length, for the most part in favour of the opinion of the majority, quoting the original decree of the Achaeans about the honours, in which it was written that the improper and illegal honours should be revoked, but not by any means all honours. 29.2.1. The senate, when they heard that Antiochus had become master of Egypt and very nearly of Alexandria itself, 29.2.2. thinking that the aggrandizement of this king concerned them in a measure, dispatched Gaius Popilius as their legate 29.20.1. Aemilius, now speaking in Latin, exhorted those present at the council to learn from what they now witnessed â showing them Perseus who was present â never to boast unduly of achievements and never be overbearing and merciless in their conduct to anyone, in fact never place any reliance on present prosperity. 29.20.2. "It is chiefly," he said, "at those moments when we ourselves or our country are most successful that we should reflect on the opposite extremity of fortune; 29.20.3. for only thus, and then with difficulty, shall we prove moderate in the season of prosperity. 30.5.12. At the same time the senate issued a consultum setting free all the parts of Caria and Lycia which they had assigned to Rhodes at the time of the war with Antiochus. 30.17. 1. At this time Cotys, king of the Odrysae, sent envoys to Rome to beg that his son might be given back to him and also to defend his action in having joined Perseus.,2. The Romans, thinking that they had attained their main object now that the war against Perseus had ended in their favour,,3. and that it served no purpose to prolong their difference with Cotys, allowed him to take back his son, who had been sent as a hostage,,4. to Macedonia and captured together with the children of Perseus, wishing to show their leniency and magimity, and at the same time attaching Cotys to them by this favour. Prusias at Rome; Eumenes not received (Cp. Livy XLV.44.19) 30.17.2. The Romans, thinking that they had attained their main object now that the war against Perseus had ended in their favour, 30.18.5. And now, on entering the senate-house he stood in the doorway facing the members and putting both his hands on the ground bowed his head to the ground in adoration of the threshold and the seated senators, with the words, "Hail, ye saviour gods," making it impossible for anyone after him to surpass him in unmanliness, womanishness, and servility. 30.23.1. At this time the Cnosians and Gortynians finished their war with Rhaucus, having previously come to an agreement with each other not to desist from the war before they took Rhaucus by storm. 30.30.2. The senate gave audiences to all these. The envoys from Prusias complained of King Eumenes, asserting that he had annexed some Bithynian places, and did not by any means cease from meddling with Galatia, 30.30.3. but disobeyed the decrees of the senate, continuing to strengthen his own partisans there and to weaken by every means in his power those who were favourable to Rome, and who desired to act in accordance with the decrees of the senate. 31.1.6. The senate, however, did not cease to entertain suspicions of Eumenes and Antiochus, but appointed and dispatched Gaius Sulpicius and Manius Sergius as legates to observe the state of affairs in Greece, 31.1.7. to decide the question of the territory in dispute between Megalopolis and Lacedaemon, but chiefly to inquire diligently into the proceedings of Antiochus and Eumenes in case they were making any preparations to attack Rome and acting in concert against her. Measures taken regarding Syria, Macedonia, and Egypt 31.2.7. The senate acted thus, in my opinion, because they were suspicious of a king in the prime of life like Demetrius and thought that the youth and incapacity of the boy who had succeeded to the throne would serve their purpose better. 31.10.6. All this was denied by the younger Ptolemy, and the senate, seeing that the division had been quite unfair and wishing to make an effective partition of the kingdom due to themselves, acceded to the request of the younger brother, which coincided with their own interests. 31.10.7. For many decisions of the Romans are now of this kind: availing themselves of the mistakes of others they effectively increase and build up their own power, at the same time doing a favour and appearing to confer a benefit on the offenders. 31.10.8. So, seeing as they did the size of the Egyptian kingdom, and fearing lest if it once fell into the hands of a ruler capable of protecting it, he might have too high an idea of himself, 31.11.11. For on the former occasion it was not because Demetrius was not right in what he said that they had decided to keep the young king on the throne, but because it suited their own interest. 31.21.6. but the Carthaginians always came off second best at Rome, not because they had not right on their side, but because the judges were convinced that it was in their own interest to decide against them. 31.25.3. This is a high prize indeed and difficult to gain, but it was at this time easy to pursue at Rome owing to the vicious tendencies of most of the youths. 31.25.4. For some of them had abandoned themselves to amours with boys and others to the society of courtesans, and many to musical entertainments and banquets, and the extravagance they involve, having in the course of the war with Perseus been speedily infected by the Greek laxity in these respects. 31.25.5. So great in fact was the incontinence that had broken out among the young men in such matters, that many paid a talent for a male favourite and many three hundred drachmas for a jar of caviar. 31.25.6. It was just at the period we are treating of that this present tendency to extravagance declared itself, first of all because they thought that now after the fall of the Macedonian kingdom their universal dominion was undisputed, 31.25.7. and next because after the riches of Macedonia had been transported to Rome there was a great display of wealth both in public and in private. 32.3.11. And he proved to be quite right. For the senate, taking into consideration, as it seems to me, that the people would think that the murder was avenged, if those guilty of it were given up and punished, scarcely gave a reception to these envoys, but kept the grievance open so as to have the power to make use of the accusations when they wished. 32.3.13. The reply, therefore, that they gave to Demetrius was simply this, that he would meet with kindness from them, if his conduct during his reign was satisfactory to the senate. 32.13. 1. On the return of Gaius Fannius and the other legates from Illyria, they reported that the Dalmatians were so far from consenting to set right any of the constant abuses complained of by their accusers, that they would not even listen to them, saying that they had nothing in common with the Romans.,2. They also reported that they had neither been given a residence nor supplied with food, and that the Dalmatians had even taken away from them by force the horses they had brought from another town,,3. and were ready to lay violent hands on the legates themselves, had they not yielded to circumstances and left quite quietly.,4. The senate heard them with much attention and were highly indigt at the stubbornness and rudeness of the Dalmatians; but their chief motive for action was that for several reasons they thought the time a suitable one for making war on the Dalmatians.,5. For to begin with they had never once set foot in those parts of Illyria which face the Adriatic,6. since they expelled Demetrius of Pharos, and next they did not at all wish the Italians to become effeminate owing to the long peace,,7. it being now twelve years since the war with Perseus and their campaigns in Macedonia.,8. They, therefore, resolved by undertaking a war against the Dalmatians both to recreate, as it were, the spirit and zeal of their own troops, and by striking terror into the Illyrians to compel them to obey their behests. ,9. These, then, were the reasons why the Romans went to war with the Dalmatians, but to the world at large they gave out that they had decided on war owing to the insult to their ambassadors. 32.13.4. The senate heard them with much attention and were highly indigt at the stubbornness and rudeness of the Dalmatians; but their chief motive for action was that for several reasons they thought the time a suitable one for making war on the Dalmatians. 32.13.9. These, then, were the reasons why the Romans went to war with the Dalmatians, but to the world at large they gave out that they had decided on war owing to the insult to their ambassadors. 33.7.3. the senate was very indigt and deeply aggrieved at his conduct, and at once appointed ten legates headed by Lucius Anicius, Gaius Fannius, and Quintus Fabius Maximus, 33.9.1. Upon the Massaliots sending an embassy to Rome to complain of the conduct of the Ligurians, the senate at once appointed as their legates Flaminius Popilius Laenas and Lucius Pupius. 33.9.2. Accompanying the Massaliots they put in to a town called Aegitna in the territory of the Oxybii. 33.9.3. The Ligurians on hearing that they were coming to order them to raise the siege, prevented the others who were bringing their ship to anchor from disembarking, 33.9.4. but finding that Flaminius was already on shore and had stowed away his baggage, they at first ordered him to quit the place, and, when he refused, began to pillage his things. 33.9.5. When his slaves and freedmen tried to get hold of the things and prevent their seizure they forced them away and attacked them; 33.9.6. and when Flaminius now came up to the help of his own people, they wounded him, struck down two of his servants, and chased the others on board, so that Flaminius only just managed by cutting the shore and anchor cables to escape from the danger. 33.9.7. He was carried back to Marseilles, and nursed there with every attention; 33.9.8. and the senate on hearing of the incident dispatched one of the consuls, Quintus Opimius, with an armed force to make war on the Oxybii and Decietae. 33.12.8. They now separated, and while some of them left in haste to announce to the senate the contumacy of Prusias, others went to different parts of Ionia and others to the country near the Hellespont and Byzantium, all with one and the same project, 35.2.14. For they more than once hinted at the uncertainty of Fortune, and by making out that the engagements that had taken place were hotly contested left the impression that in all of them they thought they themselves had fought more brilliantly than the Romans. 35.3. 1. After the senate had heard both parties, the legates from Marcellus were introduced.,2. When the house saw that these also were pacifically inclined, and that the general himself was more disposed to favour the enemy than the allies, they replied to the Aravacae and to the allies,,3. that Marcellus would inform both parties in Spain of the decision of the senate.,4. But their private opinion being that what the allies said was both true and to the advantage of Rome, that the Aravacae still had a high opinion of themselves, and that the general was afraid of the war,,5. they gave secret orders to the legates he had sent to continue to fight bravely and worthily of their country.,6. Having thus determined to pursue the war, they first of all, as they distrusted Marcellus, were minded to send another general to Spain â,7. for Aulus Postumius Albinus and Lucius Licinius Lucullus had already been designated as consuls and had entered on their office â,8. and in the next place began to make energetic and lavish preparations for the campaign, thinking that the future of Spain depended on its issue.,9. For they supposed that if this enemy were vanquished, all others would submit to their authority, but that if the enemy could avert their present peril, not only would the Aravacae be encouraged to resist, but all the other tribes also. 35.3.1. After the senate had heard both parties, the legates from Marcellus were introduced. 35.3.2. When the house saw that these also were pacifically inclined, and that the general himself was more disposed to favour the enemy than the allies, they replied to the Aravacae and to the allies, 35.3.4. But their private opinion being that what the allies said was both true and to the advantage of Rome, that the Aravacae still had a high opinion of themselves, and that the general was afraid of the war, 35.3.6. Having thus determined to pursue the war, they first of all, as they distrusted Marcellus, were minded to send another general to Spain â 35.3.8. and in the next place began to make energetic and lavish preparations for the campaign, thinking that the future of Spain depended on its issue. 35.3.9. For they supposed that if this enemy were vanquished, all others would submit to their authority, but that if the enemy could avert their present peril, not only would the Aravacae be encouraged to resist, but all the other tribes also. 35.4.1. But the more eager the senate was to pursue the war, the more alarming did they find the state of affairs. 35.4.3. and as Marcellus was evidently afraid of continuing the war, such an extraordinary panic took hold of the young recruits as their elders said they never remembered before. 35.4.4. This fit of cowardice went so far, that neither did competent officers present themselves as military tribunes, but their posts were not filled, although formerly many more than the required number of qualified officers used to apply, 35.4.5. nor were the legates, nominated by the consuls, who should have accompanied the general, willing to serve; 35.4.6. but the worst of all was that the young men avoided enrolment, finding such excuses as it was disgraceful to allege, unseemly to examine, and impossible to check. 35.4.7. Finally, when both the senate and the magistrates were at a loss to know what would be the end of this shameless conduct on the part of the young men â for so they were compelled by circumstances to describe it â 35.4.13. All were surprised at this offer owing to Scipio's youth and his cautiousness in general, and Scipio became very popular both at the moment and still more on the following days. 36.2. 1. They had long ago made up their minds to act thus, but they were looking for a suitable opportunity and a pretext that would appeal to foreign nations.,2. For the Romans very rightly paid great attention to this matter, since, as Demetrius says, when the inception of a war seems just, it makes victory greater and ill-success less perilous, while if it is thought to be dishonourable and wrong it has the opposite effect.,4. So on this occasion their disputes with each other about the effect on foreign opinion very nearly made them desist from going to war. 36.9.6. For at first they had made war with every nation until they were victorious and until their adversaries had confessed that they must obey them and execute their orders. 38.20.1. When Hasdrubal, the Carthaginian commander, threw himself as a suppliant at Scipio's knees, the general turning to those round him said, "Look, my friends, how well Fortune knows to make an example of inconsiderate men. 38.20.2. This is that very Hasdrubal who lately rejected the many kind offers I made him, and said that his native city and her flames were the most splendid obsequies for him; and here he is with suppliant boughs begging for his life from me and reposing all his hopes on me. 38.20.3. Who that witnesses this with his eyes can fail to understand that a mere man should never either act or speak presumptuously?" 39.5.2. On quitting Polybius, they enjoined him to visit the cities, and clear up any matters about which people were doubtful, until they grew accustomed to the constitution and laws; 39.5.3. and after a certain time he succeeded in making people accept the constitution granted to them, and saw to it that no difficulty on any subject arose either in public or in private due to the laws. |
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12. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.201 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 69| 1.201. Iam illa non longam orationem desiderant, quam ob rem existimem publica quoque iura, quae sunt propria civitatis atque imperi, tum monumenta rerum gestarum et vetustatis exempla oratori nota esse debere; nam ut in rerum privatarum causis atque iudiciis depromenda saepe oratio est ex iure civili et idcirco, ut ante diximus, oratori iuris civilis scientia necessaria est, sic in causis publicis iudiciorum, contionum, senatus omnis haec et antiquitatis memoria et publici iuris auctoritas et regendae rei publicae ratio ac scientia tamquam aliqua materies eis oratoribus, qui versantur in re publica, subiecta esse debet. | |
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13. Cicero, On Duties, 1.53 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman society, senate of •agency, of the roman senate Found in books: Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 199| 1.53. Gradus autem plures sunt societatis hominum. Ut enim ab illa infinita discedatur, propior est eiusdem gentis, nationis, linguae, qua maxime homines coniunguntur; interius etiam est eiusdem esse civitatis; multa enim sunt civibus inter se communia, forum, fana, porticus, viae, leges, iura: iudicia, suffragia, consuetudines praeterea et familiaritates multisque cum multis res rationesque contractae. Artior vero colligatio est societatis propinquorum; ab illa enim immensa societate humani generis in exiguum angustumque concluditur. | 1.53. Then, too, there are a great many degrees of closeness or remoteness in human society. To proceed beyond the universal bond of our common humanity, there is the closer one of belonging to the same people, tribe, and tongue, by which men are very closely bound together; it is a still closer relation to be citizens of the same city-state; for fellow-citizens have much in common â forum, temples colonnades, streets, statutes, laws, courts, rights of suffrage, to say nothing of social and friendly circles and diverse business relations with many. But a still closer social union exists between kindred. Starting with that infinite bond of union of the human race in general, the conception is now confined to a small and narrow circle. |
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14. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.29.74, 2.60-2.62, 3.49 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman •theoi soteres, roman senators as •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212, 216; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251 | 2.60. On the contrary, they are endowed with supreme beauty of form, they are situated in the purest region of the sky, and they so control their motions and courses as to seem to be conspiring together to preserve and to protect the universe. "Many other divinities however have with good reason been recognized and named both by the wisest men of Greece and by our ancestors from the great benefits that they bestow. For it was thought that whatever confers great utility on the human race must be due to the operation of divine benevolence towards men. Thus sometimes a thing sprung from a god was called by the name of the god himself; as when we speak of corn as Ceres, of wine as Liber, so that Terence writes: when Ceres and when Liber fail, Venus is cold. 2.61. In other cases some exceptionally potent force is itself designated by a title of convey, for example Faith and Mind; we see the shrines on the Capitol lately dedicated to them both by Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, and Faith had previously been deified by Aulus Atilius Calatinus. You see the temple of Virtue, restored as the temple of Honour by Marcus Marcellus, but founded many years before by Quintus Maximus in the time of the Ligurian war. Again, there are the temples of Wealth, Safety, Concord, Liberty and Victory, all of which things, being so powerful as necessarily to imply divine goverce, were themselves designated as gods. In the same class the names of Desire, Pleasure and Venus Lubentina have been deified — things vicious and unnatural (although Velleius thinks otherwise), yet the urge of these vices often overpowers natural instinct. 2.62. Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. 3.49. Or if we allow Ino, are we going to make Amphiaraus and Trophonius divine? The Roman tax‑farmers, finding that lands in Boeotia belonging to the immortal gods were exempted by the censor's regulations, used to maintain that nobody was immortal who had once upon a time been a human being. But if these are divine, so undoubtedly is Erechtheus, whose shrine and whose priest also we saw when at Athens. And if we make him out to be divine, what doubts can we feel about Codrus or any other persons who fell fighting for their country's freedom? if we stick at this, we must reject the earlier cases too, from which these follow. |
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| 15. Cicero, On Laws, 3.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 19 |
| 16. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 1.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212 |
| 17. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 8.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
18. Cicero, On Divination, 1.88, 2.54.112, 2.57.117 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •senate (roman) Found in books: Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 10, 157; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 197| 1.88. Amphilochus et Mopsus Argivorum reges fuerunt, sed iidem augures, iique urbis in ora marituma Ciliciae Graecas condiderunt; atque etiam ante hos Amphiaraus et Tiresias non humiles et obscuri neque eorum similes, ut apud Ennium est, Quí sui quaestus caúsa fictas súscitant senténtias, sed clari et praestantes viri, qui avibus et signis admoniti futura dicebant; quorum de altero etiam apud inferos Homerus ait solum sapere, ceteros umbrarum vagari modo ; Amphiaraum autem sic honoravit fama Graeciae, deus ut haberetur, atque ut ab eius solo, in quo est humatus, oracla peterentur. | 1.88. Amphilochus and Mopsus were kings of Argos, but they were augurs too, and they founded Greek cities on the coasts of Cilicia. And even before them were Amphiaraus and Tiresias. They were no lowly and unknown men, nor were they like the person described by Ennius,Who, for their own gain, uphold opinions that are false,but they were eminent men of the noblest type and foretold the future by means of augural signs. In speaking of Tiresias, even when in the infernal regions, Homer says that he alone was wise, that the rest were mere wandering shadows. As for Amphiaraus, his reputation in Greece was such that he was honoured as a god, and oracular responses were sought in the place where he was buried. |
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| 19. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 8.8, 13.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 216; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
20. Cicero, Republic, 1.39, 2.51 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman society, senate of •agency, of the roman senate •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 199; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 36| 1.39. Est igitur, inquit Africanus, res publica res populi, populus autem non omnis hominum coetus quoquo modo congregatus, sed coetus multitudinis iuris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatus. Eius autem prima causa coeundi est non tam inbecillitas quam naturalis quaedam hominum quasi congregatio; non est enim singulare nec solivagum genus hoc, sed ita generatum, ut ne in omnium quidem rerum affluen tia 2.51. Quare prima sit haec forma et species et origo tyranni inventa nobis in ea re publica, quam auspicato Romulus condiderit, non in illa, quam, ut perscripsit Plato, sibi ipse Socrates tripertito illo in sermone depinxerit, ut, quem ad modum Tarquinius, non novam potestatem nactus, sed, quam habebat, usus iniuste totum genus hoc regiae civitatis everterit; sit huic oppositus alter, bonus et sapiens et peritus utilitatis dignitatisque civilis quasi tutor et procurator rei publicae; sic enim appelletur, quicumque erit rector et gubernator civitatis. Quem virum facite ut agnoscatis; is est enim, qui consilio et opera civitatem tueri potest. Quod quoniam nomen minus est adhuc tritum sermone nostro saepiusque genus eius hominis erit in reliqua nobis oratione trac tandum | |
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21. Ovid, Fasti, 3.523-3.696 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 92| 3.523. Idibus est Annae festum geniale Perennae 3.524. non procul a ripis, advena Thybri, tuis. 3.525. plebs venit ac virides passim disiecta per herbas 3.526. potat, et accumbit cum pare quisque sua. 3.527. sub Iove pars durat, pauci tentoria ponunt, 3.528. sunt quibus e ramis frondea facta casa est, 3.529. pars, ubi pro rigidis calamos statuere columnis, 3.530. desuper extentas imposuere togas. 3.531. sole tamen vinoque calent annosque precantur, 3.532. quot sumant cyathos, ad numerumque bibunt. 3.533. invenies illic, qui Nestoris ebibat annos, 3.534. quae sit per calices facta Sibylla suos. 3.535. illic et cantant, quicquid didicere theatris, 3.536. et iactant faciles ad sua verba manus 3.537. et ducunt posito duras cratere choreas, 3.538. cultaque diffusis saltat amica comis, 3.539. cum redeunt, titubant et sunt spectacula volgi, 3.540. et fortunatos obvia turba vocat. 3.541. occurrit nuper (visa est mihi digna relatu) 3.542. pompa: senem potum pota trahebat anus. 3.543. quae tamen haec dea sit, quoniam rumoribus errat, 3.544. fabula proposito nulla tegenda meo. 3.545. arserat Aeneae Dido miserabilis igne, 3.546. arserat exstructis in sua fata rogis; 3.547. compositusque cinis, tumulique in marmore carmen 3.548. hoc breve, quod moriens ipsa reliquit, erat: 3.549. “praebuit Aeneas et causam mortis et ensem. 3.550. ipsa sua Dido concidit usa manu.” 3.551. protinus invadunt Numidae sine vindice regnum, 3.552. et potitur capta Maurus Iarba domo, 3.553. seque memor spretum, Thalamis tamen inquit ‘Elissae 3.554. en ego, quem totiens reppulit illa, fruor.’ 3.555. diffugiunt Tyrii, quo quemque agit error, ut olim 3.556. amisso dubiae rege vagantur apes. 3.557. tertia nudandas acceperat area messes, 3.558. inque cavos ierant tertia musta lacus: 3.559. pellitur Anna domo lacrimansque sororia linquit 3.560. moenia: germanae iusta dat ante suae. 3.561. mixta bibunt molles lacrimis unguenta favillae, 3.562. vertice libatas accipiuntque comas; 3.563. terque vale! dixit, cineres ter ad ora relatos 3.564. pressit, et est illis visa subesse soror. 3.565. cta ratem comitesque fugae pede labitur aequo 3.566. moenia respiciens, dulce sororis opus. 3.567. fertilis est Melite sterili vicina Cosyrae 3.568. insula, quam Libyci verberat unda freti, 3.569. hanc petit hospitio regis confisa vetusto: 3.570. hospes opum dives rex ibi Battus erat. 3.571. qui postquam didicit casus utriusque sororis, 3.572. haec inquit tellus quantulacumque tua est. 3.573. et tamen hospitii servasset ad ultima munus, 3.574. sed timuit magnas Pygmalionis opes. 3.575. signa recensuerat bis sol sua, tertius ibat 3.576. annus, et exilio terra paranda nova est. 3.577. frater adest belloque petit. rex arma perosus 3.578. nos sumus inbelles, tu fuge sospes! ait. 3.579. iussa fugit ventoque ratem committit et undis: 3.580. asperior quovis aequore frater erat. 3.581. est prope piscosos lapidosi Crathidis amnes 3.582. parvus ager: Cameren incola turba vocat, 3.583. illuc cursus erat, nec longius afuit inde, 3.584. quam quantum novies mittere funda potest: 3.585. vela cadunt primo et dubia librantur ab aura. 3.586. findite remigio navita dixit aquas! 3.587. dumque parant torto subducere carbasa lino, 3.588. percutitur rapido puppis adunca noto 3.589. inque patens aequor frustra pugte magistro 3.590. fertur, et ex oculis visa refugit humus, 3.591. adsiliunt fluctus, imoque a gurgite pontus 3.592. vertitur, et canas alveus haurit aquas, 3.593. vincitur ars vento, nec iam moderator habenis 3.594. utitur; a votis is quoque poscit opem. 3.595. iactatur tumidas exul Phoenissa per undas 3.596. humidaque opposita lumina veste tegit: 3.597. tunc primum Dido felix est dicta sorori 3.598. et quaecumque aliquam corpore pressit humum 3.599. figitur ad Laurens ingenti flamine litus 3.600. puppis et expositis omnibus hausta perit. 3.601. iam pius Aeneas regno nataque Latini 3.602. auctus erat, populos miscueratque duos. 3.603. litore dotali solo comitatus Achate 3.604. secretum nudo dum pede carpit iter, 3.605. aspicit errantem nec credere sustinet Annam 3.606. esse: quid in Latios illa veniret agros? 3.607. dum secum Aeneas, Anna est! exclamat Achates: 3.608. ad nomen voltus sustulit illa suos. 3.609. heu! fugiat? quid agat? quos terrae quaerat hiatus? 3.610. ante oculos miserae fata sororis erant. 3.611. sensit et adloquitur trepidam Cythereius heros 3.612. (fiet tamen admonitu motus, Elissa, tui): 3.613. ‘Anna, per hanc iuro, quam quondam audire solebas 3.614. tellurem fato prosperiore dari, 3.615. perque deos comites, hac nuper sede locatos, 3.616. saepe meas illos increpuisse moras, 3.617. nec timui de morte tamen, metus abfuit iste. 3.618. ei mihi! credibili fortior illa fuit. 3.619. ne refer: aspexi non illo corpore digna 3.620. volnera Tartareas ausus adire domos, 3.621. at tu, seu ratio te nostris appulit oris 3.622. sive deus, regni commoda carpe mei. 3.623. multa tibi memores, nil non debemus Elissae: 3.624. nomine grata tuo, grata sororis, eris.’ 3.625. talia dicenti (neque enim spes altera restat) 3.626. credidit, errores exposuitque suos. 3.627. utque domum intravit Tyrios induta paratus, 3.628. incipit Aeneas (cetera turba silet): 3.629. ‘hanc tibi cur tradam, pia causa, Lavinia coniunx, 3.630. est mihi: consumpsi naufragus huius opes. 3.631. orta Tyro est, regnum Libyca possedit in ora; 3.632. quam precor ut carae more sororis ames.’ 3.633. omnia promittit falsumque Lavinia volnus 3.634. mente premit tacita dissimulatque fremens; 3.635. donaque cum videat praeter sua lumina ferri 3.636. multa palam, mitti clam quoque multa putat, 3.637. non habet exactum, quid agat; furialiter odit 3.638. et parat insidias et cupit ulta mori. 3.639. nox erat: ante torum visa est adstare sororis 3.640. squalenti Dido sanguinulenta coma 3.641. et fuge, ne dubita, maestum fuge dicere tectum! 3.642. sub verbum querulas impulit aura fores, 3.643. exilit et velox humili super arva fenestra 3.644. se iacit: audacem fecerat ipse timor. 3.645. quaque metu rapitur, tunica velata recincta 3.646. currit, ut auditis territa damma lupis, 3.647. corniger hanc tumidis rapuisse Numicius undis 3.648. creditur et stagnis occuluisse suis. 3.649. Sidonis interea magno clamore per agros 3.650. quaeritur: apparent signa notaeque pedum: 3.651. ventum erat ad ripas: inerant vestigia ripis. 3.652. sustinuit tacitas conscius amnis aquas. 3.653. ipsa loqui visa est ‘placidi sum nympha Numici: 3.654. amne perenne latens Anna Perenna vocor.’ 3.655. protinus erratis laeti vescuntur in agris 3.656. et celebrant largo seque diemque mero. 3.657. sunt quibus haec Luna est, quia mensibus impleat annum; 3.658. pars Themin, Inachiam pars putat esse bovem. 3.659. invenies, qui te nymphen Atlantida dicant 3.660. teque Iovi primos, Anna, dedisse cibos. 3.661. haec quoque, quam referam, nostras pervenit ad aures 3.662. fama nec a veri dissidet illa fide. 3.663. plebs vetus et nullis etiam nunc tuta tribunis 3.664. fugit et in Sacri vertice montis erat; 3.665. iam quoque, quem secum tulerant, defecerat illos 3.666. victus et humanis usibus apta Ceres, 3.667. orta suburbanis quaedam fuit Anna Bovillis, 3.668. pauper, sed multae sedulitatis anus. 3.669. illa levi mitra canos incincta capillos 3.670. Angebat tremula rustica liba manu, 3.671. atque ita per populum fumantia mane solebat 3.672. dividere: haec populo copia grata fuit. 3.673. pace domi facta signum posuere Perennae, 3.674. quod sibi defectis illa ferebat opem. 3.675. nunc mihi cur cantent superest obscena puellae 3.676. dicere; nam coeunt certaque probra canunt, 3.677. nuper erat dea facta: venit Gradivus ad Annam 3.678. et cum seducta talia verba facit: 3.679. ‘mense meo coleris, iunxi mea tempora tecum: 3.680. pendet ab officio spes mihi magna tuo. 3.681. armifer armiferae correptus amore Minervae 3.682. uror et hoc longo tempore volnus alo. 3.683. effice, di studio similes coeamus in unum: 3.684. conveniunt partes hae tibi, comis anus.’ 3.685. dixerat, illa deum promisso ludit ii 3.686. et stultam dubia spem trahit usque mora. 3.687. saepius instanti mandata peregimus, inquit 3.688. evicta est, precibus vix dedit illa manus. 3.689. credit amans thalamosque parat, deducitur illuc 3.690. Anna tegens voltus, ut nova nupta, suos. 3.691. oscula sumpturus subito Mars aspicit Annam: 3.692. nunc pudor elusum, nunc subit ira deum. 3.693. ridet amatorem carae nova diva Minervae, 3.694. nec res hac Veneri gratior ulla fuit. 3.695. inde ioci veteres obscenaque dicta canuntur, 3.696. et iuvat hanc magno verba dedisse deo. | 3.523. Not far from your banks, Tiber, far flowing river. 3.524. The people come and drink there, scattered on the grass, 3.525. And every man reclines there with his girl. 3.526. Some tolerate the open sky, a few pitch tents, 3.527. And some make leafy huts out of branches, 3.528. While others set reeds up, to form rigid pillars, 3.529. And hang their outspread robes from the reeds. 3.530. But they’re warmed by sun and wine, and pray 3.531. For as many years as cups, as many as they drink. 3.532. There you’ll find a man who quaffs Nestor’s years, 3.533. A woman who’d age as the Sibyl, in her cups. 3.534. There they sing whatever they’ve learnt in the theatres, 3.535. Beating time to the words with ready hands, 3.536. And setting the bowl down, dance coarsely, 3.537. The trim girl leaping about with streaming hair. 3.538. Homecoming they stagger, a sight for vulgar eyes, 3.539. And the crowd meeting them call them ‘blessed’. 3.540. I fell in with the procession lately (it seems to me worth 3.541. Saying): a tipsy old woman dragging a tipsy old man. 3.542. But since errors abound as to who this goddess is, 3.543. I’m determined not to cloak her story. 3.544. Wretched Dido burned with love for Aeneas, 3.545. She burned on the pyre built for her funeral: 3.546. Her ashes were gathered, and this brief couplet 3.547. Which she left, in dying, adorned her tomb: 3.548. AENEAS THE REASON, HIS THE BLADE EMPLOYED. 3.549. DIDO BY HER OWN HAND WAS DESTROYED. 3.550. The Numidians immediately invaded the defencele 3.551. Realm, and Iarbas the Moor captured and held the palace. 3.552. Remembering her scorn, he said: ‘See, I, whom she 3.553. So many times rejected, now enjoy Elissa’s marriage bed.’ 3.554. The Tyrians scattered, as each chanced to stray, as bee 3.555. often wander confusedly, having lost their Queen. 3.556. Anna, was driven from her home, weeping on leaving 3.557. Her sister’s city, after first paying honour to that sister. 3.558. The loose ashes drank perfume mixed with tears, 3.559. And received an offering of her shorn hair: 3.560. Three times she said: ‘Farewell!’ three times lifted 3.561. And pressed the ashes to her lips, seeing her sister there. 3.562. Finding a ship, and companions for her flight, she glided 3.563. Away, looking back at the city, her sister’s sweet work. 3.564. There’s a fertile island, Melite, near barren Cosyra, 3.565. Lashed by the waves of the Libyan sea. Trusting in 3.566. The king’s former hospitality, she headed there, 3.567. Battus was king there, and was a wealthy host. 3.568. When he had learned the fates of the two sisters, 3.569. He said: ‘This land, however small, is yours.’ 3.570. He would have been hospitable to the end, 3.571. Except that he feared Pygmalion’s great power. 3.572. The corn had been taken to be threshed a third time, 3.573. And a third time the new wine poured into empty vats. 3.574. The sun had twice circled the zodiac, and a third year 3.575. Was passing, when Anna had to find a fresh place of exile. 3.576. Her brother came seeking war. The king hated weapons, 3.577. And said: ‘We are peaceable, flee for your own safety!’ 3.578. She fled at his command, gave her ship to the wind and waves: 3.579. Her brother was crueller than any ocean. 3.580. There’s a little field by the fish-filled stream 3.581. of stony Crathis: the local people call it Camere. 3.582. There she sailed, and when she was no further away 3.583. Than the distance reached by nine slingshots, 3.584. The sails first fell and then flapped in the light breeze. 3.585. ‘Attack the water with oars!’ cried the captain. 3.586. And while they made ready to reef the sails, 3.587. The swift South Wind struck the curved stern, 3.588. And despite the captain’s efforts swept them 3.589. Into the open sea: the land was lost to sight. 3.590. The waves attacked them, and the ocean heaved 3.591. From the depths, and the hull gulped the foaming waters. 3.592. Skill is defeated by the wind, the steersman no longer 3.593. Guides the helm, but he too turns to prayer for aid. 3.594. The Phoenician exile is thrown high on swollen waves, 3.595. And hides her weeping eyes in her robe: 3.596. Then for a first time she called her sister Dido happy, 3.597. And whoever, anywhere, might be treading dry land. 3.598. A great gust drove the ship to the Laurentine shore, 3.599. And, foundering, it perished, when all had landed. 3.600. Meanwhile pious Aeneas had gained Latinus’ realm 3.601. And his daughter too, and had merged both peoples. 3.602. While he was walking barefoot along the shore 3.603. That had been his dower, accompanied only by Achates, 3.604. He saw Anna wandering, not believing it was her: 3.605. ‘Why should she be here in the fields of Latium?’ 3.606. Aeneas said to himself: ‘It’s Anna!’ shouted Achates: 3.607. At the sound of her name she raised her face. 3.608. Alas, what should she do? Flee? Wish for the ground 3.609. To swallow her? Her wretched sister’s fate was before her eyes. 3.610. The Cytherean hero felt her fear, and spoke to her, 3.611. (He still wept, moved by your memory, Elissa): 3.612. ‘Anna, I swear, by this land that you once knew 3.613. A happier fate had granted me, and by the god 3.614. My companions, who have lately found a home here, 3.615. That all of them often rebuked me for my delay. 3.616. Yet I did not fear her dying, that fear was absent. 3.617. Ah me! Her courage was beyond belief. 3.618. Don’t re-tell it: I saw shameful wounds on her body 3.619. When I dared to visit the houses of Tartarus. 3.620. But you shall enjoy the comforts of my kingdom, 3.621. Whether your will or a god brings you to our shores. 3.622. I owe you much, and owe Elissa not a little: 3.623. You are welcome for your own and your sister’s sake.’ 3.624. She accepted his words (no other hope was left) 3.625. And told him of her own wanderings. 3.626. When she entered the palace, dressed in Tyrian style, 3.627. Aeneas spoke (the rest of the throng were silent): 3.628. ‘Lavinia, my wife, I have a pious reason for entrusting 3.629. This lady to you: shipwrecked, I lived at her expense. 3.630. She’s of Tyrian birth: her kingdom’s on the Libyan shore: 3.631. I beg you to love her, as your dear sister.’ 3.632. Lavinia promised all, but hid a fancied wrong 3.633. Within her silent heart, and concealed her fears: 3.634. And though she saw many gifts given away openly, 3.635. She suspected many more were sent secretly. 3.636. She hadn’t yet decided what to do: she hated 3.637. With fury, prepared a plan, and wished to die avenged. 3.638. It was night: it seemed her sister Dido stood 3.639. Before her bed, her straggling hair stained with her blood, 3.640. Crying: ‘Flee, don’t hesitate, flee this gloomy house!’ 3.641. At the words a gust slammed the creaking door. 3.642. Anna leapt up, then jumped from a low window 3.643. To the ground: fear itself had made her daring. 3.644. With terror driving her, clothed in her loose vest, 3.645. She runs like a frightened doe that hears the wolves. 3.646. It’s thought that horned Numicius swept her away 3.647. In his swollen flood, and hid her among his pools. 3.648. Meanwhile, shouting, they searched for the Sidonian lady 3.649. Through the fields: traces and tracks were visible: 3.650. Reaching the banks, they found her footprints there. 3.651. The knowing river stemmed his silent waters. 3.652. She herself appeared, saying: ‘I’m a nymph of the calm 3.653. Numicius: hid in perennial waters, Anna Perenna’s my name.’ 3.654. Quickly they set out a feast in the fields they’d roamed, 3.655. And celebrated their deeds and the day, with copious wine. 3.656. Some think she’s the Moon, because she measures out 3.657. The year (annus): others, Themis, or the Inachian heifer. 3.658. Anna, you’ll find some to say you’re a nymph, daughter 3.659. of Azan, and gave Jupiter his first nourishment. 3.660. I’ll relate another tale that’s come to my ears, 3.661. And it’s not so far away from the truth. 3.662. The Plebs of old, not yet protected by Tribunes, 3.663. Fled, and gathered on the Sacred Mount: 3.664. The food supplies they’d brought with them failed, 3.665. Also the stores of bread fit for human consumption. 3.666. There was a certain Anna from suburban Bovillae, 3.667. A poor woman, old, but very industrious. 3.668. With her grey hair bound up in a light cap, 3.669. She used to make coarse cakes with a trembling hand, 3.670. And distribute them, still warm, among the people, 3.671. Each morning: this supply of hers pleased them all. 3.672. When peace was made at home, they set up a statue 3.673. To Perenna, because she’d helped supply their needs. 3.674. Now it’s left for me to tell why the girls sing coarse songs: 3.675. Since they gather together to sing certain infamous things. 3.676. Anna had lately been made a goddess: Gradivus came to her 3.677. And taking her aside, spoke these words: 3.678. You honour my month: I’ve joined my season to yours: 3.679. I’ve great hopes you can do me a service. 3.680. Armed, I’m captivated by armed Minerva, 3.681. I burn, and have nursed the wound for many a day. 3.682. Help us, alike in our pursuits, to become one: 3.683. The part suits you well, courteous old lady.’ 3.684. He spoke. She tricked the god with empty promises. 3.685. And led him on, in foolish hope, with false delays. 3.686. often, when he pressed her, she said: ‘I’ve done as you asked, 3.687. She’s won, she’s yielded at last to your prayers.’ 3.688. The lover believed her and prepared the marriage-chamber. 3.689. They led Anna there, a new bride, her face veiled. 3.690. About to kiss her, Mars suddenly saw it was Anna: 3.691. Shame and anger alternating stirred the hoodwinked god. 3.692. The new goddess laughed at her dear Minerva’s lover. 3.693. Nothing indeed has ever pleased Venus more. 3.694. So now they tell old jokes, and coarse songs are sung, 3.695. And they delight in how the great god was cheated. 3.696. I was about to neglect those daggers that pierced |
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| 22. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, a b c d\n0 34/35.33.4 34/35.33.4 34/35 33\n1 34/35.33.3 34/35.33.3 34/35 33\n2 34/35.33.5 34/35.33.5 34/35 33 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 82 |
| 23. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, None (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate (roman) Found in books: Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 162 |
| 24. Livy, Per., 100, 97, 99, 98 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 246 |
25. Livy, History, 1.6, 5.52, 9.11.1-9.11.13, 34.27, 34.35, 34.48-34.51, 37.60.3-37.60.6, 39.51.9-39.51.12, 45.17-45.18, 45.18.2-45.18.3, 45.26.15, 45.29-45.30, 45.29.1, 45.31.1, 45.32.7, 45.44.20 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate •senate, roman •senate, roman, •senator, roman •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 51; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212, 225, 244, 246, 289, 351; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 69| 45.18.2. ut et, in libertate gentes quae essent, tutam eam sibi perpetuamque sub tutela populi Romani esse, et, quae sub regibus viverent, et in praesens tempus mitiores eos iustioresque respectu populi Romani habere se crederent et, si quando bellum cum populo Romano regibus fuisset suis, exitum eius victoriam Romanis adlaturum, sibi libertatem. 45.18.3. metalli quoque Macedonici, quod ingens vectigal erat, locationes praediorumque rusticorum tolli placebat; 45.26.15. unam eam fecit, quae supra † dictam est, alteram Labeatas omnis, tertiam Agravonitas et Rhizonitas et Olciniatas accolasque eorum. hac formula dicta in Illyrico ipse inde Epiri Passaronem in hiberna redit. 45.29.1. ipse, ubi dies venit, quo adesse Amphipoli denos principes civitatium iusserat litterasque omnis, quae ubique depositae essent, et pecuniam regiam conferri, cum decem legatis circumfusa omni multitudine Macedonum in tribunali consedit. 45.31.1. Macedoniae formula dicta cum leges quoque se daturum ostendisset, Aetoli deinde citati. in qua cognitione magis utra pars Romanis, utra regi favisset quaesitum est, quam utra fecisset iniuriam aut accepisset; 45.32.7. leges Macedoniae dedit cum tanta cura, ut non hostibus victis, sed sociis bene meritis dare videretur, et quas ne usus quidem longo tempore, qui unus est legum corrector, experiendo argueret. 45.44.20. Romae quoque, cum veniret in curiam, summisisse se et osculo limen curiae contigisse et deos servatores suos senatum appellasse aliamque orationem non tam honorificam audientibus quam sibi deformem habuisse. | |
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| 26. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 6.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 161 |
| 27. Sallust, Catiline, 31.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
28. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.1.9, 2.10.3, 5.27.9, 7.15.4-7.15.5 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 213; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 20, 146| 2.10.3. ὁ δὲ ἦγεν ἐν τάξει ἔτι, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα, καίπερ ἐν ἀπόπτῳ ἤδη ἔχων τὴν Δαρείου δύναμιν, βάδην, τοῦ μὴ διασπασθῆναί τι ἐν τῇ ξυντονωτέρᾳ πορείᾳ κυμῆναν τῆς φάλαγγος· ὡς δὲ ἐντὸς βέλους ἐγίγνοντο, πρῶτοι δὴ οἱ κατὰ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ τεταγμένος δρόμῳ ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐνέβαλον, ὡς τῇ τε ὀξύτητι τῆς ἐφόδου ἐκπλῆξαι τοὺς Πέρσας καὶ τοῦ θᾶσσον ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντας ὀλίγα πρὸς τῶν τοξοτῶν βλάπτεσθαι. καὶ ξυνέβη ὅπως εἴκασεν Ἀλέξανδρος. 5.27.9. καλὸν δέ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, εἴπερ τι καὶ ἄλλο, καὶ ἡ ἐν τῷ εὐτυχεῖν σωφροσύνη. σοὶ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἡγουμένῳ καὶ στρατιὰν τοιαύτην ἄγοντι ἐκ μὲν πολεμίων δέος οὐδέν, τὰ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ δαιμονίου ἀδόκητά τε καὶ ταύτῃ καὶ ἀφύλακτα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐστί. τοιαῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ Κοίνου θόρυβον γενέσθαι 7.15.4. κατιόντι δὲ αὐτῷ ἐς Βαβυλῶνα Λιβύων τε πρεσβεῖαι ἐνετύγχανον ἐπαινούντων τε καὶ στεφανούντων ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῆς Ἀσίας, καὶ ἐξ Ἰταλίας Βρέττιοί τε καὶ Λευκανοὶ καὶ Τυρρηνοὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπρέσβευον. καὶ Καρχηδονίους τότε πρεσβεῦσαι λέγεται καὶ ἀπὸ Αἰθιόπων πρέσβεις ἐλθεῖν καὶ Σκυθῶν τῶν ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης, καὶ Κελτοὺς καὶ Ἴβηρας, ὑπὲρ φιλίας δεησομένους· ὧν τά τε ὀνόματα καὶ τὰς σκευὰς τότε πρῶτον ὀφθῆναι πρὸς Ἑλλήνων τε καὶ Μακεδόνων. 7.15.5. τοὺς δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐς ἀλλήλους διαφορῶν λέγουσιν ὅτι Ἀλεξάνδρῳ διακρῖναι ἐπέτρεπον· καὶ τότε μάλιστα αὐτόν τε αὑτῷ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ τοῖς ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν φανῆναι Aristi fr. 3 γῆς τε ἁπάσης καὶ θαλάσσης κύριον. ἄριστος δὲ καὶ Ἀσκληπιάδης τῶν τὰ Ἀλεξάνδρου ἀναγραψάντων καὶ Ῥωμαίους λέγουσιν ὅτι ἐπρέσβευσαν· καὶ ἐντυχόντα ταῖς πρεσβείαις Ἀλέξανδρον ὑπὲρ Ῥωμαίων τι τῆς ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα ἐσομένης δυνάμεως μαντεύσασθαι, τόν τε κόσμον τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἰδόντα καὶ τὸ φιλόπονόν τε καὶ ἐλευθέριον καὶ περὶ τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἅμα διαπυνθανόμενον. | |
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29. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 60.4, 61.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •prayer, to moon-goddess, prayers for prosperity of emperor, senate, knights, and whole roman people Found in books: Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 267| 60.4. δὸς ὁμόνοιαν καὶ εἰρήνην ἡμῖν τε καὶ πᾶσιν Exod. 6, 1; Deut. 4. 34; 5, 15: Jer. 32, 21; Ezek. 20, 88, 84 τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν τὴν γῆν, καθὼς ἔδωκας τοῖς πατράσιν ἡμῶν, ἐπικαλουμένων σε αὐτῶν ὁσίως ἐν πίστει καὶ ἀληθείᾳ, ὑπηκόους γινομένους τῷ παντοκράτορι καὶ ἐνδόξῳ ὀνόματί σου, τοῖς τε ἄρχουσιν καὶ ἡγουμένοις ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. 61.1. Σύ, δεσποτα, ἔδωκας τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῖς διὰ τοῦ μεγαλοπρεποῦς καὶ ἀνεκδιηγήτου κράτους σου, εἰς τὸ γινώσκοντας ἡμᾶς τὴν ὑπὸ σοῦ αὐτοῖς δεδομένην δόξαν καὶ τιμὴν ὑποτάσσεσθαι αὐτοῖς, μηδὲν ἐναντιουμένους τῷ θελήματί σου: οἶς δός, κύριε, ὑγίειαν, εἰρήνην, ὁμόνοιαν, εὐστάθειαν. εἰς τὸ διέπειν αὐτοὺς τὴν ὑπὸ σοῦ δεδομένην αὐτοῖς ἡγεμονίαν ἀπροσκόπως. 1 Tim. 5, 17; Tob, 13, 6, 10 | |
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30. New Testament, Mark, 9.35, 10.31, 10.43 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman, senate Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 910| 9.35. καὶ καθίσας ἐφώνησεν τοὺς δώδεκα καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Εἴ τις θέλει πρῶτος εἶναι ἔσται πάντων ἔσχατος καὶ πάντων διάκονος. 10.31. πολλοὶ δὲ ἔσονται πρῶτοι ἔσχατοι καὶ [οἱ] ἔσχατοι πρῶτοι. 10.43. οὐχ οὕτως δέ ἐστιν ἐν ὑμῖν· ἀλλʼ ὃς ἂν θέλῃ μέγας γενέσθαι ἐν ὑμῖν, ἔσται ὑμῶν διάκονος, | 9.35. He sat down, and called the twelve; and he said to them, "If any man wants to be first, he shall be last of all, and servant of all." 10.31. But many who are first will be last; and the last first." 10.43. But it shall not be so among you, but whoever wants to become great among you shall be your servant. |
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| 31. New Testament, John, 4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •roman senate and people •senate, roman Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 13 |
32. New Testament, Romans, 1.17, 13.1-13.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •roman senate and people •senate, roman Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 13, 14| 1.17. δικαιοσύνη γὰρ θεοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ ἀποκαλύπτεται ἐκ πίστεως εἰς πίστιν, καθὼς γέγραπταιὉ δὲ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται. 13.1. Πᾶσα ψυχὴ ἐξουσίαις ὑπερεχούσαις ὑποτασσέσθω, οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἐξουσία εἰ μὴ ὑπὸ θεοῦ, αἱ δὲ οὖσαι ὑπὸ θεοῦ τεταγμέναι εἰσίν· 13.2. ὥστε ὁ ἀντιτασσόμενος τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ διαταγῇ ἀνθέστηκεν, οἱ δὲ ἀνθεστηκότες ἑαυτοῖς κρίμα λήμψονται. 13.3. οἱ γὰρ ἄρχοντες οὐκ εἰσὶν φόβος τῷ ἀγαθῷ ἔργῳ ἀλλὰ τῷ κακῷ. θέλεις δὲ μὴ φοβεῖσθαι τὴν ἐξουσίαν; 13.4. τὸ ἀγαθὸν ποίει, καὶ ἕξεις ἔπαινον ἐξ αὐτῆς· θεοῦ γὰρ διάκονός ἐστιν σοὶ εἰς τὸ ἀγαθόν. ἐὰν δὲ τὸ κακὸν ποιῇς, φοβοῦ· οὐ γὰρ εἰκῇ τὴν μάχαιραν φορεῖ· θεοῦ γὰρ διάκονός ἐστιν, ἔκδικος εἰς ὀργὴν τῷ τὸ κακὸν πράσσοντι. 13.5. διὸ ἀνάγκη ὑποτάσσεσθαι, οὐ μόνον διὰ τὴν ὀργὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τὴν συνείδησιν, 13.6. διὰ τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ φόρους τελεῖτε, λειτουργοὶ γὰρ θεοῦ εἰσὶν εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο προσκαρτεροῦντες. 13.7. ἀπόδοτε πᾶσι τὰς ὀφειλάς, τῷ τὸν φόρον τὸν φόρον, τῷ τὸ τέλος τὸ τέλος, τῷ τὸν φόβον τὸν φόβον, τῷ τὴν τιμὴν τὴν τιμήν. | 1.17. For in it is revealed God's righteousness from faith to faith. As it is written, "But the righteous shall live by faith." 13.1. Let every soul be in subjection to the higher authorities, for there is no authority except from God, and those who exist are ordained by God. 13.2. Therefore he who resists the authority, withstands the ordice of God; and those who withstand will receive to themselves judgment. 13.3. For rulers are not a terror to the good work, but to the evil. Do you desire to have no fear of the authority? Do that which is good, and you will have praise from the same, 13.4. for he is a servant of God to you for good. But if you do that which is evil, be afraid, for he doesn't bear the sword in vain; for he is a minister of God, an avenger for wrath to him who does evil. 13.5. Therefore you need to be in subjection, not only because of the wrath, but also for conscience' sake. 13.6. For this reason you also pay taxes, for they are ministers of God's service, attending continually on this very thing. 13.7. Give therefore to everyone what you owe: taxes to whom taxes are due; customs to whom customs; respect to whom respect; honor to whom honor. |
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33. New Testament, Apocalypse, 9.11, 18.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 148; Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 114| 9.11. ἔχουσιν ἐπʼ αὐτῶν βασιλέα τὸν ἄγγελον τῆς ἀβύσσου· ὄνομα αὐτῷ Ἐβραϊστὶ Ἀβαδδών καὶ ἐν τῇ Ἑλληνικῇ ὄνομα ἔχει Ἀπολλύων. 18.4. Καὶ ἤκουσα ἄλλην φωνὴν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ λέγουσανἘξέλθατε, ὁ λαός μου, ἐξ αὐτῆς,ἵνα μὴ συνκοινωνήσητε ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις αὐτῆς, καὶ ἐκ τῶν πληγῶν αὐτῆς ἵνα μὴ λάβητε· | 9.11. They have over them as king the angel of the abyss. His name in Hebrew is "Abaddon," but in Greek, he has the name "Apollyon." 18.4. I heard another voice from heaven, saying, "Come forth, my people, out of her, that you have no participation in her sins, and that you don't receive of her plagues, |
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34. New Testament, Acts, 17.19 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 216| 17.19. ὅτι τὸν Ἰησοῦν καὶ τὴν ἀνάστασιν εὐηγγελίζετο. ἐπιλαβόμενοι δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἄρειον Πάγον ἤγαγον, λέγοντες Δυνάμεθα γνῶναι τίς ἡ καινὴ αὕτη [ἡ] ὑπὸ σοῦ λαλουμένη διδαχή; | 17.19. They took hold of him, and brought him to the Areopagus, saying, "May we know what this new teaching is, which is spoken by you? |
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| 35. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.103-1.105, 3.80-3.83, 5.68-5.237, 6.791, 7.799-7.801 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 91; Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 10, 114, 122; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 36 |
| 36. Juvenal, Satires, 7.147, 8.116 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gauls, discussion on their admission into the roman senate Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 420 |
37. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.153-1.154, 1.199, 1.535-1.537, 1.617-1.619, 1.661 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 89 | 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.199. 3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down. 1.535. and this it was that came as the last storm, and entirely sunk the young men when they were in great danger before. For Salome came running to the king, and informed him of what admonition had been given her; whereupon he could bear no longer, but commanded both the young men to be bound, and kept the one asunder from the other. He also sent Volumnius, the general of his army, to Caesar immediately, as also his friend Olympus with him, who carried the informations in writing along with them. 1.536. Now, as soon as they had sailed to Rome, and delivered the king’s letters to Caesar, Caesar was mightily troubled at the case of the young men; yet did not he think he ought to take the power from the father of condemning his sons; 1.537. o he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment. 1.617. 5. And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to the palace, without any friends with him; for these were affronted, and shut out at the first gate. Now Varus, the president of Syria, happened to be in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater went in to his father, and, putting on a bold face, he came near to salute him. 1.618. But Herod Stretched out his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried out, “Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to get me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God confound thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me, till thou hast cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee. I appoint thee a court where thou art to be judged, and this Varus, who is very seasonably here, to be thy judge; and get thou thy defense ready against tomorrow, for I give thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses for thyself.” 1.619. And as Antipater was so confounded, that he was able to make no answer to this charge, he went away; but his mother and wife came to him, and told him of all the evidence they had gotten against him. Hereupon he recollected himself, and considered what defense he should make against the accusations. 1.661. 7. These were the commands he gave them; when there came letters from his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that Acme was put to death at Caesar’s command, and that Antipater was condemned to die; however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar permitted him so to do. |
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38. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.73-14.74, 14.77, 14.190-14.198, 15.350, 16.90, 16.332, 16.356-16.358, 17.91, 17.144-17.145, 17.182, 19.223-19.273, 20.199-20.203 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •senator, roman •augustus, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 153; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 89, 271, 275 | 14.73. The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity; 14.74. and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. 14.77. 5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians. 14.190. 2. “Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, 14.193. and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197. and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.198. that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.” 15.350. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. 16.90. and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was already become very ill-disposed towards the young men; but still while he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, and not indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be suspected of impiety. 16.332. Which she also confessed. Upon which Herod, supposing that Archelaus’s ill-will to him was fully proved, sent a letter by Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they sailed by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Archelaus the letter. And that when they had ex-postulated with him, that he had a hand in his son’s treacherous design against him, they should from thence sail to Rome; 16.356. 1. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: That he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behoove him to punish them as parricides, for which he gave him power accordingly; but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have him give them an admonition, and not proceed to extremity with them. 16.357. He also advised him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus, which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the presidents of Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more as he thought to be illustrious for their friendship to him, and the dignities they were in, and determine what should be done by their approbation. 16.358. These were the directions that Caesar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him, was immediately very glad of Caesar’s reconciliation to him, and very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over his sons. 17.91. And now he was in great disorder, and presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his going to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who called him a murderer of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction against himself, and told him that Varus should be his auditor and his judge the very next day; 17.144. So he laid all upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Rome to Caesar, there to give an account of these his wicked contrivances. 17.145. But he soon became afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape the danger he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of the epistles before mentioned. 17.182. 1. As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which, when they were read, their purport was this: That Acme was slain by Caesar, out of his indignation at what hand, she had in Antipater’s wicked practices; and that as to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became a father and a king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life, which he pleased. 19.223. But when they were come into the large court of the palace, (which, as the report goes about it, was inhabited first of all the parts of the city of Rome,) and had just reached the public treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as glad to see Claudius’s face, and thought it exceeding right to make him emperor, on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left behind him a vast reputation among all that were acquainted with him. 19.224. They reflected also on the covetous temper of the leading men of the senate, and what great errors they had been guilty of when the senate had the government formerly; 19.225. they also considered the impossibility of such an undertaking, as also what dangers they should be in, if the government should come to a single person, and that such a one should possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and not to Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by their good-will to him, and would remember the favors they had done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the same. 19.226. 3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to them. Now those that inquired about this matter willingly embraced the invitation that was made them to join with the rest; so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding another, that their vehement endeavors might not be hindered. 19.227. But as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their opinions. The latter were very desirous to recover their former dignity, and were zealous to get clear of the slavery that had been brought on them by the injurious treatment of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded them; 19.228. but for the people, who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a refuge from them, they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon, and brought to them, and thought that if Claudius were made emperor, he would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days of Pompey. 19.229. But when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into the camp by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their body which had the best character for their virtues, that they might inform him that he ought to do nothing by violence, in order to gain the government; 19.230. that he who was a single person, one either already or hereafter to be a member of their body, ought to yield to the senate, which consisted of so great a number; that he ought to let the law take place in the disposal of all that related to the public order, and to remember how greatly the former tyrants had afflicted their city, and what dangers both he and they had escaped under Caius; and that he ought not to hate the heavy burden of tyranny, when the injury is done by others, while he did himself willfully treat his country after a mad and insolent manner; 19.231. that if he would comply with them, and demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live quietly and virtuously, he would have the greatest honors decreed to him that a free people could bestow; and by subjecting himself to the law, would obtain this branch of commendation, that he acted like a man of virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; 19.232. but that if he would act foolishly, and learn no wisdom by Caius’s death, they would not permit him to go on; that a great part of the army was got together for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves, which they could make use of; 19.233. that good hope was a great matter in such cases, as was also good fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others but those that undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than such as fight for the liberty of their country. 19.234. 4. Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of them tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and falling down upon their knees, they begged of him that he would not throw the city into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of soldiers encompassed and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were with the consuls were, in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable, 19.235. they added, that if he did desire the government, he should accept of it as given by the senate; that he would prosper better, and be happier, if he came to it, not by the injustice, but by the good-will of those that would bestow it upon him. 19.236. 1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their advice, behave himself for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could not recover himself out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim the government] partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his hands, when it came thus to him of its own accord. 19.237. Now this Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did what became one that had been so much honored by him; for he embraced Caius’s body after he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could, and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was still alive; but he said that they should call for physicians, since he was very ill of his wounds. 19.238. But when he had learned that Claudius was carried away violently by the soldiers, he rushed through the crowd to him, and when he found that he was in disorder, and ready to resign up the government to the senate, he encouraged him, and desired him to keep the government; 19.239. but when he had said this to Claudius, he retired home. And upon the senate’s sending for him, he anointed his head with ointment, as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius did; 19.240. who told him the present state of affairs, and then asked his opinion about the settlement of the public. He told them in words that he was ready to lose his life for the honor of the senate, but desired them to consider what was for their advantage, without any regard to what was most agreeable to them; 19.241. for that those who grasp at government will stand in need of weapons and soldiers to guard them, unless they will set up without any preparation for it, and so fall into danger. 19.242. And when the senate replied that they would bring in weapons in abundance, and money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already collected together for them, and they would raise a larger one by giving the slaves their liberty,—Agrippa made answer, “O senators! may you be able to compass what you have a mind to; yet will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend to your preservation. 19.243. Take notice, then, that the army which will fight for Claudius hath been long exercised in warlike affairs; but our army will be no better than a rude multitude of raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly made free from slavery, and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that are skillful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their swords. 19.244. So that my opinion is, that we should send some persons to Claudius, to persuade him to lay down the government; and I am ready to be one of your ambassadors.” 19.245. 2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied with him, and he was sent among others, and privately informed Claudius of the disorder the senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer them in a somewhat commanding strain, and as one invested with dignity and authority. 19.246. Accordingly, Claudius said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder the senate had no mind to have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by the barbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their affairs; but that they should taste of an equitable government under him, and moderate times, while he should only be their ruler in name, but the authority should be equally common to them all; and since he had passed through many and various scenes of life before their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust him. 19.247. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer, were dismissed. But Claudius discoursed with the army which was there gathered together, who took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him; Upon which he gave the guards every man five thousand drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable quantity to their captains, and promised to give the same to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were. 19.248. 3. And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple of Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night; but some of those senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain what to do, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going, and despairing of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own safety. 19.249. However, a hundred and no more were gotten together; and as they were in consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them an emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude of rulers. 19.250. So they fully declared themselves to be for the giving the government not to all, but to one; but they gave the senate leave to look out for a person worthy to be set over them, insomuch that now the affairs of the senate were much worse than before, because they had not only failed in the recovery of their liberty, which they boasted themselves of, but were in dread of Claudius also. 19.251. Yet were there those that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of their families and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his having married Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to claim the government, although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay after another in proposing it: 19.252. that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius’s murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. 19.253. There were also a considerable number of gladiators besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who all ran into the camp; insomuch that, of those who put in for the government, some left off their pretensions in order to spare the city, and others out of fear for their own persons. 19.254. 4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were with him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to the soldiers. However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that they were making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays: 19.255. but the senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should themselves be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them to govern, and the murderers of Caius would not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. 19.256. When they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had, and promised, that if they desired an emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the watchword from Eutychus. 19.257. Now this Eutychus was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, who used to harass the soldiery with building stables for the horses, and spent his time in ignominious labors, 19.258. which occasioned Cherea to reproach them with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous language; and told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that it was an amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they should commit their government to a fool. 19.259. Yet were not they moved with his words, but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left without any body to defend them, and the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. 19.260. They were also under consternation and sorrow, men not knowing what would become of them, because Claudius was very angry at them; so they fell a reproaching one another, and repented of what they had done. 19.261. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius’s murderers, threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well, while he who was the first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thin to live, when, even by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they found it impossible to do it. 19.262. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon him about killing himself; that yet he would first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it. 19.263. 5. These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius; and the other consul, Quintus Pomponius, was reproached by the soldiery, as having rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty; whereupon they drew their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it, if Claudius had not hindered them, 19.264. who snatched the consul out of the danger he was in, and set him by him. But he did not receive that part of the senate which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay, some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius; nay, Aponius went away wounded, and they were all in danger. 19.265. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others over whom to rule. 19.266. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was to the great vexation of the multitude; 19.267. for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius’s murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open manner, while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. 19.268. Then did Claudius, upon his coming to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they accused him the he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountece such actions for the time to come. 19.269. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behavior under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears; 19.270. for when Lupus had laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold he said, that cold was never hurtful to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked the soldier who was to be their executioner, whether this office was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time of his using his sword in that manner, and desired him to bring him that very sword with which he himself slew Caius. So he was happily killed at one stroke. 19.271. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows leveled at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have done]. 19.272. 6. Now, a few days after this, as the Parental solemnities were just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of Cherea, and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against them for their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came to. 19.273. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his fellowconfederates; so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself, the wound reaching up to the very hilt of the sword. 20.199. But this younger Aus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; 20.200. when, therefore, Aus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: 20.201. but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; 20.202. nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Aus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent. 20.203. Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Aus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest. |
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39. New Testament, Matthew, 19.3, 20.26, 23.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman, senate Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 910| 19.3. Καὶ προσῆλθαν αὐτῷ Φαρισαῖοι πειράζοντες αὐτὸν καὶ λέγοντες Εἰ ἔξεστιν ἀπολῦσαι τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ κατὰ πᾶσαν αἰτίαν; 20.26. οὐχ οὕτως ἐστὶν ἐν ὑμῖν· ἀλλʼ ὃς ἂν θέλῃ ἐν ὑμῖν μέγας γενέσθαι ἔσται ὑμῶν διάκονος, 23.12. Ὅστις δὲ ὑψώσει ἑαυτὸν ταπεινωθήσεται, καὶ ὅστις ταπεινώσει ἑαυτὸν ὑψωθήσεται. | 19.3. Pharisees came to him, testing him, and saying, "Is it lawful for a man to divorce his wife for any reason?" 20.26. It shall not be so among you, but whoever desires to become great among you shall be your servant. 23.12. Whoever will exalt himself will be humbled, and whoever will humble himself will be exalted. |
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| 40. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.5.66, 5.139, 28.3.10, 34.74 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •senate, roman •roman society, senate of •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 269, 273; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 332; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 64 |
| 41. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 9.3.56 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 42. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 26.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gauls, discussion on their admission into the roman senate Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 419 |
| 43. Plutarch, Flaminius, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212, 225 |
| 44. Seneca The Younger, Letters, '10, '2, '4, '6, '8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 910 |
| 45. Suetonius, Claudius, 18.2.1-18.2.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 165 |
| 46. Suetonius, Iulius, 19.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 269 |
47. Seneca The Younger, Phaedra, 1068-1090, 1092, 1091 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 175| 1091. Solique falso creditum indigs diem | |
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| 48. Appian, The Punic Wars, 136, 135 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 349 |
| 49. Statius, Thebais, 1.127-1.128, 1.177-1.178, 1.189-1.196, 1.316-1.323 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 137, 138 |
| 50. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 94 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 51. Tacitus, Histories, 1.76.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 160 |
| 52. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 1104, 1106-1110, 1105 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 137, 138 |
| 53. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 36.2, 40.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 153 |
54. Tacitus, Annals, 1.8.4, 1.72, 2.55, 3.17.4, 3.18.1, 3.52.2, 4.43, 6.3, 6.12, 6.18, 11.23-11.25, 14.15, 15.22.1, 15.25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman senate and •senate, roman •senator, roman •augustus, roman senate and •senate (roman) •gauls, discussion on their admission into the roman senate •senate, roman, •roman senate Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 154, 161, 162; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 148; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 214, 216, 275, 277; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 29; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418, 419, 420; Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 162| 1.72. Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris patriae Tiberius, a populo saepius ingestum, repudiavit; neque in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se magis in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi; nam legem maiestatis reduxerat, cui nomen apud veteres idem, sed alia in iudicium veniebant, si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatem populi Romani minuisset: facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant. primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius tractavit, commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque inlustris procacibus scriptis diffamaverat; mox Tiberius, consultante Pompeio Macro praetore an iudicia maiestatis redderentur, exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina incertis auctoribus vulgata in saevitiam superbiamque eius et discordem cum matre animum. 2.55. At Cn. Piso quo properantius destinata inciperet civitatem Atheniensium turbido incessu exterritam oratione saeva increpat, oblique Germanicum perstringens quod contra decus Romani nominis non Atheniensis tot cladibus extinctos, sed conluviem illam nationum comitate nimia coluisset: hos enim esse Mithridatis adversus Sullam, Antonii adversus divum Augustum socios. etiam vetera obiectabat, quae in Macedones inprospere, violenter in suos fecissent, offensus urbi propria quoque ira quia Theophilum quendam Areo iudicio falsi damnatum precibus suis non concederent. exim navigatione celeri per Cycladas et compendia maris adsequitur Germanicum apud insulam Rhodum, haud nescium quibus insectationibus petitus foret: sed tanta mansuetudine agebat ut, cum orta tempestas raperet in abrupta possetque interitus inimici ad casum referri, miserit triremis quarum subsidio discrimini eximeretur. neque tamen mitigatus Piso, et vix diei moram perpessus linquit Germanicum praevenitque. et postquam Syriam ac legiones attigit, largitione, ambitu, infimos manipularium iuvando, cum veteres centuriones, severos tribunos demoveret locaque eorum clientibus suis vel deterrimo cuique attribueret, desidiam in castris, licentiam in urbibus, vagum ac lascivientem per agros militem sineret, eo usque corruptionis provectus est ut sermone vulgi parens legionum haberetur. nec Plancina se intra decora feminis tenebat, sed exercitio equitum, decursibus cohortium interesse, in Agrippinam, in Germanicum contumelias iacere, quibusdam etiam bonorum militum ad mala obsequia promptis, quod haud invito imperatore ea fieri occultus rumor incedebat. nota haec Germanico, sed praeverti ad Armenios instantior cura fuit. 4.43. Auditae dehinc Lacedaemoniorum et Messeniorum legationes de iure templi Dianae Limnatidis, quod suis a maioribus suaque in terra dicatum Lacedaemonii firmabant annalium memoria vatumque carminibus, sed Macedonis Philippi cum quo bellassent armis ademptum ac post C. Caesaris et M. Antonii sententia redditum. contra Messenii veterem inter Herculis posteros divisionem Peloponnesi protulere, suoque regi Denthaliatem agrum in quo id delubrum cessisse; monimentaque eius rei sculpta saxis et aere prisco manere. quod si vatum, annalium ad testimonia vocentur, pluris sibi ac locupletiores esse; neque Philippum potentia sed ex vero statuisse: idem regis Antigoni, idem imperatoris Mummii iudicium; sic Milesios permisso publice arbitrio, postremo Atidium Geminum praetorem Achaiae decrevisse. ita secundum Messenios datum. et Segestani aedem Veneris montem apud Erycum, vetustate dilapsam, restaurari postulavere, nota memorantes de origine eius et laeta Tiberio. suscepit curam libens ut consanguineus. tunc tractatae Massiliensium preces probatumque P. Rutilii exemplum; namque eum legibus pulsum civem sibi Zmyrnaei addiderant. quo iure Vulcacius Moschus exul in Massiliensis receptus bona sua rei publicae eorum et patriae reliquerat. 6.3. At Iunium Gallionem qui censuerat ut praetoriani actis stipendiis ius apiscerentur in quattuordecim ordinibus sedendi violenter increpuit, velut coram rogitans quid illi cum militibus quos neque dicta imperatoris neque praemia nisi ab imperatore accipere par esset. repperisse prorsus quod divus Augustus non providerit: an potius discordiam et seditionem a satellite Seiani quaesitam, qua rudis animos nomine honoris ad corrumpendum militiae morem propelleret? hoc pretium Gallio meditatae adulationis tulit, statim curia, deinde Italia exactus; et quia incusabatur facile toleraturus exilium delecta Lesbo, insula nobili et amoena, retrahitur in urbem custoditurque domibus magistratuum. isdem litteris Caesar Sextium Paconianum praetorium perculit magno patrum gaudio, audacem maleficum, omnium secreta rimantem delectumque ab Seiano cuius ope dolus G. Caesari pararetur. quod postquam patefactum prorupere concepta pridem odia et summum supplicium decernebatur ni professus indicium foret. 6.3. Ac tamen accusatores, si facultas incideret, poenis adficiebantur, ut Servilius Corneliusque perdito Scauro fa- mosi, quia pecuniam a Vario Ligure omittendae delationis ceperant, in insulas interdicto igni atque aqua demoti sunt. et Abudius Ruso functus aedilitate, dum Lentulo Gaetulico, sub quo legioni praefuerat, periculum facessit quod is Seiani filium generum destinasset, ultro damnatur atque urbe exigitur. Gaetulicus ea tempestate superioris Germaniae legiones curabat mirumque amorem adsecutus erat, effusae clementiae, modicus severitate et proximo quoque exercitui per L. Apronium socerum non ingratus. unde fama constans ausum mittere ad Caesarem litteras, adfinitatem sibi cum Seiano haud sponte sed consilio Tiberii coeptam; perinde se quam Tiberium falli potuisse, neque errorem eundem illi sine fraude, aliis exitio habendum. sibi fidem integram et, si nullis insidiis peteretur, mansuram; successorem non aliter quam indicium mortis accepturum. firmarent velut foedus, quo princeps ceterarum rerum poteretur, ipse provinciam retineret. haec, mira quamquam, fidem ex eo trahebant quod unus omnium Seiani adfinium incolumis multaque gratia mansit, reputante Tiberio publicum sibi odium, extremam aetatem magisque fama quam vi stare res suas. 6.12. Relatum inde ad patres a Quintiliano tribuno plebei de libro Sibullae, quem Caninius Gallus quindecimvirum recipi inter ceteros eiusdem vatis et ea de re senatus consultum postulaverat. quo per discessionem facto misit litteras Caesar, modice tribunum increpans ignarum antiqui moris ob iuventam. Gallo exprobrabat quod scientiae caerimoniarumque vetus incerto auctore ante sententiam collegii, non, ut adsolet, lecto per magistros aestimatoque carmine, apud infrequentem senatum egisset. simul commonefecit, quia multa vana sub nomine celebri vulgabantur, sanxisse Augustum quem intra diem ad praetorem urbanum deferrentur neque habere privatim liceret. quod a maioribus quoque decretum erat post exustum sociali bello Capitolium, quaesitis Samo, Ilio, Erythris, per Africam etiam ac Siciliam et Italicas colonias carminibus Sibullae, una seu plures fuere, datoque sacerdotibus negotio quantum humana ope potuissent vera discernere. igitur tunc quoque notioni quindecimvirum is liber subicitur. 6.18. Dein redeunt priores metus postulato maiestatis Considio Proculo; qui nullo pavore diem natalem celebrans raptus in curiam pariterque damnatus interfectusque, et sorori eius Sanciae aqua atque igni interdictum accusante Q. Pomponio. is moribus inquies haec et huiusce modi a se factitari praetendebat ut parta apud principem gratia periculis Pomponii Secundi fratris mederetur. etiam in Pompeiam Macrinam exilium statuitur cuius maritum Argolicum socerum Laconem e primoribus Achaeorum Caesar adflixerat. pater quoque inlustris eques Romanus ac frater praetorius, cum damnatio instaret, se ipsi interfecere. datum erat crimini quod Theophanen Mytilenaeum proavum eorum Cn. Magnus inter intimos habuisset, quodque defuncto Theophani caelestis honores Graeca adulatio tribuerat. 11.23. A. Vitellio L. Vipstano consulibus cum de supplendo senatu agitaretur primoresque Galliae, quae Comata appellatur, foedera et civitatem Romanam pridem adsecuti, ius adipiscendorum in urbe honorum expeterent, multus ea super re variusque rumor. et studiis diversis apud principem certabatur adseverantium non adeo aegram Italiam ut senatum suppeditare urbi suae nequiret. suffecisse olim indigenas consanguineis populis nec paenitere veteris rei publicae. quin adhuc memorari exempla quae priscis moribus ad virtutem et gloriam Romana indoles prodiderit. an parum quod Veneti et Insubres curiam inruperint, nisi coetus alienigenarum velut captivitas inferatur? quem ultra honorem residuis nobilium, aut si quis pauper e Latio senator foret? oppleturos omnia divites illos, quorum avi proavique hostilium nationum duces exercitus nostros ferro vique ceciderint, divum Iulium apud Alesiam obsederint. recentia haec: quid si memoria eorum moreretur qui sub Capitolio et arce Romana manibus eorundem perissent satis: fruerentur sane vocabulo civitatis: insignia patrum, decora magistratuum ne vulgarent. 11.24. His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.' 11.25. Orationem principis secuto patrum consulto primi Aedui senatorum in urbe ius adepti sunt. datum id foederi antiquo et quia soli Gallorum fraternitatis nomen cum populo Romano usurpant. Isdem diebus in numerum patriciorum adscivit Caesar vetustissimum quemque e senatu aut quibus clari parentes fuerant, paucis iam reliquis familiarum, quas Romulus maiorum et L. Brutus minorum gentium appellaverant, exhaustis etiam quas dictator Caesar lege Cassia et princeps Augustus lege Saenia sublegere; laetaque haec in rem publicam munia multo gaudio censoris inibantur. famosos probris quonam modo senatu depelleret anxius, mitem et recens repertam quam ex severitate prisca rationem adhibuit, monendo secum quisque de se consultaret peteretque ius exuendi ordinis: facilem eius rei veniam; et motos senatu excusatosque simul propositurum ut iudicium censorum ac pudor sponte cedentium permixta ignominiam mollirent. ob ea Vipstanus consul rettulit patrem senatus appellandum esse Claudium: quippe promiscum patris patriae cognomentum; nova in rem publicam merita non usitatis vocabulis honoranda: sed ipse cohibuit consulem ut nimium adsentantem. condiditque lustrum quo censa sunt civium quinquagies novies centena octoginta quattuor milia septuaginta duo. isque illi finis inscitiae erga domum suam fuit: haud multo post flagitia uxoris noscere ac punire adactus est ut deinde ardesceret in nuptias incestas. 14.15. Ne tamen adhuc publico theatro dehonestaretur, instituit ludos Iuvenalium vocabulo, in quos passim nomina data. non nobilitas cuiquam, non aetas aut acti honores impedimento, quo minus Graeci Latinive histrionis artem exercerent usque ad gestus modosque haud virilis. quin et feminae inlustres deformia meditari; extructaque apud nemus, quod navali stagno circumposuit Augustus, conventicula et cauponae et posita veno inritamenta luxui. dabanturque stipes quas boni necessitate, intemperantes gloria consumerent. inde gliscere flagitia et infamia, nec ulla moribus olim corruptis plus libidinum circumdedit quam illa conluvies. vix artibus honestis pudor retinetur, nedum inter certamina vitiorum pudicitia aut modestia aut quicquam probi moris reservaretur. postremus ipse scaenam incedit, multa cura temptans citharam et praemeditans adsistentibus phonascis. accesserat cohors militum, centuriones tribunique et maerens Burrus ac laudans. tuncque primum conscripti sunt equites Romani cognomento Augustianorum, aetate ac robore conspicui et pars ingenio procaces, alii in spem potentiae. ii dies ac noctes plausibus personare, formam principis vocemque deum vocabulis appellantes; quasi per virtutem clari honoratique agere. 15.25. Talibus Vologesis litteris, quia Paetus diversa tamquam rebus integris scribebat, interrogatus centurio, qui cum legatis advenerat, quo in statu Armenia esset, omnis inde Romanos excessisse respondit. tum intellecto barbarum inrisu qui peterent quod eripuerant, consuluit inter primores civitatis Nero bellum anceps an pax inhonesta placeret. nec dubitatum de bello. et Corbulo militum atque hostium tot per annos gnarus gerendae rei praeficitur, ne cuius alterius inscitia rursum peccaretur, quia Paeti piguerat. igitur inriti remittuntur, cum donis tamen, unde spes fieret non frustra eadem oraturum Tiridaten, si preces ipse attulisset. Syriaeque executio C. Cestio, copiae militares Corbuloni permissae; et quinta decima legio ducente Mario Celso e Pannonia adiecta est. scribitur tetrarchis ac regibus praefectisque et procuratoribus et qui praetorum finitimas provincias regebant iussis Corbulonis obsequi, in tantum ferme modum aucta potestate quem populus Romanus Cn. Pompeio bellum piraticum gesturo dederat. regressum Paetum, cum graviora metueret, facetiis insectari satis habuit Caesar, his ferme verbis: ignoscere se statim, ne tam promptus in pavorem longiore sollicitudine aegresceret. | 1.72. In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence â betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. 2.55. Meanwhile Gnaeus Piso, in haste to embark upon his schemes, first alarmed the community of Athens by a tempestuous entry, then assailed them in a virulent speech, which included an indirect attack on Germanicus for "compromising the dignity of the Roman name by his exaggerated civilities, not to the Athenians (whose repeated disasters had extinguished the breed) but to the present cosmopolitan rabble. For these were the men who had leagued themselves with Mithridates against Sulla, with Antony against the deified Augustus!" He upbraided them even with their ancient history; their ill-starred outbreaks against Macedon and their violence towards their own countrymen. Private resentment, also, embittered him against the town, as the authorities refused to give up at his request a certain Theophilus, whom the verdict of the Areopagus had declared guilty of forgery. After this, quick sailing by a short route through the Cyclades brought him up with Germanicus at Rhodes. The prince was aware of the invectives with which he had been assailed; yet he behaved with such mildness that, when a rising storm swept Piso toward the rock-bound coast, and the destruction of his foe could have been referred to misadventure, he sent warships to help in extricating him from his predicament. Even so, Piso was not mollified; and, after reluctantly submitting to the loss of a single day, he left Germanicus and completed the journey first. Then, the moment he reached Syria and the legions, by bounties and by bribery, by attentions to the humblest private, by dismissals of the veteran centurions and the stricter commanding officers, whom he replaced by dependants of his own or by men of the worst character, by permitting indolence in the camp, licence in the towns, and in the country a vagrant and riotous soldiery, he carried corruption to such a pitch that in the language of the rabble he was known as the Father of the Legions. Nor could Plancina contain herself within the limits of female decorum: she attended cavalry exercises and infantry manoeuvres; she flung her gibes at Agrippina or Germanicus; some even of the loyal troops being ready to yield her a disloyal obedience; for a whispered rumour was gaining ground that these doings were not unacceptable to the emperor. The state of affairs was known to Germanicus, but his more immediate anxiety was to reach Armenia first. 4.43. A hearing was now given to embassies from Lacedaemon and Messene upon the legal ownership of the temple of Diana Limnatis. That it had been consecrated by their own ancestors, and on their own ground, the Lacedaemonians sought to establish by the records of history and the hymns of the poets: it had been wrested from them, however, by the Macedonian arms during their war with Philip, and had been returned later by the decision of Julius Caesar and Mark Antony. In reply, the Messenians brought forward the old partition of the Peloponnese between the descendants of Hercules:â "The Denthaliate district, in which the shrine stood, had been assigned to their king, and memorials of the fact, engraved on rock and ancient bronze, were still extant. But if they were challenged to adduce the evidences of poetry and history, the more numerous and competent witnesses were on their side, nor had Philip decided by arbitrary power, but on the merits of the case: the same had been the judgement of King Antigonus and the Roman commander Mummius; and a similar verdict was pronounced both by Miletus, when that state was commissioned to arbitrate, and, last of all, by Atidius Geminus, the governor of Achaia." The point was accordingly decided in favour of Messene. The Segestans also demanded the restoration of the age-worn temple of Venus on Mount Eryx, and told the familiar tale of its foundation: much to the pleasure of Tiberius, who as a relative willingly undertook the task. At this time, a petition from Massilia was considered, and sanction was given to the precedent set by Publius Rutilius. For, after his banishment by form of law, Rutilius had been presented with the citizenship of Smyrna; on the strength of which, the exile Vulcacius Moschus had naturalized himself at Massilia and bequeathed his estate to the community, as his fatherland. 6.3. On the other hand, Junius Gallio, who had moved that the Praetorians, on finishing their service, should acquire the right to a seat in the Fourteen Rows, drew down a fierce rebuke:â "What," demanded Tiberius, as if addressing him to his face, "had he to do with the soldiers, who had no right to take any but their master's orders or any but their master's rewards? He had certainly hit upon something not taken into consideration by the deified Augustus! Or was it a minion of Sejanus, fostering disaffection and sedition, in order by a nominal compliment to drive simple souls into a breach of discipline?" Such was the reward of Gallio's studied adulation: he was ejected at once from the senate; later from Italy; and, as the charge was made that he would carry his exile lightly, since he had chosen the famous and pleasant island of Lesbos, he was dragged back to the capital and detained under the roof of various magistrates. In the same letter, the Caesar, to the intense pleasure of the senate, struck at the former praetor Sextius Paconianus â fearless, mischievous, a searcher into all men's secrets, and the chosen helper of Sejanus in the laying of his plot against Gaius Caesar. On the announcement followed an explosion of long-cherished hatreds, and the last penalty was all but decreed, when he offered to turn informer. 6.12. A proposal was now put to the Fathers by the plebeian tribune Quintilianus with regard to a Sibylline book; Caninius Gallus, of the Fifteen, demanding its admission among the other verses of the same prophetess, and a senatorial decree on the point. This had been accorded without discussion, when the emperor forwarded a letter, in which he passed a lenient criticism on the tribune "whose youth accounted for his ignorance of old custom": to Gallus he expressed his displeasure that he, "long familiar with religious theory and ritual, had on dubious authority forestalled the decision of his College, and, before the poem had, as usual, been read and considered by the Masters, had brought up the question in a thinly attended senate." He reminded him at the same time that, because of the many apocryphal works circulated under the famous name, Augustus had fixed a day within which they were to be delivered to the Urban Praetor, private ownership becoming illegal. â A similar decision had been taken even at an earlier period, after the burning of the Capitol during the Social War; when the verses of the Sibyl, or Sibyls, as the case may be, were collected from Samos, Ilium, and Erythrae, and even in Africa, Sicily, and the Graeco-Italian colonies; the priests being entrusted with the task of sifting out the genuine specimens, so far as should have been possible by human means. Hence, in this case also, the book in question was submitted to the examination of the Quindecimvirate. 6.18. Old fears now returned with the indictment for treason of Considius Proculus; who, while celebrating his birthday without a qualm, was swept off to the senate-house and in the same moment condemned and executed. His sister Sancia was banned from fire and water, the accuser being Quintus Pomponius: a restless character, who pleaded that the object of his activity in this and similar cases was, by acquiring favour with the emperor, to palliate the dangers of his brother Pomponius Secundus. Exile was also the sentence of Pompeia Macrina, whose husband Argolicus and father-inâlaw Laco, two of the most prominent men in Achaia had been struck down by the Caesar. Her father, too, a Roman knight of the highest rank, and her brother, a former praetor, finding their condemnation at hand, committed suicide. The crime laid to their account was that Theophanes of Mytilene (great-grandfather of Pompeia and her brother) had been numbered with the intimates of Pompey, and that, after his death, Greek sycophancy had paid him the honour of deification. 11.23. In the consulate of Aulus Vitellius and Lucius Vipsanius, the question of completing the numbers of the senate was under consideration, and the leading citizens of Gallia Comata, as it is termed, who had long before obtained federate rights and Roman citizenship, were claiming the privilege of holding magistracies in the capital. Comments on the subject were numerous and diverse; and in the imperial council the debate was conducted with animation on both sides:â "Italy," it was asserted, "was not yet so moribund that she was unable to supply a deliberative body to her own capital. The time had been when a Roman-born senate was enough for nations whose blood was akin to their own; and they were not ashamed of the old republic. Why, even toâday men quoted the patterns of virtue and of glory which, under the old system, the Roman character had given to the world! Was it too little that Venetians and Insubrians had taken the curia by storm, unless they brought in an army of aliens to give it the look of a taken town? What honours would be left to the relics of their nobility or the poor senator who came from Latium? All would be submerged by those opulent persons whose grandfathers and great-grandfathers, in command of hostile tribes, had smitten our armies by steel and the strong hand, and had besieged the deified Julius at Alesia. But those were recent events! What if there should arise the memory of the men who essayed to pluck down the spoils, sanctified to Heaven, from the Capitol and citadel of Rome? Leave them by all means to enjoy the title of citizens: but the insignia of the Fathers, the glories of the magistracies, â these they must not vulgarize!" 11.24. Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: â "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that â not to scrutinize antiquity â members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. â 'But we fought with the Senones.' â Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. â 'We were taken by the Gauls.' â But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. â And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâday we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." 11.25. The emperor's speech was followed by a resolution of the Fathers, and the Aedui became the first to acquire senatorial rights in the capital: a concession to a long-standing treaty and to their position as the only Gallic community enjoying the title of brothers to the Roman people. Much at the same time, the Caesar adopted into the body of patricians all senators of exceptionally long standing or of distinguished parentage: for by now few families remained of the Greater and Lesser Houses, as they were styled by Romulus and Lucius Brutus; and even those selected to fill the void, under the Cassian and Saenian laws, by the dictator Caesar and the emperor Augustus were exhausted. Here the censor had a popular task, and he embarked upon it with delight. How to remove members of flagrantly scandalous character, he hesitated; but adopted a lenient method, recently introduced, in preference to one in the spirit of old-world severity, advising each offender to consider his case himself and to apply for the privilege of renouncing his rank: that leave would be readily granted; and he would publish the names of the expelled and the excused together, so that the disgrace should be softened by the absence of anything to distinguish between censorial condemnation and the modesty of voluntary resignation. In return, the consul Vipstanus proposed that Claudius should be called Father of the Senate:â "The title Father of his Country he would have to share with others: new services to the state ought to be honoured by unusual phrases." But he personally checked the consul as carrying flattery to excess. He also closed the lustrum, the census showing 5,984,072 citizens. And now came the end of his domestic blindness: before long, he was driven to note and to avenge the excesses of his wife â only to burn afterwards for an incestuous union. 14.15. Reluctant, however, as yet to expose his dishonour on a public stage, he instituted the soâcalled Juvenile Games, for which a crowd of volunteers enrolled themselves. Neither rank, nor age, nor an official career debarred a man from practising the art of a Greek or a Latin mummer, down to attitudes and melodies never meant for the male sex. Even women of distinction studied indecent parts; and in the grove with which Augustus fringed his Naval Lagoon, little trysting-places and drinking-dens sprang up, and every incentive to voluptuousness was exposed for sale. Distributions of coin, too, were made, for the respectable man to expend under compulsion and the prodigal from vainglory. Hence debauchery and scandal throve; nor to our morals, corrupted long before, has anything contributed more of uncleanness than that herd of reprobates. Even in the decent walks of life, purity is hard to keep: far less could chastity or modesty or any vestige of integrity survive in that competition of the vices. â Last of all to tread the stage was the sovereign himself, scrupulously testing his lyre and striking a few preliminary notes to the trainers at his side. A cohort of the guards had been added to the audience â centurions and tribunes; Burrus, also, with his sigh and his word of praise. Now, too, for the first time was enrolled the company of Roman knights known as the Augustiani; conspicuously youthful and robust; wanton in some cases by nature; in others, through dreams of power. Days and nights they thundered applause, bestowed the epithets reserved for deity upon the imperial form and voice, and lived in a repute and honour, which might have been earned by virtue. 15.25. As this missive from Vologeses could not be reconciled with Paetus' report, which spoke of the situation as still uncompromised, the centurion who had arrived with the deputies was examined on the condition of Armenia, and replied that all Romans had left the country. The irony of the barbarians in asking for what had been taken was now obvious, and Nero held a council of state to decide the choice between a hazardous war and an ignominious peace. There was no hesitation about the verdict for war. Corbulo, familiar for years with his troops and his enemy, was put at the head of operations, lest there should be a fresh blunder from the incompetence of another substitute, seeing that Paetus had inspired complete disgust. The deputation was therefore sent back with its purpose unachieved, but with presents leaving room for hope that Tiridates would not make the same requests in vain, if he brought his suit in person. The administration of Syria was entrusted to Gaius Cestius, the military forces to Corbulo, with the addition of the fifteenth legion from Pannonia under the command of Marius Celsus. Instructions in writing were given to the tetrarchs and kings, the prefects and procurators, and the praetors in charge of the neighbouring provinces, to take their orders from Corbulo, whose powers were raised to nearly the same level as that allowed by the Roman nation to Pompey for the conduct of the Pirate War. When Paetus returned, with apprehensions of a graver cast, the Caesar contented himself with a jocular reprimand, the wording of which was roughly, that "he was pardoning him on the spot, lest a person with such a tendency to panic might fall ill if his suspense were protracted." |
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| 55. Tacitus, Agricola, 42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 153 |
| 56. Silius Italicus, Punica, 1.32, 1.38-1.39, 1.109-1.112, 1.149, 1.169-1.178, 1.239, 1.609-1.612, 2.239-2.243, 2.296, 3.573-3.574, 3.580-3.581, 3.585-3.586, 4.26-4.38, 4.707, 4.725-4.740, 5.202, 6.535-6.544, 6.552-6.557, 8.25-8.191, 8.202-8.231, 8.265-8.275, 8.875, 10.337-10.371, 10.487, 10.657-10.658, 11.31, 12.566, 12.577-12.581, 12.691-12.730, 15.383-15.385, 16.684-16.685, 17.604, 17.616-17.617 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 82, 91, 92, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 186 |
| 57. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.9, 2.13, 4.113-4.114 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 269, 275 |
| 58. Suetonius, Augustus, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate (roman) Found in books: Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 162 |
| 59. Suetonius, Nero, 49.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 34 |
| 60. Seneca The Younger, De Brevitate Vitae (Dialogorum Liber X ), 18.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 175 |
61. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 245| 1.1. Ἀντωνίου πάππος μὲν ἦν ὁ ῥήτωρ Ἀντώνιος, ὃν τῆς Σύλλα γενόμενον στάσεως Μάριος ἀπέκτεινε, πατὴρ δὲ ὁ Κρητικὸς ἐπικληθεὶς Ἀντώνιος, οὐχ οὕτω μὲν εὐδόκιμος ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἀνὴρ οὐδὲ λαμπρός, εὐγνώμων δὲ καὶ χρηστός, ἄλλως τε καὶ πρὸς τὰς μεταδόσεις ἐλευθέριος, ὡς ἀφʼ ἑνὸς ἄν τις ἔργου καταμάθοι. | 1.1. |
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62. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate (roman) Found in books: Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 10, 114 | 414b. men record that for a long time it was made desolate and unapproachable by a fierce creature, a serpent; they do not, however, put the correct interpretation upon its lying idle, but quite the reverse; for it was the desolation that attracted the creature rather than that the creature caused the desolation. But when Greece, since God so willed, had grown strong in cities and the place was thronged with people, they used to employ two prophetic priestesses who were sent down in turn; and athird was appointed to be held in reserve. But toâday there is one priestess and we do not complain, for she meets every need. There is no reason, therefore, to blame the god; the exercise of the prophetic art which continues at the present day is sufficient for all, |
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63. Plutarch, Pompey, 29.3-29.4, 48.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 246, 269| 29.3. ὃς συνεισελθὼν εἰς τὰ τείχη τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις καὶ μαχόμενος μετʼ αὐτῶν, οὐ μόνον ἐπαχθῆ καὶ βαρύν, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταγέλαστον ἐποίει τὸν Πομπήϊον, ἀνθρώποις ἀνοσίοις καὶ ἀθέοις τοὔνομα κιχράντα καὶ περιάπτοντα τὴν αὑτοῦ δόξαν ὥσπερ ἀλεξιφάρμακον ὑπὸ φθόνου καὶ φιλοτιμίας τῆς πρὸς τὸν Μέτελλον, 29.4. οὐδὲ γὰρ τὸν Ἀχιλλέα ποιεῖν ἀνδρὸς ἔργον, ἀλλὰ μειρακίου παντάπασιν ἐμπλήκτου καὶ σεσοβημένου πρὸς δόξαν, ἀνανεύοντα τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ διακωλύοντα βάλλειν Ἕκτορα, μή τις κῦδος ἄροιτο βαλών, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος ἔλθοι· 48.3. ἐκυρώθησαν οὖν Πομπηΐῳ μὲν αἱ διατάξεις ὑπὲρ ὧν Λεύκολλος ἤριζε, Καίσαρι δὲ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων καὶ τὴν ἐκτὸς ἔχειν Γαλατίαν καὶ Ἰλλυριοὺς εἰς πενταετίαν καὶ τέσσαρα τάγματα τέλεια στρατιωτῶν, ὑπάτους δὲ εἰς τὸ μέλλον εἶναι Πείσωνα τὸν Καίσαρος πενθερὸν καὶ Γαβίνιον, ἄνδρα τῶν Πομπηΐου κολάκων ὑπερφυέστατον. | 29.3. 29.4. 48.3. |
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| 64. Seneca The Younger, On Leisure, 17.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 175 |
| 65. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 4.33.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 175 |
| 66. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 2.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 82 |
| 67. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 19.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27 |
| 68. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 9.3.56 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 69. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 2.15.6, 4.2.2-4.2.11, 4.6.3-4.6.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), senate, relationship with •caracalla (roman emperor), senate, relationship with Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 21, 119, 173 |
70. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 274 | 57.24.6. There were other events, also, at this time worthy of a place in history. The people of Cyzicus were once more deprived of their freedom, because they had imprisoned some Romans and because they had not completed the shrine to Augustus which they had begun to build. |
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| 71. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 10.35 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •prayer, to moon-goddess, prayers for prosperity of emperor, senate, knights, and whole roman people Found in books: Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 17 |
| 72. Lucian, Apology, 12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27 |
73. Tertullian, Apology, 39.20-39.21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •senate, roman Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 14| 39.20. eo titulo quo de factionibus querela est. In cuius perniciem aliquando convenimus? 39.21. congregati quod et dispersi, hoc universi, quod et singuli, neminem laedentes, neminem contristantes. Cum probi, cum boni coeunt, cum pii, cum casti congregantur, non est factio dicenda, sed curia. | |
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74. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.8 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 363; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 10| 1.8. ὁμοίως καὶ Φαβωρῖνον τὸν φιλόσοφον ἡ εὐγλωττία ἐν σοφισταῖς ἐκήρυττεν. ἦν μὲν γὰρ τῶν ἑσπερίων Γαλατῶν οὗτος, ̓Αρελάτου πόλεως, ἣ ἐπὶ ̓Ηριδανῷ ποταμῷ ᾤκισται, διφυὴς δὲ ἐτέχθη καὶ ἀνδρόθηλυς, καὶ τοῦτο ἐδηλοῦτο μὲν καὶ παρὰ τοῦ εἴδους, ἀγενείως γὰρ τοῦ προσώπου καὶ γηράσκων εἶχεν, ἐδηλοῦτο δὲ καὶ τῷ φθέγματι, ὀξυηχὲς γὰρ ἠκούετο καὶ λεπτὸν καὶ ἐπίτονον, ὥσπερ ἡ φύσις τοὺς εὐνούχους ἥρμοκεν. θερμὸς δὲ οὕτω τις ἦν τὰ ἐρωτικά, ὡς καὶ μοιχοῦ λαβεῖν αἰτίαν ἐξ ἀνδρὸς ὑπάτου. διαφορᾶς δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς ̓Αδριανὸν βασιλέα γενομένης οὐδὲν ἔπαθεν. ὅθεν ὡς παράδοξα ἐπεχρησμῴδει τῷ ἑαυτοῦ βίῳ τρία ταῦτα: Γαλάτης ὢν ἑλληνίζειν, εὐνοῦχος ὢν μοιχείας κρίνεσθαι, βασιλεῖ διαφέρεσθαι καὶ ζῆν. τουτὶ δὲ ̓Αδριανοῦ ἔπαινος εἴη ἂν μᾶλλον, εἰ βασιλεὺς ὢν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου διεφέρετο πρὸς ὃν ἐξῆν ἀποκτεῖναι. βασιλεὺς δὲ κρείττων, ὅτε χώσεται ἀνδρὶ χέρηι, ἢν ὀργῆς κρατῇ, καὶ θυμὸς δὲ μέγας ἐστὶ διοτρεφέων βασιλήων, ἢν λογισμῷ κολάζηται. βέλτιον δὲ ταῦτα ταῖς τῶν ποιητῶν δόξαις προσγράφειν τοὺς εὖ τιθεμένους τὰ τῶν βασιλέων ἤθη. ἀρχιερεὺς δὲ ἀναρρηθεὶς ἐς τὰ οἴκοι πάτρια ἐφῆκε μὲν κατὰ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων νόμους, ὡς ἀφειμένος τοῦ λειτουργεῖν, ἐπειδὴ ἐφιλοσόφει, τὸν δὲ αὐτοκράτορα ὁρῶν ἐναντίαν ἑαυτῷ θέσθαι διανοούμενον, ὡς μὴ φιλοσοφοῦντι, ὑπετέμετο αὐτὸν ὧδε: “ἐνύπνιόν μοι,” ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, γέγονεν, ὃ καὶ πρὸς σὲ χρὴ εἰρῆσθαι: ἐπιστὰς γάρ μοι Δίων ὁ διδάσκαλος ἐνουθέτει με ὑπὲρ τῆς δίκης λέγων, ὅτι μὴ ἑαυτοῖς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς πατρίσι γεγόναμεν: ὑποδέχομαι δή, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὴν λειτουργίαν καὶ τῷ διδασκάλῳ πείθομαι.” ταῦτα ὁ μὲν αὐτοκράτωρ διατριβὴν ἐπεποίητο, καὶ διῆγε τὰς βασιλείους φροτίδας &γτ;ἀπονεύων ἐς σοφιστάς τε καὶ φιλοσόφους, ̓Αθηναίοις δὲ δεινὰ ἐφαίνετο καὶ συνδραμόντες αὐτοὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἐν τέλει ̓Αθηναῖοι χαλκῆν εἰκόνα κατέβαλον τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὡς πολεμιωτάτου τῷ αὐτοκράτορι: ὁ δέ, ὡς ἤκουσεν, οὐδὲν σχετλιάσας οὐδὲ ἀγριάνας ὑπὲρ ὧν ὕβριστο “ὤνητ' ἂν” ἔφη “καὶ Σωκράτης εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ὑπ' ̓Αθηναίων ἀφαιρεθεὶς μᾶλλον ἢ πιὼν κώνειον.” ̓Επιτηδειότατος μὲν οὖν ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ σοφιστῇ ἐγένετο διδάσκαλόν τε ἡγουμένῳ καὶ πατέρα καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν γράφοντι “πότε σε ἴδω καὶ πότε σου περιλείξω τὸ στόμα;” ὅθεν καὶ τελευτῶν κληρονόμον ̔Ηρώδην ἀπέφηνε τῶν τε βιβλίων, ὁπόσα ἐκέκτητο, καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ οἰκίας καὶ τοῦ Αὐτοληκύθου. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ̓Ινδὸς μὲν καὶ ἱκανῶς μέλας, ἄθυρμα δὲ ̔Ηρώδου τε καὶ Φαβωρίνου, ξυμπίνοντας γὰρ αὐτοὺς διῆγεν ἐγκαταμιγνὺς ̓Ινδικοῖς ̓Αττικὰ καὶ πεπλανημένῃ τῇ γλώττῃ βαρβαρίζων. ἡ δὲ γενομένη πρὸς τὸν Πολέμωνα τῷ Φαβωρίνῳ διαφορὰ ἤρξατο μὲν ἐν ̓Ιωνίᾳ προσθεμένων αὐτῷ τῶν ̓Εφεσίων, ἐπεὶ τὸν Πολέμωνα ἡ Σμύρνα ἐθαύμαζεν, ἐπέδωκε δὲ ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ, ὕπατοι γὰρ καὶ παῖδες ὑπάτων οἱ μὲν τὸν ἐπαινοῦντες, οἱ δὲ τόν, ἦρξαν αὐτοῖς φιλοτιμίας, ἣ πολὺν ἐκκαίει φθόνον καὶ σοφοῖς ἀνδράσιν. συγγνωστοὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς φιλοτιμίας, τῆς ἀνθρωπείας φύσεως τὸ φιλότιμον ἀγήρων ἡγουμένης, μεμπτέοι δὲ τῶν λόγων, οὓς ἐπ' ἀλλήλους ξυνέθεσαν, ἀσελγὴς γὰρ λοιδορία, κἂν ἀληθὴς τύχῃ, οὐκ ἀφίησιν αἰσχύνης οὐδὲ τὸν ὑπὲρ τοιούτων εἰπόντα. τοῖς μὲν οὖν σοφιστὴν τὸν Φαβωρῖνον καλοῦσιν ἀπέχρη ἐς ἀπόδειξιν καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ διενεχθῆναι αὐτὸν σοφιστῇ, τὸ γὰρ φιλότιμον, οὗ ἐμνήσθην, ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀντιτέχνους φοιτᾷ. ἥρμοσται δὲ τὴν γλῶτταν ἀνειμένως μέν, σοφῶς δὲ καὶ ποτίμως. ἐλέγετο δὲ σὺν εὐροίᾳ σχεδιάσαι. τὰ μὲν δὴ ἐς Πρόξενον μήτ' ἂν ἐνθυμηθῆναι τὸν Φαβωρῖνον μήτ' ἂν ξυνθεῖναι, ἀλλ' εἶναι αὐτὰ μειρακίου φρόντισμα μεθύοντος, μᾶλλον δὲ ἐμοῦντος, τὸν δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ἀώρῳ καὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν μονομάχων καὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν βαλανείων γνησίους τε ἀποφαινόμεθα καὶ εὖ ξυγκειμένους, καὶ πολλῷ μᾶλλον τοὺς φιλοσοφουμένους αὐτῷ τῶν λόγων, ὧν ἄριστοι οἱ Πυρρώνειοι: τοὺς γὰρ Πυρρωνείους ἐφεκτικοὺς ὄντας οὐκ ἀφαιρεῖται καὶ τὸ δικάζειν δύνασθαι. διαλεγομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρώμην μεστὰ ἦν σπουδῆς πάντα, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ὅσοι τῆς ̔Ελλήνων φωνῆς ἀξύνετοι ἦσαν, οὐδὲ τούτοις ἀφ' ἡδονῆς ἡ ἀκρόασις ἦν, ἀλλὰ κἀκείνους ἔθελγε τῇ τε ἠχῇ τοῦ φθέγματος καὶ τῷ σημαίνοντι τοῦ βλέμματος καὶ τῷ ῥυθμῷ τῆς γλώττης. ἔθελγε δὲ αὐτοὺς τοῦ λόγου καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, ὃ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ᾠδὴν ἐκάλουν, ἐγὼ δὲ φιλοτιμίαν, ἐπειδὴ τοῖς ἀποδεδειγμένοις ἐφυμνεῖται. Δίωνος μὲν οὖν ἀκοῦσαι λέγεται, τοσοῦτον δὲ ἀφέστηκεν, ὅσον οἱ μὴ ἀκούσαντες. τοσαῦτα μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν φιλοσοφησάντων ἐν δόξῃ τοῦ σοφιστεῦσαι. οἱ δὲ κυρίως προσρηθέντες σοφισταὶ ἐγένοντο οἵδε: | |
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75. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.34.3, 2.2.3, 2.4.6, 7.11.4-7.11.8, 7.16.9-7.16.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •prayer, to moon-goddess, prayers for prosperity of emperor, senate, knights, and whole roman people Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212, 225; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 17; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 66, 131| 1.34.3. παρέχεται δὲ ὁ βωμὸς μέρη· τὸ μὲν Ἡρακλέους καὶ Διὸς καὶ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστι Παιῶνος, τὸ δὲ ἥρωσι καὶ ἡρώων ἀνεῖται γυναιξί, τρίτον δὲ Ἑστίας καὶ Ἑρμοῦ καὶ Ἀμφιαράου καὶ τῶν παίδων Ἀμφιλόχου· Ἀλκμαίων δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς Ἐριφύλην ἔργον οὔτε ἐν Ἀμφιαράου τινά, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ παρὰ τῷ Ἀμφιλόχῳ τιμὴν ἔχει. τετάρτη δέ ἐστι τοῦ βωμοῦ μοῖρα Ἀφροδίτης καὶ Πανακείας, ἔτι δὲ Ἰασοῦς καὶ Ὑγείας καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Παιωνίας· πέμπτη δὲ πεποίηται νύμφαις καὶ Πανὶ καὶ ποταμοῖς Ἀχελῴῳ καὶ Κηφισῷ. τῷ δὲ Ἀμφιλόχῳ καὶ παρʼ Ἀθηναίοις ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πόλει βωμὸς καὶ Κιλικίας ἐν Μαλλῷ μαντεῖον ἀψευδέστατον τῶν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ. 2.2.3. Κορινθίοις δὲ τοῖς ἐπινείοις τὰ ὀνόματα Λέχης καὶ Κεγχρίας ἔδοσαν, Ποσειδῶνος εἶναι καὶ Πειρήνης τῆς Ἀχελῴου λεγόμενοι· πεποίηται δὲ ἐν Ἠοίαις μεγάλαις Οἰβάλου θυγατέρα εἶναι Πειρήνην. ἔστι δὲ ἐν Λεχαίῳ μὲν Ποσειδῶνος ἱερὸν καὶ ἄγαλμα χαλκοῦν, τὴν δὲ ἐς Κεγχρέας ἰόντων ἐξ ἰσθμοῦ ναὸς Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ ξόανον ἀρχαῖον. ἐν δὲ Κεγχρέαις Ἀφροδίτης τέ ἐστι ναὸς καὶ ἄγαλμα λίθου, μετὰ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ ἐρύματι τῷ διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης Ποσειδῶνος χαλκοῦν, κατὰ δὲ τὸ ἕτερον πέρας τοῦ λιμένος Ἀσκληπιοῦ καὶ Ἴσιδος ἱερά. Κεγχρεῶν δὲ ἀπαντικρὺ τὸ Ἑλένης ἐστὶ λουτρόν· ὕδωρ ἐς θάλασσαν ἐκ πέτρας ῥεῖ πολὺ καὶ ἁλμυρὸν ὕδατι ὅμοιον ἀρχομένῳ θερμαίνεσθαι. 2.4.6. ἀνιοῦσι δὲ ἐς τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον—ἡ δέ ἐστιν ὄρους ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν κορυφή, Βριάρεω μὲν Ἡλίῳ δόντος αὐτὴν ὅτε ἐδίκαζεν, Ἡλίου δὲ ὡς οἱ Κορίνθιοί φασιν Ἀφροδίτῃ παρέντος—ἐς δὴ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον τοῦτον ἀνιοῦσίν ἐστιν Ἴσιδος τεμένη, ὧν τὴν μὲν Πελαγίαν, τὴν δὲ Αἰγυπτίαν αὐτῶν ἐπονομάζουσιν, καὶ δύο Σαράπιδος, ἐν Κανώβῳ καλουμένου τὸ ἕτερον. μετὰ δὲ αὐτὰ Ἡλίῳ πεποίηνται βωμοί, καὶ Ἀνάγκης καὶ Βίας ἐστὶν ἱερόν· ἐσιέναι δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ οὐ νομίζουσιν. 7.11.4. ὁ μὲν δὴ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἐποίει, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἀνάγκῃ πλέον ἢ ἑκουσίως διαρπάζουσιν Ὠρωπὸν ὑπήκοόν σφισιν οὖσαν· πενίας γὰρ ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον Ἀθηναῖοι τηνικαῦτα ἧκον ἅτε ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων πολέμῳ πιεσθέντες μάλιστα Ἑλλήνων. καταφεύγουσιν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων βουλὴν οἱ Ὠρώπιοι· καὶ δόξαντες παθεῖν οὐ δίκαια, καὶ ἐπεστάλη Σικυωνίοις ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπιβάλλειν σφᾶς Ἀθηναίοις ἐς Ὠρωπίους ζημίαν κατὰ τῆς βλάβης ἧς ἦρξαν τὴν ἀξίαν. 7.11.5. Σικυώνιοι μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἀφικομένοις ἐς καιρὸν τῆς κρίσεως Ἀθηναίοις ζημίαν πεντακόσια τάλαντα ἐπιβάλλουσι, Ῥωμαίων δὲ ἡ βουλὴ δεηθεῖσιν Ἀθηναίοις ἀφίησι πλὴν ταλάντων ἑκατὸν τὴν ἄλλην ζημίαν· ἐξέτισαν δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀλλὰ ὑποσχέσεσι καὶ δώροις ὑπελθόντες Ὠρωπίους ὑπάγονται σφᾶς ἐς ὁμολογίαν φρουράν τε Ἀθηναίων ἐσελθεῖν ἐς Ὠρωπὸν καὶ ὁμήρους λαβεῖν παρὰ Ὠρωπίων Ἀθηναίους· ἢν δὲ αὖθις ἐς Ἀθηναίους γένηται ἔγκλημα Ὠρωπίοις, τὴν φρουρὰν τότε ἀπάγειν παρʼ αὐτῶν Ἀθηναίους, ἀποδοῦναι δὲ καὶ ὀπίσω τοὺς ὁμήρους. 7.11.6. χρόνος τε δὴ οὐ πολὺς ὁ μεταξὺ ἤνυστο, καὶ τῶν φρουρῶν ἀδικοῦσιν ἄνδρες Ὠρωπίους. οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀπέστελλον ὁμήρους τε ἀπαιτήσοντας καὶ φρουράν σφισιν ἐξάγειν κατὰ τὰ συγκείμενα ἐροῦντας· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οὐδέτερα ἔφασαν ποιήσειν, ἀνθρώπων γὰρ τῶν ἐπὶ τῇ φρουρᾷ καὶ οὐ τοῦ Ἀθηναίων δήμου τὸ ἁμάρτημα εἶναι· τοὺς μέντοι αὐτὰ εἰργασμένους ἐπηγγέλλοντο ὑφέξειν δίκην. 7.11.7. οἱ δὲ Ὠρώπιοι καταφεύγοντες ἐπὶ Ἀχαιοὺς ἐδέοντο τιμωρῆσαί σφισιν· Ἀχαιοῖς δὲ ἤρεσκε μὴ τιμωρεῖν φιλίᾳ τε καὶ αἰδοῖ τῇ Ἀθηναίων. ἐνταῦθα οἱ Ὠρώπιοι Μεναλκίδᾳ, Λακεδαιμονίῳ μὲν γένος, στρατηγοῦντι δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε Ἀχαιῶν, ὑπισχνοῦνται δέκα ταλάντων δόσιν, ἤν σφισιν ἐπικουρεῖν Ἀχαιοὺς ἄγῃ· ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν χρημάτων μεταδώσειν Καλλικράτει τὸ ἥμισυ ὑπισχνεῖτο, ἰσχύοντι διὰ φιλίαν τὴν Ρωμαίων ἐν Ἀχαιοῖς μέγιστον. 7.11.8. προσγενομένου δὲ τοῦ Καλλικράτους πρὸς τὴν Μεναλκίδου γνώμην ἐκεκύρωτο κατὰ Ἀθηναίων ἀμύνειν Ὠρωπίοις. καί τις ἐξαγγέλλει ταῦτα ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους· οἱ δὲ ὡς ἕκαστος τάχους εἶχεν ἐς τὸν Ὠρωπὸν ἐλθόντες καὶ αὖθις κατασύραντες εἴ τι ἐν ταῖς προτέραις παρεῖτό σφισιν ἁρπαγαῖς, ἀπάγουσι τὴν φρουράν. Ἀχαιοὺς δὲ ὑστερήσαντας τῆς βοηθείας Μεναλκίδας μὲν καὶ Καλλικράτης ἐσβάλλειν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἔπειθον· ἀνθισταμένων δὲ ἄλλων τε αὐτοῖς καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, ἀνεχώρησεν ὀπίσω τὸ στράτευμα. 7.16.9. πόλεων δέ, ὅσαι Ῥωμαίων ἐναντία ἐπολέμησαν, τείχη μὲν ὁ Μόμμιος κατέλυε καὶ ὅπλα ἀφῃρεῖτο πρὶν ἢ καὶ συμβούλους ἀποσταλῆναι παρὰ Ῥωμαίων· ὡς δὲ ἀφίκοντο οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ βουλευσόμενοι, ἐνταῦθα δημοκρατίας μὲν κατέπαυε, καθίστα δὲ ἀπὸ τιμημάτων τὰς ἀρχάς· καὶ φόρος τε ἐτάχθη τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ οἱ τὰ χρήματα ἔχοντες ἐκωλύοντο ἐν τῇ ὑπερορίᾳ κτᾶσθαι· συνέδριά τε κατὰ ἔθνος τὰ ἑκάστων, Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τὸ ἐν Φωκεῦσιν ἢ Βοιωτοῖς ἢ ἑτέρωθί που τῆς Ἑλλάδος, κατελέλυτο ὁμοίως πάντα. 7.16.10. ἔτεσι δὲ οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἐτράποντο ἐς ἔλεον Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς Ἑλλάδος, καὶ συνέδριά τε κατὰ ἔθνος ἀποδιδόασιν ἑκάστοις τὰ ἀρχαῖα καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ὑπερορίᾳ κτᾶσθαι, ἀφῆκαν δὲ καὶ ὅσοις ἐπιβεβλήκει Μόμμιος ζημίαν· Βοιωτούς τε γὰρ Ἡρακλεώταις καὶ Εὐβοεῦσι τάλαντα ἑκατὸν καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς Λακεδαιμονίοις διακόσια ἐκέλευσεν ἐκτῖσαι. τούτων μὲν δὴ ἄφεσιν παρὰ Ῥωμαίων εὕροντο Ἕλληνες, ἡγεμὼν δὲ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἀπεστέλλετο· καλοῦσι δὲ οὐχ Ἑλλάδος, ἀλλὰ Ἀχαΐας ἡγεμόνα οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, διότι ἐχειρώσαντο Ἕλληνας διʼ Ἀχαιῶν τότε τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ προεστηκότων. ὁ δὲ πόλεμος ἔσχεν οὗτος τέλος Ἀντιθέου μὲν Ἀθήνῃσιν ἄρχοντος, Ὀλυμπιάδι δὲ ἑξηκοστῇ πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, ἣν ἐνίκα Διόδωρος Σικυώνιος. | 1.34.3. The altar shows parts. One part is to Heracles, Zeus, and Apollo Healer, another is given up to heroes and to wives of heroes, the third is to Hestia and Hermes and Amphiaraus and the children of Amphilochus. But Alcmaeon, because of his treatment of Eriphyle, is honored neither in the temple of Amphiaraus nor yet with Amphilochus. The fourth portion of the altar is to Aphrodite and Panacea, and further to Iaso, Health and Athena Healer. The fifth is dedicated to the nymphs and to Pan, and to the rivers Achelous and Cephisus. The Athenians too have an altar to Amphilochus in the city, and there is at Mallus in Cilicia an oracle of his which is the most trustworthy of my day. 2.2.3. The names of the Corinthian harbors were given them by Leches and Cenchrias, said to be the children of Poseidon and Peirene the daughter of Achelous, though in the poem called The Great Eoeae Said to be a work of Hesiod. Peirene is said to be a daughter of Oebalus. In Lechaeum are a sanctuary and a bronze image of Poseidon, and on the road leading from the Isthmus to Cenchreae a temple and ancient wooden image of Artemis. In Cenchreae are a temple and a stone statue of Aphrodite, after it on the mole running into the sea a bronze image of Poseidon, and at the other end of the harbor sanctuaries of Asclepius and of Isis. Right opposite Cenchreae is Helen's Bath. It is a large stream of salt, tepid water, flowing from a rock into the sea. 2.4.6. The Acrocorinthus is a mountain peak above the city, assigned to Helius by Briareos when he acted as adjudicator, and handed over, the Corinthians say, by Helius to Aphrodite. As you go up this Acrocorinthus you see two precincts of Isis, one if Isis surnamed Pelagian (Marine) and the other of Egyptian Isis, and two of Serapis, one of them being of Serapis called “in Canopus .” After these are altars to Helius, and a sanctuary of Necessity and Force, into which it is not customary to enter. 7.11.4. While he was carrying out his instructions, the Athenian populace sacked Oropus, a state subject to them. The act was one of necessity rather than of free-will, as the Athenians at the time suffered the direst poverty, because the Macedonian war had crushed them more than any other Greeks. So the Oropians appealed to the Roman senate. It decided that an injustice had been committed, and instructed the Sicyonians to inflict a fine on the Athenians commensurate with the unprovoked harm done by them to Oropus. 7.11.5. When the Athenians did not appear in time for the trial, the Sicyonians inflicted on them a fine of five hundred talents, which the Roman senate on the appeal of the Athenians remitted with the exception of one hundred talents. Not even this reduced fine did the Athenians pay, but by promises and bribes they beguiled the Oropians into an agreement that an Athenian garrison should enter Oropus, and that the Athenians should take hostages from the Oropians. If in the future the Oropians should have any complaint to make against the Athenians, then the Athenians were to withdraw their garrison from Oropus and give the hostages back again. 7.11.6. After no long interval the Oropians were wronged by certain of the garrison. They accordingly despatched envoys to Athens to ask for the restoration of their hostages and to request that the garrison be withdrawn according to the agreement. The Athenians refused to do either of these things, saying that the blame lay, not with the Athenian people, but with the men of the garrison. They promised, however, that the culprits should he brought to account. 7.11.7. The Oropians then appealed to the Achaeans for aid, but these refused to give it out of friendship and respect for the Athenians. Thereupon the Oropians promised Menalcidas, a Lacedaemonian who was then general of the Achaeans, a gift of ten talents if he would induce the Achaeans to help them. Menalcidas promised half of the money to Callicrates, who on account of his friendship with the Romans had most influence among the Achaeans. 7.11.8. Callicrates was persuaded to adopt the plan of Menalcidas, and it was decided to help the Oropians against the Athenians. News of this was brought to the Athenians, who, with all the speed each could, came to Oropus, again dragged away anything they had overlooked in the previous raids, and brought away the garrison. As the Achaeans were too late to render help, Menalcidas and Callicrates urged them to invade Attica . But they met with opposition, especially from Lacedaemon , and the army withdrew. 7.16.9. The walls of all the cities that had made war against Rome Mummius demolished, disarming the inhabitants, even before assistant commissioners were despatched from Rome, and when these did arrive, he proceeded to put down democracies and to establish governments based on a property qualification. Tribute was imposed on Greece , and those with property were forbidden to acquire possessions in a foreign country. Racial confederacies, whether of Achaeans, or Phocians, or Boeotians, or of any other Greek people, were one and all put down. 7.16.10. A few years later the Romans took pity on Greece , restored the various old racial confederacies, with the right to acquire property in a foreign country, and remitted the fines imposed by Mummius. For he had ordered the Boeotians to pay a hundred talents to the people of Heracleia and Euboea , and the Achaeans to pay two hundred to the Lacedaemonians. Although the Romans granted the Greeks remission of these payments, yet down to my day a Roman governor has been sent to the country. The Romans call him the Governor, not of Greece , but of Achaia , because the cause of the subjection of Greece was the Achaeans, at that time at the head of the Greek nation. With Frazer's reading: “when the Romans subdued Greece , Achaia was at the head, etc.” This war came to an end when Antitheus was archon at Athens , in the hundred and sixtieth Olympiad 140 B.C. , at which Diodorus of Sicyon was victorious. Pausanias seems to have made a mistake, as Corinth was taken in 146 B.C. |
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76. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 5.8, 6.15, 10.40-10.42, 10.45, 10.61-10.62, 10.96, 10.110-10.111 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •trajan (roman emperor), senate, relationship with •senator, roman •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 146, 189, 379; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 103 | 5.8. To Titinius Capito. You urge me to write history, nor are you the first to do so. Many others have often given me the same advice, and I am quite willing to follow it, not because I feel confident that I should succeed in so doing - for it would be presumption to think so until one had tried - but because it seems to me a very proper thing not to let people be forgotten whose fame ought never to die, and to perpetuate the glories of others together with one's own. Personally, I confess that there is nothing on which I have set my heart so much as to win a lasting reputation, and the ambition is a worthy one for any man, especially for one who is not conscious of having committed any wrong and has no cause to fear being remembered by posterity. Hence it is that both day and night I scheme to find a way "to raise myself above the ordinary dull level" Again, there is a precedent in my own family which impels me towards writing history. My uncle, who was also my father by adoption, was a historian of the most scrupulous type, and I find all wise men agree that one can do nothing better than follow in the footsteps of one's ancestors, provided that they have gone in the right path themselves. Why, then, do I hesitate? For this reason, that I have delivered a number of pleadings of serious importance, and it is my intention to revise them carefully - though my hopes of fame from them are only slight - lest, in spite of all the trouble they have given me, they should perish with me, just for want of receiving the last polishing and additional touches. For if you have a view to what posterity will say, all that is not absolutely finished must be classed as incomplete matter. You will say I began to plead in the forum in my nineteenth year, and it is only just now that I begin to see darkly what an orator ought to be. What would happen if I were to take on a new task in addition to this one? Oratory and history have many things in common, but they also differ greatly in the points that seem common to both. There is narrative in both, but of a different type; the humblest, meanest and most common-place subjects suit the one; the other requires research, splendour, and dignity. In the one you may describe the bones, muscles, and nerves of the body, in the other brawny parts and flowing manes. In oratory one wants force, invective, sustained attack; in history the charm is obtained by copiousness and agreeableness, even by sweetness of style. Lastly, the words used, the forms of speech, and the construction of the sentences are different. For, as Thucydides remarks, it makes all the difference whether the composition is to be a possession for all time or a declamation for the moment; † oratory has to do with the latter, history with the former. Hence it is that I do not feel tempted to hopelessly jumble together two dissimilar styles which differ from one another just because of their great importance, and I am afraid I should become bewildered by such a terrible medley and write in the one style just where I ought to be employing the other. For the meantime, therefore, to use the language of the courts, I ask your gracious permission to go on with my pleading. However, do you be good enough even now to consider the period which it would be best for me to tackle. Shall it be a period of ancient history which others have dealt with before me? If so, the materials are all ready to hand, but the putting them together would be a heavy task. On the other hand, if I choose a modern period which has not been dealt with, I shall get but small thanks and am bound to give serious offence. For, besides the fact that the general standard of morality is so lax that there is much more to censure than to praise, you are sure to be called niggardly if you praise and too censorious if you censure, though you may have been lavish of appreciation and scrupulously guarded in reproach. However, these considerations do not stay me, for I have the courage of my convictions. I only beg of you to prepare the way for me in the direction you urge me to take, and choose a subject for me, so that, when I am at length ready to take pen in hand, no other overpowering reason may crop up to make me hesitate and delay my purpose. Farewell. 6.15. To Romanus. You have missed being present at a wonderfully funny scene. I was not there myself, but I heard all about it just after it had taken place. Passennus Paullus, a distinguished Roman knight, and a man of real learning, is given to writing elegiacs. The habit runs in the family, for he belongs to the same township as Propertius did, * and he even reckons that poet among his ancestors. He was about to give a reading, and began thus 0 10.40. Trajan to Pliny. You will be best able to judge and determine what ought to be done at the present time in the matter of the theatre which the people of Nicaea have begun to build. It will be enough for me to be informed of the plan you adopt. Do not trouble, moreover, to call on the private individuals to build the portions they promised until the theatre is erected, for they made those promises for the sake of having a theatre. All the Greek peoples have a passion for gymnasia, and so perhaps the people of Nicaea have set about building one on a rather lavish scale, but they must be content to cut their coat according to their cloth. You again must decide on what advice to give to the people of Claudiopolis in the matter of the bath which, as you say, they have begun to build in a rather unsuitable site. There must be plenty of architects to advise you, for there is no province which is without some men of experience and skill in that profession, and remember again that it does not save time to send one from Rome, when so many of our architects come to Rome from Greece. 10.41. To Trajan. I consider the splendour of your position and the loftiness of your mind, it seems to me most fitting that I should point out to you schemes which would be worthy of your eternal fame and glory, and which would not only be imposing to the imagination, but of great public utility. There lies in the territory of the people of Nicomedia a most spacious lake, * by which marble, grain, timber, and bulky articles can be brought by barges to the high road with but little expense and labour, though it is a very laborious and costly business to take them down on waggons to the sea. ** [ (?) To connect the lake with the sea ] would demand a large supply of workmen, but they are to be found on the spot, for in the country districts labourers are plentiful, and they are still more plentiful in the city, while it is quite certain that all would be perfectly willing to help in an undertaking which would be of profit to everyone. It only remains for you, if you think fit, to send a surveyor or an architect to make careful observations and find out whether the lake lies at a higher level than the sea, for the engineers in this district hold that it is forty cubits higher. I find that one of the earlier kings † dug a trench over the same site, but it is doubtful whether his object was to drain off the moisture from the surrounding fields, or to join the waters of the lake and the river. For the trench was not completed, and it is not known whether the work was abandoned because of the king's death, or because the success of the enterprise was despaired of. But this only fires my desire and anxiety - you will pardon my eager ambition for your glory - that you should complete what the kings merely commenced. 10.42. Trajan to Pliny. That lake you speak of may perhaps tempt me into making up my mind to connect it with the sea, but obviously careful investigations must be made to provide against its totally emptying itself if its waters be brought down to the sea, and to find out what volume of water flows into it, and what are the sources of supply. You will be able to obtain a surveyor from Calpurnius Macer, * and I will also send you someone who is an expert in that class of work. 10.45. To Trajan. I beg you, Sir, to write and tell me whether you wish the permits, * the terms of which have expired, to be recognised as valid, and for how long, and so free me from my indecision. For I am afraid of blundering either one way or the other, either by confirming what ought to lapse, or by putting obstacles in the way of those which are necessary. |
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77. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 5.8, 6.15, 10.40-10.42, 10.45, 10.61-10.62, 10.96, 10.110-10.111 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •trajan (roman emperor), senate, relationship with •senator, roman •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 146, 189, 379; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 103 | 5.8. To Titinius Capito. You urge me to write history, nor are you the first to do so. Many others have often given me the same advice, and I am quite willing to follow it, not because I feel confident that I should succeed in so doing - for it would be presumption to think so until one had tried - but because it seems to me a very proper thing not to let people be forgotten whose fame ought never to die, and to perpetuate the glories of others together with one's own. Personally, I confess that there is nothing on which I have set my heart so much as to win a lasting reputation, and the ambition is a worthy one for any man, especially for one who is not conscious of having committed any wrong and has no cause to fear being remembered by posterity. Hence it is that both day and night I scheme to find a way "to raise myself above the ordinary dull level" Again, there is a precedent in my own family which impels me towards writing history. My uncle, who was also my father by adoption, was a historian of the most scrupulous type, and I find all wise men agree that one can do nothing better than follow in the footsteps of one's ancestors, provided that they have gone in the right path themselves. Why, then, do I hesitate? For this reason, that I have delivered a number of pleadings of serious importance, and it is my intention to revise them carefully - though my hopes of fame from them are only slight - lest, in spite of all the trouble they have given me, they should perish with me, just for want of receiving the last polishing and additional touches. For if you have a view to what posterity will say, all that is not absolutely finished must be classed as incomplete matter. You will say I began to plead in the forum in my nineteenth year, and it is only just now that I begin to see darkly what an orator ought to be. What would happen if I were to take on a new task in addition to this one? Oratory and history have many things in common, but they also differ greatly in the points that seem common to both. There is narrative in both, but of a different type; the humblest, meanest and most common-place subjects suit the one; the other requires research, splendour, and dignity. In the one you may describe the bones, muscles, and nerves of the body, in the other brawny parts and flowing manes. In oratory one wants force, invective, sustained attack; in history the charm is obtained by copiousness and agreeableness, even by sweetness of style. Lastly, the words used, the forms of speech, and the construction of the sentences are different. For, as Thucydides remarks, it makes all the difference whether the composition is to be a possession for all time or a declamation for the moment; † oratory has to do with the latter, history with the former. Hence it is that I do not feel tempted to hopelessly jumble together two dissimilar styles which differ from one another just because of their great importance, and I am afraid I should become bewildered by such a terrible medley and write in the one style just where I ought to be employing the other. For the meantime, therefore, to use the language of the courts, I ask your gracious permission to go on with my pleading. However, do you be good enough even now to consider the period which it would be best for me to tackle. Shall it be a period of ancient history which others have dealt with before me? If so, the materials are all ready to hand, but the putting them together would be a heavy task. On the other hand, if I choose a modern period which has not been dealt with, I shall get but small thanks and am bound to give serious offence. For, besides the fact that the general standard of morality is so lax that there is much more to censure than to praise, you are sure to be called niggardly if you praise and too censorious if you censure, though you may have been lavish of appreciation and scrupulously guarded in reproach. However, these considerations do not stay me, for I have the courage of my convictions. I only beg of you to prepare the way for me in the direction you urge me to take, and choose a subject for me, so that, when I am at length ready to take pen in hand, no other overpowering reason may crop up to make me hesitate and delay my purpose. Farewell. 6.15. To Romanus. You have missed being present at a wonderfully funny scene. I was not there myself, but I heard all about it just after it had taken place. Passennus Paullus, a distinguished Roman knight, and a man of real learning, is given to writing elegiacs. The habit runs in the family, for he belongs to the same township as Propertius did, * and he even reckons that poet among his ancestors. He was about to give a reading, and began thus 0 10.40. Trajan to Pliny. You will be best able to judge and determine what ought to be done at the present time in the matter of the theatre which the people of Nicaea have begun to build. It will be enough for me to be informed of the plan you adopt. Do not trouble, moreover, to call on the private individuals to build the portions they promised until the theatre is erected, for they made those promises for the sake of having a theatre. All the Greek peoples have a passion for gymnasia, and so perhaps the people of Nicaea have set about building one on a rather lavish scale, but they must be content to cut their coat according to their cloth. You again must decide on what advice to give to the people of Claudiopolis in the matter of the bath which, as you say, they have begun to build in a rather unsuitable site. There must be plenty of architects to advise you, for there is no province which is without some men of experience and skill in that profession, and remember again that it does not save time to send one from Rome, when so many of our architects come to Rome from Greece. 10.41. To Trajan. I consider the splendour of your position and the loftiness of your mind, it seems to me most fitting that I should point out to you schemes which would be worthy of your eternal fame and glory, and which would not only be imposing to the imagination, but of great public utility. There lies in the territory of the people of Nicomedia a most spacious lake, * by which marble, grain, timber, and bulky articles can be brought by barges to the high road with but little expense and labour, though it is a very laborious and costly business to take them down on waggons to the sea. ** [ (?) To connect the lake with the sea ] would demand a large supply of workmen, but they are to be found on the spot, for in the country districts labourers are plentiful, and they are still more plentiful in the city, while it is quite certain that all would be perfectly willing to help in an undertaking which would be of profit to everyone. It only remains for you, if you think fit, to send a surveyor or an architect to make careful observations and find out whether the lake lies at a higher level than the sea, for the engineers in this district hold that it is forty cubits higher. I find that one of the earlier kings † dug a trench over the same site, but it is doubtful whether his object was to drain off the moisture from the surrounding fields, or to join the waters of the lake and the river. For the trench was not completed, and it is not known whether the work was abandoned because of the king's death, or because the success of the enterprise was despaired of. But this only fires my desire and anxiety - you will pardon my eager ambition for your glory - that you should complete what the kings merely commenced. 10.42. Trajan to Pliny. That lake you speak of may perhaps tempt me into making up my mind to connect it with the sea, but obviously careful investigations must be made to provide against its totally emptying itself if its waters be brought down to the sea, and to find out what volume of water flows into it, and what are the sources of supply. You will be able to obtain a surveyor from Calpurnius Macer, * and I will also send you someone who is an expert in that class of work. 10.45. To Trajan. I beg you, Sir, to write and tell me whether you wish the permits, * the terms of which have expired, to be recognised as valid, and for how long, and so free me from my indecision. For I am afraid of blundering either one way or the other, either by confirming what ought to lapse, or by putting obstacles in the way of those which are necessary. |
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| 78. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 53.3-53.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 128 |
| 79. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.4, 1.7, 1.145, 1.194, 2.45, 3.92-3.93 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, roman senate and •senator, roman •roman senate •senate, roman Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 154; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 380, 424, 431; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 80. Pomponius Sextus, Digesta, 1.2.9, 1.2.12, 43.12.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 154 |
| 81. Papinian, Digesta, 1.1.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 154 |
82. Eusebius of Caesarea, Life of Constantine, 3.13 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 144 | 3.13. As soon as the emperor had spoken these words in the Latin tongue, which another interpreted, he gave permission to those who presided in the council to deliver their opinions. On this some began to accuse their neighbors, who defended themselves, and recriminated in their turn. In this manner numberless assertions were put forth by each party, and a violent controversy arose at the very commencement. Notwithstanding this, the emperor gave patient audience to all alike, and received every proposition with steadfast attention, and by occasionally assisting the argument of each party in turn, he gradually disposed even the most vehement disputants to a reconciliation. At the same time, by the affability of his address to all, and his use of the Greek language, with which he was not altogether unacquainted, he appeared in a truly attractive and amiable light, persuading some, convincing others by his reasonings, praising those who spoke well, and urging all to unity of sentiment, until at last he succeeded in bringing them to one mind and judgment respecting every disputed question. |
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83. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 7.36 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 175 | 7.36. of the many disciples of Zeno the following are the most famous: Persaeus, son of Demetrius, of Citium, whom some call a pupil and others one of the household, one of those sent him by Antigonus to act as secretary; he had been tutor to Antigonus's son Halcyoneus. And Antigonus once, wishing to make trial of him, caused some false news to be brought to him that his estate had been ravaged by the enemy, and as his countece fell, Do you see, said he, that wealth is not a matter of indifference?The following works are by Persaeus:of Kingship.The Spartan Constitution.of Marriage.of Impiety.Thyestes.of Love.Exhortations.Interludes.Four books of Anecdotes.Memorabilia.A Reply to Plato's Laws in seven books. |
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| 84. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 4.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251 |
| 85. Menander of Laodicea, Rhet., 378, 381, 424.3-430.8 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 63 |
| 86. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 4.1.14-4.1.18, 41.14-41.18 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman society, senate of Found in books: Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 2 |
87. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 1.6.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 80 | 1.6.2. This prediction remained unfulfilled so long as it was permitted them to live under rulers from their own nation, that is, from the time of Moses to the reign of Augustus. Under the latter, Herod, the first foreigner, was given the Kingdom of the Jews by the Romans. As Josephus relates, he was an Idumean on his father's side and an Arabian on his mother's. But Africanus, who was also no common writer, says that they who were more accurately informed about him report that he was a son of Antipater, and that the latter was the son of a certain Herod of Ascalon, one of the so-called servants of the temple of Apollo. |
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| 88. Prudentius, Contra Symmachum, 215, 223-233, 235-240, 234 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 332 |
| 89. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 6.4.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 246 |
| 90. Rufinus of Aquileia, In Suam Et Eusebii Caesariensis Latinam Ab Eo Factam Historiam, 11.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 137 |
| 91. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 51.5-51.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman, senate Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 910 |
| 92. Victor, De Caesaribus, 40.26 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 58 |
| 93. Ambrose, Letters, 10.5, 72.10, 72.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 118, 122, 137 |
| 94. Ambrose, Letters, 10.5, 72.10, 72.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 118, 122, 137 |
95. Augustine, The City of God, 4.17-4.24 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251 | 4.17. Or do they say, perhaps, that Jupiter sends the goddess Victoria, and that she, as it were acting in obedience to the king of the gods, comes to those to whom he may have dispatched her, and takes up her quarters on their side? This is truly said, not of Jove, whom they, according to their own imagination, feign to be king of the gods, but of Him who is the true eternal King, because he sends, not Victory, who is no person, but His angel, and causes whom He pleases to conquer; whose counsel may be hidden, but cannot be unjust. For if Victory is a goddess, why is not Triumph also a god, and joined to Victory either as husband, or brother, or son? Indeed, they have imagined such things concerning the gods, that if the poets had feigned the like, and they should have been discussed by us, they would have replied that they were laughable figments of the poets not to be attributed to true deities. And yet they themselves did not laugh when they were, not reading in the poets, but worshipping in the temples such doating follies. Therefore they should entreat Jove alone for all things, and supplicate him only. For if Victory is a goddess, and is under him as her king, wherever he might have sent her, she could not dare to resist and do her own will rather than his. 4.18. What shall we say, besides, of the idea that Felicity also is a goddess? She has received a temple; she has merited an altar; suitable rites of worship are paid to her. She alone, then, should be worshipped. For where she is present, what good thing can be absent? But what does a man wish, that he thinks Fortune also a goddess and worships her? Is felicity one thing, fortune another? Fortune, indeed, may be bad as well as good; but felicity, if it could be bad, would not be felicity. Certainly we ought to think all the gods of either sex (if they also have sex) are only good. This says Plato; this say other philosophers; this say all estimable rulers of the republic and the nations. How is it, then, that the goddess Fortune is sometimes good, sometimes bad? Is it perhaps the case that when she is bad she is not a goddess, but is suddenly changed into a maligt demon? How many Fortunes are there then? Just as many as there are men who are fortunate, that is, of good fortune. But since there must also be very many others who at the very same time are men of bad fortune, could she, being one and the same Fortune, be at the same time both bad and good - the one to these, the other to those? She who is the goddess, is she always good? Then she herself is felicity. Why, then, are two names given her? Yet this is tolerable; for it is customary that one thing should be called by two names. But why different temples, different altars, different rituals? There is a reason, say they, because Felicity is she whom the good have by previous merit; but fortune, which is termed good without any trial of merit, befalls both good and bad men fortuitously, whence also she is named Fortune. How, therefore, is she good, who without any discernment comes - both to the good and to the bad? Why is she worshipped, who is thus blind, running at random on any one whatever, so that for the most part she passes by her worshippers, and cleaves to those who despise her? Or if her worshippers profit somewhat, so that they are seen by her and loved, then she follows merit, and does not come fortuitously. What, then, becomes of that definition of fortune? What becomes of the opinion that she has received her very name from fortuitous events? For it profits one nothing to worship her if she is truly fortune. But if she distinguishes her worshippers, so that she may benefit them, she is not fortune. Or does, Jupiter send her too, whither he pleases? Then let him alone be worshipped; because Fortune is not able to resist him when he commands her, and sends her where he pleases. Or, at least, let the bad worship her, who do not choose to have merit by which the goddess Felicity might be invited. 4.19. To this supposed deity, whom they call Fortuna, they ascribe so much, indeed, that they have a tradition that the image of her, which was dedicated by the Roman matrons, and called Fortuna Muliebris, has spoken, and has said, once and again, that the matrons pleased her by their homage; which, indeed, if it is true, ought not to excite our wonder. For it is not so difficult for maligt demons to deceive, and they ought the rather to advert to their wits and wiles, because it is that goddess who comes by haphazard who has spoken, and not she who comes to reward merit. For Fortuna was loquacious, and Felicitas mute; and for what other reason but that men might not care to live rightly, having made Fortuna their friend, who could make them fortunate without any good desert? And truly, if Fortuna speaks, she should at least speak, not with a womanly, but with a manly voice; lest they themselves who have dedicated the image should think so great a miracle has been wrought by feminine loquacity. 4.20. They have made Virtue also a goddess, which, indeed, if it could be a goddess, had been preferable to many. And now, because it is not a goddess, but a gift of God, let it be obtained by prayer from Him, by whom alone it can be given, and the whole crowd of false gods vanishes. But why is Faith believed to be a goddess, and why does she herself receive temple and altar? For whoever prudently acknowledges her makes his own self an abode for her. But how do they know what faith is, of which it is the prime and greatest function that the true God may be believed in? But why had not virtue sufficed? Does it not include faith also? Forasmuch as they have thought proper to distribute virtue into four divisions - prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance- and as each of these divisions has its own virtues, faith is among the parts of justice, and has the chief place with as many of us as know what that saying means, The just shall live by faith. Habakkuk 2:4 But if Faith is a goddess, I wonder why these keen lovers of a multitude of gods have wronged so many other goddesses, by passing them by, when they could have dedicated temples and altars to them likewise. Why has temperance not deserved to be a goddess, when some Roman princes have obtained no small glory on account of her? Why, in fine, is fortitude not a goddess, who aided Mucius when he thrust his right hand into the flames; who aided Curtius, when for the sake of his country he threw himself headlong into the yawning earth; who aided Decius the sire, and Decius the son, when they devoted themselves for the army?- though we might question whether these men had true fortitude, if this concerned our present discussion. Why have prudence and wisdom merited no place among the gods? Is it because they are all worshipped under the general name of Virtue itself? Then they could thus worship the true God also, of whom all the other gods are thought to be parts. But in that one name of virtue is comprehended both faith and chastity, which yet have obtained separate altars in temples of their own. 4.21. These, not verity but vanity has made goddesses. For these are gifts of the true God, not themselves goddesses. However, where virtue and felicity are, what else is sought for? What can suffice the man whom virtue and felicity do not suffice? For surely virtue comprehends all things we need do, felicity all things we need wish for. If Jupiter, then, was worshipped in order that he might give these two things - because, if extent and duration of empire is something good, it pertains to this same felicity - why is it not understood that they are not goddesses, but the gifts of God? But if they are judged to be goddesses, then at least that other great crowd of gods should not be sought after. For, having considered all the offices which their fancy has distributed among the various gods and goddesses, let them find out, if they can, anything which could be bestowed by any god whatever on a man possessing virtue, possessing felicity. What instruction could be sought either from Mercury or Minerva, when Virtue already possessed all in herself? Virtue, indeed, is defined by the ancients as itself the art of living well and rightly. Hence, because virtue is called in Greek ἀρετη, it has been thought the Latins have derived from it the term art. But if Virtue cannot come except to the clever, what need was there of the god Father Catius, who should make men cautious, that is, acute, when Felicity could confer this? Because, to be born clever belongs to felicity. Whence, although goddess Felicity could not be worshipped by one not yet born, in order that, being made his friend, she might bestow this on him, yet she might confer this favor on parents who were her worshippers, that clever children should be born to them. What need had women in childbirth to invoke Lucina, when, if Felicity should be present, they would have, not only a good delivery, but good children too? What need was there to commend the children to the goddess Ops when they were being born; to the god Vaticanus in their birth-cry; to the goddess Cunina when lying cradled; to the goddess Rimina when sucking; to the god Statilinus when standing; to the goddess Adeona when coming; to Abeona when going away; to the goddess Mens that they might have a good mind; to the god Volumnus, and the goddess Volumna, that they might wish for good things; to the nuptial gods, that they might make good matches; to the rural gods, and chiefly to the goddess Fructesca herself, that they might receive the most abundant fruits; to Mars and Bellona, that they might carry on war well; to the goddess Victoria, that they might be victorious; to the god Honor, that they might be honored; to the goddess Pecunia, that they might have plenty money; to the god Aesculanus, and his son Argentinus, that they might have brass and silver coin? For they set down Aesculanus as the father of Argentinus for this reason, that brass coin began to be used before silver. But I wonder Argentinus has not begotten Aurinus, since gold coin also has followed. Could they have him for a god, they would prefer Aurinus both to his father Argentinus and his grandfather Aesculanus, just as they set Jove before Saturn. Therefore, what necessity was there on account of these gifts, either of soul, or body, or outward estate, to worship and invoke so great a crowd of gods, all of whom I have not mentioned, nor have they themselves been able to provide for all human benefits, minutely and singly methodized, minute and single gods, when the one goddess Felicity was able, with the greatest ease, compendiously to bestow the whole of them? Nor should any other be sought after, either for the bestowing of good things, or for the averting of evil. For why should they invoke the goddess Fessonia for the weary; for driving away enemies, the goddess Pellonia; for the sick, as a physician, either Apollo or Æsculapius, or both together if there should be great danger? Neither should the god Spiniensis be entreated that he might root out the thorns from the fields; nor the goddess Rubigo that the mildew might not come - Felicitas alone being present and guarding, either no evils would have arisen, or they would have been quite easily driven away. Finally, since we treat of these two goddesses, Virtue and Felicity, if felicity is the reward of virtue, she is not a goddess, but a gift of God. But if she is a goddess, why may she not be said to confer virtue itself, inasmuch as it is a great felicity to attain virtue? 4.22. What is it, then, that Varro boasts he has bestowed as a very great benefit on his fellow citizens, because he not only recounts the gods who ought to be worshipped by the Romans, but also tells what pertains to each of them? Just as it is of no advantage, he says, to know the name and appearance of any man who is a physician, and not know that he is a physician, so, he says, it is of no advantage to know well that Æsculapius is a god, if you are not aware that he can bestow the gift of health, and consequently do not know why you ought to supplicate him. He also affirms this by another comparison, saying, No one is able, not only to live well, but even to live at all, if he does not know who is a smith, who a baker, who a weaver, from whom he can seek any utensil, whom he may take for a helper, whom for a leader, whom for a teacher; asserting, that in this way it can be doubtful to no one, that thus the knowledge of the gods is useful, if one can know what force, and faculty, or power any god may have in any thing. For from this we may be able, he says, to know what god we ought to call to, and invoke for any cause; lest we should do as too many are wont to do, and desire water from Liber, and wine from Lymphs. Very useful, forsooth! Who would not give this man thanks if he could show true things, and if he could teach that the one true God, from whom all good things are, is to be worshipped by men? 4.23. But how does it happen, if their books and rituals are true, and Felicity is a goddess, that she herself is not appointed as the only one to be worshipped, since she could confer all things, and all at once make men happy? For who wishes anything for any other reason than that he may become happy? Why was it left to Lucullus to dedicate a temple to so great a goddess at so late a date, and after so many Roman rulers? Why did Romulus himself, ambitious as he was of founding a fortunate city, not erect a temple to this goddess before all others? Why did he supplicate the other gods for anything, since he would have lacked nothing had she been with him? For even he himself would neither have been first a king, then afterwards, as they think, a god, if this goddess had not been propitious to him. Why, therefore, did he appoint as gods for the Romans, Janus, Jove, Mars, Picus, Faunus, Tibernus, Hercules, and others, if there were more of them? Why did Titus Tatius add Saturn, Ops, Sun, Moon, Vulcan, Light, and whatever others he added, among whom was even the goddess Cloacina, while Felicity was neglected? Why did Numa appoint so many gods and so many goddesses without this one? Was it perhaps because he could not see her among so great a crowd? Certainly king Hostilius would not have introduced the new gods Fear and Dread to be propitiated, if he could have known or might have worshipped this goddess. For, in presence of Felicity, Fear and Dread would have disappeared - I do not say propitiated, but put to flight. Next, I ask, how is it that the Roman empire had already immensely increased before any one worshipped Felicity? Was the empire, therefore, more great than happy? For how could true felicity be there, where there was not true piety? For piety is the genuine worship of the true God, and not the worship of as many demons as there are false gods. Yet even afterwards, when Felicity had already been taken into the number of the gods, the great infelicity of the civil wars ensued. Was Felicity perhaps justly indigt, both because she was invited so late, and was invited not to honor, but rather to reproach, because along with her were worshipped Priapus, and Cloacina, and Fear and Dread, and Ague, and others which were not gods to be worshipped, but the crimes of the worshippers? Last of all, if it seemed good to worship so great a goddess along with a most unworthy crowd, why at least was she not worshipped in a more honorable way than the rest? For is it not intolerable that Felicity is placed neither among the gods Consentes, whom they allege to be admitted into the council of Jupiter, nor among the gods whom they term Select? Some temple might be made for her which might be pre-eminent, both in loftiness of site and dignity of style. Why, indeed, not something better than is made for Jupiter himself? For who gave the kingdom even to Jupiter but Felicity? I am supposing that when he reigned he was happy. Felicity, however, is certainly more valuable than a kingdom. For no one doubts that a man might easily be found who may fear to be made a king; but no one is found who is unwilling to be happy. Therefore, if it is thought they can be consulted by augury, or in any other way, the gods themselves should be consulted about this thing, whether they may wish to give place to Felicity. If, perchance, the place should already be occupied by the temples and altars of others, where a greater and more lofty temple might be built to Felicity, even Jupiter himself might give way, so that Felicity might rather obtain the very pinnacle of the Capitoline hill. For there is not any one who would resist Felicity, except, which is impossible, one who might wish to be unhappy. Certainly, if he should be consulted, Jupiter would in no case do what those three gods, Mars, Terminus, and Juventas, did, who positively refused to give place to their superior and king. For, as their books record, when king Tarquin wished to construct the Capitol, and perceived that the place which seemed to him to be the most worthy and suitable was preoccupied by other gods, not daring to do anything contrary to their pleasure, and believing that they would willingly give place to a god who was so great, and was their own master, because there were many of them there when the Capitol was founded, he inquired by augury whether they chose to give place to Jupiter, and they were all willing to remove thence except those whom I have named, Mars, Terminus, and Juventas; and therefore the Capitol was built in such a way that these three also might be within it, yet with such obscure signs that even the most learned men could scarcely know this. Surely, then, Jupiter himself would by no means despise Felicity, as he was himself despised by Terminus, Mars, and Juventas. But even they themselves who had not given place to Jupiter, would certainly give place to Felicity, who had made Jupiter king over them. Or if they should not give place, they would act thus not out of contempt of her, but because they chose rather to be obscure in the house of Felicity, than to be eminent without her in their own places. Thus the goddess Felicity being established in the largest and loftiest place, the citizens should learn whence the furtherance of every good desire should be sought. And so, by the persuasion of nature herself, the superfluous multitude of other gods being abandoned, Felicity alone would be worshipped, prayer would be made to her alone, her temple alone would be frequented by the citizens who wished to be happy, which no one of them would not wish; and thus felicity, who was sought for from all the gods, would be sought for only from her own self. For who wishes to receive from any god anything else than felicity, or what he supposes to tend to felicity? Wherefore, if Felicity has it in her power to be with what man she pleases (and she has it if she is a goddess), what folly is it, after all, to seek from any other god her whom you can obtain by request from her own self! Therefore they ought to honor this goddess above other gods, even by dignity of place. For, as we read in their own authors, the ancient Romans paid greater honors to I know not what Summanus, to whom they attributed nocturnal thunderbolts, than to Jupiter, to whom diurnal thunderbolts were held to pertain. But, after a famous and conspicuous temple had been built to Jupiter, owing to the dignity of the building, the multitude resorted to him in so great numbers, that scarce one can be found who remembers even to have read the name of Summanus, which now he cannot once hear named. But if Felicity is not a goddess, because, as is true, it is a gift of God, that god must be sought who has power to give it, and that hurtful multitude of false gods must be abandoned which the vain multitude of foolish men follows after, making gods to itself of the gifts of God, and offending Himself whose gifts they are by the stubbornness of a proud will. For he cannot be free from infelicity who worships Felicity as a goddess, and forsakes God, the giver of felicity; just as he cannot be free from hunger who licks a painted loaf of bread, and does not buy it of the man who has a real one. 4.24. We may, however, consider their reasons. Is it to be believed, say they, that our forefathers were besotted even to such a degree as not to know that these things are divine gifts, and not gods? But as they knew that such things are granted to no one, except by some god freely bestowing them, they called the gods whose names they did not find out by the names of those things which they deemed to be given by them; sometimes slightly altering the name for that purpose, as, for example, from war they have named Bellona, not bellum; from cradles, Cunina, not cun ; from standing grain, Segetia, not seges; from apples, Pomona, not pomum; from oxen, Bubona, not bos. Sometimes, again, with no alteration of the word, just as the things themselves are named, so that the goddess who gives money is called Pecunia, and money is not thought to be itself a goddess: so of Virtus, who gives virtue; Honor, who gives honor; Concordia, who gives concord; Victoria, who gives victory. So, they say, when Felicitas is called a goddess, what is meant is not the thing itself which is given, but that deity by whom felicity is given. |
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96. Theodoret of Cyrus, Ecclesiastical History, 5.17-5.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 137 | 5.17. Thessalonica is a large and very populous city, belonging to Macedonia, but the capital of Thessaly and Achaia, as well as of many other provinces which are governed by the prefect of Illyricum. Here arose a great sedition, and several of the magistrates were stoned and violently treated. The emperor was fired with anger when he heard the news, and unable to endure the rush of his passion, did not even check its onset by the curb of reason, but allowed his rage to be the minister of his vengeance. When the imperial passion had received its authority, as though itself an independent prince, it broke the bonds and yoke of reason, unsheathed swords of injustice right and left without distinction, and slew innocent and guilty together. No trial preceded the sentence. No condemnation was passed on the perpetrators of the crimes. Multitudes were mowed down like ears of grain in harvest-tide. It is said that seven thousand perished. News of this lamentable calamity reached Ambrosius. The emperor on his arrival at Milan wished according to custom to enter the church. Ambrosius met him outside the outer porch and forbade him to step over the sacred threshold. You seem, sir, not to know, said he, the magnitude of the bloody deed that has been done. Your rage has subsided, but your reason has not yet recognised the character of the deed. Peradventure your Imperial power prevents your recognising the sin, and power stands in the light of reason. We must however know how our nature passes away and is subject to death; we must know the ancestral dust from which we sprang, and to which we are swiftly returning. We must not because we are dazzled by the sheen of the purple fail to see the weakness of the body that it robes. You are a sovereign, Sir, of men of like nature with your own, and who are in truth your fellow slaves; for there is one Lord and Sovereign of mankind, Creator of the Universe. With what eyes then will you look on the temple of our common Lord - with what feet will you tread that holy threshold, how will you stretch forth your hands still dripping with the blood of unjust slaughter? How in such hands will you receive the all holy Body of the Lord? How will you who in your rage unrighteously poured forth so much blood lift to your lips the precious Blood? Begone. Attempt not to add another crime to that which you have committed. Submit to the restriction to which the God the Lord of all agrees that you be sentenced. He will be your physician, He will give you health. Educated as he had been in the sacred oracles, Theodosius knew clearly what belonged to priests and what to emperors. He therefore bowed to the rebuke of Ambrose, and retired sighing and weeping to the palace. After a considerable time, when eight months had passed away, the festival of our Saviour's birth came round and the emperor sat in his palace shedding a storm of tears. Now Rufinus, at that time controller of the household, and, from his familiarity with his imperial master, able to use great freedom of speech, approached and asked him why he wept. With a bitter groan and yet more abundant weeping You are trifling, Rufinus, said the emperor, because you do not feel my troubles. I am groaning and lamenting at the thought of my own calamity; for menials and for beggars the way into the church lies open; they can go in without fear, and put up their petitions to their own Lord. I dare not set my foot there, and besides this for me the door of heaven is shut, for I remember the voice of the Lord which plainly says, 'Whatsoever you bind on earth shall have been bound in heaven.' Rufinus replied With your permission I will hasten to the bishop, and by my entreaties induce him to remit your penalty. He will not yield said the emperor. I know the justice of the sentence passed by Ambrose, nor will he ever be moved by respect for my imperial power to transgress the law of God. Rufinus urged his suit again and again, promising to win over Ambrosius; and at last the emperor commanded him to go with all dispatch. Then, the victim of false hopes, Theodosius, in reliance on the promises of Rufinus, followed in person, himself. No sooner did the divine Ambrose perceive Rufinus than he exclaimed, Rufinus, your impudence matches a dog's, for you were the adviser of this terrible slaughter; you have wiped shame from your brow, and guilty as you are of this mad outrage on the image of God you stand here fearless, without a blush. Then Rufinus began to beg and pray, and announced the speedy approach of the emperor. Fired with divine zeal the holy Ambrosius exclaimed Rufinus, I tell you beforehand; I shall prevent him from crossing the sacred threshold. If he is for changing his sovereign power into that of a tyrant I too will gladly submit to a violent death. On this Rufinus sent a messenger to inform the emperor in what mind the archbishop was, and exhorted him to remain within the palace. Theodosius had already reached the middle of the forum when he received the message. I will go, said he, and accept the disgrace I deserve. He advanced to the sacred precincts but did not enter the holy building. The archbishop was seated in the house of salutation and there the emperor approached him and besought that his bonds might be loosed. Your coming said Ambrose is the coming of a tyrant. You are raging against God; you are trampling on his laws. No, said Theodosius, I do not attack laws laid down, I do not seek wrongfully to cross the sacred threshold; but I ask you to loose my bond, to take into account the mercy of our common Lord, and not to shut against me a door which our master has opened for all them that repent. The archbishop replied What repentance have you shown since your tremendous crime? You have inflicted wounds right hard to heal; what salve have you applied? Yours said the emperor is the duty alike of pointing out and of mixing the salve. It is for me to receive what is given me. Then said the divine Ambrosius You let your passion minister justice, your passion not your reason gives judgment. Put forth therefore an edict which shall make the sentence of your passion null and void; let the sentences which have been published inflicting death or confiscation be suspended for thirty days awaiting the judgment of reason. When the days shall have elapsed let them that wrote the sentences exhibit their orders, and then, and not till then, when passion has calmed down, reason acting as sole judge shall examine the sentences and will see whether they be right or wrong. If it find them wrong it will cancel the deeds; if they be righteous it will confirm them, and the interval of time will inflict no wrong on them that have been rightly condemned. This suggestion the emperor accepted and thought it admirable. He ordered the edict to be put out immediately and gave it the authority of his sign manual. On this the divine Ambrosius loosed the bond. Now the very faithful emperor came boldly within the holy temple but did not pray to his Lord standing, or even on his knees, but lying prone upon the ground he uttered David's cry My soul cleaves unto the dust, quicken thou me according to your word. He plucked out his hair; he smote his head; he besprinkled the ground with drops of tears and prayed for pardon. When the time came for him to bring his oblations to the holy table, weeping all the while he stood up and approached the sanctuary. After making his offering, as he was wont, he remained within at the rail, but once more the great Ambrosius kept not silence and taught him the distinction of places. First he asked him if he wanted anything; and when the emperor said that he was waiting for participation in the divine mysteries, Ambrose sent word to him by the chief deacon and said, The inner place, sir, is open only to priests; to all the rest it is inaccessible; go out and stand where others stand; purple can make emperors, but not priests. This instruction too the faithful emperor most gladly received, and intimated in reply that it was not from any audacity that he had remained within the rails, but because he had understood that this was the custom at Constantinople. I owe thanks, he added, for being cured too of this error. So both the archbishop and the emperor showed a mighty shining light of virtue. Both to me are admirable; the former for his brave words, the latter for his docility; the archbishop for the warmth of his zeal, and the prince for the purity of his faith. On his return to Constantinople Theodosius kept within the bounds of piety which he had learned from the great archbishop. For when the occasion of a feast brought him once again into the divine temple, after bringing his gifts to the holy table he straightway went out. The bishop at that time was Nectarius, and on his asking the emperor what could possibly be the reason of his not remaining within, Theodosius answered with a sigh I have learned after great difficulty the differences between an emperor and a priest. It is not easy to find a man capable of teaching me the truth. Ambrosius alone deserves the title of bishop. So great is the gain of conviction when brought home by a man of bright and shining goodness. 5.18. Yet other opportunities of improvement lay within the emperor's reach, for his wife used constantly to put him in mind of the divine laws in which she had first carefully educated herself. In no way exalted by her imperial rank she was rather fired by it with greater longing for divine things. The greatness of the good gift given her made her love for Him who gave it all the greater, so she bestowed every kind of attention on the maimed and the mutilated, declining all aid from her household and her guards, herself visiting the houses where the sufferers lodged, and providing every one with what he required. She also went about the chambers of the churches and ministered to the wants of the sick, herself handling pots and pans, and tasting broth, now bringing in a dish and breaking bread and offering morsels, and washing out a cup and going through all the other duties which are supposed to be proper to servants and maids. To them who strove to restrain her from doing these things with her own hands she would say, It befits a sovereign to distribute gold; I, for the sovereign power that has been given me, am giving my own service to the Giver. To her husband, too, she was ever wont to say, Husband, you ought always to bethink you what you were once and what you have become now; by keeping this constantly in mind you will never grow ungrateful to your benefactor, but will guide in accordance with law the empire bestowed upon you, and thus you will worship Him who gave it. By ever using language of this kind, she with fair and wholesome care, as it were, watered the seeds of virtue planted in her husband's heart. She died before her husband, and not long after the time of her death events occurred which showed how well her husband loved her. |
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| 97. Themistius, Orations, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 38 |
| 98. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 27.11-27.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcus aurelius (roman emperor), senate, relationship with Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 95 |
| 99. Synesius of Cyrene, Oratio De Regno, 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 38 |
| 100. Symmachus, Relationes, 3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 118, 121 |
| 101. Symmachus, Letters, 4.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 34 |
| 102. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, 5.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caracalla (roman emperor), senate, relationship with •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), senate, relationship with Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 173 |
| 103. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 7.1-7.9, 18.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), senate, relationship with Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24, 28 |
| 104. Ambrose, Letters, 10.5, 72.10, 72.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 118, 122, 137 |
| 105. Paulinus of Milan, Vita Sancti Ambrosii Mediolanensis, 30 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 137 |
| 106. Ambrose, Letters, 10.5, 30.5-30.7, 30.9, 72.10, 72.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) •roman senate Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 118, 122, 137; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 182 |
| 107. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 25.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 57 |
| 108. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 10.2-10.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elagabalus (roman emperor), senate, relationship with Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 198 |
| 109. Anon., Mosaicarum Et Romanarum Legum Collatio, 1.3.1-1.3.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 110. Ambrose, Letters, 10.5, 72.10, 72.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 118, 122, 137 |
111. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 15.13.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 144 | 15.13.1. After Domitianus was dispatched by a cruel death, Cf. xiv. 7, 16. his successor Musonianus governed the East with the rank of pretorian prefect, a man famed for his command of both languages, Greek and Latin; cf. Suet., Claud. 42, l. from which he won higher distinction than was expected. |
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| 112. Victor, Epitome De Caesaribus, 40.13 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 36 |
| 113. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 9.16.5 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •roman senate Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 423; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 114. Zosimus, New History, 2.4.3, 4.34.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 58, 190 |
| 115. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 8.8.3, 9.14, 9.38.3, 9.38.7, 9.40.21, 12.1.99, 16.1.4, 16.5.15, 16.7.3, 16.8.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 118, 120, 122; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 34 |
| 116. Justinian, Institutiones, 1.2.8 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 380 |
| 117. Justinian, Digest, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 214 |
| 121. Epigraphy, I. Epidauros Asklepieion, 133 Tagged with subjects: •theoi soteres, roman senators as Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251 |
| 122. Julianus The Theurgist, Oracula Chaldaica, 1.188 Tagged with subjects: •prayer, to moon-goddess, prayers for prosperity of emperor, senate, knights, and whole roman people Found in books: Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 267 |
| 123. Praxagoras of Athens, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 38 |
| 124. Anon., Anonymous Valesianus, 4.12 Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 36 |
| 125. Claudian, On The Gildonic Revolt, 427 Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 34 |
| 126. Anon., Anonymous Post Dionem, 10.6 Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 38 |
| 129. Papyri, Act. Alex., 7 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27 |
| 130. Papyri, Gnomon of The Idios Logos, None Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27 |
| 131. Papyri, P.Hamb., 4.268-4.283 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27 |
| 133. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 5.4.6-5.4.7, 5.23.1, 5.25.6 Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 424; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 134. Papyri, Psi, 5.464 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 135. Papyri, Spp, 20.19 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 136. Papyri, P.Yadin, 28 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 89, 231 |
| 137. Papyri, P.Wisc., 2.50 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27 |
| 138. Papyri, P.Oxy., 3.471, 12.1458, 17.2104, 43.3106 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27, 214, 289 |
| 139. Papyri, P.Giss., 1.4 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 140. Papyri, P.Gen., 1.1 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 141. Papyri, P.Col., 7.175 Tagged with subjects: •agrippinus (roman senator) Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 129 |
| 148. Epigraphy, Petrakos 1968, None Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 66 |
| 149. Seneca The Younger, Controversiarum Excerpta, None Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 372 |
| 150. Epigraphy, Seg, 2.715, 9.8, 11.923, 13.258, 17.759, 23.180, 27.308, 29.127, 29.584, 30.568, 32.460-32.471, 35.823, 37.356, 39.1180, 39.1244, 42.607, 45.610, 46.745, 46.800, 47.1067, 47.1656, 48.592, 50.453, 50.1096, 51.641, 51.781, 53.658-53.659, 55.420, 55.678 Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 148, 212, 213, 214, 216, 225, 227, 231, 233, 234, 271, 273, 289, 349, 351, 362 |
| 151. Epigraphy, Ekm, 2.64, 2.122, 2.143-2.144 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 152. Digesta, Digesta, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 153. Epigraphy, Ae, 102, 1168, 1297, 1425, 1893-1894, 1903, 1912, 1914-1915, 1931, 1937, 1953, 1974, 1978, 1994, 1996-1998, 2013-2014, 2046, 21, 29, 292, 30, 39, 43, 49, 63, 685, 691, 71, 94, 1963 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 362 |
| 154. Epigraphy, Cil, 3.1562, 3.2864, 3.9960, 6.1416, 6.1628, 6.1779, 6.2120, 6.3805, 6.4694, 6.4774, 6.31649, 6.33829, 6.33867, 6.40890, 6.41294, 8.270, 8.724, 8.1506, 8.1540, 8.5528, 8.7059-8.7060, 8.8489, 8.9249, 8.10899, 8.11433, 8.12135, 8.14784, 8.18862, 8.20164, 8.20767, 8.22737, 8.24094, 8.26594, 8.26597, 8.26671-8.26672, 8.27505, 11.451, 14.5348 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 325, 362, 363, 372, 376, 379, 380, 386; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 121; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 205 |
| 155. Epigraphy, Eam, 168 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 156. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 307-308, 335, 339-340, 433, 442, 451 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 263 |
| 157. Epigraphy, Gonnoi Ii, 93 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 213 |
| 158. Anon., Panegyrici Latini, a b c d\n0 4.27.4 4.27.4 4 27\n1 4.17.3-21.1.1-3 4.17.3 4 17\n2 4.22.2-24.7 4.22.2 4 22\n3 4.25.1 4.25.1 4 25\n4 12.7.3 12.7.3 12 7 \n.. ... ... .. .. \n77 12.12 12.12 12 12\n78 12.14 12.14 12 14\n79 12.26 12.26 12 26\n80 4.14 4.14 4 14\n81 4.6.6 4.6.6 4 6 \n\n[82 rows x 4 columns] Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 66 |
| 159. Epigraphy, Hatzopoulos, Mac. Inst. Ii, 180, 29, 168 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212 |
| 160. Epigraphy, Ig Iv, 310, 1319 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251 |
| 161. Epigraphy, Ig Xii Suppl., 10-11, 112, 12, 124, 129, 43-44, 6-9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 270, 271 |
| 163. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Epistula Ad Ammaeum I-Ii, 26 Tagged with subjects: •coinage, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 173 |
| 164. Epigraphy, Bkt, 13.3.559-13.3.560 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 162 |
| 165. Epigraphy, Griechische Dialekt Inschriften, 163, 173-176, 4-5, 8, 162, 6-7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 153 |
| 166. Epigraphy, I.Leukopetra, 108, 116-118, 63, 68, 70, 84, 89, 93, 95 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 167. Anon., 5 Ezra, 11.8 Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •roman senate and people •senate, roman Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 13 |
| 168. Papyri, Bgu, 1.145, 1.356, 2.655, 4.1071, 7.1652 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 169. Numismatics, Rpc, 2227-2230, 2232-2235, 2231 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 173 |
| 170. Scholia In Pindarum, Scholia Vetera (Scholia In Pindarum (Scholia Vetera) ), 96 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 245 |
| 171. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, 7.25.1-7.25.7 Tagged with subjects: •symmachus (roman senator) Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 137 |
172. Strabo, Geography, 4.4.2, 10.4.9, 10.4.17, 17.3.15 Tagged with subjects: •gauls, discussion on their admission into the roman senate •senate, roman •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 244, 351; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418 | 4.4.2. The entire race which now goes by the name of Gallic, or Galatic, is warlike, passionate, and always ready for fighting, but otherwise simple and not malicious. If irritated, they rush in crowds to the conflict, openly and without any circumspection; and thus are easily vanquished by those who employ stratagem. For any one may exasperate them when, where, and under whatever pretext he pleases; he will always find them ready for danger, with nothing to support them except their violence and daring. Nevertheless they may be easily persuaded to devote themselves to any thing useful, and have thus engaged both in science and letters. Their power consists both in the size of their bodies and also in their numbers. Their frankness and simplicity lead then easily to assemble in masses, each one feeling indigt at what appears injustice to his neighbour. At the present time indeed they are all at peace, being in subjection and living under the command of the Romans, who have subdued them; but we have described their customs as we understand they existed in former times, and as they still exist amongst the Germans. These two nations, both by nature and in their form of government, are similar and related to each other. Their countries border on each other, being separated by the river Rhine, and are for the most part similar. Germany, however, is more to the north, if we compare together the southern and northern parts of the two countries respectively. Thus it is that they can so easily change their abode. They march in crowds in one collected army, or rather remove with all their families, whenever they are ejected by a more powerful force. They were subdued by the Romans much more easily than the Iberians; for they began to wage war with these latter first, and ceased last, having in the mean time conquered the whole of the nations situated between the Rhine and the mountains of the Pyrenees. For these fighting in crowds and vast numbers, were overthrown in crowds, whereas the Iberians kept themselves in reserve, and broke up the war into a series of petty engagements, showing themselves in different bands, sometimes here, sometimes there, like banditti. All the Gauls are warriors by nature, but they fight better on horseback than on foot, and the flower of the Roman cavalry is drawn from their number. The most valiant of them dwell towards the north and next the ocean. 10.4.9. Now, as for these two accounts, it is hard to say which is true; and there is another subject that is not agreed upon by all, some saying that Minos was a foreigner, but others that he was a native of the island. The poet, however, seems rather to advocate the second view when he says,Zeus first begot Minos, guardian o'er Crete. In regard to Crete, writers agree that in ancient times it had good laws, and rendered the best of the Greeks its emulators, and in particular the Lacedemonians, as is shown, for instance, by Plato and also by Ephorus, who in his Europe has described its constitution. But later it changed very much for the worse; for after the Tyrrhenians, who more than any other people ravaged Our Sea, the Cretans succeeded to the business of piracy; their piracy was later destroyed by the Cilicians; but all piracy was broken up by the Romans, who reduced Crete by war and also the piratical strongholds of the Cilicians. And at the present time Cnossus has even a colony of Romans. 10.4.17. It is said by some writers, Ephorus continues, that most of the Cretan institutions are Laconian, but the truth is that they were invented by the Cretans and only perfected by the Spartans; and the Cretans, when their cities, and particularly that of the Cnossians, were devastated, neglected military affairs; but some of the institutions continued in use among the Lyctians, Gortynians, and certain other small cities to a greater extent than among the Cnossians; in fact, the institutions of the Lyctians are cited as evidence by those who represent the Laconian as older; for, they argue, being colonists, they preserve the customs of the mother city, since even on general grounds it is absurd to represent those who are better organized and governed as emulators of their inferiors; but this is not correct, Ephorus says, for, in the first place, one should not draw evidence as to antiquity from the present state of things, for both peoples have undergone a complete reversal; for instance, the Cretans in earlier times were masters of the sea, and hence the proverb, The Cretan does not know the sea, is applied to those who pretend not to know what they do know, although now the Cretans have lost their fleet; and, in the second place, it does not follow that, because some of the cities in Crete were Spartan colonies, they were under compulsion to keep to the Spartan institutions; at any rate, many colonial cities do not observe their ancestral customs, and many, also, of those in Crete that are not colonial have the same customs as the colonists. 17.3.15. Carthage was founded by Dido, who brought her people from Tyre. Both this colony and the settlements in Spain and beyond the Pillars proved so successful to the Phoenicians, that even to the present day they occupy the best parts on the continent of Europe and the neighbouring islands. They obtained possession of the whole of Africa, with the exception of such parts as could only be held by nomad tribes. From the power they acquired they raised a city to rival Rome, and waged three great wars against her. Their power became most conspicuous in the last war, in which they were vanquished by Scipio Aemilianus, and their city was totally destroyed. For at the commencement of this war, they possessed 300 cities in Africa, and the population of Carthage amounted to 700,000 inhabitants. After being besieged and compelled to surrender, they delivered up 200,000 complete suits of armour and 3000 engines for throwing projectiles, apparently with the intention of abandoning all hostilities; but having resolved to recommence the war, they at once began to manufacture arms, and daily deposited in store 140 finished shields, 300 swords, 500 lances, and 1000 projectiles for the engines, for the use of which the women-servants contributed their hair. In addition to this, although at this moment they were in possession of only twelve ships, according to the terms of the treaty concluded in the second war, and had already taken refuge in a body at the Byrsa, yet in two months they equipped 120 decked vessels; and, as the mouth of the Cothon was closed against them, cut another outlet (to the sea) through which the fleet suddenly made its appearance. For wood had been collected for a long time, and a multitude of workmen were constantly employed, who were maintained at the public expense.Carthage, though so great, was yet taken and levelled to the ground.The Romans made a province of that part of the country which had been subject to Carthage, and appointed ruler of the rest Masanasses and his descendants, beginning with Micipsa. For the Romans paid particular attention to Masanasses on account of his great abilities and friendship for them. For he it was who formed the nomads to civil life, and directed their attention to husbandry. Instead of robbers he taught them to be soldiers. A peculiarity existed among these people; they inhabited a country favoured in everything except that it abounded with wild beasts; these they neglected to destroy, and so to cultivate the soil in security; but turning their arms against each other, abandoned the country to the beasts of prey. Hence their life was that of wanderers and of continual change, quite as much as that of those who are compelled to it by want and barrenness of soil or severity of climate. An appropriate name was therefore given to the Masaesylii, for they were called Nomads. Such persons must necessarily be sparing livers, eaters of roots more than of flesh, and supported by milk and cheese. Carthage remained a desolate place for a long time, for nearly the same period, indeed, as Corinth, until it was restored about the same time (as the latter city) by divus Caesar, who sent thither such Romans to colonize it as elected to go there, and also some soldiers. At present it is the most populous city in Africa. |
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| 173. Ulpianus Domitius, Digesta, 1.3.9 Tagged with subjects: •augustus, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 154 |
| 174. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 6.439 Tagged with subjects: •roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 92 |
| 175. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 246 |
| 176. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.18, 2.31.2, 2.34.1-2.34.2, 2.40.4-2.40.5, 2.89.3 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •roman senate •senator, roman •augustus, roman senate and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 154; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 246, 269; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 29 |
177. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.10, 2.589-2.623 Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 92; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 65 | 1.10. the Latin race, old Alba's reverend lords, 2.589. There we beheld the war-god unconfined; 2.590. The Greek besiegers to the roof-tops fled; 2.591. or, with shields tortoise-back, the gates assailed. 2.592. Ladders were on the walls; and round by round, 2.593. up the huge bulwark as they fight their way, 2.594. the shielded left-hand thwarts the falling spears, 2.595. the right to every vantage closely clings. 2.596. The Trojans hurl whole towers and roof-tops down 2.597. upon the mounting foe; for well they see 2.598. that the last hour is come, and with what arms 2.599. the dying must resist. Rich gilded beams, 2.600. with many a beauteous blazon of old time, 2.601. go crashing down. Men armed with naked swords 2.603. Thus were our hearts inflamed to stand and strike 2.604. for the king's house, and to his body-guard 2.605. bring succor, and renew their vanquished powers. 2.606. A certain gate I knew, a secret way, 2.607. which gave free passage between Priam's halls, 2.608. and exit rearward; hither, in the days 2.609. before our fall, the lone Andromache 2.610. was wont with young Astyanax to pass 2.611. in quest of Priam and her husband's kin. 2.612. This way to climb the palace roof I flew, 2.613. where, desperate, the Trojans with vain skill 2.614. hurled forth repellent arms. A tower was there, 2.615. reared skyward from the roof-top, giving view 2.616. of Troy 's wide walls and full reconnaissance 2.617. of all Achaea 's fleets and tented field; 2.618. this, with strong steel, our gathered strength assailed, 2.619. and as the loosened courses offered us 2.620. great threatening fissures, we uprooted it 2.621. from its aerial throne and thrust it down. 2.622. It fell with instantaneous crash of thunder 2.623. along the Danaan host in ruin wide. |
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| 178. Anon., Avellana Collectio, 4, 3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 190 |
| 179. Epigraphy, Ig, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 269 |
| 180. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 325 |
| 181. Epigraphy, Mama, 8.576 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 182. Epigraphy, Tam, a b c d\n0 15.2 984-88 15.2 984 15 2 984 Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 148 |
| 183. Epigraphy, Igbulg, 4.2263 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 227 |
| 184. Papyri, Sm, 14.11705, 20.14116 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 185. Epigraphy, Ils, 1015, 1067, 139-140, 1456, 2929, 413-414, 416-422, 6777, 6780, 7742, 7759, 7772, 8380, 8973, 9508, 3896 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 325 |
| 188. Origen, Ap. Eus. He, 38, 37 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 161 |
| 189. Epigraphy, Lex Malacitana, None Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 325 |
| 190. Epigraphy, Lex Troesmensium, None Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 325 |
| 191. Papyri, M. Chr., 197 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 289 |
| 193. Papyri, Chla, 47.1439 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27 |
| 194. Epigraphy, Crawford, Roman Statutes, 2, 12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 144, 212, 291 |
| 196. Epigraphy, Fd, 3.498, 3.4286 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 227 |
| 197. Epigraphy, Mouseion, None Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 291 |
| 198. Epigraphy, Bcth, 101, 160, 1934/35-104, 1950, 1993/95 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 386 |
| 199. Fronto, Ep., 2.11 Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 376 |
| 200. Epigraphy, Icur, 3.6537 Tagged with subjects: •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 376 |
| 201. Epigraphy, Ims, 52, 319 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212 |
| 202. Epigraphy, Iscm, 3.1 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212 |
| 204. Epigraphy, Fira, 3.88, 3.114, 3.157 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 423, 424 |
| 207. Epigraphy, Oliver, Gcre, 256, 173 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 216 |
| 208. Epigraphy, Ogis, 99, 762 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 212 |
| 209. Epigraphy, Sb, 5.8780 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27 |
| 210. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 2.1.2, 5.2.1, 5.44.2 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 80, 132 |
| 211. Epigraphy, Smyrna, 604, 589 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 291 |
| 212. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 6.11, 6.13, 6.16 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •senator, roman •roman senate Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 246; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191 |
| 213. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.42, 2.13.9 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 245, 246 |
| 214. Fronto, Ad M. Antoninum Imp. Epist., 1.6.2-1.6.9 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 233 |
| 215. Ps.-Demetrius, De Elocutione, '232 Tagged with subjects: •roman, senate Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 910 |
| 217. Epigraphy, Ilafr, 21, 478, 243 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 351 |
| 218. Epigraphy, Ilalg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 386 |
| 219. Epigraphy, Dougga, 102, 158, 162, 52, 50 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 362 |
| 220. Epigraphy, Iltun, 1107, 1446, 1514, 1520, 1675, 41, 590, 682, 797, 1447 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 386 |
| 221. Epigraphy, Idr, 1.31, 1.44 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 423, 424 |
| 222. Epigraphy, Igrr, 1.106, 3.354, 4.1214-4.1218 Tagged with subjects: •senate, roman •senator, roman Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 27, 148, 289 |
| 224. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 313 Tagged with subjects: •roman senate •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 36 |
