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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

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subject book bibliographic info
sabin petronius Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 41
sabine Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 31, 61, 84, 148, 184, 195, 196, 199, 203, 210, 331, 367
Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 91, 96, 100, 159, 255
sabine, country Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 405, 413
sabine, estate, gifted to horace by maecenas Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 138, 179, 214, 233
sabine, estate, gifted to horace by maecenas, justifications for acceptance Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 236, 237, 238
sabine, estate, gifted to horace by maecenas, management Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 42, 43, 247
sabine, estate, horace, and Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 169
sabine, god, simon magus, as semo Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 31
sabine, hills Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 180
Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 157
sabine, maccormack König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 8, 204, 207
sabine, maidens Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 55
sabine, mainberger Laemmle (2021), Lists and Catalogues in Ancient Literature and Beyond: Towards a Poetics of Enumeration, 180
sabine, region, farfa, abbey of Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 25
sabine, region, reate, rieti Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 167
sabine, wine, appelation Rohland (2022), Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature, 91
sabine, women Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 181
Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 88, 89, 145
Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 19
sabine, women, rape of Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 272, 273
O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 105
sabine, women, rape of compared with permission to benjaminites to capture their brides Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 667, 668, 669
sabines Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 309
Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 37
Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 53, 188, 242, 243
Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 91, 94, 95, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 107
Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270, 273
Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 55
Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 309
sabines, intermarriage, romans and Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 74, 75, 94, 95
sabines, rome/romans, and Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 75, 76, 94, 95, 98, 99
sabines, rüpke, j. Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 174, 197
sabines, spartan origins of Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 248, 249

List of validated texts:
17 validated results for "sabines"
1. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rome/Romans, and Sabines • Romulus and Camillus, and the rape of the Sabine women • Sabine • Sabine, and marriage • Sabines • Sabines as austere, identity and value of • Sabines as austere, women rape of • intermarriage, Romans and Sabines

 Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 75, 94, 95; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 96, 146

2. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.89, 2.49.2, 3.47 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rome/Romans, and Sabines • Sabines • Sabines, Spartan origins of

 Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 248; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73, 76, 91, 104; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270

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1.89 1. \xa0Such, then, are the facts concerning the origin of the Romans which I\xa0have been able to discover a reading very diligently many works written by both Greek and Roman authors. Hence, from now on let the reader forever renounce the views of those who make Rome a retreat of barbarians, fugitives and vagabonds, and let him confidently affirm it to be a Greek city, â\x80\x94 which will be easy when he shows that it is at once the most hospitable and friendly of all cities, and when he bears in mind that the Aborigines were Oenotrians, and these in turn Arcadians,,2. \xa0and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these.,3. \xa0But the admixtures of the barbarians with the Romans, by which the city forgot many of its ancient institutions, happened at a later time. And it may well seem a cause of wonder to many who reflect on the natural course of events that Rome did not become entirely barbarized after receiving the Opicans, the Marsians, the Samnites, the Tyrrhenians, the Bruttians and many thousands of Umbrians, Ligurians, Iberians and Gauls, besides innumerable other nations, some of whom came from Italy itself and some from other regions and differed from one another both in their language and habits; for their very ways of life, diverse as they were and thrown into turmoil by such dissoce, might have been expected to cause many innovations in the ancient order of the city.,4. \xa0For many others by living among barbarians have in a short time forgotten all their Greek heritage, so that they neither speak the Greek language nor observe the customs of the Greeks nor acknowledge the same gods nor have the same equitable laws (by which most of all the spirit of the Greeks differs from that of the barbarians) nor agree with them in anything else whatever that relates to the ordinary intercourse of life. Those Achaeans who are settled near the Euxine sea are a sufficient proof of my contention; for, though originally Eleans, of a nation the most Greek of any, they are now the most savage of all barbarians.
2.49.2
\xa0But Porcius Cato says that the Sabine race received its name from Sabus, the son of Sancus, a divinity of that country, and that this Sancus was by some called Jupiter Fidius. He says also that their first place of abode was a certain village called Testruna, situated near the city of Amiternum; that from there the Sabines made an incursion at that time into the Reatine territory, which was inhabited by the Aborigines together with the Pelasgians, and took their most famous city, Cutiliae, by force of arms and occupied it; <' "
3.47
1. \xa0Not long afterward the elder of his sons died without acknowledged issue, and a\xa0few days later Demaratus himself died of grief, leaving his surviving son Lucumo heir to his entire fortune. Lucumo, having thus inherited the great wealth of his father, had aspired to public life and a part in the administration of the commonwealth and to be one of its foremost citizens.,2. \xa0But being repulsed on every side by the native-born citizens and excluded, not only from the first, but even from the middle rank, he resented his disfranchisement. And hearing that the Romans gladly received all strangers and made them citizens, he resolved to get together all his riches and remove thither, taking with him his wife and such of his friends and household as wished to go along; and those who were eager to depart with him were many.,3. \xa0When they were come to the hill called Janiculum, from which Rome is first discerned by those who come from Tyrrhenia, an eagle, descending on a sudden, snatched his cap from his head and flew up again with it, and rising in a circular flight, hid himself in the depths of the circumambient air, then of a sudden replaced the cap on his head, fitting it on as it had been before.,4. \xa0This prodigy appearing wonderful and extraordinary to them all, the wife of Lucumo, Tanaquil by name, who had a good understanding standing, through her ancestors, of the Tyrrhenians' augural science, took him aside from the others and, embracing him, filled him with great hopes of rising from his private station to the royal power. She advised him, however, to consider by what means he might render himself worthy to receive the sovereignty by the free choice of the Romans. "' None
3. Horace, Sermones, 2.6.1-2.6.5, 2.6.116 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Horace, and Sabine estate • Sabine estate (gifted to Horace by Maecenas) • Sabine estate (gifted to Horace by Maecenas), management • Sabine farm, the, as gift • Sabine farm, the, as material good

 Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 58, 144, 150; Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 169; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 233, 247

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2.6.1 However, it is not a very easy thing to go over this man’s discourse, nor to know plainly what he means; yet does he seem, amidst a great confusion and disorder in his falsehoods, to produce, in the first place, such things as resemble what we have examined already, and relate to the departure of our forefathers out of Egypt;
2.6.1
nay, when last of all Caesar had taken Alexandria, she came to that pitch of cruelty, that she declared she had some hope of preserving her affairs still, in case she could kill the Jews, though it were with her own hand; to such a degree of barbarity and perfidiousness had she arrived; and doth any one think that we cannot boast ourselves of any thing, if, as Apion says, this queen did not at a time of famine distribute wheat among us?

2.6.116
nay, when last of all Caesar had taken Alexandria, she came to that pitch of cruelty, that she declared she had some hope of preserving her affairs still, in case she could kill the Jews, though it were with her own hand; to such a degree of barbarity and perfidiousness had she arrived; and doth any one think that we cannot boast ourselves of any thing, if, as Apion says, this queen did not at a time of famine distribute wheat among us? '' None
4. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.101-1.134 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Sabines • Tarpeia as Amazon, and Sabine women • rape of Sabine women • rape, of the Sabine women

 Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 272; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 273; Thorsen et al. (2021), Greek and Latin Love: The Poetic Connection, 89, 90, 94; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 78

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1.101 Primus sollicitos fecisti, Romule, ludos, 1.102 rend= 1.103 Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela theatro, 1.105 Illic quas tulerant nemorosa Palatia, frondes 1.107 In gradibus sedit populus de caespite factis, 1.109 Respiciunt, oculisque notant sibi quisque puellam 1.111 Dumque, rudem praebente modum tibicine Tusco, 1.113 In medio plausu (plausus tunc arte carebant) 1.115 Protinus exiliunt, animum clamore fatentes, 1.117 Ut fugiunt aquilas, timidissima turba, columbae, 1.119 Sic illae timuere viros sine more ruentes; 1.121 Nam timor unus erat, facies non una timoris: 1.123 Altera maesta silet, frustra vocat altera matrem: 1.124 rend= fugit; 1.125 Ducuntur raptae, genialis praeda, puellae, 1.127 Siqua repugnarat nimium comitemque negabat, 1.128 rend=' "1.129 Atque ita 'quid teneros lacrimis corrumpis ocellos?" '1.131 Romule, militibus scisti dare commoda solus: 1.133 Scilicet ex illo sollemnia more theatra 1.134 rend='' None
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1.101 Soon may'st thou find a mistress in the rout," '1.102 For length of time or for a single bout. 1.103 The Theatres are berries for the fair; 1.104 Like ants or mole-hills thither they repair; 1.105 Like bees to hives so numerously they throng, 1.106 It may be said they to that place belong: 1.107 Thither they swarm who have the public voice; 1.108 There choose, if plenty not distracts thy choice. 1.109 To see, and to be seen, in heaps they run; 1.110 Some to undo, and some to be undone. 1.111 From Romulus the rise of plays began, 1.112 To his new subjects a commodious man; 1.113 Who, his unmarried soldiers to supply, 1.114 Took care the commonwealth should multiply; 1.115 Providing Sabine women for his braves, 1.116 Like a true king, to get a race of slaves. 1.117 His playhouse, not of Parian marble made, 1.118 Nor was it spread with purple sails for shade;' "1.119 The stage with rushes or with leaves they strew'd; This idea of the Roman theatres in their infancy, may put us in mind of our own which we read of in the old poets, in Black-friars, the Bull-and-mouth, and Barbican, not much better than the strollers at a country-fair. Yet this must be said for them: that the audience were much better treated; their fare was good, though the house was homely. Which cannot be said of the Roman infant-stage, their wit and their theatres were alike rude; and the Shakspeares and Jonsons of Rome did not appear till the stage was pompous, and the scene magnificent." '1.120 No scenes in prospect, no machining god. 1.121 On rows of homely turf they sat to see,' "1.122 Crown'd with the wreaths of ev'ry common tree." '1.123 There, while they sit in rustic majesty, 1.124 Each lover had his mistress in his eye; 1.125 And whom he saw most suiting to his mind,' "1.126 For joys of matrimonial rape design'd." '1.127 Scarce could they wait the plaudit in their haste; 1.128 But ere the dances and the song were past, 1.129 The monarch gave the signal from his throne, At which the soldiers were to fall on the women. The poet and his translators make an agreeable description of this rape. Some say there were thirty of these Sabines ravished: others, as Valerius Antius, make the number to be four hundred and twenty-seven: and Jubas, as Plutarch writes in the life of Romulus , swells it to six hundred. 1.130 And rising, bade his merry men fall on.' "1.131 The martial crew, like soldiers, ready press'd," '1.132 Just at the word (the word too was the best), 1.133 With joyful cries each other animate; 1.134 Some choose, and some at hazard seize their mate.'" None
5. Ovid, Fasti, 3.218, 6.213-6.218 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rüpke, J., Sabines • Sabine women • Sabine, and marriage • Sabines as austere, women rape of • Simon Magus; as Semo, Sabine god

 Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 89; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 174; Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 31; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 146

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6.213 Quaerebam, Nonas Sanco Fidione referrem, 6.214 an tibi, Semo pater; tum mihi Sancus ait: 6.215 ‘cuicumque ex istis dederis, ego munus habebo: 6.216 nomina terna fero: sic voluere Cures.’ 6.217 hunc igitur veteres donarunt aede Sabini 6.218 inque Quirinali constituere iugo.' ' None
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6.213 I asked whether I should assign the Nones to Sancus, 6.214 Or Fidius, or you Father Semo: Sancus answered me: 6.215 ‘Whichever you assign it to, the honour’s mine: 6.216 I bear all three names: so Cures willed it.’ 6.217 The Sabines of old granted him a shrine accordingly, 6.218 And established it on the Quirinal Hill.' ' None
6. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Sabine estate (gifted to Horace by Maecenas), justifications for acceptance • Sabine farm, the, as Ithaca • Sabine farm, the, as absent referent

 Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 189, 204; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 238

7. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Horace, and Sabine estate • Sabine estate (gifted to Horace by Maecenas), management

 Found in books: Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 169; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 43

8. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rome/Romans, and Sabines • Romulus and Camillus, and the rape of the Sabine women • Sabine • Sabine women • Sabine, and marriage • Sabines • Sabines as austere, as luxurious • Sabines as austere, enfranchisement and belonging • Sabines as austere, identity and value of • Sabines as austere, women rape of • Simon Magus; as Semo, Sabine god • Tarpeia as Amazon, as Sabine • Tatius king of Sabines • Titius Sabinus • intermarriage, Romans and Sabines

 Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73, 75, 94, 95; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 88, 89, 145; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 337; Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 31; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 148; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 40, 56, 96, 114, 119, 139, 140, 146, 147, 148

9. Tacitus, Annals, 3.55, 4.36, 4.70.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asilius Sabinus • Claudius Sabinus, App. • Sabine • Sabines • Titius Sabinus

 Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 242; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 178, 183; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 138; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 205, 206, 207, 208; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 507; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 84

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3.55 Auditis Caesaris litteris remissa aedilibus talis cura; luxusque mensae a fine Actiaci belli ad ea arma quis Servius Galba rerum adeptus est per annos centum pro- fusis sumptibus exerciti paulatim exolevere. causas eius mutationis quaerere libet. dites olim familiae nobilium aut claritudine insignes studio magnificentiae prolabebantur. nam etiam tum plebem socios regna colere et coli licitum; ut quisque opibus domo paratu speciosus per nomen et clientelas inlustrior habebatur. postquam caedibus saevitum et magnitudo famae exitio erat, ceteri ad sapientiora convertere. simul novi homines e municipiis et coloniis atque etiam provinciis in senatum crebro adsumpti domesticam parsimoniam intulerunt, et quamquam fortuna vel industria plerique pecuniosam ad senectam pervenirent, mansit tamen prior animus. sed praecipuus adstricti moris auctor Vespasianus fuit, antiquo ipse cultu victuque. obsequium inde in principem et aemulandi amor validior quam poena ex legibus et metus. nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis, ut quem ad modum temporum vices ita morum vertantur; nec omnia apud priores meliora, sed nostra quoque aetas multa laudis et artium imitanda posteris tulit. verum haec nobis in maiores certamina ex honesto maneant.
4.36
Ceterum postulandis reis tam continuus annus fuit ut feriarum Latinarum diebus praefectum urbis Drusum, auspicandi gratia tribunal ingressum, adierit Calpurnius Salvianus in Sextum Marium: quod a Caesare palam increpitum causa exilii Salviano fuit. obiecta publice Cyzicenis incuria caerimoniarum divi Augusti, additis violentiae criminibus adversum civis Romanos. et amisere libertatem, quam bello Mithridatis meruerant, circumsessi nec minus sua constantia quam praesidio Luculli pulso rege. at Fonteius Capito, qui pro consule Asiam curaverat, absolvitur, comperto ficta in eum crimina per Vibium Serenum. neque tamen id Sereno noxae fuit, quem odium publicum tutiorem faciebat. nam ut quis destrictior accusator, velut sacrosanctus erat: leves ignobiles poenis adficiebantur.' ' None
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3.55 \xa0When the Caesar's epistle had been read, the aediles were exempted from such a task; and spendthrift epicureanism, after being practised with extravagant prodigality throughout the century between the close of the Actian War and the struggle which placed Servius Galba on the throne, went gradually out of vogue. The causes of that change may well be investigated. Formerly aristocratic families of wealth or outstanding distinction were apt to be led to their downfall by a passion for magnificence. For it was still legitimate to court or be courted by the populace, by the provincials, by dependent princes; and the more handsome the fortune, the palace, the establishment of a man, the more imposing his reputation and his clientèle. After the merciless executions, when greatness of fame was death, the survivors turned to wiser paths. At the same time, the self-made men, repeatedly drafted into the senate from the municipalities and the colonies, and even from the provinces, introduced the plain-living habits of their own hearths; and although by good fortune or industry very many arrived at an old age of affluence, yet their prepossessions persisted to the end. But the main promoter of the stricter code was Vespasian, himself of the old school in his person and table. Thenceforward, deference to the sovereign and the love of emulating him proved more powerful than legal sanctions and deterrents. Or should we rather say there is a kind of cycle in all things â\x80\x94 moral as well as seasonal revolutions? Nor, indeed, were all things better in the old time before us; but our own age too has produced much in the sphere of true nobility and much in that of art which posterity well may imitate. In any case, may the honourable competition of our present with our past long remain!" 4.36 \xa0For the rest, the year was so continuous a chain of impeachments that in the days of the Latin Festival, when Drusus, as urban prefect, mounted the tribunal to inaugurate his office, he was approached by Calpurnius Salvianus with a suit against Sextus Marius: an action which drew a public reprimand from the Caesar and occasioned the banishment of Salvianus. The community of Cyzicus were charged with neglecting the cult of the deified Augustus; allegations were added of violence to Roman citizens; and they forfeited the freedom earned during the Mithridatic War, when the town was invested and they beat off the king as much by their own firmness as by the protection of Lucullus. On the other hand, Fonteius Capito, who had administered Asia as proconsul, was acquitted upon proof that the accusations against him were the invention of Vibius Serenus. The reverse, however, did no harm to Serenus, who was rendered doubly secure by the public hatred. For the informer whose weapon never rested became quasi-sacrosanct: it was on the insignificant and unknown that punishments descended. <
4.70.2
\xa0However, in a letter read on the first of January, the Caesar, after the orthodox prayers for the new year, turned to Sabinus, charging him with the corruption of several of his freedmen, and with designs against himself; and demanded vengeance in terms impossible to misread. Vengeance was decreed without loss of time; and the doomed man was dragged to his death, crying with all the vigour allowed by the cloak muffling his head and the noose around his neck, that "these were the ceremonies that inaugurated the year, these the victims that bled to propitiate Sejanus!" In whatever direction he turned his eyes, wherever his words reached an ear, the result was flight and desolation, an exodus from street and forum. Here and there a man retraced his steps and showed himself again, pale at the very thought that he had manifested alarm. "For what day would find the killers idle, when amid sacrifices and prayers, at a season when custom prohibited so much as an ominous word, chains and the halter come upon the scene? Not from want of thought had odium such as this been incurred by Tiberius: it was a premeditated and deliberate act, that none might think that the new magistrates were precluded from inaugurating the dungeon as they did the temples and the altars." â\x80\x94 A\xa0supplementary letter followed: the sovereign was grateful that they had punished a mann who was a danger to his country. He added that his own life was full of alarms, and that he suspected treachery from his enemies. He mentioned none by name; but no doubt was felt that the words were levelled at Agrippina and Nero. <'" None
10. Tacitus, Histories, 3.70.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Sabinus

 Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 267; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 185

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3.70.3 \xa0At daybreak, before hostilities could begin on either side, Sabinus sent Cornelius Martialis, a centurion of the first rank, to Vitellius with orders to complain that he had broken their agreement. This was his message: "You have made simply a pretence and show of abdicating in order to deceive all these eminent men. For why did you go from the rostra to your brother\'s house which overlooks the Forum and invites men\'s eyes, rather than to the Aventine and to your wife\'s home there? That was the action proper to a private citizen who wished to avoid all the show that attaches to the principate. On the contrary, you went back to the palace, to the very citadel of the imperial power. From there an armed band has issued; the most crowded part of the city has been strewn with the bodies of innocent men; even the Capitol is not spared. I,\xa0Sabinus, am of course only a civilian and a single senator. So long as the question between Vespasian and Vitellius was being adjudged by battles between the legions, by the capture of cities and the surrender of cohorts, although the Spains, the Germanies, and Britain fell away, I,\xa0Vespasian\'s own brother, still remained faithful to you until I\xa0was invited to a conference. Peace and concord are advantageous to the defeated; to the victors they are only glorious. If you regret your agreement, you should not attack me whom your treachery has deceived, or Vespasian\'s son, who is as yet hardly more than a child. What is the advantage in killing one old man and one youth? You should rather go and face the legions and fight in the field for the supremacy. Everything else will follow the issue of the battle." Vitellius was disturbed by these words and made a brief reply to excuse himself, putting the blame on his soldiers, with whose excessive ardour, he declared, his own moderation could not cope. At the same time he advised Martialis to go away privately through a secret part of the palace, that the soldiers might not kill him as the mediator of a peace which they detested. As for himself, he was powerless to order or to forbid; he was no longer emperor, but only a cause of war.'' None
11. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rome/Romans, and Sabines • Sabines • Sabines, Spartan origins of

 Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 249; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 76

12. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Sabines

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 309; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 309

13. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rome/Romans, and Sabines • Sabine, and marriage • Sabines • Sabines as austere, enfranchisement and belonging • Sabines as austere, women rape of • intermarriage, Romans and Sabines

 Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 75, 94, 95; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 146, 274

14. Strabo, Geography, 5.4.12
 Tagged with subjects: • Rome/Romans, and Sabines • Sabines • Sabines as austere • Sabines as austere, as luxurious

 Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 99; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 73

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5.4.12 Concerning the Samnitae there is another story current to this effect: The Sabini, since they had long been at war with the Ombrici, vowed (just as some of the Greeks do) to dedicate everything that was produced that year; and, on winning the victory, they partly sacrificed and partly dedicated all that was produced; then a dearth ensued, and some one said that they ought to have dedicated the babies too; this they did, and devoted to Mars all the children born that year; and these children, when grown to manhood, they sent away as colonists, and a bull led the way; and when the bull lay down to rest in the land of the Opici (who, as it chanced, were living only in villages), the Sabini ejected them and settled on the spot, and, in accordance with the utterance of their seers, slaughtered the bull as a sacrifice to Mars who had given it for a guide. It is reasonable to suppose therefore that their name Sabelli is a nickname derived from the name of their forefathers, while their name Samnitae (the Greeks say Saunitai) is due to a different cause. Some say, moreover, that a colony of Laconians joined the Samnitae, and that for this reason the Samnitae actually became philhellenes, and that some of them were even called Pitanatae. But it is thought that the Tarantini simply fabricated this, to flatter, and at the same time to win the friendship of, a powerful people on their borders; because, on a time, the Samnitae were wont to send forth an army of as many as eighty thousand infantry and eight thousand cavalry. And they say that among the Samnitae there is a law which is indeed honourable and conducive to noble qualities; for they are not permitted to give their daughters in marriage to whom they wish, but every year ten virgins and ten young men, the noblest of each sex, are selected, and, of these, the first choice of the virgins is given to the first choice of the young men, and the second to the second, and so on to the end; but if the young man who wins the meed of honour changes and turns out bad, they disgrace him and take away from him the woman given him. Next after the Samnitae come the Hirpini, and they too are Samnitae; they got their name from the wolf that led the way for their colony (for hirpus is what the Samnitae call the wolf); and their territory adjoins that of those Leucani who live in the interior. So much, then, for the Samnitae.'' None
15. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 4.3.5, 6.2.3
 Tagged with subjects: • Sabine • Sabines • Sabines as austere • Sabines as austere, as luxurious

 Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 100; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 148, 184; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 73

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6.2.3 What? Were the people safe from the assaults of liberty? No, it both assailed them, and found them patiently suffering. Carbo, tribune of the plebs, who was a most turbulent supporter of the recently suppressed Gracchan sedition, and a most absolute firebrand of the growing civil strife, having dragged P. Africanus from the very gate of the city to the rostra, as he returned in triumph from the destruction of Numantia, asked him there for his opinion on the death of Ti. Gracchus, whose sister he had married; so that by the authority of so eminent a person, he might add fuel to the fire already begun. He did not doubt that in regard of his near relative, Scipio would speak somewhat affectionately on behalf of his brother-in-law who had been put to death; but he answered that Gracchus was rightly slain. Upon which saying, when the whole assembly, aroused by the tribunician fury, began to make a great clamour. "Hold your peace," said he, "you, to whom Italy is but a stepmother." And when they began to make yet more noise, he said, "You shall never make me afraid of you - the freedmen, whom I brought here in chains." Thus were the whole people twice reprimanded by one man with contempt. But - such is the honour they gave to virtue - they soon were mute. The Numantine victory fresh in memory, his father\'s conquest of Macedonia, his grandfather\'s Carthaginian trophies, and the necks of two kings, Perseus and Syphax, chained to their triumphal chariots, closed the mouths of the whole forum. Nor did their silence proceed from fear, but because through the aid of the Cornelian and Aemilian families, many fears of the city and Italy were brought to an end. The people of Rome were not free to protest, in respect of Scipio\'s free speech.' ' None
16. Vergil, Aeneis, 7.30
 Tagged with subjects: • Sabine farm, the, as locus amoenus • Sabinus, Father

 Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 229; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 272

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7.30 prospicit. Hunc inter fluvio Tiberinus amoeno'' None
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7.30 their sails with winds of power, and sped them on '' None
17. Vergil, Georgics, 1.125-1.128, 2.495-2.498, 2.513, 2.532-2.538
 Tagged with subjects: • Sabine farm, the, and cultural discourses and practices • Sabine farm, the, and golden age attributes • Sabine farm, the, and philosophical production • Sabine farm, the, economies of • Sabines

 Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 245; Gale (2000), Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition, 42, 247; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270

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1.125 Ante Iovem nulli subigebant arva coloni; 1.126 ne signare quidem aut partiri limite campum 1.127 fas erat: in medium quaerebant ipsaque tellus 1.128 omnia liberius nullo poscente ferebat.
2.495
illum non populi fasces, non purpura regum 2.496 flexit et infidos agitans discordia fratres 2.497 aut coniurato descendens Dacus ab Histro, 2.498 non res Romanae perituraque regna; neque ille
2.513
Agricola incurvo terram dimovit aratro:
2.532
Hanc olim veteres vitam coluere Sabini, 2.533 hanc Remus et frater, sic fortis Etruria crevit 2.534 scilicet et rerum facta est pulcherrima Roma, 2.535 septemque una sibi muro circumdedit arces. 2.536 Ante etiam sceptrum Dictaei regis et ante 2.537 inpia quam caesis gens est epulata iuvencis, 2.538 aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat;'' None
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1.125 Ye husbandmen; in winter's dust the crop" '1.126 Exceedingly rejoice, the field hath joy; 1.127 No tilth makes 1.128 Nor Gargarus his own harvests so admire.
2.495
Led by the horn shall at the altar stand,' "2.496 Whose entrails rich on hazel-spits we'll roast." '2.497 This further task again, to dress the vine, 2.498 Hath needs beyond exhausting; the whole soil
2.513
Twice doth the thickening shade beset the vine,
2.532
Apples, moreover, soon as first they feel 2.533 Their stems wax lusty, and have found their strength, 2.534 To heaven climb swiftly, self-impelled, nor crave 2.535 Our succour. All the grove meanwhile no le 2.536 With fruit is swelling, and the wild haunts of bird 2.537 Blush with their blood-red berries. Cytisu 2.538 Is good to browse on, the tall forest yield'" None



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