1. Homer, Iliad, 6.448-6.449 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 256 | 6.448. / always and to fight amid the foremost Trojans, striving to win my father's great glory and mine own. For of a surety know I this in heart and soul: the day shall come when sacred Ilios shall be laid low, and Priam, and the people of Priam with goodly spear of ash. 6.449. / always and to fight amid the foremost Trojans, striving to win my father's great glory and mine own. For of a surety know I this in heart and soul: the day shall come when sacred Ilios shall be laid low, and Priam, and the people of Priam with goodly spear of ash. |
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2. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1000-1034, 975-976, 978-999, 977 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 255| 977. καρδίας τερασκόπου ποτᾶται, | 977. Fronting my heart, the portent-watcher — flits she? |
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3. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 5.105, 6.85.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 59, 147| 6.85.1. ἀνδρὶ δὲ τυράννῳ ἢ πόλει ἀρχὴν ἐχούσῃ οὐδὲν ἄλογον ὅτι ξυμφέρον οὐδ’ οἰκεῖον ὅτι μὴ πιστόν: πρὸς ἕκαστα δὲ δεῖ ἢ ἐχθρὸν ἢ φίλον μετὰ καιροῦ γίγνεσθαι. καὶ ἡμᾶς τοῦτο ὠφελεῖ ἐνθάδε, οὐκ ἢν τοὺς φίλους κακώσωμεν, ἀλλ’ ἢν οἱ ἐχθροὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν φίλων ῥώμην ἀδύνατοι ὦσιν. | 6.85.1. Besides, for tyrants and imperial cities nothing is unreasonable if expedient, no one a kinsman unless sure; but friendship or enmity is everywhere an affair of time and circumstance. Here, in Sicily , our interest is not to weaken our friends, but by means of their strength to cripple our enemies. Why doubt this? In Hellas we treat our allies as we find them useful. |
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| 4. Plato, Republic, 6.19-6.21 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 269 |
5. Herodotus, Histories, 1.1, 7.45-7.46, 8.143.2, 9.122.3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 256; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 59, 147 | 1.1. The Persian learned men say that the Phoenicians were the cause of the dispute. These (they say) came to our seas from the sea which is called Red, and having settled in the country which they still occupy, at once began to make long voyages. Among other places to which they carried Egyptian and Assyrian merchandise, they came to Argos , ,which was at that time preeminent in every way among the people of what is now called Hellas . The Phoenicians came to Argos , and set out their cargo. ,On the fifth or sixth day after their arrival, when their wares were almost all sold, many women came to the shore and among them especially the daughter of the king, whose name was Io (according to Persians and Greeks alike), the daughter of Inachus. ,As these stood about the stern of the ship bargaining for the wares they liked, the Phoenicians incited one another to set upon them. Most of the women escaped: Io and others were seized and thrown into the ship, which then sailed away for Egypt . 7.45. When he saw the whole Hellespont covered with ships, and all the shores and plains of Abydos full of men, Xerxes first declared himself blessed, and then wept. 7.46. His uncle Artabanus perceived this, he who in the beginning had spoken his mind freely and advised Xerxes not to march against Hellas. Marking how Xerxes wept, he questioned him and said, “O king, what a distance there is between what you are doing now and a little while ago! After declaring yourself blessed you weep.” ,Xerxes said, “I was moved to compassion when I considered the shortness of all human life, since of all this multitude of men not one will be alive a hundred years from now.” ,Artabanus answered, “In one life we have deeper sorrows to bear than that. Short as our lives are, there is no human being either here or elsewhere so fortunate that it will not occur to him, often and not just once, to wish himself dead rather than alive. Misfortunes fall upon us and sicknesses trouble us, so that they make life, though short, seem long. ,Life is so miserable a thing that death has become the most desirable refuge for humans; the god is found to be envious in this, giving us only a taste of the sweetness of living.” 8.143.2. Now carry this answer back to Mardonius from the Athenians, that as long as the sun holds the course by which he now goes, we will make no agreement with Xerxes. We will fight against him without ceasing, trusting in the aid of the gods and the heroes whom he has disregarded and burnt their houses and their adornments. 9.122.3. Cyrus heard them, and found nothing to marvel at in their design; “Go ahead and do this,” he said; “but if you do so, be prepared no longer to be rulers but rather subjects. Soft lands breed soft men; wondrous fruits of the earth and valiant warriors grow not from the same soil.” |
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| 6. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 73 |
| 7. Cato, Marcus Porcius, Origines, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 83 |
| 8. Cato, Marcus Porcius, On Agriculture, 7.4 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 149 |
9. Cicero, On Duties, 1.15-1.19, 1.118, 1.138, 2.7.23, 2.116, 5.1-5.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus africanus •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 24; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 317; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 330; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 74; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 317; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 200, 203, 350| 1.15. Formam quidem ipsam, Marce fili, et tamquam faciem honesti vides, quae si oculis cerneretur, mirabiles amores, ut ait Plato, excitaret sapientiae. Sed omne, quod est honestum, id quattuor partium oritur ex aliqua: aut enim in perspicientia veri sollertiaque versatur aut in hominum societate tuenda tribuendoque suum cuique et rerum contractarum fide aut in animi excelsi atque invicti magnitudine ac robore aut in omnium, quae fiunt quaeque dicuntur, ordine et modo, in quo inest modestia et temperantia. Quae quattuor quamquam inter se colligata atque implicata sunt, tamen ex singulis certa officiorum genera nascuntur, velut ex ea parte, quae prima discripta est, in qua sapientiam et prudentiam ponimus, inest indagatio atque inventio veri, eiusque virtutis hoc munus est proprium. 1.16. Ut enim quisque maxime perspicit, quid in re quaque verissimum sit. quique acutissime et celerrime potest et videre et explicare rationem, is prudentissimus et sapientissimus rite haberi solet. Quocirca huic quasi materia, quam tractet et in qua versetur, subiecta est veritas. 1.17. Reliquis autem tribus virtutibus necessitates propositae sunt ad eas res parandas tuendasque, quibus actio vitae continetur, ut et societas hominum coniunctioque servetur et animi excellentia magnitudoque cum in augendis opibus utilitatibusque et sibi et suis comparandis, tum multo magis in his ipsis despiciendis eluceat. Ordo autem et constantia et moderatio et ea, quae sunt his similia, versantur in eo genere, ad quod est adhibenda actio quaedam, non solum mentis agitatio. Iis enim rebus, quae tractantur in vita, modum quendam et ordinem adhibentes honestatem et decus conservabimus. 1.18. Ex quattuor autem locis, in quos honesti naturam vimque divisimus, primus ille, qui in veri cognitione consistit, maxime naturam attingit humanam. Omnes enim trahimur et ducimur ad cognitionis et scientiae cupiditatem, in qua excellere pulchrum putamus, labi autem, errare, nescire, decipi et malum et turpe ducimus. In hoc genere et naturali et honesto duo vitia vitanda sunt, unum, ne incognitapro cognitis habeamus iisque temere assentiamur; quod vitium effugere qui volet (omnes autem velle debent), adhibebit ad considerandas res et tempus et diligentiam. 1.19. Alterum est vitium, quod quidam nimis magnum studium multamque operam in res obscuras atque difficiles conferunt easdemque non necessarias. Quibus vitiis declinatis quod in rebus honestis et cognitione dignis operae curaeque ponetur, id iure laudabitur, ut in astrologia C. Sulpicium audivimus, in geometria Sex. Pompeium ipsi cognovimus, multos in dialecticis, plures in iure civili, quae omnes artes in veri investigatione versantur; cuius studio a rebus gerendis abduci contra officium est. Virtutis enim laus omnis in actione consistit; a qua tamen fit intermissio saepe multique dantur ad studia reditus; tum agitatio mentis, quae numquam acquiescit, potest nos in studiis cognitionis etiam sine opera nostra continere. Omnis autem cogitatio motusque animi aut in consiliis capiendis de rebus honestis et pertinentibus ad bene beateque vivendum aut in studiis scientiae cognitionisque versabitur. Ac de primo quidem officii fonte diximus. 1.118. Nam quodHerculem Prodicus dicit, ut est apud Xenophontem, cum primum pubesceret, quod tempus a natura ad deligendum, quam quisque viam vivendi sit ingressurus, datum est, exisse in solitudinem atque ibi sedentem diu secum multumque dubitasse, cum duas cerneret vias, unam Voluptatis, alteram Virtutis, utram ingredi melius esset, hoc Herculi Iovis satu edito potuit fortasse contingere, nobis non item, qui imitamur, quos cuique visum est, atque ad eorum studia institutaque impellimur; plerumque autem parentium praeceptis imbuti ad eorum consuetudinem moremque deducimur; alii multitudinis iudicio feruntur, quaeque maiori parti pulcherrima videntur, ea maxime exoptant; non nulli tamen sive felicitate quadam sive bonitate naturae sine parentium disciplina rectam vitae secuti sunt viam. 1.138. Et quoniam omnia persequimur, volumus quidem certe, dicendum est etiam, qualem hominis honorati et principis domum placeat esse, cuius finis est usus, ad quem accommodanda est aedificandi descriptio et tamen adhibenda commoditatis dignitatisque diligentia. Cn. Octavio, qui primus ex illa familia consul factus est, honori fuisse accepimus, quod praeclaram aedificasset in Palatio et plenam dignitatis domum; quae cum vulgo viseretur, suffragata domino, novo homini, ad consulatum putabatur; hanc Scaurus demolitus accessionem adiunxit aedibus. Itaque ille in suam domum consulatum primus attulit, hic, summi et clarissimi viri filius, in domum multiplicatam non repulsam solum rettulit, sed ignominiam etiam et calamitatem. | 1.118. For we cannot all have the experience of Hercules, as we find it in the words of Prodicus in Xenophon; "When Hercules was just coming into youth's estate (the time which Nature has appointed unto every man for choosing the path of life on which he would enter), he went out into a desert place. And as he saw two paths, the path of Pleasure and the path of Virtue, he sat down and debated long and earnestly which one it were better for him to take." This might, perhaps, happen to a Hercules, "scion of the seed of Jove"; but it cannot well happen to us; for we copy each the model he fancies, and we are constrained to adopt their pursuits and vocations. But usually, we are so imbued with the teachings of our parents, that we fall irresistibly into their manners and customs. Others drift with the current of popular opinion and make especial choice of those callings which the majority find most attractive. Some, however, as the result either of some happy fortune or of natural ability, enter upon the right path of life, without parental guidance. 1.138. But since I am investigating this subject in all its phases (at least, that is my purpose), I must discuss also what sort of house a man of rank and station should, in my opinion, have. Its prime object is serviceableness. To this the plan of the building should be adapted; and yet careful attention should be paid to its convenience and distinction. We have heard that Gnaeus Octavius â the first of that family to be elected consul â distinguished himself by building upon the Palatine an attractive and imposing house. Everybody went to see it, and it was thought to have gained votes for the owner, a new man, in his canvass for the consulship. That house Scaurus demolished, and on its site he built an addition to his own house. Octavius, then, was the first of his family to bring the honour of a consulship to his house; Scaurus, thought the son of a very great and illustrious man, brought to the same house, when enlarged, not only defeat, but disgrace and ruin. |
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| 10. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.11, 2.1.32, 2.1.58, 2.2.85-2.2.87, 2.2.89-2.2.119, 2.4.72-2.4.75, 2.4.80, 2.4.82, 2.4.84-2.4.85, 2.4.93, 2.4.97-2.4.98, 2.4.122, 2.4.133, 2.4.135, 2.4.146, 2.5.93, 2.5.124, 2.5.127 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 105; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 158, 330; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54, 55 |
11. Polybius, Histories, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 218; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 309; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 147; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 23; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 127 | 38.22. 1. Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.,2. After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. ,3. And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history. |
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| 12. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.7-5.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 166 |
13. Cicero, Pro Sulla, 26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus aemilianus, p. cornelius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 179| 26. ego, tantis a me beneficiis in re publica positis, si nullum aliud mihi praemium ab ab Te, Schol. : a cett. senatu populoque Romano nisi honestum otium postularem, quis non concederet? ceteri ceteri supplevi sibi haberent haberent haberent alii Sylvius honores, sibi imperia, sibi provincias, sibi triumphos, sibi alia praeclarae laudis insignia; mihi liceret eius urbis quam conservassem conspectu tranquillo animo et quieto frui. quid si hoc non postulo? si ille labor meus pristinus, si sollicitudo, si officia, si operae, si vigiliae deserviunt amicis, praesto sunt omnibus; si neque amici in foro requirunt studium meum neque res publica in curia; si me non modo non modo non modo ς vocatio ea rerum gestarum vacatio sed neque honoris neque aetatis excusatio vindicat a labore; si voluntas mea, si industria, si domus, si animus, si aures patent omnibus; si mihi ne ad ea quidem quae pro salute omnium gessi recordanda et cogitanda quicquam relinquitur temporis: tamen hoc regnum appellabitur, cuius vicarius qui velit esse inveniri nemo potest? | |
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| 14. Cicero, In Catilinam, 2.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 362 |
| 15. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 140 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40 |
16. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 33, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41| 19. already discussed, that Lucius Saturninus was shun by the band of Caius Rabirius; and I should think it a most glorious deed. But since I cannot do that, I will confess this, which will have less weight with regard to our credit, but not less with regard to the accusation—I confess that Caius Rabirius took up arms for the purpose of slaying Saturninus. What is the matter, Labienus? What more weighty confession do you expect from me; or what greater charge did you expect me to furnish against him? Unless you think that there is any difference between him who slew the man, and him who was in arms for the purpose of slaying him. If it was wrong for Saturninus to be slain, then arms cannot have been taken up against Saturninus without guilt;—if you admit that arms were lawfully taken up,—then you must inevitably confess that he was rightly slain. | |
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17. Terence, Hecyra, 25-35, 37-40, 36 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 92| 36. Fecere ut ante tempus exirem foras. | |
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| 18. Lucilius Gaius, Fragments, 399, 398 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
19. Cicero, Pro Murena, 48-53, 75, 78-85, 76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 349, 350| 76. Pauli nepos, P. Publii Africani, ut dixi, sororis filius, his haedinis pelliculis praetura deiectus est. odit populus Romanus privatam luxuriam, publicam magnificentiam diligit; non amat profusas epulas, sordis et inhumanitatem multo minus; distinguit rationem ratione Klotz officiorum ac temporum, vicissitudinem laboris ac voluptatis. nam quod ais nulla re adlici hominum mentis oportere ad magistratum mandandum nisi dignitate, hoc tu ipse in quo summa est dignitas non servas. cur enim quemquam ut studeat tibi, ut te adiuvet rogas? rogas tu me ut mihi praesis, ut committam ego me tibi. quid tandem? istuc istuc ed. Mediol. : istunc (ais an y2 ) mei me rogari oportet abs te, an te potius a me ut pro mea salute laborem periculumque suscipias? | |
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| 20. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 3.5.1-3.5.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 20 |
21. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.38, 2.106, 2.170, 2.249, 3.168, 3.171, 3.226 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio, publius cornelius africanus aemilianus •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 206; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 47; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 103; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 208; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40, 41| 1.38. Ego vero si velim et nostrae civitatis exemplis uti et aliarum, plura proferre possim detrimenta publicis rebus quam adiumenta, per homines eloquentissimos importata; sed ut reliqua praetermittam, omnium mihi videor, exceptis, Crasse, vobis duobus, eloquentissimos audisse Ti. et C. Sempronios, quorum pater, homo prudens et gravis, haudquaquam eloquens, et saepe alias et maxime censor saluti rei publicae fuit: atque is non accurata quadam orationis copia, sed nutu atque verbo libertinos in urbanas tribus transtulit, quod nisi fecisset, rem publicam, quam nunc vix tenemus, iam diu nullam haberemus. At vero eius filii diserti et omnibus vel naturae vel doctrinae praesidiis ad dicendum parati, cum civitatem vel paterno consilio vel avitis armis florentissimam accepissent, ista praeclara gubernatrice, ut ais, civitatum eloquentia rem publicam dissipaverunt. 2.106. Saepe etiam res non sit necne, sed qualis sit quaeritur; ut cum L. Opimi causam defendebat apud populum, audiente me, C. Carbo consul, nihil de C. Gracchi nece negabat, sed id iure pro salute patriae factum esse dicebat; ut eidem Carboni tribuno plebis alia tum mente rem publicam capessenti P. Africanus de Ti. Graccho interroganti responderat iure caesum videri; iure autem omnia defenduntur, quae sunt eius generis, ut aut oportuerit aut licuerit aut necesse fuerit aut imprudentia aut casu facta esse videantur. 2.170. "si Gracchus nefarie, praeclare Opimius." Ex consequentibus: "si et ferro interfectus ille et tu inimicus eius cum gladio cruento comprehensus in illo ipso loco et nemo praeter te ibi visus est et causa nemini et tu semper audax, quid est quod de facinore dubitare possimus?" Ex consentaneis et ex praecurrentibus et ex repugtibus, ut olim Crassus adulescens: "non si Opimium defendisti, Carbo, idcirco te isti bonum civem putabunt: simulasse te et aliquid quaesisse perspicuum est, quod Ti. Gracchi mortem saepe in contionibus deplorasti, quod P. Africani necis socius fuisti, quod eam legem in tribunatu tulisti, quod 2.249. Sed hoc eisdem verbis; ex eisdem autem locis nascuntur omnia. Nam quod Sp. Carvilio graviter claudicanti ex vulnere ob rem publicam accepto et ob eam causam verecundanti in publicum prodire mater dixit "quin prodis, mi Spuri? quotienscumque gradum facies, totiens tibi tuarum virtutum veniat in mentem," praeclarum et grave est: quod Calvino Glaucia claudicanti "ubi est vetus illud: num claudicat? at hic clodicat"! hoc ridiculum est; et utrumque ex eo, quod in claudicatione animadverti potuit, est ductum. "Quid hoc Navio ignavius?" severe Scipio; at in male olentem "video me a te circumveniri" subridicule Philippus; at utrumque genus continet verbi ad litteram immutati similitudo. 3.168. quo item in genere et virtutes et vitia pro ipsis, in quibus illa sunt, appellantur: "luxuries quam in domum inrupit," et "quo avaritia penetravit"; aut "fides valuit, iustitia confecit." Videtis profecto genus hoc totum, cum inflexo immutatoque verbo res eadem enuntiatur ornatius; cui sunt finitima illa minus ornata, sed tamen non ignoranda, cum intellegi volumus aliquid aut ex parte totum, ut pro aedificiis cum parietes aut tecta dicimus; aut ex toto partem, ut cum unam turmam equitatum populi Romani dicimus; aut ex uno pluris: at Romanus homo, tamenetsi res bene gesta est corde suo trepidat; aut cum ex pluribus intellegitur unum: nos sumus Romani, qui fuimus ante Rudini; aut quocumque modo, non ut dictum est, in eo genere intellegitur, sed ut sensum est. 3.171. Sequitur continuatio verborum, quae duas res maxime, conlocationem primum, deinde modum quendam formamque desiderat. Conlocationis est componere et struere verba sic, ut neve asper eorum concursus neve hiulcus sit, sed quodam modo coagmentatus et levis; in quo lepide soceri mei persona lusit is, qui elegantissime id facere potuit, Lucilius: quam lepide le/ceis compostae! ut tesserulae omnes arte pavimento atque emblemate vermiculato. Quae cum dixisset in Albucium inludens, ne a me quidem abstinuit: Crassum habeo generum, ne rhetoricoterus tu sis. Quid ergo? Iste Crassus, quoniam eius abuteris nomine, quid efficit? Illud quidem; scilicet, ut ille vult et ego vellem, melius aliquanto quam Albucius: verum in me quidem lusit ille, ut solet. 3.226. 'Ego vero,' inquit Crassus 'ac doleo quidem illos viros in eam fraudem in re publica esse delapsos; quamquam ea tela texitur et ea in civitate ratio vivendi posteritati ostenditur, ut eorum civium, quos nostri patres non tulerunt, iam similis habere cupiamus.' 'Mitte, obsecro,' inquit 'Crasse,' Iulius 'sermonem istum et te ad Gracchi fistulam refer; cuius ego nondum plane rationem intellego.' | |
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| 22. Cicero, Philippicae, 5.25-5.27, 6.4-6.6, 9.4, 9.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus africanus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 174; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 64; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 350, 351 |
| 23. Cicero, Letters, 6.1.17-6.1.18, 13.6.4, 13.30.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 199, 201; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 117, 127 |
24. Cicero, Partitiones Oratoriae, 106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40| 106. in eis autem causis, ubi aliquid recte factum aut concedendum esse factum factum delet Schütz defenditur, cum est facti subiecta ratio, sicut.ab Opimio: Iure feci, salutis omnium et conservandae rei publicae causa, relatumque ab Decio est: Ne sceleratissimum quidem civem sine iudicio iure ullo necare potuisti, oritur illa disceptatio: Potueritne recte salutis rei publicae causa civem eversorem civitatis indemnatum necare ? Ita disceptationes eae, quae in his controversiis oriuntur, quae sunt certis personis ac temporibus notatae, fiunt rursus infinitae detractis personis et temporibus et rursum ad consultationum formam rationemque revocantur. | |
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| 25. Cicero, On Old Age, 14, 16, 63, 61 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 200 |
26. Cicero, Republic, 1.21.34, 1.23, 1.54, 1.69, 3.5-3.6, 3.40, 3.44, 5.2, 6.9, 6.12, 6.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus africanus •scipio, publius cornelius africanus aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •scipio (aemilianus) africanus, (publius, cornelius) Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 23; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 317; Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 250; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 47, 153; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 330; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 71; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 74; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 317; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 209; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41| 1.23. fuit, quod et ipse hominem diligebam et in primis patri meo Paulo probatum et carum fuisse cognoveram. Memini me admodum adulescentulo, cum pater in Macedonia consul esset et essemus in castris, perturbari exercitum nostrum religione et metu, quod serena nocte subito candens et plena luna defecisset. Tum ille, cum legatus noster esset anno fere ante, quam consul est declaratus, haud dubitavit postridie palam in castris docere nullum esse prodigium, idque et tum factum esse et certis temporibus esse semper futurum, cum sol ita locatus fuisset, ut lunam suo lumine non posset attingere. Ain tandem? inquit Tubero; docere hoc poterat ille homines paene agrestes et apud imperitos audebat haec dicere? S. Ille vero et magna quidem cum 1.54. Tum Laelius: Quid tu, inquit, Scipio? e tribus istis quod maxime probas? S. Recte quaeris, quod maxime e tribus, quoniam eorum nullum ipsum per se separatim probo anteponoque singulis illud, quod conflatum fuerit ex omnibus. Sed si unum ac simplex pro bandum sit, regium pro bem....... pri........ in .................... hoc loco appellatur, occurrit nomen quasi patrium regis, ut ex se natis, ita consulentis suis civibus et eos conservantis stu dios ius quam .....entis.......tem.........is.........tibus ...........uos sustentari unius optimi et summi viri diligentia. 1.69. Quod ita cum sit, ex tribus primis generibus longe praestat mea sententia regium, regio autem ipsi praestabit id, quod erit aequatum et temperatum ex tribus optimis rerum publicarum modis. Placet enim esse quiddam in re publica praestans et regale, esse aliud auctoritati principum inpartitum ac tributum, esse quasdam res servatas iudicio voluntatique multitudinis. Haec constitutio primum habet aequabilitatem quandam magnam, qua carere diutius vix possunt liberi, deinde firmitudinem, quod et illa prima facile in contraria vitia convertuntur, ut existat ex rege dominus, ex optimatibus factio, ex populo turba et confusio, quodque ipsa genera generibus saepe conmutantur novis, hoc in hac iuncta moderateque permixta conformatione rei publicae non ferme sine magnis principum vitiis evenit. Non est enim causa conversionis, ubi in suo quisque est gradu firmiter collocatus et non subest, quo praecipitet ac decidat. 3.5. Quodsi quis ad ea instrumenta animi, quae natura quaeque civilibus institutis habuit, adiungendam sibi etiam doctrinam et uberiorem rerum cognitionem putavit, ut ii ipsi, qui in horum librorum disputatione versantur, nemo est, quin eos anteferre omnibus debeat. Quid enim potest esse praeclarius, quam cum rerum magnarum tractatio atque usus cum illarum artium studiis et cognitione coniungitur? aut quid P. Scipione, quid C. Laelio, quid L. Philo perfectius cogitari potest? qui, ne quid praetermitterent, quod ad summam laudem clarorum virorum pertineret, ad domesticum maiorumque morem etiam hanc a Socrate adventiciam doctrinam adhibuerunt. 3.5. Prisc. GL 2.255K nisi si quis Athonem pro monumento vult funditus efficere. Quis enim est Athos aut Olympus tantus? 3.6. Quare qui utrumque voluit et potuit, id est ut cum maiorum institutis, tum doctrina se instrueret, ad laudem hunc omnia consecutum puto. Sin altera est utra via prudentiae deligenda, tamen, etiamsi cui videbitur illa in optimis studiis et artibus quieta vitae ratio beatior, haec civilis laudabilior est certe et inlustrior, ex qua vita sic summi viri ortur, ut vel M'. Curius, Quem nemo ferro potuit superare nec auro, vel 3.40. Lactant. Div. Inst. 5.18.4 Vult plane virtus honorem, nec est virtutis ulla alia merces . Quam tamen illa accipit facile, exigit non acerbe . Huic tu viro quas divitias obicies? quae imperia? quae regna? qui ista putat humana, sua bona divina iudicat . Sed si aut ingrati universi aut invidi multi aut inimici potentes suis virtutem praemiis spoliant, ne illa se multis solaciis oblectat maximeque suo decore se ipsa sustentat. August. C.D. 22.4 Quorum non corpora sunt in caelum elata; neque enim natura pateretur, ut id, quod esset e terra, nisi in terra maneret. Non. 125M Numquam viri fortissimi fortitudinis, inpigritatis, patientiae Non. 132M Pyrrhi videlicet largitas Fabricio aut Samnitium copiae Curio defuerunt. Non. 522M,68M Cuius etiam focum Cato ille noster, cum venerat ad se in Sabinos, ut ex ipso audiebamus, visere solebat, apud quem sedens ille Samnitium, quondam hostium, tum iam clientium suorum, dona repudiaverat. 3.44. Praeclare quidem dicis, Laelius; etenim video iam, quo pergat oratio. S. Vides igitur ne illam quidem, quae tota sit in factionis potestate, posse vere dici rem publicam. L. Sic plane iudico. S. Et rectissime quidem iudicas; quae enim fuit tum Atheniensium res, cum post magnum illud Peloponnesiacum bellum triginta viri illi urbi iniustissime praefuerunt? num aut vetus gloria civitatis aut species praeclara oppidi aut theatrum, gymnasia, porticus aut propylaea nobilia aut arx aut admiranda opera Phidiae aut Piraeus ille magnificus rem publicam efficiebat? Minime vero, Laelius, quoniam quidem populi res non erat. S. Quid? cum decemviri Romae sine provocatione fuerunt tertio illo anno, cum vindicias amisisset ipsa libertas? L. Populi nulla res erat, immo vero id populus egit, ut rem suam recuperaret. 6.9. OMNIUM Cum in Africam venissem M'. Manilio consuli ad quartam legionem tribunus, ut scitis, militum, nihil mihi fuit potius, quam ut Masinissam convenirem regem, familiae nostrae iustis de causis amicissimum. Ad quem ut veni, conplexus me senex conlacrimavit aliquantoque post suspexit ad caelum et: Grates, inquit, tibi ago, summe Sol, vobisque, reliqui Caelites, quod, ante quam ex hac vita migro, conspicio in meo regno et his tectis P. Cornelium Scipionem, cuius ego nomine ipso recreor; itaque numquam ex animo meo discedit illius optimi atque invictissimi viri memoria. Deinde ego illum de suo regno, ille me de nostra re publica percontatus est, multisque verbis ultro citroque habitis ille nobis consumptus est dies. 6.12. Hic tu, Africane, ostendas oportebit patriae lumen animi, ingenii consiliique tui. Sed eius temporis ancipitem video quasi fatorum viam. Nam cum aetas tua septenos octiens solis anfractus reditusque converterit, duoque ii numeri, quorum uterque plenus alter altera de causa habetur, circuitu naturali summam tibi fatalem confecerint, in te unum atque in tuum nomen se tota convertet civitas, te senatus, te omnes boni, te socii, te Latini intuebuntur, tu eris unus, in quo nitatur civitatis salus, ac, ne multa, dictator rem publicam constituas oportet, si impias propinquorum manus effugeris. Hic cum exclamasset Laelius ingemuissentque vehementius ceteri, leniter arridens Scipio: St! quaeso, inquit, ne me e somno excitetis, et parumper audite cetera. 6.16. Sed sic, Scipio, ut avus hic tuus, ut ego, qui te genui, iustitiam cole et pietatem, quae cum magna in parentibus et propinquis, tum in patria maxima est; ea vita via est in caelum et in hunc coetum eorum, qui iam vixerunt et corpore laxati illum incolunt locum, quem vides, (erat autem is splendidissimo candore inter flammas circus elucens) quem vos, ut a Graiis accepistis, orbem lacteum nuncupatis; ex quo omnia mihi contemplanti praeclara cetera et mirabilia videbantur. Erant autem eae stellae, quas numquam ex hoc loco vidimus, et eae magnitudines omnium, quas esse numquam suspicati sumus, ex quibus erat ea minima, quae ultima a caelo, citima a terris luce lucebat aliena. Stellarum autem globi terrae magnitudinem facile vincebant. Iam ipsa terra ita mihi parva visa est, ut me imperii nostri, quo quasi punctum eius attingimus, paeniteret. | |
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| 27. Cicero, Brutus, 1.15.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173 |
28. Cicero, Brutus, 1.15.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 351| 117. et quoniam Stoicorum est facta mentio, Q. Aelius Tubero fuit illo tempore, L. Paulli nepos; nullo in oratorum numero, sed vita severus et congruens cum ea disciplina quam colebat, paulo etiam durior; qui quidem quidem om. BHM tribunatu Schütz : triumviratu L in tribunatu iudicaverit iudicaverat BHMG contra P. Africani avunculi sui testimonium vacationem augures quo minus iudiciis operam darent non habere; sed ut sed ut L : et ut Bake vita sic oratione durus incultus horridus; itaque honoribus maiorum respondere non potuit. Fuit autem constans civis et fortis et in primis Graccho C. Graccho maluit Stangl molestus, quod indicat Gracchi in eum oratio. Sunt Sunt... disputando secl. Simon etiam in Gracchum Tuberonis ; is fuit is fuit... disputando secl. Kayser mediocris in dicendo, doctissimus in disputando Sunt... disputando secl. Simon . Tum Brutus: | |
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| 29. Cicero, On Friendship, 5, 12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 174; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
30. Cicero, On Divination, 1.101, 2.148-2.150 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 20| 1.101. Saepe etiam et in proeliis Fauni auditi et in rebus turbidis veridicae voces ex occulto missae esse dicuntur; cuius generis duo sint ex multis exempla, sed maxuma: Nam non multo ante urbem captam exaudita vox est a luco Vestae, qui a Palatii radice in novam viam devexus est, ut muri et portae reficerentur; futurum esse, nisi provisum esset, ut Roma caperetur. Quod neglectum tum, cum caveri poterat, post acceptam illam maximam cladem expiatum est; ara enim Aio Loquenti, quam saeptam videmus, exadversus eum locum consecrata est. Atque etiam scriptum a multis est, cum terrae motus factus esset, ut sue plena procuratio fieret, vocem ab aede Iunonis ex arce extitisse; quocirca Iunonem illam appellatam Monetam. Haec igitur et a dis significata et a nostris maioribus iudicata contemnimus? 2.148. Explodatur igitur haec quoque somniorum divinatio pariter cum ceteris. Nam, ut vere loquamur, superstitio fusa per gentis oppressit omnium fere animos atque hominum inbecillitatem occupavit. Quod et in iis libris dictum est, qui sunt de natura deorum, et hac disputatione id maxume egimus. Multum enim et nobismet ipsis et nostris profuturi videbamur, si eam funditus sustulissemus. Nec vero (id enim diligenter intellegi volo) superstitione tollenda religio tollitur. Nam et maiorum instituta tueri sacris caerimoniisque retinendis sapientis est, et esse praestantem aliquam aeternamque naturam, et eam suspiciendam admirandamque hominum generi pulchritudo mundi ordoque rerum caelestium cogit confiteri. 2.149. Quam ob rem, ut religio propaganda etiam est, quae est iuncta cum cognitione naturae, sic superstitionis stirpes omnes eligendae. Instat enim et urget et, quo te cumque verteris, persequitur, sive tu vatem sive tu omen audieris, sive immolaris sive avem aspexeris, si Chaldaeum, si haruspicem videris, si fulserit, si tonuerit, si tactum aliquid erit de caelo, si ostenti simile natum factumve quippiam; quorum necesse est plerumque aliquid eveniat, ut numquam liceat quieta mente consistere. 2.150. Perfugium videtur omnium laborum et sollicitudinum esse somnus. At ex eo ipso plurumae curae metusque nascuntur; qui quidem ipsi per se minus valerent et magis contemnerentur, nisi somniorum patrocinium philosophi suscepissent, nec ii quidem contemptissimi, sed in primis acuti et consequentia et repugtia videntes, qui prope iam absoluti et perfecti putantur. Quorum licentiae nisi Carneades restitisset, haud scio an soli iam philosophi iudicarentur. Cum quibus omnis fere nobis disceptatio contentioque est, non quod eos maxume contemnamus, sed quod videntur acutissime sententias suas prudentissimeque defendere. Cum autem proprium sit Academiae iudicium suum nullum interponere, ea probare, quae simillima veri videantur, conferre causas et, quid in quamque sententiam dici possit, expromere, nulla adhibita sua auctoritate iudicium audientium relinquere integrum ac liberum, tenebimus hanc consuetudinem a Socrate traditam eaque inter nos, si tibi, Quinte frater, placebit, quam saepissime utemur. Mihi vero, inquit ille, nihil potest esse iucundius. Quae cum essent dicta, surreximus. | 1.101. Again, we are told that fauns have often been heard in battle and that during turbulent times truly prophetic messages have been sent from mysterious places. Out of many instances of this class I shall give only two, but they are very striking. Not long before the capture of the city by the Gauls, a voice, issuing from Vestas sacred grove, which slopes from the foot of the Palatine Hill to New Road, was heard to say, the walls and gates must be repaired; unless this is done the city will be taken. Neglect of this warning, while it was possible to heed it, was atoned for after the supreme disaster had occurred; for, adjoining the grove, an altar, which is now to be seen enclosed with a hedge, was dedicated to Aius the Speaker. The other illustration has been reported by many writers. At the time of the earthquake a voice came from Junos temple on the citadel commanding that an expiatory sacrifice be made of a pregt sow. From this fact the goddess was called Juno the Adviser. Are we, then, lightly to regard these warnings which the gods have sent and our forefathers adjudged to be trustworthy? 2.148. Then let dreams, as a means of divination, be rejected along with the rest. Speaking frankly, superstition, which is widespread among the nations, has taken advantage of human weakness to cast its spell over the mind of almost every man. This same view was stated in my treatise On the Nature of the Gods; and to prove the correctness of that view has been the chief aim of the present discussion. For I thought that I should be rendering a great service both to myself and to my countrymen if I could tear this superstition up by the roots. But I want it distinctly understood that the destruction of superstition does not mean the destruction of religion. For I consider it the part of wisdom to preserve the institutions of our forefathers by retaining their sacred rites and ceremonies. Furthermore, the celestial order and the beauty of the universe compel me to confess that there is some excellent and eternal Being, who deserves the respect and homage of men. 2.149. Wherefore, just as it is a duty to extend the influence of true religion, which is closely associated with the knowledge of nature, so it is a duty to weed out every root of superstition. For superstition is ever at your heels to urge you on; it follows you at every turn. It is with you when you listen to a prophet, or an omen; when you offer sacrifices or watch the flight of birds; when you consult an astrologer or a soothsayer; when it thunders or lightens or there is a bolt from on high; or when some so‑called prodigy is born or is made. And since necessarily some of these signs are nearly always being given, no one who believes in them can ever remain in a tranquil state of mind. 2.150. Sleep is regarded as a refuge from every toil and care; but it is actually made the fruitful source of worry and fear. In fact dreams would be less regarded on their own account and would be viewed with greater indifference had they not been taken under the guardianship of philosophers — not philosophers of the meaner sort, but those of the keenest wit, competent to see what follows logically and what does not — men who are considered well-nigh perfect and infallible. Indeed, if their arrogance had not been resisted by Carneades, it is probable that by this time they would have adjudged the only philosophers. While most of my war of words has been with these men, it is not because I hold them in especial contempt, but on the contrary, it is because they seem to me to defend their own views with the greatest acuteness and skill. Moreover, it is characteristic of the Academy to put forward no conclusions of its own, but to approve those which seem to approach nearest to the truth; to compare arguments; to draw forth all that may be said in behalf of any opinion; and, without asserting any authority of its own, to leave the judgement of the inquirer wholly free. That same method, which by the way we inherited from Socrates, I shall, if agreeable to you, my dear Quintus, follow as often as possible in our future discussions.Nothing could please me better, Quintus replied.When this was said, we arose. |
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| 31. Cicero, On Fate, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
32. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.116, 5.1-5.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 330; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 200| 2.116. Lege laudationes, Torquate, non eorum, qui sunt ab Homero laudati, non Cyri, non Agesilai, non Aristidi aut Themistocli, non Philippi aut aut ( post Philippi) om. R Alexandri, lege nostrorum hominum, lege vestrae familiae; neminem videbis ita laudatum, ut artifex callidus comparandarum voluptatum voluptatum dett. utilitatum diceretur. non elogia elogia edd. eulogia monimentorum id significant, velut hoc ad portam: Hunc unum Hunc unum Ern. uno cum ABER uno cu j (j ex corr. m. alt.; voluisse videtur scriba uno cui) N ymo cum V plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium fuisse virum. 5.1. Cum audissem audivissem ER Antiochum, Brute, ut solebam, solebam Vict. solebat cum M. Pisone in eo gymnasio, quod Ptolomaeum vocatur, unaque nobiscum Q. frater et T. Pomponius Luciusque Cicero, frater noster cognatione patruelis, amore germanus, constituimus inter nos ut ambulationem postmeridianam conficeremus in Academia, maxime quod is locus ab omni turba id temporis vacuus esset. itaque ad tempus ad Pisonem omnes. inde sermone vario sex illa a Dipylo stadia confecimus. cum autem venissemus in Academiae non sine causa nobilitata spatia, solitudo erat ea, quam volueramus. 5.2. tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina. 5.3. Tum Quintus: Est plane, Piso, ut dicis, inquit. nam me ipsum huc modo venientem convertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, locus lucus Valckenarius ad Callimach. p. 216 cf. Va. II p. 545 sqq. cuius incola Sophocles ob oculos versabatur, quem scis quam admirer quamque eo delecter. me quidem ad altiorem memoriam Oedipodis huc venientis et illo mollissimo carmine quaenam essent ipsa haec hec ipsa BE loca requirentis species quaedam commovit, iiter scilicet, sed commovit tamen. Tum Pomponius: At ego, quem vos ut deditum Epicuro insectari soletis, sum multum equidem cum Phaedro, quem unice diligo, ut scitis, in Epicuri hortis, quos modo praeteribamus, praeteribamus edd. praeteriebamus sed veteris proverbii admonitu vivorum memini, nec tamen Epicuri epicureum Non. licet oblivisci, si cupiam, cuius imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares, sed etiam in poculis et in anulis nec tamen ... anulis habent Non. p. 70 anulis anellis Non. anelis R ambus anulis V habent. habebant Non. 5.4. Hic ego: Pomponius quidem, inquam, noster iocari videtur, et fortasse suo iure. ita enim se Athenis collocavit, ut sit paene unus ex Atticis, ut id etiam cognomen videatur habiturus. Ego autem tibi, Piso, assentior usu hoc venire, ut acrius aliquanto et attentius de claris viris locorum admonitu admonitum Non. cogitemus. ut acrius...cogitemus Non. p. 190, 191 scis enim me quodam tempore Metapontum venisse tecum neque ad hospitem ante devertisse, devertisse Lambini vetus cod. in marg. ed. rep. ; divertisse quam Pythagorae ipsum illum locum, ubi vitam ediderat, sedemque viderim. hoc autem tempore, etsi multa in omni parte Athenarum sunt in ipsis locis indicia summorum virorum, tamen ego illa moveor exhedra. modo enim fuit Carneadis, Carneadis Mdv. carneades quem videre videor—est enim nota imago—, a sedeque ipsa tanta tanti RN ingenii magnitudine orbata desiderari illam vocem puto. 5.5. Tum Piso: Quoniam igitur aliquid omnes, quid Lucius noster? inquit. an eum locum libenter libenter diligenter R invisit, ubi Demosthenes et Aeschines inter se decertare soliti sunt? suo enim quisque enim unus quisque BE studio maxime ducitur. Et ille, cum erubuisset: Noli, inquit, ex me quaerere, qui in Phalericum etiam descenderim, quo in loco ad fluctum aiunt declamare solitum Demosthenem, ut fremitum assuesceret voce vincere. modo etiam paulum ad dexteram dextram RN de via declinavi, ut ad Pericli ad Pericli Gz. apicii R ad pericii BE ad peridis ( corr. in periclis) N ad periculis V sepulcrum sepulchrum BEV accederem. quamquam id quidem infinitum est in hac urbe; quacumque enim ingredimur, in aliqua historia vestigium ponimus. | 2.116. "Read the panegyrics, Torquatus, not of the heroes praised by Homer, not of Cyrus or Agesilaus, Aristides or Themistocles, Philip or Alexander; but read those delivered upon our own great men, read those of your own family. You will not find anyone extolled for his skill and cunning in procuring pleasures. This is not what is conveyed by epitaphs, like that one near the city gate: Here lyeth one whom many lands agree Rome's first and greatest citizen to be. 5.1. My dear Brutus, â Once I had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. 5.2. Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I can't say; but one's emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." 5.3. "Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, 'What place is this?' â a mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus's Gardens which we passed just now; but I obey the old saw: I 'think of those that are alive.' Still I could not forget Epicurus, even if I wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings." 5.4. "As for our friend Pomponius," I interposed, "I believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I fancy I see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect." 5.5. "Well, then," said Piso, "as we all have some association that appeals to us, what is it that interests our young friend Lucius? Does he enjoy visiting the spot where Demosthenes and Aeschines used to fight their battles? For we are all specially influenced by our own favourite study." "Pray don't ask me," answer Lucius with a blush; "I have actually made a pilgrimage down to the Bay of Phalerum, where they say Demosthenes used to practise declaiming on the beach, to learn to pitch his voice so as to overcome an uproar. Also only just now I turned off the road a little way on the right, to visit the tomb of Pericles. Though in fact there is no end to it in this city; wherever we go we tread historic ground." |
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| 33. Cicero, On Laws, 2.3, 2.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 103; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270 |
| 34. Cicero, Lucullus, 103, 102 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 120 |
| 35. Catullus, Poems, 39 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 101 |
36. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 32.25 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53 | 32.25. 1. After the capture of Carthage Scipio, showing the collected spoils to the envoys who had arrived from Sicily, bade them severally pick out whatever things had in times past been carried off from their particular cities to Carthage, and to take them home to Sicily. Many portraits of famous men were found, many statues of outstanding workmanship, and not a few striking dedications to the gods in gold and silver. Among them was also the notorious bull of Acragas: Perilaüs fashioned it for the tyrant Phalaris, and lost his life in the first demonstration of his device when he was justly punished by being himself made its victim. |
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37. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.89, 2.17, 3.10.4-3.10.5, 3.11.4, 3.47, 7.14.1, 7.15.3, 7.16.2, 7.26.1, 10.15.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 158, 270 | 1.89. 1. Such, then, are the facts concerning the origin of the Romans which I have been able to discover a reading very diligently many works written by both Greek and Roman authors. Hence, from now on let the reader forever renounce the views of those who make Rome a retreat of barbarians, fugitives and vagabonds, and let him confidently affirm it to be a Greek city, â which will be easy when he shows that it is at once the most hospitable and friendly of all cities, and when he bears in mind that the Aborigines were Oenotrians, and these in turn Arcadians,,2. and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these.,3. But the admixtures of the barbarians with the Romans, by which the city forgot many of its ancient institutions, happened at a later time. And it may well seem a cause of wonder to many who reflect on the natural course of events that Rome did not become entirely barbarized after receiving the Opicans, the Marsians, the Samnites, the Tyrrhenians, the Bruttians and many thousands of Umbrians, Ligurians, Iberians and Gauls, besides innumerable other nations, some of whom came from Italy itself and some from other regions and differed from one another both in their language and habits; for their very ways of life, diverse as they were and thrown into turmoil by such dissoce, might have been expected to cause many innovations in the ancient order of the city.,4. For many others by living among barbarians have in a short time forgotten all their Greek heritage, so that they neither speak the Greek language nor observe the customs of the Greeks nor acknowledge the same gods nor have the same equitable laws (by which most of all the spirit of the Greeks differs from that of the barbarians) nor agree with them in anything else whatever that relates to the ordinary intercourse of life. Those Achaeans who are settled near the Euxine sea are a sufficient proof of my contention; for, though originally Eleans, of a nation the most Greek of any, they are now the most savage of all barbarians. 2.17. 1. When I compare the customs of the Greeks with these, I can find no reason to extol either those of the Lacedaemonians or of the Thebans or of the Athenians, who pride themselves most on their wisdom; all of whom, jealous of their noble birth and granting citizenship to none or to very few (I say nothing of the fact that some even expelled foreigners), not only received no advantage from this haughty attitude, but actually suffered the greatest harm because of it.,2. Thus, the Spartans after their defeat at Leuctra, where they lost seventeen hundred men, were no longer able to restore their city to its former position after that calamity, but shamefully abandoned their supremacy. And the Thebans and Athenians through the single disaster at Chaeronea were deprived by the Macedonians not only of the leadership of Greece but at the same time of the liberty they had inherited from their ancestors.,3. But Rome, while engaged in great wars both in Spain and Italy and employed in recovering Sicily and Sardinia, which had revolted, at a time when the situation in Macedonia and Greece had become hostile to her and Carthage was again contending for the supremacy, and when all but a small portion of Italy was not only in open rebellion but was also drawing upon her the Hannibalic war, as it was called, â though surrounded, I say, by so many dangers at one and the same time, Rome was so far from being overcome by these misfortunes that she derived from them a strength even greater than she had had before, being enabled to meet every danger, thanks to the number of her soldiers, and not, as some imagine, to the favour of Fortune;,4. since for all of Fortune's assistance the city might have been utterly submerged by the single disaster at Cannae, where of six thousand horse only three hundred and seventy survived, and of eighty thousand foot enrolled in the army of the commonwealth little more than three thousand escaped. 3.10.4. This, then, is one argument we offer in support of our claim, in virtue of which we will never willingly yield the command to you. Another argument â and do not take this as said by way of censure or reproach of you Romans, but only from necessity â is the fact that the Alban race has to this day continued the same that it was under the founders of the city, and one cannot point to any race of mankind, except the Greeks and Latins, to whom we have granted citizenship; whereas you have corrupted the purity of your body politic by admitting Tyrrhenians, Sabines, and some others who were homeless, vagabonds and barbarians, and that in great numbers too, so that the true-born element among you that went out from our midst is become small, or rather a tiny fraction, in comparison with those who have been brought in and are of alien race. 3.10.5. And if we should yield the command to you, the base-born will rule over the true-born, barbarians over Greeks, and immigrants over the native-born. For you cannot even say this much for yourself, that you have not permitted this immigrant mob to gain any control of public affairs but that you native-born citizens are yourselves the rulers and councillors of the commonwealth. Why, even for your kings you choose outsiders, and the greatest part of your senate consists of these newcomers; and to none of these conditions can you assert that you submit willingly. For what man of superior rank willingly allows himself to be ruled by an inferior? It would be great folly and baseness, therefore, on our part to accept willingly those evils which you must own you submit to through necessity. 3.11.4. For we are so far from being ashamed of having made the privileges of our city free to all who desired them that we even take the greatest pride in this course; moreover, we are not the originators of this admirable practice, but took the example from the city of Athens, which enjoys the greatest reputation among the Greeks, due in no small measure, if indeed not chiefly, to this very policy. 3.47. 1. Not long afterward the elder of his sons died without acknowledged issue, and a few days later Demaratus himself died of grief, leaving his surviving son Lucumo heir to his entire fortune. Lucumo, having thus inherited the great wealth of his father, had aspired to public life and a part in the administration of the commonwealth and to be one of its foremost citizens.,2. But being repulsed on every side by the native-born citizens and excluded, not only from the first, but even from the middle rank, he resented his disfranchisement. And hearing that the Romans gladly received all strangers and made them citizens, he resolved to get together all his riches and remove thither, taking with him his wife and such of his friends and household as wished to go along; and those who were eager to depart with him were many.,3. When they were come to the hill called Janiculum, from which Rome is first discerned by those who come from Tyrrhenia, an eagle, descending on a sudden, snatched his cap from his head and flew up again with it, and rising in a circular flight, hid himself in the depths of the circumambient air, then of a sudden replaced the cap on his head, fitting it on as it had been before.,4. This prodigy appearing wonderful and extraordinary to them all, the wife of Lucumo, Tanaquil by name, who had a good understanding standing, through her ancestors, of the Tyrrhenians' augural science, took him aside from the others and, embracing him, filled him with great hopes of rising from his private station to the royal power. She advised him, however, to consider by what means he might render himself worthy to receive the sovereignty by the free choice of the Romans. 7.14.1. But nothing turned out according to the calculations of the patricians, insofar at least as their hope of appeasing the sedition was concerned; on the contrary, the people who were left at home were now more exasperated than before and clamoured violently against the senators in their groups and clubs. They met in small numbers at first, but afterwards, as the dearth became more severe, they assembled in a body, and rushing all together into the Forum, cried out for the tribunes. 7.15.3. The chief proponent of this view was Appius, and it was this opinion that prevailed, after such violent strife among the senators that even the people, hearing their clamour at a great distance, rushed in alarm to the senate-house and the whole city was on tip-toe with expectation. 7.16.2. And a violent contest ensued, each side insisting on not yielding to the other, as if their defeat on this single occasion would mean the giving up of their claims for all time to come. It was now near sunset and the rest of the population were running out of their houses to the Forum; and if night had descended upon their strife, they would have proceeded to blows and the throwing of stones. 7.26.1. The senate being now embittered, the tribunes, finding that those who desired to take away the power granted to the people outnumbered those who advised adhering to the agreement, rushed out of the senate-house shouting and calling upon the gods who had been witnesses to their oaths. After this they assembled the people, and having acquainted them with the speech made by Marcius in the senate, they summoned him to make his defence. |
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| 38. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 1.15 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 101 |
| 39. Propertius, Elegies, 2.1.29, 4.3.45 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 126 |
| 40. Horace, Odes, 2.12, 3.30.6-3.30.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 23; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 127 |
| 41. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14 |
42. Ovid, Fasti, 6.637-6.638 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 117| 6.637. Te quoque magnifica, Concordia, dedicat aede 6.638. Livia, quam caro praestitit ipsa viro. | 6.637. His father showed his paternity by touching the child’ 6.638. Head with fire, and a cap of flames glowed on his hair. |
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| 43. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 16.215-16.222 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio (aemilianus) africanus, (publius, cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 71 |
44. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 3.1025, 3.1029-3.1035 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus •xerxes, as scipio aemilianus Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 73| 3.1025. 'lumina sis oculis etiam bonus Ancus reliquit, 3.1029. ille quoque ipse, viam qui quondam per mare magnum 3.1030. stravit iterque dedit legionibus ire per altum 3.1031. ac pedibus salsas docuit super ire lucunas 3.1032. et contempsit equis insultans murmura ponti, 3.1033. lumine adempto animam moribundo corpore fudit. 3.1034. Scipiadas, belli fulmen, Carthaginis horror, 3.1035. ossa dedit terrae proinde ac famul infimus esset. | |
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| 45. Livy, Per., 41, 51, 57, 61 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40 |
| 46. Ovid, Amores, 1.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 362 |
| 47. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 9.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 48. Sallust, Catiline, 25 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Burton (2009), Dionysus and Rome: Religion and Literature, 139 |
| 49. Horace, Letters, 2.1.182 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus (general) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 92 |
| 50. Livy, History, 1.29.6, 4.16.3-4.16.4, 5.19.2, 7.2, 8.40.4, 9.40.16, 22.53.6, 22.61.11-22.61.13, 23.23.6, 25.39.12-25.39.17, 26.50, 35.48.13, 39.8.3-39.8.4, 39.16.8, 39.40.9, 39.41.4, 39.42-39.43, 41.1-41.2, 42.49.1-42.49.3, 42.49.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 199 |
| 51. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 10.4-10.5, 14.3, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 174; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40, 41 |
| 52. Plutarch, Flaminius, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
53. Plutarch, Marius, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus (general) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 92| 2.2. λέγεται δὲ μήτε γράμματα μαθεῖν Ἑλληνικὰ μήτε γλώττῃ πρὸς μηδὲν Ἑλληνίδι χρῆσθαι τῶν σπουδῆς ἐχομένων, ὡς γελοῖον γράμματα μανθάνειν ὧν οἱ διδάσκαλοι δουλεύοιεν ἑτέροις μετὰ δὲ τὸν δεύτερον θρίαμβον ἐπὶ ναοῦ τινος καθιερώσει θέας Ἐλληνικὰς παρέχων, εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐλθὼν καὶ μόνον καθίσας εὐθὺς ἀπαλλαγῆναι. | 2.2. |
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| 54. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53 |
55. Plutarch, Pompey, 2.2, 46.1, 48.5-48.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 362; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 230| 2.2. ᾗ καὶ τοὔνομα πολλῶν ἐν ἀρχῇ συνεπιφερόντων οὐκ ἔφευγεν ὁ Πομπήϊος, ὥστε καὶ χλευάζοντας αὐτὸν ἐνίους ἤδη καλεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον. διὸ καὶ Λεύκιος Φίλιππος, ἀνὴρ ὑπατικός, συνηγορῶν αὐτῷ, μηδὲν ἔφη ποιεῖν παράλογον εἰ Φίλιππος ὢν φιλαλέξανδρός ἐστιν. Φλώραν δὲ τὴν ἑταίραν ἔφασαν ἤδη πρεσβυτέραν οὖσαν ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ μνημονεύειν τῆς γενομένης αὐτῇ πρὸς Πομπήϊον ὁμιλίας, λέγουσαν ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἐκείνῳ συναναπαυσαμένην ἀδήκτως ἀπελθεῖν. 46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας. 48.5. ταχὺ μέντοι καὶ αὐτὸς ἐμαλάσσετο τῷ τῆς κόρης ἔρωτι καὶ προσεῖχεν ἐκείνῃ τὰ πολλὰ καὶ συνδιημέρευεν ἐν ἀγροῖς καὶ κήποις, ἠμέλει δὲ τῶν κατʼ ἀγορὰν πραττομένων, ὥστε καὶ Κλώδιον αὐτοῦ καταφρονῆσαι δημαρχοῦντα τότε καὶ θρασυτάτων ἅψασθαι πραγμάτων. 48.6. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐξέβαλε Κικέρωνα, καὶ Κάτωνα προφάσει στρατηγίας εἰς Κύπρον ἀπέπεμψε, Καίσαρος εἰς Γαλατίαν ἐξεληλακότος, αὑτῷ δὲ προσέχοντα τὸν δῆμον ἑώρα πάντα πράττοντι καὶ πολιτευομένῳ πρός χάριν, εὐθὺς ἐπεχείρει τῶν Πομπηΐου διατάξεων ἐνίας ἀναιρεῖν, καὶ Τιγράνην τὸν αἰχμάλωτον ἀφαρπάσας εἶχε σὺν αὑτῷ, καὶ τοῖς φίλοις δίκας ἐπῆγε, πεῖραν ἐν ἐκείνοις τῆς Πομπηΐου λαμβάνων δυνάμεως. 48.7. τέλος δέ, προελθόντος αὐτοῦ πρός τινα δίκην, ἔχων ὑφʼ αὑτῷ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ἀσελγείας καὶ ὀλιγωρίας μεστὸν αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς ἐπιφανῆ τόπον καταστὰς ἐρωτήματα τοιαῦτα προὔβαλλε· τίς ἐστιν αὐτοκράτωρ ἀκόλαστος; τίς ἀνὴρ ἄνδρα ζητεῖ; τίς ἑνὶ δακτύλῳ κνᾶται τὴν κεφαλήν; οἱ δέ, ὥσπερ χορὸς εἰς ἀμοιβαῖα συγκεκροτημένος, ἐκείνου τὴν τήβεννον ἀνασείοντος ἐφʼ ἑκάστῳ μέγα βοῶντες ἀπεκρίναντο· Πομπήϊος. | 2.2. 46.1. 48.5. 48.6. 48.7. |
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56. Plutarch, Philopoemen, 21.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55| 21.6. λόγων δὲ λεχθέντων καὶ Πολυβίου πρὸς τὸν συκοφάντην ἀντειπόντος οὔθ ὁ Μόμμιος οὔτε οἱ πρέσβεις ὑπέμειναν ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου τιμὰς ἀφανίσαι, καίπερ οὐκ ὀλίγα τοῖς περὶ Τίτον καὶ Μάνιον ἐναντιωθέντος, ἀλλὰ τῆς χρείας τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐκεῖνοι καὶ τὸ καλὸν, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῦ λυσιτελοῦς διώριζον, ὀρθῶς καὶ προσηκόντως τοῖς μὲν ὠφελοῦσι μισθὸν καὶ χάριν παρὰ τῶν εὖ παθόντων, τοῖς δʼ ἀγαθοῖς τιμὴν ὀφείλεσθαι παρὰ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀεὶ νομίζοντες. ταῦτα περὶ Φιλοποίμενος. | |
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| 57. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
58. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 21.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 174| 21.3. εἰσελθὼν γὰρ οἴκαδε, καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα μετὰ κλαυθμοῦ καὶ βοῆς ὀλοφυρομένας ἀσπασάμενος καὶ κελεύσας μετρίως φέρειν τὸ συμβεβηκός, εὐθὺς ἀπιὼν ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας. ἐκεῖ δὲ τῶν πατρικίων ὁμοῦ πάντων προπεμπόντων αὐτὸν οὔτε τι λαβὼν οὔτε τινὸς δεηθεὶς ἀπηλλάττετο, τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας πελάτας ἔχων περὶ αὑτόν. | 21.3. |
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| 59. Frontinus, Strategemata, 4.1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 126, 246, 247 |
60. Plutarch, Fabius, 22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28| 22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. | 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods. |
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61. Plutarch, Crassus, 16.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 174| 16.3. καίτοι τῷ γραφέντι περὶ τούτων νόμῳ Παρθικὸς πόλεμος οὐ προσῆν. ᾔδεσαν δὲ πάντες ὅτι πρὸς τοῦτο τοῦτο Bekker adopts τοῦτον from Reiske. Κράσσος ἐπτόηται· καὶ Καῖσαρ ἐκ Γαλατίας ἔγραφεν αὐτῷ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπαινῶν καὶ παροξύνων ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον. ἐπεὶ δὲ δημαρχῶν Ἀτήιος ἔμελλε πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον ἐναντιώσεσθαι, καὶ συνίσταντο πολλοὶ χαλεπαίνοντες εἴ τις ἀνθρώποις οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐνσπόνδοις, πολεμήσων ἄπεισι, δείσας ὁ Κράσσος ἐδεήθη Πομπηΐου παραγενέσθαι καὶ συμπροπέμψαι· | 16.3. |
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62. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 174; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154| 21.2. εἶναι γάρ ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ Πόμπωνος τοὺς Πομπωνίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Πίνου τοὺς Πιναρίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Κάλπου τοὺς Καλπουρνίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Μαμέρκου τοὺς Μαμερκίους, οἷς διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Ῥῆγας γενέσθαι παρωνύμιον, ὅπερ ἐστὶ βασιλέας, τρίτοι δέ εἰσιν οἱ τούτων μὲν κατηγοροῦντες ὡς χαριζομένων τοῖς γένεσι καὶ προστιθέντων οὐκ ἀληθῆ στέμματα τῆς ἀπὸ Νομᾶ διαδοχῆς, τὴν δὲ Πομπιλίαν οὐκ ἐκ Τατίας γεγονέναι λέγοντες, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἑτέρας γυναικός, ἣν ἤδη βασιλεύων ἔγημε, Λουκρητίας· | 21.2. |
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| 63. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 11.5-11.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 230 |
64. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 28.7, 28.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 355| 28.7. θέας δὲ παντοδαπῶν ἀγώνων καὶ θυσίας ἐπιτελῶν τοῖς θεοῖς ἑστιάσεις καὶ δεῖπνα προὔθετο, χορηγίᾳ μὲν ἐκ τῶν βασιλικῶν ἀφθόνῳ χρώμενος, τάξιν δὲ καὶ κόσμον καὶ κατακλίσεις καὶ δεξιώσεις καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἕκαστον αὑτοῦ τῆς κατʼ ἀξίαν τιμῆς καὶ φιλοφροσύνης αἴσθησιν οὕτως ἀκριβῆ καὶ πεφροντισμένην ἐνδεικνύμενος ὥστε θαυμάζειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας, 28.11. μόνα τὰ βιβλία τοῦ βασιλέως φιλογραμματοῦσι τοῖς υἱέσιν ἐπέτρεψεν ἐξελέσθαι, καὶ διανέμων ἀριστεῖα τῆς μάχης Αἰλίῳ Τουβέρωνι τῷ γαμβρῷ φιάλην ἔδωκε πέντε λιτρῶν ὁλκήν. | 28.7. He also held all sorts of games and contests and performed sacrifices to the gods, at which he gave feasts and banquets, making liberal allowances therefor from the royal treasury, while in the arrangement and ordering of them, in saluting and seating his guests, and in paying to each one that degree of honour and kindly attention which was properly his due, he showed such nice and thoughtful perception that the Greeks were amazed, 28.11. It was only the books of the king that he allowed his sons, who were devoted to learning, to choose out for themselves, and when he was distributing rewards for valour in the battle, he gave Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, a bowl of five pounds weight. |
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| 65. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 4.102, 5.25, 5.38, 5.128, 6.37, 6.196, 6.209, 7.20, 8.155, 8.194, 9.119-9.121, 10.139, 16.200, 22.13, 28.34, 33.141-33.142, 33.147, 34.18, 34.64, 35.6-35.7, 35.14, 35.23, 35.91, 35.115, 35.131-35.132, 36.32, 36.37-36.38, 37.11, 37.13-37.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio, p. cornelius aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 213; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 330; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 53, 54, 55, 117, 127, 154, 230; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 208, 355 |
| 66. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.221 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
67. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, a b c d\n0 13.10 13.10 13 10\n1 35.15 35.15 35 15\n2 77/78.4 77/78.4 77/78 4 \n3 35.16 35.16 35 16 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 228 | 13.10. Accordingly I reflected that Odysseus after all his wanderings did not hesitate to roam once more, when he carried an oar as Teiresias, a man dead and gone, had advised him, until he should fall in with people who knew not the sea, even by hearsay; and should not I follow his example if God so bade? So after exhorting myself in this way neither to fear or be ashamed of my action, and putting on humble attire and otherwise chastening myself, I proceeded to roam everywhere. |
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| 68. Juvenal, Satires, 1.48-1.50, 3.60-3.62, 3.84-3.85 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53 |
69. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.72 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55 | 14.72. for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. |
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70. Plutarch, Lucullus, 42.1-42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127| 42.1. σπουδῆς δʼ ἄξια καὶ λόγου τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν βιβλίων κατασκευήν, καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ γεγραμμένα καλῶς συνῆγεν, ἥ τε χρῆσις ἦν φιλοτιμοτέρα τῆς κτήσεως, ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας καὶ συνδιημερεύοντας ἀλλήλοις, ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ἀσμένως ἀποτρέχοντας. 42.2. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ συνεσχόλαζεν αὐτὸς ἐμβάλλων εἰς τοὺς περιπάτους τοῖς φιλολόγοις καὶ τοῖς πολιτικοῖς συνέπραττεν ὅτου δέοιντο· καὶ ὅλως ἑστία καὶ πρυτανεῖον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ οἶκος ἦν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς Ῥώμην. φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πᾶσαν μὲν ἠσπάζετο καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν εὐμενὴς ἦν καὶ οἰκεῖος, ἴδιον δὲ τῆς Ἀκαδημείας ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔρωτα καὶ ζῆλον ἔσχεν, οὐ τῆς νέας λεγομένης, 42.3. καίπερ ἀνθούσης τότε τοῖς Καρνεάδου λόγοις διὰ Φίλωνος, ἀλλὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς, πιθανὸν ἄνδρα καὶ δεινὸν εἰπεῖν τότε προστάτην ἐχούσης τὸν Ἀσκαλωνίτην Ἀντίοχον, ὃν πάσῃ σπουδῇ ποιησάμενος φίλον ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ συμβιωτὴν ἀντέταττε τοῖς Φίλωνος ἀκροαταῖς, ὧν καὶ Κικέρων ἦν. 42.4. καὶ σύγγραμμά γε πάγκαλον ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν, ἐν ᾧ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς καταλήψεως λόγον Λουκούλλῳ περιτέθεικεν, αὑτῷ δὲ τὸν ἐναντίον. Λούκουλλος δʼ ἀναγέγραπται τὸ βιβλίον. ἦσαν δʼ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, φίλοι σφόδρα καὶ κοινωνοὶ τῆς ἐν πολιτείᾳ προαιρέσεως· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὖ πάμπαν ἀπηλλάχει τῆς πολιτείας ἑαυτὸν ὁ Λούκουλλος, | 42.1. 42.2. 42.3. 42.4. |
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71. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 1.9-1.10, 2.3-2.4, 3.2, 4.3-4.4, 5.1, 16.6-16.8, 19.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 193, 194, 195, 198, 201| 2.3. Φαβίου δὲ Μαξίμου τὴν Ταραντίνων πόλιν ἑλόντος ἔτυχε μὲν ὁ Κάτων στρατευόμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῷ κομιδῇ μειράκιον ὤν, Νεάρχῳ δέ τινι τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν ξένῳ χρησάμενος ἐσπούδασε τῶν λόγων μεταλαβεῖν. ἀκούσας δὲ ταῦτα διαλεγομένου τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, οἷς κέχρηται καὶ Πλάτων, τὴν μὲν ἡδονὴν ἀποκαλῶν μέγιστον κακοῦ δέλεαρ, συμφορὰν δὲ τῇ ψυχῇ τὸ σῶμα πρώτην, λύσιν δὲ καὶ καθαρμὸν οἷς μάλιστα χωρίζει καὶ ἀφίστησιν αὑτὴν τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα παθημάτων λογισμοῖς, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠγάπησε τὸ λιτὸν καὶ τὴν ἐγκράτειαν. 2.4. ἄλλως δὲ παιδείας Ἑλληνικῆς ὀψιμαθὴς γενέσθαι λέγεται, καὶ πόρρω παντάπασιν ἡλικίας ἐληλακὼς ἡλικίας ἐληλακως Hercher and Blass with S: ἡλικίας. Ἑλληνικὰ βιβλία λαβὼν εἰς χεῖρας βραχέα μὲν ἀπὸ Θουκυδίδου, πλείονα δʼ ἀπὸ Δημοσθένους εἰς τὸ ῥητορικὸν ὠφεληθῆναι. τὰ μέντοι συγγράμματα καὶ δόγμασιν Ἑλληνικοῖς καὶ ἱστορίαις ἐπιεικῶς διαπεποίκιλται καὶ μεθηρμηνευμένα πολλὰ κατὰ λέξιν ἐν τοῖς ἀποφθέγμασι καὶ ταῖς γνωμολογίαις τέτακται. 3.2. ἂν μὲν ᾖ χειμὼν, ἐξωμίδα λαβών, θέρους δὲ γυμνὸς ἐργασάμενος μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐσθίει τὸν αὐτὸν ἄρτον ὁμοῦ καθήμενος καί πίνει τὸν αὐτὸν οἶνον, ἄλλην τε πολλὴν ἐπιείκειαν αὐτοῦ καί μετριότητα καί τινας καί λόγους ἀποφθεγματικοὺς διαμνημονευόντων, ἐκέλευσε κληθῆναι πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον. 4.3. οὐ μόνον ἕως ἔτι νέος καὶ φιλότιμος ἦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ γέροντα καὶ πολιὸν ἤδη μεθʼ ὑπατείαν καὶ θρίαμβον, ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴν νικηφόρον, ἐγκαρτεροῦντα τῇ τάξει τῆς ἀσκήσεως καὶ διομαλίζοντα μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς. ἐσθῆτα μὲν γὰρ οὐδέποτέ φησι φορέσαι πολυτελεστέραν ἑκατὸν δραχμῶν, πιεῖν δὲ καὶ στρατηγῶν καὶ ὑπατεύων τὸν αὐτὸν οἶνον τοῖς ἐργάταις, ὄψον δὲ παρασκευάζεσθαι πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον ἐξ ἀγορᾶς ἀσσαρίων τριάκοντα, καὶ τοῦτο διὰ τὴν πόλιν, ὅπως ἰσχύοι τὸ σῶμα πρὸς τὰς στρατείας. 4.4. ἐπίβλημα δὲ τῶν ποικίλων Βαβυλώνιον ἐκ κληρονομίας κτησάμενος εὐθὺς ἀποδόσθαι, τῶν δὲ ἐπαύλεων αὐτοῦ μηδεμίαν εἶναι κεκονιαμένην, οὐδένα δὲ πώποτε πρίασθαι δοῦλον ὑπὲρ τὰς χιλίας δραχμὰς καὶ πεντακοσίας, ὡς ἂν οὐ τρυφερῶν οὐδʼ ὡραίων, ἀλλʼ ἐργατικῶν καὶ στερεῶν, οἷον ἱπποκόμων καὶ βοηλατῶν, δεόμενος καὶ τούτους δὲ πρεσβυτέρους γενομένους ᾤετο δεῖν ἀποδίδοσθαι καὶ μὴ βόσκειν ἀχρήστους. ὅλως δὲ μηδὲν εὔωνον εἶναι τῶν περιττῶν, ἀλλʼ οὗ τις οὐ δεῖται, κἂν ἀσσαρίου πιπράσκηται, πολλοῦ νομίζειν· κτᾶσθαι δὲ τὰ σπειρόμενα καὶ νεμόμενα μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ ῥαινόμενα καὶ σαιρόμενα. 5.1. ταῦτα δʼ οἱ μὲν εἰς μικρολογίαν ἐτίθεντο τοῦ ἀνδρός, οἱ δʼ ὡς ἐπὶ διορθώσει καὶ σωφρονισμῷ τῶν ἄλλων ἐνδοτέρω συστέλλοντος ἑαυτὸν ἀπεδέχοντο. πλὴν τὸ τοῖς οἰκέταις ὡς ὑποζυγίοις ἀποχρησάμενον ἐπὶ γήρως ἐλαύνειν καὶ πιπράσκειν ἀτενοῦς ἄγαν ἤθους ἔγωγε τίθεμαι, καὶ μηδὲν ἀνθρώπῳ πρὸς ἄνθρωπον οἰομένου κοινώνημα τῆς χρείας πλέον ὑπάρχειν. 16.6. οὕτω δʼ ἄρα μέγας ἦν ὡς ἀληθῶς καὶ μεγάλων ἄξιος δημαγωγῶν ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος, ὥστε μὴ φοβηθῆναι τὴν ἀνάτασιν καὶ τὸν ὄγκον τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἡδεῖς ἐκείνους καὶ πρὸς χάριν ἅπαντα ποιήσειν δοκοῦντας ἀπορρίψας ἑλέσθαι μετὰ τοῦ Κάτωνος τὸν Φλάκκον, ὥσπερ οὐκ αἰτοῦντος ἀρχήν, ἀλλʼ ἄρχοντος ἤδη καὶ προστάττοντος ἀκροώμενος. | 2.3. 2.4. 3.2. 4.3. 4.4. 5.1. 16.6. |
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| 72. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.33.8, 11.3.31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Burton (2009), Dionysus and Rome: Religion and Literature, 139; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 228 |
| 73. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.19, 1.29.5-1.29.15, 4.5.15-4.5.32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 24 |
| 74. Appian, The Punic Wars, 133, 132 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 255; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 309; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 127 |
| 75. Appian, The Spanish Wars, 85.367 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus, discipline •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 125, 126, 246, 276; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 149 |
| 76. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.9.35, 1.13.56, 1.16, 1.20, 2.101 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 100; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
77. Tacitus, Histories, 2.55 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154 | 2.55. Yet at Rome there was no disorder. The festival of Ceres was celebrated in the usual manner. When it was announced in the theatre on good authority that Otho was no more and that Flavius Sabinus, the city prefect, had administered to all the soldiers in the city the oath of allegiance to Vitellius, the audience greeted the name of Vitellius with applause. The people, bearing laurel and flowers, carried busts of Galba from temple to temple, and piled garlands high in the form of a burial mound by the Lacus Curtius, which the dying Galba had stained with his blood. The senate at once voted for Vitellius all the honours that had been devised during the long reigns of other emperors; besides they passed votes of praise and gratitude to the troops from Germany and dispatched a delegation to deliver this expression of their joy. Letters from Fabius Valens to the consuls were read, written in quite moderate style; but greater satisfaction was felt at Caecina's modesty in not writing at all. |
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78. Tacitus, Annals, 2.43, 2.73, 3.23, 3.72, 5.4, 13.31, 14.61 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 330; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14, 28, 117, 154, 230| 2.43. Igitur haec et de Armenia quae supra memoravi apud patres disseruit, nec posse motum Orientem nisi Germanici sapientia conponi: nam suam aetatem vergere, Drusi nondum satis adolevisse. tunc decreto patrum permissae Germanico provinciae quae mari dividuntur, maiusque imperium, quoquo adisset, quam iis qui sorte aut missu principis obtinerent. sed Tiberius demoverat Syria Creticum Silanum, per adfinitatem conexum Germanico, quia Silani filia Neroni vetustissimo liberorum eius pacta erat, praefeceratque Cn. Pisonem, ingenio violentum et obsequii ignarum, insita ferocia a patre Pisone qui civili bello resurgentis in Africa partis acerrimo ministerio adversus Caesarem iuvit, mox Brutum et Cassium secutus concesso reditu petitione honorum abstinuit, donec ultro ambiretur delatum ab Augusto consulatum accipere. sed praeter paternos spiritus uxoris quoque Plancinae nobilitate et opibus accendebatur; vix Tiberio concedere, liberos eius ut multum infra despectare. nec dubium habebat se delectum qui Syriae imponeretur ad spes Germanici coercendas. credidere quidam data et a Tiberio occulta mandata; et Plancinam haud dubie Augusta monuit aemulatione muliebri Agrippinam insectandi. divisa namque et discors aula erat tacitis in Drusum aut Germanicum studiis. Tiberius ut proprium et sui sanguinis Drusum fovebat: Germanico alienatio patrui amorem apud ceteros auxerat, et quia claritudine materni generis anteibat, avum M. Antonium, avunculum Augustum ferens. contra Druso proavus eques Romanus Pomponius Atticus dedecere Claudiorum imagines videbatur: et coniunx Germanici Agrippina fecunditate ac fama Liviam uxorem Drusi praecellebat. sed fratres egregie concordes et proximorum certaminibus inconcussi. 2.73. Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur. 3.23. Lepida ludorum diebus qui cognitionem intervene- rant theatrum cum claris feminis ingressa, lamentatione flebili maiores suos ciens ipsumque Pompeium, cuius ea monimenta et adstantes imagines visebantur, tantum misericordiae permovit ut effusi in lacrimas saeva et detestanda Quirinio clamitarent, cuius senectae atque orbitati et obscurissimae domui destinata quondam uxor L. Caesari ac divo Augusto nurus dederetur. dein tormentis servorum patefacta sunt flagitia itumque in sententiam Rubelli Blandi a quo aqua atque igni arcebatur. huic Drusus adsensit quamquam alii mitius censuissent. mox Scauro, qui filiam ex ea genuerat, datum ne bona publicarentur. tum demum aperuit Tiberius compertum sibi etiam ex P. Quirinii servis veneno eum a Lepida petitum. 3.72. Isdem diebus Lepidus ab senatu petivit ut basilicam Pauli, Aemilia monimenta, propria pecunia firmaret ornaretque. erat etiam tum in more publica munificentia; nec Augustus arcuerat Taurum, Philippum, Balbum hostilis exuvias aut exundantis opes ornatum ad urbis et posterum gloriam conferre. quo tum exemplo Lepidus, quamquam pecuniae modicus, avitum decus recoluit. at Pompei theatrum igne fortuito haustum Caesar extructurum pollicitus est eo quod nemo e familia restaurando sufficeret, manente tamen nomine Pompei. simul laudibus Seianum extulit tamquam labore vigilantiaque eius tanta vis unum intra damnum stetisset; et censuere patres effigiem Seiano quae apud theatrum Pompei locaretur. neque multo post Caesar, cum Iunium Blaesum pro consule Africae triumphi insignibus attolleret, dare id se dixit honori Seiani, cuius ille avunculus erat. ac tamen res Blaesi dignae decore tali fuere. 5.4. Fuit in senatu Iunius Rusticus, componendis patrum actis delectus a Caesare eoque meditationes eius introspicere creditus. is fatali quodam motu (neque enim ante specimen constantiae dederat) seu prava sollertia, dum imminentium oblitus incerta pavet, inserere se dubitantibus ac monere consules ne relationem inciperent; disserebatque brevibus momentis summa verti: posse quandoque domus Germanici exitium paenitentiae esse seni. simul populus effigies Agrippinae ac Neronis gerens circumsistit curiam faustisque in Caesarem ominibus falsas litteras et principe invito exitium domui eius intendi clamitat. ita nihil triste illo die patratum. ferebantur etiam sub nominibus consularium fictae in Seianum sententiae, exercentibus plerisque per occultum atque eo procacius libidinem ingeniorum. unde illi ira violentior et materies crimidi: spretum dolorem principis ab senatu, descivisse populum; audiri iam et legi novas contiones, nova patrum consulta: quid reliquum nisi ut caperent ferrum et, quorum imagines pro vexillis secuti forent, duces imperatoresque deligerent? 13.31. Nerone iterum L. Pisone consulibus pauca memoria digna evenere, nisi cui libeat laudandis fundamentis et trabibus, quis molem amphitheatri apud campum Martis Caesar extruxerat, volumina implere, cum ex dignitate populi Romani repertum sit res inlustris annalibus, talia diurnis urbis actis mandare. ceterum coloniae Capua atque Nuceria additis veteranis firmatae sunt, plebeique congiarium quadringeni nummi viritim dati, et sestertium quadringenties aerario inlatum est ad retinendam populi fidem. vectigal quoque quintae et vicesimae venalium mancipiorum remissum, specie magis quam vi, quia cum venditor pendere iuberetur, in partem pretii emptoribus adcrescebat. et edixit Caesar, ne quis magistratus aut procurator in provincia quam obtineret spectaculum gladiatorum aut ferarum aut quod aliud ludicrum ederet. nam ante non minus tali largitione quam corripiendis pecuniis subiectos adfligebant, dum quae libidine deliquerant ambitu propugt. 14.61. Exim laeti Capitolium scandunt deosque tandem venerantur. effigies Poppaeae proruunt, Octaviae imagines gestant umeris, spargunt floribus foroque ac templis statuunt. †itur etiam in principis laudes repetitum venerantium†. iamque et Palatium multitudine et clamoribus complebant, cum emissi militum globi verberibus et intento ferro turbatos disiecere. mutataque quae per seditionem verterant et Poppaeae honos repositus est. quae semper odio, tum et metu atrox ne aut vulgi acrior vis ingrueret aut Nero inclinatione populi mutaretur, provoluta genibus eius, non eo loci res suas agi ut de matrimonio certet, quamquam id sibi vita potius, sed vitam ipsam in extremum adductam a clientelis et servitiis Octaviae quae plebis sibi nomen indiderint, ea in pace ausi quae vix bello evenirent. arma illa adversus principem sumpta; ducem tantum defuisse qui motis rebus facile reperiretur, omitteret modo Campaniam et in urbem ipsa pergeret ad cuius nutum absentis tumultus cierentur. quod alioquin suum delictum? quam cuiusquam offensionem? an quia veram progeniem penatibus Caesarum datura sit? malle populum Romanum tibicinis Aegyptii subolem imperatorio fastigio induci? denique, si id rebus conducat, libens quam coactus acciret dominam, vel consuleret securitati. iusta ultione et modicis remediis primos motus consedisse: at si desperent uxorem Neronis fore Octaviam, illi maritum daturos. | 2.43. These circumstances, then, and the events in Armenia, which I mentioned above, were discussed by Tiberius before the senate. "The commotion in the East," he added, "could only be settled by the wisdom of Germanicus: for his own years were trending to their autumn, and those of Drusus were as yet scarcely mature." There followed a decree of the Fathers, delegating to Germanicus the provinces beyond the sea, with powers overriding, in all regions he might visit, those of the local governors holding office by allotment or imperial nomination. Tiberius, however, had removed Creticus Silanus from Syria â he was a marriage connection of Germanicus, whose eldest son, Nero, was plighted to his daughter â and had given the appointment to Gnaeus Piso, a man of ungoverned passions and constitutional insubordinacy. For there was a strain of wild arrogance in the blood â a strain derived from his father Piso; who in the Civil War lent strenuous aid against Caesar to the republican party during its resurrection in Africa, then followed the fortunes of Brutus and Cassius, and, on the annulment of his exile, refused to become a suitor for office, until approached with a special request to accept a consulate proffered by Augustus. But, apart from the paternal temper, Piso's brain was fired by the lineage and wealth of his wife Plancina: to Tiberius he accorded a grudging precedence; upon his children he looked down as far beneath him. Nor did he entertain a doubt that he had been selected for the governorship of Syria in order to repress the ambitions of Germanicus. The belief has been held that he did in fact receive private instructions from Tiberius; and Plancina, beyond question, had advice from the ex-empress, bent with feminine jealousy upon persecuting Agrippina. For the court was split and torn by unspoken preferences for Germanicus or for Drusus. Tiberius leaned to the latter as his own issue and blood of his blood. Germanicus, owing to the estrangement of his uncle, had risen in the esteem of the world; and he had a further advantage in the distinction of his mother's family, among whom he could point to Mark Antony for a grandfather and to Augustus for a great-uncle. On the other hand, the plain Roman knight, Pomponius Atticus, who was great-grandfather to Drusus, seemed to reflect no credit upon the ancestral effigies of the Claudian house; while both in fecundity and in fair fame Agrippina, the consort of Germanicus, ranked higher than Drusus' helpmeet, Livia. The brothers, however, maintained a singular uimity, unshaken by the contentions of their kith and kin. 2.73. His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, â to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, â compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: â "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other's temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. 3.23. In the course of the Games, which had interrupted the trial, Lepida entered the theatre with a number of women of rank; and there, weeping, wailing, invoking her ancestors and Pompey himself, whom that edifice commemorated, whose statues were standing before their eyes, she excited so much sympathy that the crowd burst into tears, with a fierce and ominous outcry against Quirinius, to whose doting years, barren bed, and petty family they were betraying a woman once destined for the bride of Lucius Caesar and the daughter-inâlaw of the deified Augustus. Then, with the torture of her slaves, came the revelation of her crimes; and the motion of Rubellius Blandus, who pressed for her formal outlawry, was carried. Drusus sided with him, though others had proposed more lenient measures. Later, as a concession to Scaurus, who had a son by her, it was decided not to confiscate her property. And now at last Tiberius disclosed that he had ascertained from Quirinius' own slaves that Lepida had attempted their master's life by poison. 3.72. Nearly at the same time, Marcus Lepidus asked permission from the senate to strengthen and decorate the Basilica of Paulus, a monument of the Aemilian house, at his own expense. Public munificence was a custom still; nor had Augustus debarred a Taurus, a Philippus, or a Balbus from devoting the trophies of his arms or the overflow of his wealth to the greater splendour of the capital and the glory of posterity: and now Lepidus, a man of but moderate fortune, followed in their steps by renovating the famous edifice of his fathers. On the other hand, the rebuilding of the Theatre of Pompey, destroyed by a casual fire, was undertaken by Caesar, on the ground that no member of the family was equal to the task of restoration: the name of Pompey was, however, to remain. At the same time, he gave high praise to Sejanus, "through whose energy and watchfulness so grave an outbreak had stopped at one catastrophe." The Fathers voted a statue to Sejanus, to be placed in the Theatre of Pompey. Again, a short time afterwards, when he was honouring Junius Blaesus, proconsul of Africa, with the triumphal insignia, he explained that he did so as a compliment to Sejanus, of whom Blaesus was uncle. â None the less the exploits of Blaesus deserved such a distinction. 5.4. There was in the senate a certain Julius Rusticus, chosen by the Caesar to compile the official journal of its proceedings, and therefore credited with some insight into his thoughts. Under some fatal impulse â for he had never before given an indication of courage â or possibly through a misapplied acuteness which made him blind to dangers imminent and terrified of dangers uncertain, Rusticus insinuated himself among the doubters and warned the consuls not to introduce the question â "A touch," he insisted, "could turn the scale in the gravest of matters: it was possible that some day the extinction of the house of Germanicus might move the old man's penitence." At the same time, the people, carrying effigies of Agrippina and Nero, surrounded the curia, and, cheering for the Caesar, clamoured that the letter was spurious and that it was contrary to the Emperor's wish that destruction was plotted against his house. On that day, therefore, no tragedy was perpetrated. There were circulated, also, under consular names, fictitious attacks upon Sejanus: for authors in plenty exercised their capricious imagination with all the petulance of anonymity. The result was to fan his anger and to supply him with the material for fresh charges:â "The senate had spurned the sorrow of its emperor, the people had forsworn its allegiance. Already disloyal harangues, disloyal decrees of the Fathers, were listened to and perused: what remained but to take the sword and in the persons whose effigies they had followed as their ensigns to choose their generals and their princes?" 13.31. In the consulate of Nero, for the second time, and of Lucius Piso, little occurred that deserves remembrance, unless the chronicler is pleased to fill his rolls with panegyrics of the foundations and the beams on which the Caesar reared his vast amphitheatre in the Campus Martius; although, in accordance with the dignity of the Roman people, it has been held fitting to consign great events to the page of history and details such as these to the urban gazette. Still, the colonies of Capua and Nuceria were reinforced by a draft of veterans; the populace was given a gratuity of four hundred sesterces a head; and forty millions were paid into the treasury to keep the public credit stable. Also, the tax of four per cent on the purchase of slaves was remitted more in appearance than in effect: for, as payment was now required from the vendor, the buyers found the amount added as part of the price. The Caesar, too, issued an edict that no magistrate or procurator should, in the province for which he was responsible, exhibit a gladiatorial spectacle, a display of wild beasts, or any other entertainment. Previously, a subject community suffered as much from the spurious liberality as from the rapacity of its governors, screening as they did by corruption the offences they had committed in wantonness. 14.61. At once exulting crowds scaled the Capitol, and Heaven at last found itself blessed. They hurled down the effigies of Poppaea, they carried the statues of Octavia shoulder-high, strewed them with flowers, upraised them in the forum and the temples. Even the emperor's praises were essayed with vociferous loyalty. Already they were filling the Palace itself with their numbers and their cheers, when bands of soldiers emerged and scattered them in disorder with whipcuts and levelled weapons. All the changes effected by the outbreak were rectified, and the honours of Poppaea were reinstated. She herself, always cruel in her hatreds, and now rendered more so by her fear that either the violence of the multitude might break out in a fiercer storm or Nero follow the trend of popular feeling, threw herself at his knees:â "Her affairs," she said, "were not in a position in which she could fight for her marriage, though it was dearer to her than life: that life itself had been brought to the verge of destruction by those retainers and slaves of Octavia who had conferred on themselves the name of the people and dared in peace what would scarcely happen in war. Those arms had been lifted against the sovereign; only a leader had been lacking, and, once the movement had begun, a leader was easily come by, â the one thing necessary was an excursion from Campania, a personal visit to the capital by her whose distant nod evoked the storm! And apart from this, what was Poppaea's transgression? in what had she offended anyone? Or was the reason that she was on the point of giving an authentic heir to the hearth of the Caesars? Did the Roman nation prefer the progeny of an Egyptian flute-player to be introduced to the imperial throne? â In brief, if policy so demanded, then as an act of grace, but not of compulsion, let him send for the lady who owned him â or else take thought for his security! A deserved castigation and lenient remedies had allayed the first commotion; but let the mob once lose hope of seeing Octavia Nero's wife and they would soon provide her with a husband!" |
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| 79. Tacitus, Agricola, 6.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55 |
| 80. Suetonius, Nero, 32.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55 |
| 81. Suetonius, Iulius, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 230 |
| 82. Suetonius, Galba, 9.2, 10.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 149 |
| 83. Suetonius, De Historicis, 1.48, 2.87, 3.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 126, 247 |
| 84. Suetonius, Caligula, 37.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 81 |
| 85. Silius Italicus, Punica, 3.58-3.60, 7.437-7.493, 13.36-13.78 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 317; Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 250; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 317 |
| 86. Statius, Siluae, 1.1.84-1.1.86 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 230 |
| 87. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.33.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Burton (2009), Dionysus and Rome: Religion and Literature, 139 |
| 88. Seneca The Younger, Oedipus, 700, 702-705, 701 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 24 |
| 89. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 2.20, 6.32.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 24; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 126 |
| 90. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 87.9-87.10, 95.72-95.73, 113.31, 120.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 23; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 193, 350 |
| 91. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 3.16-3.24 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 24 |
| 92. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 14.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 158 |
93. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.1.9, 2.10.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 20| 2.10.3. ὁ δὲ ἦγεν ἐν τάξει ἔτι, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα, καίπερ ἐν ἀπόπτῳ ἤδη ἔχων τὴν Δαρείου δύναμιν, βάδην, τοῦ μὴ διασπασθῆναί τι ἐν τῇ ξυντονωτέρᾳ πορείᾳ κυμῆναν τῆς φάλαγγος· ὡς δὲ ἐντὸς βέλους ἐγίγνοντο, πρῶτοι δὴ οἱ κατὰ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ τεταγμένος δρόμῳ ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐνέβαλον, ὡς τῇ τε ὀξύτητι τῆς ἐφόδου ἐκπλῆξαι τοὺς Πέρσας καὶ τοῦ θᾶσσον ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντας ὀλίγα πρὸς τῶν τοξοτῶν βλάπτεσθαι. καὶ ξυνέβη ὅπως εἴκασεν Ἀλέξανδρος. | |
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| 94. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 208, 390, 207 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 24 |
| 95. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.12.1-1.12.3, 1.13.2-1.13.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 24 |
| 96. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 1.1 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 330 |
| 97. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 8.16.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 100 |
| 98. Aristides Quintilianus, On Music, 2.6 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Burton (2009), Dionysus and Rome: Religion and Literature, 139 |
99. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.15.4, 8.30.8, 9.27.2-9.27.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 218; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55, 127| 1.15.4. ἐνταῦθα ἀσπίδες κεῖνται χαλκαῖ, καὶ ταῖς μέν ἐστιν ἐπίγραμμα ἀπὸ Σ κιωναίων καὶ τῶν ἐπικούρων εἶναι, τὰς δὲ ἐπαληλιμμένας πίσσῃ, μὴ σφᾶς ὅ τε χρόνος λυμήνηται καὶ ὁ ἰός, Λακεδαιμονίων εἶναι λέγεται τῶν ἁλόντων ἐν τῇ Σφακτηρίᾳ νήσῳ. 8.30.8. Μεγαλοπολίταις δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐστιν ὄπισθεν τοῦ περιβόλου τοῦ ἀνειμένου τῷ Λυκαίῳ Διὶ ἀνὴρ ἐπειργασμένος ἐπὶ στήλῃ, Πολύβιος Λυκόρτα· γέγραπται δὲ καὶ ἐλεγεῖα ἐπʼ αὐτῷ λέγοντα ὡς ἐπὶ γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν πᾶσαν πλανηθείη, καὶ ὅτι σύμμαχος γένοιτο Ῥωμαίων καὶ παύσειεν αὐτοὺς ὀργῆς τῆς ἐς τὸ Ἑλληνικόν. συνέγραψε δὲ ὁ Πολύβιος οὗτος καὶ ἄλλα ἔργα Ῥωμαίων καὶ ὡς Καρχηδονίοις κατέστησαν ἐς πόλεμον, αἰτία τε ἥτις ἐγένετο αὐτοῦ καὶ ὡς ὀψὲ 9.27.2. Ἔρωτα δὲ ἄνθρωποι μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ νεώτατον θεῶν εἶναι καὶ Ἀφροδίτης παῖδα ἥγηνται· Λύκιος δὲ Ὠλήν, ὃς καὶ τοὺς ὕμνους τοὺς ἀρχαιοτάτους ἐποίησεν Ἕλλησιν, οὗτος ὁ Ὠλὴν ἐν Εἰλειθυίας ὕμνῳ μητέρα Ἔρωτος τὴν Εἰλείθυιάν φησιν εἶναι. Ὠλῆνος δὲ ὕστερον Πάμφως τε ἔπη καὶ Ὀρφεὺς ἐποίησαν· καί σφισιν ἀμφοτέροις πεποιημένα ἐστὶν ἐς Ἔρωτα, ἵνα ἐπὶ τοῖς δρωμένοις Λυκομίδαι καὶ ταῦτα ᾄδωσιν· ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπελεξάμην ἀνδρὶ ἐς λόγους ἐλθὼν δᾳδουχοῦντι. καὶ τῶν μὲν οὐ πρόσω ποιήσομαι μνήμην· Ἡσίοδον δὲ ἢ τὸν Ἡσιόδῳ Θεογονίαν ἐσποιήσαντα οἶδα γράψαντα ὡς Χάος πρῶτον, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτῷ Γῆ τε καὶ Τάρταρος καὶ Ἔρως γένοιτο· 9.27.3. Σαπφὼ δὲ ἡ Λεσβία πολλά τε καὶ οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντα ἀλλήλοις ἐς Ἔρωτα ᾖσε. Θεσπιεῦσι δὲ ὕστερον χαλκοῦν εἰργάσατο Ἔρωτα Λύσιππος , καὶ ἔτι πρότερον τούτου Πραξιτέλης λίθου τοῦ Πεντελῆσι. καὶ ὅσα μὲν εἶχεν ἐς Φρύνην καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ Πραξιτέλει τῆς γυναικὸς σόφισμα, ἑτέρωθι ἤδη μοι δεδήλωται· πρῶτον δὲ τὸ ἄγαλμα κινῆσαι τοῦ Ἔρωτος λέγουσι Γάιον δυναστεύσαντα ἐν Ῥώμῃ, Κλαυδίου δὲ ὀπίσω Θεσπιεῦσιν ἀποπέμψαντος Νέρωνα αὖθις δεύτερα ἀνάσπαστον ποιῆσαι. 9.27.4. καὶ τὸν μὲν φλὸξ αὐτόθι διέφθειρε· τῶν δὲ ἀσεβησάντων ἐς τὸν θεὸν ὁ μὲν ἀνθρώπῳ στρατιώτῃ διδοὺς ἀεὶ τὸ αὐτὸ σύνθημα μετὰ ὑπούλου χλευασίας ἐς τοσοῦτο προήγαγε θυμοῦ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὥστε σύνθημα διδόντα αὐτὸν διεργάζεται, Νέρωνι δὲ παρὲξ ἢ τὰ ἐς τὴν μητέρα ἐστὶ καὶ ἐς γυναῖκας γαμετὰς ἐναγῆ τε καὶ ἀνέραστα τολμήματα. τὸν δὲ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν Ἔρωτα ἐν Θεσπιαῖς ἐποίησεν Ἀθηναῖος Μηνόδωρος , τὸ ἔργον τὸ Πραξιτέλους μιμούμενος. | 1.15.4. Here are dedicated brazen shields, and some have an inscription that they are taken from the Scioneans and their allies 421 B.C. , while others, smeared with pitch lest they should be worn by age and rust, are said to be those of the Lacedaemonians who were taken prisoners in the island of Sphacteria . 425 B.C. 8.30.8. In the marketplace of that city, behind the enclosure sacred to Lycaean Zeus, is the figure of a man carved in relief on a slab, Polybius, the son of Lycortas. Elegiac verses are inscribed upon it saying that he roamed over every land and every sea, and that he became the ally of the Itomans and stayed their wrath against the Greek nation. This Polybius wrote also a history of the Romans, including how they went to war with Carthage , what the cause of the war was, and how at last, not before great dangers had been run, Scipio . . . whom they name Carthaginian, because he put an end to the war and razed Carthage to the ground. 9.27.2. Most men consider Love to be the youngest of the gods and the son of Aphrodite. But Olen the Lycian, who composed the oldest Greek hymns, says in a hymn to Eileithyia that she was the mother of Love. Later than Olen , both Pamphos and Orpheus wrote hexameter verse, and composed poems on Love, in order that they might be among those sung by the Lycomidae to accompany the ritual. I read them after conversation with a Torchbearer. of these things I will make no further mention. Hesiod, Hes. Th. 116 foll. or he who wrote the Theogony fathered on Hesiod, writes, I know, that Chaos was born first, and after Chaos, Earth, Tartarus and Love. 9.27.3. Sappho of Lesbos wrote many poems about Love, but they are not consistent. Later on Lysippus made a bronze Love for the Thespians, and previously Praxiteles one of Pentelic marble. The story of Phryne and the trick she played on Praxiteles I have related in another place. See Paus. 1.20.1 . The first to remove the image of Love, it is said, was Gaius the Roman Emperor; Claudius, they say, sent it back to Thespiae , but Nero carried it away a second time. 9.27.4. At Rome the image perished by fire. of the pair who sinned against the god, Gaius was killed by a private soldier, just as he was giving the password; he had made the soldier very angry by always giving the same password with a covert sneer. The other, Nero, in addition to his violence to his mother, committed accursed and hateful crimes against his wedded wives. The modern Love at Thespiae was made by the Athenian Menodorus, who copied the work of Praxiteles. |
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100. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11, 7.29 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 246; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53 | 2.11. To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell. 7.29. To Montanus. You will first laugh, then feel annoyed, and then laugh again, if ever you read something which you will think almost incredible, unless you see it with your own eyes. I noticed the other day, just before you come to the first milestone on the Tiburtine Road, a monument to Pallas * bearing this inscription |
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| 101. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.24.2-2.24.6, 4.20.10, 5.19.15, 6.12.4-6.12.5, 6.13.3, 6.19, 11.2.1, 11.2.5, 13.24, 15.12, 17.6.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 362; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 194, 196, 197, 202, 203, 208 |
102. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 11.13, 43.14.6, 43.45.3-43.45.4, 44.12, 51.17.6, 51.22.1-51.22.3, 60.6.8, 68.29.1, 68.30.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 105; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 53, 55, 230 | 11.13. 1. Now while Regulus was encamped beside the Bagradas river, there appeared a serpent of huge bulk, the length of which is said to have been one hundred and twenty feet (for its slough was carried to Rome for exhibition), and the rest of its body corresponded in size. It destroyed many of the soldiers who approached it and some also who were drinking from the river. Regulus overcame it with a crowd of soldiers and with catapults. Dio the Roman . . . says that when Regulus, the Roman consul, was warring against Carthage, a serpent suddenly crept out of the palisade of the Roman army and lay there. By his command the Romans slew the reptile, and having flayed it, sent its skin, a great wonder, to the senate at Rome. And when measured by this same senate, as Dio himself goes on to report, it was found to have a length of one hundred and twenty feet; its thickness, moreover, was proportionate to its length. After thus destroying it, he gave battle by night to Hamilcar, who was encamped upon a high, wooded spot; and he slew many in their beds as well as many who had been aroused. Any who escaped fell in with the Romans guarding the roads and perished. In this way a large part of the Carthaginians was destroyed and many of their cities were going over to the Romans. Zonara 43.14.6. And they decreed that a chariot of his should be placed on the Capitol facing the statue of Jupiter, that his statue in bronze should be mounted upon a likeness of the inhabited world, with an inscription to the effect that he was a demigod, and that his name should be inscribed upon the Capitol in place of that of Catulus on the ground that he had completed this temple after undertaking to call Catulus to account for the building of it. 43.45.3. Another likeness they set up in the temple of Quirinus with the inscription, "To the Invincible God," and another on the Capitol beside the former kings of Rome. 43.45.4. Now it occurs to me to marvel at the coincidence: there were eight such statues, â seven to the kings, and an eighth to the Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, â and they set up the statue of Caesar beside the last of these; and it was from this cause chiefly that the other Brutus, Marcus, was roused to plot against him. 44.12. 1. Making the most of his having the same name as the great Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, they scattered broadcast many pamphlets, declaring that he was not truly that man's descendant; for the older Brutus had put to death both his sons, the only ones he had, when they were mere lads, and left no offspring whatever.,2. Nevertheless, the majority pretended to accept such a relationship, in order that Brutus, as a kinsman of that famous man, might be induced to perform deeds as great. They kept continually calling upon him, shouting out "Brutus, Brutus!" and adding further "We need a Brutus.",3. Finally on the statue of the early Brutus they wrote "Would that thou wert living!" and upon the tribunal of the living Brutus (for he was praetor at the time and this is the name given to the seat on which the praetor sits in judgment) "Brutus, thou sleepest," and "Thou art not Brutus." 51.17.6. So much for these events. In the palace quantities of treasure were found. For Cleopatra had taken practically all the offerings from even the holiest shrines and so helped the Romans swell their spoils without incurring any defilement on their own part. Large sums were also obtained from every man against whom any charge of misdemeanour were brought. 51.22.1. After finishing this celebration Caesar dedicated the temple of Minerva, called also the Chalcidicum, and the Curia Iulia, which had been built in honour of his father. In the latter he set up the statue of Victory which is still in existence, thus signifying that it was from her that he had received the empire. 51.22.2. It had belonged to the people of Tarentum, whence it was now brought to Rome, placed in the senate-chamber, and decked with the spoils of Egypt. The same course was followed in the case of the shrine of Julius which was consecrated at this time, 51.22.3. for many of these spoils were placed in it also; and others were dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus and to Juno and Minerva, after all the objects in these temples which were supposed to have been placed there previously as dedications, or were actually dedications, had by decree been taken down at this time as defiled. Thus Cleopatra, though defeated and captured, was nevertheless glorified, inasmuch as her adornments repose as dedications in our temples and she herself is seen in gold in the shrine of Venus. 60.6.8. He restored to the various cities the statues which Gaius had ordered them to send to Rome, and he also restored to Castor and Pollux their temple, and placed Pompey's name once more upon his theatre. On the stage of the latter he inscribed also the name of Tiberius, because that emperor had rebuilt the structure after it had been burned. 68.29.1. Then he came to the ocean itself, and when he had learned its nature and had seen a ship sailing to India, he said: "I should certainly have crossed over to the Indi, too, if I were still young." For he began to think about the Indi and was curious about their affairs, and he counted Alexander a lucky man. Yet he would declare that he himself had advanced farther than Alexander, and would so write to the senate, although he was unable to preserve even the territory that he had subdued. 68.30.1. Trajan learned of this at Babylon; for he had gone there both because of its fame â though he saw nothing but mounds and stones and ruins to justify this â and because of Alexander, to whose spirit he offered sacrifice in the room where he had died. When he learned of the revolt, he sent Lusius and Maximus against the rebels. |
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| 103. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53 |
104. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11, 7.29 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 246; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53 | 2.11. To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell. 7.29. To Montanus. You will first laugh, then feel annoyed, and then laugh again, if ever you read something which you will think almost incredible, unless you see it with your own eyes. I noticed the other day, just before you come to the first milestone on the Tiburtine Road, a monument to Pallas * bearing this inscription |
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| 105. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 2.73 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 120 |
106. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 7.131 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 23, 24 | 7.131. It is also their doctrine that amongst the wise there should be a community of wives with free choice of partners, as Zeno says in his Republic and Chrysippus in his treatise On Government [and not only they, but also Diogenes the Cynic and Plato]. Under such circumstances we shall feel paternal affection for all the children alike, and there will be an end of the jealousies arising from adultery. The best form of government they hold to be a mixture of democracy, kingship, and aristocracy (or the rule of the best).Such, then, are the statements they make in their ethical doctrines, with much more besides, together with their proper proofs: let this, however, suffice for a statement of them in a summary and elementary form. |
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| 107. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.14.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Burton (2009), Dionysus and Rome: Religion and Literature, 139 |
| 108. Servius, In Vergilii Georgicon Libros, 1.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 120 |
| 109. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.14.7, 3.14.9, 3.16.14, 3.17.3-3.17.4, 3.17.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantius, p. (scipio africanus the younger) •scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Burton (2009), Dionysus and Rome: Religion and Literature, 139; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 173; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 208 |
| 110. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 2.166, 3.519, 7.614, 8.688 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •scipio aemilianus, discipline •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 125, 126; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
111. Augustine, The City of God, 2.21, 6.9, 19.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 228; Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 120; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 74 | 2.21. But if our adversaries do not care how foully and disgracefully the Roman republic be stained by corrupt practices, so long only as it holds together and continues in being, and if they therefore pooh-pooh the testimony of Sallust to its utterly wicked and profligate condition, what will they make of Cicero's statement, that even in his time it had become entirely extinct, and that there remained extant no Roman republic at all? He introduces Scipio (the Scipio who had destroyed Carthage) discussing the republic, at a time when already there were presentiments of its speedy ruin by that corruption which Sallust describes. In fact, at the time when the discussion took place, one of the Gracchi, who, according to Sallust, was the first great instigator of seditions, had already been put to death. His death, indeed, is mentioned in the same book. Now Scipio, at the end of the second book, says: As among the different sounds which proceed from lyres, flutes, and the human voice, there must be maintained a certain harmony which a cultivated ear cannot endure to hear disturbed or jarring, but which may be elicited in full and absolute concord by the modulation even of voices very unlike one another; so, where reason is allowed to modulate the diverse elements of the state, there is obtained a perfect concord from the upper, lower, and middle classes as from various sounds; and what musicians call harmony in singing, is concord in matters of state, which is the strictest bond and best security of any republic, and which by no ingenuity can be retained where justice has become extinct. Then, when he had expatiated somewhat more fully, and had more copiously illustrated the benefits of its presence and the ruinous effects of its absence upon a state, Pilus, one of the company present at the discussion, struck in and demanded that the question should be more thoroughly sifted, and that the subject of justice should be freely discussed for the sake of ascertaining what truth there was in the maxim which was then becoming daily more current, that the republic cannot be governed without injustice. Scipio expressed his willingness to have this maxim discussed and sifted, and gave it as his opinion that it was baseless, and that no progress could be made in discussing the republic unless it was established, not only that this maxim, that the republic cannot be governed without injustice, was false, but also that the truth is, that it cannot be governed without the most absolute justice. And the discussion of this question, being deferred till the next day, is carried on in the third book with great animation. For Pilus himself undertook to defend the position that the republic cannot be governed without injustice, at the same time being at special pains to clear himself of any real participation in that opinion. He advocated with great keenness the cause of injustice against justice, and endeavored by plausible reasons and examples to demonstrate that the former is beneficial, the latter useless, to the republic. Then, at the request of the company, L lius attempted to defend justice, and strained every nerve to prove that nothing is so hurtful to a state as injustice; and that without justice a republic can neither be governed, nor even continue to exist. When this question has been handled to the satisfaction of the company, Scipio reverts to the original thread of discourse, and repeats with commendation his own brief definition of a republic, that it is the good of the people. The people he defines as being not every assemblage or mob, but an assemblage associated by a common acknowledgment of law, and by a community of interests. Then he shows the use of definition in debate; and from these definitions of his own he gathers that a republic, or good of the people, then exists only when it is well and justly governed, whether by a monarch, or an aristocracy, or by the whole people. But when the monarch is unjust, or, as the Greeks say, a tyrant; or the aristocrats are unjust, and form a faction; or the people themselves are unjust, and become, as Scipio for want of a better name calls them, themselves the tyrant, then the republic is not only blemished (as had been proved the day before), but by legitimate deduction from those definitions, it altogether ceases to be. For it could not be the people's good when a tyrant factiously lorded it over the state; neither would the people be any longer a people if it were unjust, since it would no longer answer the definition of a people - an assemblage associated by a common acknowledgment of law, and by a community of interests. When, therefore, the Roman republic was such as Sallust described it, it was not utterly wicked and profligate, as he says, but had altogether ceased to exist, if we are to admit the reasoning of that debate maintained on the subject of the republic by its best representatives. Tully himself, too, speaking not in the person of Scipio or any one else, but uttering his own sentiments, uses the following language in the beginning of the fifth book, after quoting a line from the poet Ennius, in which he said, Rome's severe morality and her citizens are her safeguard. This verse, says Cicero, seems to me to have all the sententious truthfulness of an oracle. For neither would the citizens have availed without the morality of the community, nor would the morality of the commons without outstanding men have availed either to establish or so long to maintain in vigor so grand a republic with so wide and just an empire. Accordingly, before our day, the hereditary usages formed our foremost men, and they on their part retained the usages and institutions of their fathers. But our age, receiving the republic as a chef-d'oeuvre of another age which has already begun to grow old, has not merely neglected to restore the colors of the original, but has not even been at the pains to preserve so much as the general outline and most outstanding features. For what survives of that primitive morality which the poet called Rome's safeguard? It is so obsolete and forgotten, that, far from practising it, one does not even know it. And of the citizens what shall I say? Morality has perished through poverty of great men; a poverty for which we must not only assign a reason, but for the guilt of which we must answer as criminals charged with a capital crime. For it is through our vices, and not by any mishap, that we retain only the name of a republic, and have long since lost the reality. This is the confession of Cicero, long indeed after the death of Africanus, whom he introduced as an interlocutor in his work De Republica, but still before the coming of Christ. Yet, if the disasters he bewails had been lamented after the Christian religion had been diffused, and had begun to prevail, is there a man of our adversaries who would not have thought that they were to be imputed to the Christians? Why, then, did their gods not take steps then to prevent the decay and extinction of that republic, over the loss of which Cicero, long before Christ had come in the flesh, sings so mournful a dirge? Its admirers have need to inquire whether, even in the days of primitive men and morals, true justice flourished in it; or was it not perhaps even then, to use the casual expression of Cicero, rather a colored painting than the living reality? But, if God will, we shall consider this elsewhere. For I mean in its own place to show that - according to the definitions in which Cicero himself, using Scipio as his mouthpiece, briefly propounded what a republic is, and what a people is, and according to many testimonies, both of his own lips and of those who took part in that same debate - Rome never was a republic, because true justice had never a place in it. But accepting the more feasible definitions of a republic, I grant there was a republic of a certain kind, and certainly much better administered by the more ancient Romans than by their modern representatives. But the fact is, true justice has no existence save in that republic whose founder and ruler is Christ, if at least any choose to call this a republic; and indeed we cannot deny that it is the people's good. But if perchance this name, which has become familiar in other connections, be considered alien to our common parlance, we may at all events say that in this city is true justice; the city of which Holy Scripture says, Glorious things are said of you, O city of God. 6.9. And as to those very offices of the gods, so meanly and so minutely portioned out, so that they say that they ought to be supplicated, each one according to his special function - about which we have spoken much already, though not all that is to be said concerning it - are they not more consistent with mimic buffoonery than divine majesty? If any one should use two nurses for his infant, one of whom should give nothing but food, the other nothing but drink, as these make use of two goddesses for this purpose, Educa and Potina, he should certainly seem to be foolish, and to do in his house a thing worthy of a mimic. They would have Liber to have been named from liberation, because through him males at the time of copulation are liberated by the emission of the seed. They also say that Libera (the same in their opinion as Venus) exercises the same function in the case of women, because they say that they also emit seed; and they also say that on this account the same part of the male and of the female is placed in the temple, that of the male to Liber, and that of the female to Libera. To these things they add the women assigned to Liber, and the wine for exciting lust. Thus the Bacchanalia are celebrated with the utmost insanity, with respect to which Varro himself confesses that such things would not be done by the Bacchanals except their minds were highly excited. These things, however, afterwards displeased a saner senate, and it ordered them to be discontinued. Here, at length, they perhaps perceived how much power unclean spirits, when held to be gods, exercise over the minds of men. These things, certainly, were not to be done in the theatres; for there they play, not rave, although to have gods who are delighted with such plays is very like raving. But what kind of distinction is this which he makes between the religious and the superstitious man, saying that the gods are feared by the superstitious man, but are reverenced as parents by the religious man, not feared as enemies; and that they are all so good that they will more readily spare those who are impious than hurt one who is innocent? And yet he tells us that three gods are assigned as guardians to a woman after she has been delivered, lest the god Silvanus come in and molest her; and that in order to signify the presence of these protectors, three men go round the house during the night, and first strike the threshold with a hatchet, next with a pestle, and the third time sweep it with a brush, in order that these symbols of agriculture having been exhibited, the god Silvanus might be hindered from entering, because neither are trees cut down or pruned without a hatchet, neither is grain ground without a pestle, nor grain heaped up without a besom. Now from these three things three gods have been named: Intercidona, from the cut made by the hatchet; Pilumnus, from the pestle; Diverra, from the besom;- by which guardian gods the woman who has been delivered is preserved against the power of the god Silvanus. Thus the guardianship of kindly-disposed gods would not avail against the malice of a mischievous god, unless they were three to one, and fought against him, as it were, with the opposing emblems of cultivation, who, being an inhabitant of the woods, is rough, horrible, and uncultivated. Is this the innocence of the gods? Is this their concord? Are these the health-giving deities of the cities, more ridiculous than the things which are laughed at in the theatres? When a male and a female are united, the god Jugatinus presides. Well, let this be borne with. But the married woman must be brought home: the god Domiducus also is invoked. That she may be in the house, the god Domitius is introduced. That she may remain with her husband, the goddess Manturn is used. What more is required? Let human modesty be spared. Let the lust of flesh and blood go on with the rest, the secret of shame being respected. Why is the bed-chamber filled with a crowd of deities, when even the groomsmen have departed? And, moreover, it is so filled, not that in consideration of their presence more regard may be paid to chastity, but that by their help the woman, naturally of the weaker sex, and trembling with the novelty of her situation, may the more readily yield her virginity. For there are the goddess Virginiensis, and the god-father Subigus, and the goddess-mother Prema, and the goddess Pertunda, and Venus, and Priapus. What is this? If it was absolutely necessary that a man, laboring at this work, should be helped by the gods, might not some one god or goddess have been sufficient? Was Venus not sufficient alone, who is even said to be named from this, that without her power a woman does not cease to be a virgin? If there is any shame in men, which is not in the deities, is it not the case that, when the married couple believe that so many gods of either sex are present, and busy at this work, they are so much affected with shame, that the man is less moved, and the woman more reluctant? And certainly, if the goddess Virginiensis is present to loose the virgin's zone, if the god Subigus is present that the virgin may be got under the man, if the goddess Prema is present that, having been got under him, she may be kept down, and may not move herself, what has the goddess Pertunda to do there? Let her blush; let her go forth. Let the husband himself do something. It is disgraceful that any one but himself should do that from which she gets her name. But perhaps she is tolerated because she is said to be a goddess, and not a god. For if she were believed to be a male, and were called Pertundus, the husband would demand more help against him for the chastity of his wife than the newly-delivered woman against Silvanus. But why am I saying this, when Priapus, too, is there, a male to excess, upon whose immense and most unsightly member the newly-married bride is commanded to sit, according to the most honorable and most religious custom of matrons? Let them go on, and let them attempt with all the subtlety they can to distinguish the civil theology from the fabulous, the cities from the theatres, the temples from the stages, the sacred things of the priests from the songs of the poets, as honorable things from base things, truthful things from fallacious, grave from light, serious from ludicrous, desirable things from things to be rejected, we understand what they do. They are aware that that theatrical and fabulous theology hangs by the civil, and is reflected back upon it from the songs of the poets as from a mirror; and thus, that theology having been exposed to view which they do not dare to condemn, they more freely assail and censure that picture of it, in order that those who perceive what they mean may detest this very face itself of which that is the picture - which, however, the gods themselves, as though seeing themselves in the same mirror, love so much, that it is better seen in both of them who and what they are. Whence, also, they have compelled their worshippers, with terrible commands, to dedicate to them the uncleanness of the fabulous theology, to put them among their solemnities, and reckon them among divine things; and thus they have both shown themselves more manifestly to be most impure spirits, and have made that rejected and reprobated theatrical theology a member and a part of this, as it were, chosen and approved theology of the city, so that, though the whole is disgraceful and false, and contains in it fictitious gods, one part of it is in the literature of the priests, the other in the songs of the poets. Whether it may have other parts is another question. At present, I think, I have sufficiently shown, on account of the division of Varro, that the theology of the city and that of the theatre belong to one civil theology. Wherefore, because they are both equally disgraceful, absurd, shameful, false, far be it from religious men to hope for eternal life from either the one or the other. In fine, even Varro himself, in his account and enumeration of the gods, starts from the moment of a man's conception. He commences the series of those gods who take charge of man with Janus, carries it on to the death of the man decrepit with age, and terminates it with the goddess N nia, who is sung at the funerals of the aged. After that, he begins to give an account of the other gods, whose province is not man himself, but man's belongings, as food, clothing, and all that is necessary for this life; and, in the case of all these, he explains what is the special office of each, and for what each ought to be supplicated. But with all this scrupulous and comprehensive diligence, he has neither proved the existence, nor so much as mentioned the name, of any god from whom eternal life is to be sought - the one object for which we are Christians. Who, then, is so stupid as not to perceive that this man, by setting forth and opening up so diligently the civil theology, and by exhibiting its likeness to that fabulous, shameful, and disgraceful theology, and also by teaching that that fabulous sort is also a part of this other, was laboring to obtain a place in the minds of men for none but that natural theology, which he says pertains to philosophers, with such subtlety that he censures the fabulous, and, not daring openly to censure the civil, shows its censurable character by simply exhibiting it; and thus, both being reprobated by the judgment of men of right understanding, the natural alone remains to be chosen? But concerning this in its own place, by the help of the true God, we have to discuss more diligently. 19.3. Which of these three is true and to be adopted he attempts to show in the following manner. As it is the supreme good, not of a tree, or of a beast, or of a god, but of man that philosophy is in quest of, he thinks that, first of all, we must define man. He is of opinion that there are two parts in human nature, body and soul, and makes no doubt that of these two the soul is the better and by far the more worthy part. But whether the soul alone is the man, so that the body holds the same relation to it as a horse to the horseman, this he thinks has to be ascertained. The horseman is not a horse and a man, but only a man, yet he is called a horseman, because he is in some relation to the horse. Again, is the body alone the man, having a relation to the soul such as the cup has to the drink? For it is not the cup and the drink it contains which are called the cup, but the cup alone; yet it is so called because it is made to hold the drink. Or, lastly, is it neither the soul alone nor the body alone, but both together, which are man, the body and the soul being each a part, but the whole man being both together, as we call two horses yoked together a pair, of which pair the near and the off horse is each a part, but we do not call either of them, no matter how connected with the other, a pair, but only both together? of these three alternatives, then, Varro chooses the third, that man is neither the body alone, nor the soul alone, but both together. And therefore the highest good, in which lies the happiness of man, is composed of goods of both kinds, both bodily and spiritual. And consequently he thinks that the primary objects of nature are to be sought for their own sake, and that virtue, which is the art of living, and can be communicated by instruction, is the most excellent of spiritual goods. This virtue, then, or art of regulating life, when it has received these primary objects of nature which existed independently of it, and prior to any instruction, seeks them all, and itself also, for its own sake; and it uses them, as it also uses itself, that from them all it may derive profit and enjoyment, greater or less, according as they are themselves greater or less; and while it takes pleasure in all of them, it despises the less that it may obtain or retain the greater when occasion demands. Now, of all goods, spiritual or bodily, there is none at all to compare with virtue. For virtue makes a good use both of itself and of all other goods in which lies man's happiness; and where it is absent, no matter how many good things a man has, they are not for his good, and consequently should not be called good things while they belong to one who makes them useless by using them badly. The life of man, then, is called happy when it enjoys virtue and these other spiritual and bodily good things without which virtue is impossible. It is called happier if it enjoys some or many other good things which are not essential to virtue; and happiest of all, if it lacks not one of the good things which pertain to the body and the soul. For life is not the same thing as virtue, since not every life, but a wisely regulated life, is virtue; and yet, while there can be life of some kind without virtue, there cannot be virtue without life. This I might apply to memory and reason, and such mental faculties; for these exist prior to instruction, and without them there cannot be any instruction, and consequently no virtue, since virtue is learned. But bodily advantages, such as swiftness of foot, beauty, or strength, are not essential to virtue, neither is virtue essential to them, and yet they are good things; and, according to our philosophers, even these advantages are desired by virtue for its own sake, and are used and enjoyed by it in a becoming manner. They say that this happy life is also social, and loves the advantages of its friends as its own, and for their sake wishes for them what it desires for itself, whether these friends live in the same family, as a wife, children, domestics; or in the locality where one's home is, as the citizens of the same town; or in the world at large, as the nations bound in common human brotherhood; or in the universe itself, comprehended in the heavens and the earth, as those whom they call gods, and provide as friends for the wise man, and whom we more familiarly call angels. Moreover, they say that, regarding the supreme good and evil, there is no room for doubt, and that they therefore differ from the New Academy in this respect, and they are not concerned whether a philosopher pursues those ends which they think true in the Cynic dress and manner of life or in some other. And, lastly, in regard to the three modes of life, the contemplative, the active, and the composite, they declare in favor of the third. That these were the opinions and doctrines of the Old Academy, Varro asserts on the authority of Antiochus, Cicero's master and his own, though Cicero makes him out to have been more frequently in accordance with the Stoics than with the Old Academy. But of what importance is this to us, who ought to judge the matter on its own merits, rather than to understand accurately what different men have thought about it? |
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| 112. Victor, De Caesaribus, 28.6-28.8 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 113. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pescennius Niger, 3.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 247 |
| 114. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 12.10-12.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54 |
| 115. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 24.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 116. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 32.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 117. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 4.56.3, 9.9.28 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 247 |
| 118. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 9.7.1, 9.7.3, 16.10.4 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 247, 276 |
| 119. Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 58.8 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 100 |
| 120. Justinian, Digest, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 125 |
| 121. Zosimus, New History, 2.30.1 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus, p. (numantinus) Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 23 |
| 122. Justinian, Institutiones, 4.18.4 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 123. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 9 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 125 |
| 124. Procopius, De Bellis, 8.21.11-8.21.14 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127 |
| 125. Arch., Att., 5.10.5 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 330 |
| 126. Cato Maior, Orig., 2.22, 7.9, 7.12 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 196 |
| 127. Zonaras, Epitome, 13.3.1 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus, p. (numantinus) Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 23 |
| 128. Epigraphy, Rcc, None Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40 |
| 129. Theopompus of Chios, Commentarii Rerum Gestarum, None Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
131. Strabo, Geography, 9.2.25, 12.3.36, 12.8.17, 14.1.14 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55 | 9.2.25. The Thespiae of today is by Antimachus spelled Thespeia; for there are many names of places which are used in both ways, both in the singular and in the plural, just as there are many which are used both in the masculine and in the feminine, whereas there are others which are used in either one or the other number only. Thespiae is a city near Mt. Helicon, lying somewhat to the south of it; and both it and Helicon are situated on the Crisaean Gulf. It has a seaport Creusa, also called Creusis. In the Thespian territory, in the part lying towards Helicon, is Ascre, the native city of Hesiod; it is situated on the right of Helicon, on a high and rugged place, and is about forty stadia distant from Thespiae. This city Hesiod himself has satirized in verses which allude to his father, because at an earlier time his father changed his abode to this place from the Aeolian Cyme, saying: And he settled near Helicon in a wretched village, Ascre, which is bad in winter, oppressive in summer, and pleasant at no time. Helicon is contiguous to Phocis in its northerly parts, and to a slight extent also in its westerly parts, in the region of the last harbor belonging to Phocis, the harbor which, from the fact in the case, is called Mychus (inmost depth); for, speaking generally, it is above this harbor of the Crisaean Gulf that Helicon and Ascre, and also Thespiae and its seaport Creusa, are situated. This is also considered the deepest recess of the Crisaean Gulf, and in general of the Corinthian Gulf. The length of the coastline from the harbor Mychus to Creusa is ninety stadia; and the length from Creusa as far as the promontory called Holmiae is one hundred and twenty; and hence Pagae and Oinoe, of which I have already spoken, are situated in the deepest recess of the gulf. Now Helicon, not far distant from Parnassus, rivals it both in height and in circuit; for both are rocky and covered with snow, and their circuit comprises no large extent of territory. Here are the sanctuary of the Muses and Hippu-crene and the cave of the nymphs called the Leibethrides; and from this fact one might infer that those who consecrated Helicon to the Muses were Thracians, the same who dedicated Pieris and Leibethrum and Pimpleia to the same goddesses. The Thracians used to be called Pieres, but, now that they have disappeared, the Macedonians hold these places. It has been said that Thracians once settled in this part of Boeotia, having overpowered the Boeotians, as did also Pelasgians and other barbarians. Now in earlier times Thespiae was well known because of the Eros of Praxiteles, which was sculptured by him and dedicated by Glycera the courtesan (she had received it as a gift from the artist) to the Thespians, since she was a native of the place. Now in earlier times travellers would go up to Thespeia, a city otherwise not worth seeing, to see the Eros; and at present it and Tanagra are the only Boeotian cities that still endure; but of all the rest only ruins and names are left. 12.3.36. Now Comana is a populous city and is a notable emporium for the people from Armenia; and at the times of the exoduses of the goddess people assemble there from everywhere, from both the cities and the country, men together with women, to attend the festival. And there are certain others, also, who in accordance with a vow are always residing there, performing sacrifices in honor of the goddess. And the inhabitants live in luxury, and all their property is planted with vines; and there is a multitude of women who make gain from their persons, most of whom are dedicated to the goddess, for in a way the city is a lesser Corinth, for there too, on account of the multitude of courtesans, who were sacred to Aphrodite, outsiders resorted in great numbers and kept holiday. And the merchants and soldiers who went there squandered all their money so that the following proverb arose in reference to them: Not for every man is the voyage to Corinth. Such, then, is my account of Comana. 12.8.17. Carura forms a boundary between Phrygia and Caria. It is a village; and it has inns, and also fountains of boiling-hot waters, some in the Maeander River and some above its banks. Moreover, it is said that once, when a brothel-keeper had taken lodging in the inns along with a large number of women, an earthquake took place by night, and that he, together with all the women, disappeared from sight. And I might almost say that the whole of the territory in the neighborhood of the Maeander is subject to earthquakes and is undermined with both fire and water as far as the interior; for, beginning at the plains, all these conditions extend through that country to the Charonia, I mean the Charonium at Hierapolis and that at Acharaca in Nysais and that near Magnesia and Myus. In fact, the soil is not only friable and crumbly but is also full of salts and easy to burn out. And perhaps the Maeander is winding for this reason, because the stream often changes its course and, carrying down much silt, adds the silt at different times to different parts of the shore; however, it forcibly thrusts a part of the silt out to the high sea. And, in fact, by its deposits of silt, extending forty stadia, it has made Priene, which in earlier times was on the sea, an inland city. 14.1.14. The distance from the Trogilian promontory to Samos is forty stadia. Samos faces the south, both it and its harbor, which latter has a naval station. The greater part of it is on level ground, being washed by the sea, but a part of it reaches up into the mountain that lies above it. Now on the right, as one sails towards the city, is the Poseidium, a promontory which with Mt. Mycale forms the seven-stadia strait; and it has a temple of Poseidon; and in front of it lies an isle called Narthecis; and on the left is the suburb near the Heraion, and also the Imbrasus River, and the Heraion, an ancient sanctuary and large temple, which is now a picture gallery. Apart from the number of the paintings placed inside, there are other picture galleries and some little temples [naiskoi] full of ancient art. And the area open to the sky is likewise full of most excellent statues. of these, three of colossal size, the work of Myron, stood upon one base; Antony took these statues away, but Augustus Caesar restored two of them, those of Athena and Heracles, to the same base, although he transferred the Zeus to the Capitolium, having erected there a small chapel for that statue. |
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| 132. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantius, p. (scipio africanus the younger) Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 173 |
| 133. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.18.20 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53 |
| 134. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 4.12.2 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53 |
| 135. Cato The Elder, C. Laelius, 20.5 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
| 136. Anon., Three Gordians, The, 3.51 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173 |
| 137. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 207 |
| 138. Pseudo-Quintilian, Major Declamations, 3.12 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27 |
| 139. Various, Anthologia Latina, 6.332 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 117 |
| 141. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.6, 2.6.1-2.6.6 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 100, 101, 103 |
| 142. Pomp., Rom., 27.4 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
| 144. Papyri, P.Mich., 8.476 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 125 |
| 146. Plutarch, Apopht., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 205 |
| 147. Anon., Dimensuratio Provinciarum (Dim), 8-9, 6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 213 |
| 148. Aulius Gellius, Na, 17.17.1 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 103 |
| 149. Cato Maior, Agr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 195 |
| 150. Fronto, Str., 4.1.1 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 204 |
| 151. Marx, Warmington, 86, 84-85 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 206 |
| 152. Pacuvius, Hermiona (Schierl Fr., 134 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 166 |
| 153. Pacuvius, Teucer (Schierl Fr., 241, 238 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 166 |
| 154. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.3-1.11.4, 2.4.4, 2.16.2, 2.22.1, 2.25.4, 2.61.3 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) •scipio aemilianus •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 100, 101; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
| 155. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41 |
| 157. Lucian, Lucil., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 120 |
| 159. Cato Maior, Orat., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 195, 196, 198 |
160. Vergil, Georgics, 2.170-2.172, 2.495-2.498, 2.513, 2.532-2.538 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus •xerxes, as scipio aemilianus •scipio aemilianus Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 44; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270| 2.170. Scipiadas duros bello et te, maxume Caesar, 2.171. qui nunc extremis Asiae iam victor in oris 2.172. inbellem avertis Romanis arcibus Indum. 2.495. illum non populi fasces, non purpura regum 2.496. flexit et infidos agitans discordia fratres 2.497. aut coniurato descendens Dacus ab Histro, 2.498. non res Romanae perituraque regna; neque ille 2.513. Agricola incurvo terram dimovit aratro: 2.532. Hanc olim veteres vitam coluere Sabini, 2.533. hanc Remus et frater, sic fortis Etruria crevit 2.534. scilicet et rerum facta est pulcherrima Roma, 2.535. septemque una sibi muro circumdedit arces. 2.536. Ante etiam sceptrum Dictaei regis et ante 2.537. inpia quam caesis gens est epulata iuvencis, 2.538. aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat; | |
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| 162. Aristotle, Acharnians, 1452 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 255 |
| 166. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 2.26.12-2.26.13 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, discipline Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
167. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.298, 1.366, 1.418-1.429, 4.259, 8.728 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, curse •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus •xerxes, as scipio aemilianus Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 44, 200, 262 | 1.366. (Ilus it was while Ilium 's kingdom stood), 1.418. his many cares, when first the cheerful dawn 1.419. upon him broke, resolved to take survey 1.420. of this strange country whither wind and wave 1.421. had driven him,—for desert land it seemed,— 1.422. to learn what tribes of man or beast possess 1.423. a place so wild, and careful tidings bring 1.424. back to his friends. His fleet of ships the while, 1.425. where dense, dark groves o'er-arch a hollowed crag, 1.426. he left encircled in far-branching shade. 1.427. Then with no followers save his trusty friend 1.428. Achates, he went forth upon his way, 1.429. two broad-tipped javelins poising in his hand. 4.259. a peering eye abides; and, strange to tell, 8.728. adored, as yesterday, the household gods |
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