1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 56.9, 80.5-80.6, 102.9 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 242, 243| 56.9. "נֹדִי סָפַרְתָּה אָתָּה שִׂימָה דִמְעָתִי בְנֹאדֶךָ הֲלֹא בְּסִפְרָתֶךָ׃", 80.5. "יְהוָה אֱלֹהִים צְבָאוֹת עַד־מָתַי עָשַׁנְתָּ בִּתְפִלַּת עַמֶּךָ׃", 80.6. "הֶאֱכַלְתָּם לֶחֶם דִּמְעָה וַתַּשְׁקֵמוֹ בִּדְמָעוֹת שָׁלִישׁ׃", 102.9. "כָּל־הַיּוֹם חֵרְפוּנִי אוֹיְבָי מְהוֹלָלַי בִּי נִשְׁבָּעוּ׃", | 56.9. "Thou has counted my wanderings; Put Thou my tears into Thy bottle; Are they not in Thy book?", 80.5. "O LORD God of hosts, How long wilt Thou be angry against the prayer of Thy people?", 80.6. "Thou hast fed them with the bread of tears, And given them tears to drink in large measure.", 102.9. "Mine enemies taunt me all the day; they that are mad against me do curse by me.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 16.31-16.32 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, emperor of •romans and rome Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 19, 234| 16.31. "עֲטֶרֶת תִּפְאֶרֶת שֵׂיבָה בְּדֶרֶךְ צְדָקָה תִּמָּצֵא׃", 16.32. "טוֹב אֶרֶךְ אַפַּיִם מִגִּבּוֹר וּמֹשֵׁל בְּרוּחוֹ מִלֹּכֵד עִיר׃", | 16.31. "The hoary head is a crown of glory, It is found in the way of righteousness.", 16.32. "He that is slow to anger is better than the mighty; And he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Micah, 2.1-2.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, destruction of temple by Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 237, 239, 244, 245, 247| 2.1. "הוֹי חֹשְׁבֵי־אָוֶן וּפֹעֲלֵי רָע עַל־מִשְׁכְּבוֹתָם בְּאוֹר הַבֹּקֶר יַעֲשׂוּהָ כִּי יֶשׁ־לְאֵל יָדָם׃", 2.1. "קוּמוּ וּלְכוּ כִּי לֹא־זֹאת הַמְּנוּחָה בַּעֲבוּר טָמְאָה תְּחַבֵּל וְחֶבֶל נִמְרָץ׃", 2.2. "וְחָמְדוּ שָׂדוֹת וְגָזָלוּ וּבָתִּים וְנָשָׂאוּ וְעָשְׁקוּ גֶּבֶר וּבֵיתוֹ וְאִישׁ וְנַחֲלָתוֹ׃", 2.3. "לָכֵן כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה הִנְנִי חֹשֵׁב עַל־הַמִּשְׁפָּחָה הַזֹּאת רָעָה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־תָמִישׁוּ מִשָּׁם צַוְּארֹתֵיכֶם וְלֹא תֵלְכוּ רוֹמָה כִּי עֵת רָעָה הִיא׃", 2.4. "בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִשָּׂא עֲלֵיכֶם מָשָׁל וְנָהָה נְהִי נִהְיָה אָמַר שָׁדוֹד נְשַׁדֻּנוּ חֵלֶק עַמִּי יָמִיר אֵיךְ יָמִישׁ לִי לְשׁוֹבֵב שָׂדֵינוּ יְחַלֵּק׃", | 2.1. "Woe to them that devise iniquity And work evil upon their beds! When the morning is light, they execute it, Because it is in the power of their hand.", 2.2. "And they covet fields, and seize them; And houses, and take them away; Thus they oppress a man and his house, Even a man and his heritage.", 2.3. "Therefore thus saith the LORD: Behold, against this family do I devise an evil, From which ye shall not remove your necks, Neither shall ye walk upright; for it shall be an evil time.", 2.4. "In that day shall they take up a parable against you, And lament with a doleful lamentation, and say: ‘We are utterly ruined; He changeth the portion of my people; How doth he remove it from me! Instead of restoring our fields, he divideth them.’", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 19.32 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, emperor of Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 19| 19.32. "מִפְּנֵי שֵׂיבָה תָּקוּם וְהָדַרְתָּ פְּנֵי זָקֵן וְיָרֵאתָ מֵּאֱלֹהֶיךָ אֲנִי יְהוָה׃", | 19.32. "Thou shalt rise up before the hoary head, and honour the face of the old man, and thou shalt fear thy God: I am the LORD.", |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 5.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, philosophy of Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 50| 5.2. "וַיִּהְיוּ כָּל־יְמֵי־יֶרֶד שְׁתַּיִם וְשִׁשִּׁים שָׁנָה וּתְשַׁע מֵאוֹת שָׁנָה וַיָּמֹת׃", 5.2. "זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה בְּרָאָם וַיְבָרֶךְ אֹתָם וַיִּקְרָא אֶת־שְׁמָם אָדָם בְּיוֹם הִבָּרְאָם׃", | 5.2. "male and female created He them, and blessed them, and called their name Adam, in the day when they were created.", |
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6. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 20.12 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, emperor of Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 19| 20.12. "כַּבֵּד אֶת־אָבִיךָ וְאֶת־אִמֶּךָ לְמַעַן יַאֲרִכוּן יָמֶיךָ עַל הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לָךְ׃", | 20.12. "Honour thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long upon the land which the LORD thy God giveth thee.", |
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7. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 28.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, destruction of temple by Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 247| 28.1. "וְהָיָה אִם־שָׁמוֹעַ תִּשְׁמַע בְּקוֹל יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לִשְׁמֹר לַעֲשׂוֹת אֶת־כָּל־מִצְוֺתָיו אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוְּךָ הַיּוֹם וּנְתָנְךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ עֶלְיוֹן עַל כָּל־גּוֹיֵי הָאָרֶץ׃", 28.1. "וְרָאוּ כָּל־עַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ כִּי שֵׁם יְהוָה נִקְרָא עָלֶיךָ וְיָרְאוּ מִמֶּךָּ׃", | 28.1. "And it shall come to pass, if thou shalt hearken diligently unto the voice of the LORD thy God, to observe to do all His commandments which I command thee this day, that the LORD thy God will set thee on high above all the nations of the earth.", |
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8. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 11.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 234| 11.4. "וַיְהִי לְעֵת זִקְנַת שְׁלֹמֹה נָשָׁיו הִטּוּ אֶת־לְבָבוֹ אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים וְלֹא־הָיָה לְבָבוֹ שָׁלֵם עִם־יְהוָה אֱלֹהָיו כִּלְבַב דָּוִיד אָבִיו׃", 11.4. "וַיְבַקֵּשׁ שְׁלֹמֹה לְהָמִית אֶת־יָרָבְעָם וַיָּקָם יָרָבְעָם וַיִּבְרַח מִצְרַיִם אֶל־שִׁישַׁק מֶלֶךְ־מִצְרַיִם וַיְהִי בְמִצְרַיִם עַד־מוֹת שְׁלֹמֹה׃", | 11.4. "For it came to pass, when Solomon was old, that his wives turned away his heart after other gods; and his heart was not whole with the LORD his God, as was the heart of David his father.", |
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9. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 60.12 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, destruction of temple by Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 246, 247| 60.12. "כִּי־הַגּוֹי וְהַמַּמְלָכָה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יַעַבְדוּךְ יֹאבֵדוּ וְהַגּוֹיִם חָרֹב יֶחֱרָבוּ׃", | 60.12. "For that nation and kingdom that will not serve thee shall perish; Yea, those nations shall be utterly wasted.", |
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10. Hesiod, Theogony, 1011, 1013-1016, 1012 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 243; Gruen (2020) 76, 93 | 1012. Hephaestus, who transcended everyone |
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| 11. Homer, Odyssey, 13.271, 15.415 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and carthage Found in books: Gruen (2020) 62 |
12. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 14.1-14.23 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and josephus Found in books: Gruen (2020) 176| 14.1. "וְאִם־כֹּה יֹאמְרוּ עֲלוּ עָלֵינוּ וְעָלִינוּ כִּי־נְתָנָם יְהוָה בְּיָדֵנוּ וְזֶה־לָּנוּ הָאוֹת׃", 14.1. "וַיְהִי הַיּוֹם וַיֹּאמֶר יוֹנָתָן בֶּן־שָׁאוּל אֶל־הַנַּעַר נֹשֵׂא כֵלָיו לְכָה וְנַעְבְּרָה אֶל־מַצַּב פְּלִשְׁתִּים אֲשֶׁר מֵעֵבֶר הַלָּז וּלְאָבִיו לֹא הִגִּיד׃", 14.2. "וְשָׁאוּל יוֹשֵׁב בִּקְצֵה הַגִּבְעָה תַּחַת הָרִמּוֹן אֲשֶׁר בְּמִגְרוֹן וְהָעָם אֲשֶׁר עִמּוֹ כְּשֵׁשׁ מֵאוֹת אִישׁ׃", 14.2. "וַיִּזָּעֵק שָׁאוּל וְכָל־הָעָם אֲשֶׁר אִתּוֹ וַיָּבֹאוּ עַד־הַמִּלְחָמָה וְהִנֵּה הָיְתָה חֶרֶב אִישׁ בְּרֵעֵהוּ מְהוּמָה גְּדוֹלָה מְאֹד׃", 14.3. "וַאֲחִיָּה בֶן־אֲחִטוּב אֲחִי אִיכָבוֹד בֶּן־פִּינְחָס בֶּן־עֵלִי כֹּהֵן יְהוָה בְּשִׁלוֹ נֹשֵׂא אֵפוֹד וְהָעָם לֹא יָדַע כִּי הָלַךְ יוֹנָתָן׃", 14.3. "אַף כִּי לוּא אָכֹל אָכַל הַיּוֹם הָעָם מִשְּׁלַל אֹיְבָיו אֲשֶׁר מָצָא כִּי עַתָּה לֹא־רָבְתָה מַכָּה בַּפְּלִשְׁתִּים׃", 14.4. "וּבֵין הַמַּעְבְּרוֹת אֲשֶׁר בִּקֵּשׁ יוֹנָתָן לַעֲבֹר עַל־מַצַּב פְּלִשְׁתִּים שֵׁן־הַסֶּלַע מֵהָעֵבֶר מִזֶּה וְשֵׁן־הַסֶּלַע מֵהָעֵבֶר מִזֶּה וְשֵׁם הָאֶחָד בּוֹצֵץ וְשֵׁם הָאֶחָד סֶנֶּה׃", 14.4. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֶל־כָּל־יִשְׂרָאֵל אַתֶּם תִּהְיוּ לְעֵבֶר אֶחָד וַאֲנִי וְיוֹנָתָן בְּנִי נִהְיֶה לְעֵבֶר אֶחָד וַיֹּאמְרוּ הָעָם אֶל־שָׁאוּל הַטּוֹב בְּעֵינֶיךָ עֲשֵׂה׃", 14.5. "וְשֵׁם אֵשֶׁת שָׁאוּל אֲחִינֹעַם בַּת־אֲחִימָעַץ וְשֵׁם שַׂר־צְבָאוֹ אֲבִינֵר בֶּן־נֵר דּוֹד שָׁאוּל׃", 14.5. "הַשֵּׁן הָאֶחָד מָצוּק מִצָּפוֹן מוּל מִכְמָשׂ וְהָאֶחָד מִנֶּגֶב מוּל גָּבַע׃", 14.6. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוֹנָתָן אֶל־הַנַּעַר נֹשֵׂא כֵלָיו לְכָה וְנַעְבְּרָה אֶל־מַצַּב הָעֲרֵלִים הָאֵלֶּה אוּלַי יַעֲשֶׂה יְהוָה לָנוּ כִּי אֵין לַיהוָה מַעְצוֹר לְהוֹשִׁיעַ בְּרַב אוֹ בִמְעָט׃", 14.7. "וַיֹּאמֶר לוֹ נֹשֵׂא כֵלָיו עֲשֵׂה כָּל־אֲשֶׁר בִּלְבָבֶךָ נְטֵה לָךְ הִנְנִי עִמְּךָ כִּלְבָבֶךָ׃", 14.8. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוֹנָתָן הִנֵּה אֲנַחְנוּ עֹבְרִים אֶל־הָאֲנָשִׁים וְנִגְלִינוּ אֲלֵיהֶם׃", 14.9. "אִם־כֹּה יֹאמְרוּ אֵלֵינוּ דֹּמּוּ עַד־הַגִּיעֵנוּ אֲלֵיכֶם וְעָמַדְנוּ תַחְתֵּינוּ וְלֹא נַעֲלֶה אֲלֵיהֶם׃", 14.11. "וַיִּגָּלוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם אֶל־מַצַּב פְּלִשְׁתִּים וַיֹּאמְרוּ פְלִשְׁתִּים הִנֵּה עִבְרִים יֹצְאִים מִן־הַחֹרִים אֲשֶׁר הִתְחַבְּאוּ־שָׁם׃", 14.12. "וַיַּעֲנוּ אַנְשֵׁי הַמַּצָּבָה אֶת־יוֹנָתָן וְאֶת־נֹשֵׂא כֵלָיו וַיֹּאמְרוּ עֲלוּ אֵלֵינוּ וְנוֹדִיעָה אֶתְכֶם דָּבָר וַיֹּאמֶר יוֹנָתָן אֶל־נֹשֵׂא כֵלָיו עֲלֵה אַחֲרַי כִּי־נְתָנָם יְהוָה בְּיַד יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 14.13. "וַיַּעַל יוֹנָתָן עַל־יָדָיו וְעַל־רַגְלָיו וְנֹשֵׂא כֵלָיו אַחֲרָיו וַיִּפְּלוּ לִפְנֵי יוֹנָתָן וְנֹשֵׂא כֵלָיו מְמוֹתֵת אַחֲרָיו׃", 14.14. "וַתְּהִי הַמַּכָּה הָרִאשֹׁנָה אֲשֶׁר הִכָּה יוֹנָתָן וְנֹשֵׂא כֵלָיו כְּעֶשְׂרִים אִישׁ כְּבַחֲצִי מַעֲנָה צֶמֶד שָׂדֶה׃", 14.15. "וַתְּהִי חֲרָדָה בַמַּחֲנֶה בַשָּׂדֶה וּבְכָל־הָעָם הַמַּצָּב וְהַמַּשְׁחִית חָרְדוּ גַּם־הֵמָּה וַתִּרְגַּז הָאָרֶץ וַתְּהִי לְחֶרְדַּת אֱלֹהִים׃", 14.16. "וַיִּרְאוּ הַצֹּפִים לְשָׁאוּל בְּגִבְעַת בִּנְיָמִן וְהִנֵּה הֶהָמוֹן נָמוֹג וַיֵּלֶךְ וַהֲלֹם׃", 14.17. "וַיֹּאמֶר שָׁאוּל לָעָם אֲשֶׁר אִתּוֹ פִּקְדוּ־נָא וּרְאוּ מִי הָלַךְ מֵעִמָּנוּ וַיִּפְקְדוּ וְהִנֵּה אֵין יוֹנָתָן וְנֹשֵׂא כֵלָיו׃", 14.18. "וַיֹּאמֶר שָׁאוּל לַאֲחִיָּה הַגִּישָׁה אֲרוֹן הָאֱלֹהִים כִּי־הָיָה אֲרוֹן הָאֱלֹהִים בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 14.19. "וַיְהִי עַד דִּבֶּר שָׁאוּל אֶל־הַכֹּהֵן וְהֶהָמוֹן אֲשֶׁר בְּמַחֲנֵה פְלִשְׁתִּים וַיֵּלֶךְ הָלוֹךְ וָרָב וַיֹּאמֶר שָׁאוּל אֶל־הַכֹּהֵן אֱסֹף יָדֶךָ׃", 14.21. "וְהָעִבְרִים הָיוּ לַפְּלִשְׁתִּים כְּאֶתְמוֹל שִׁלְשׁוֹם אֲשֶׁר עָלוּ עִמָּם בַּמַּחֲנֶה סָבִיב וְגַם־הֵמָּה לִהְיוֹת עִם־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר עִם־שָׁאוּל וְיוֹנָתָן׃", 14.22. "וְכֹל אִישׁ יִשְׂרָאֵל הַמִּתְחַבְּאִים בְּהַר־אֶפְרַיִם שָׁמְעוּ כִּי־נָסוּ פְּלִשְׁתִּים וַיַּדְבְּקוּ גַם־הֵמָּה אַחֲרֵיהֶם בַּמִּלְחָמָה׃", 14.23. "וַיּוֹשַׁע יְהוָה בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל וְהַמִּלְחָמָה עָבְרָה אֶת־בֵּית אָוֶן׃", | 14.1. "Now it came to pass one day, that Yonatan the son of Sha᾽ul said to the young man that bore his armour, Come, and let us go over to the garrison of the Pelishtim, that is on the other side. But he did not tell his father.", 14.2. "And Sha᾽ul was sitting on the far side of Giv῾a under the pomegranate tree which was in Migron: and the people that were with him were about six hundred men;", 14.3. "and Aĥiyya, the son of Aĥituv, I-khavod’s brother, the son of Pineĥas, the son of ῾Eli, was the Lord’s priest in Shilo, wearing an efod. And the people knew not that Yonatan was gone.", 14.4. "And between the passes, by which Yonatan sought to go over to the garrison of the Pelishtim, there was a sharp rock on the one side, and a sharp rock on the other side: and the name of the one was Bożeż, and the name of the other Sene.", 14.5. "The one point rose up abruptly northwards over against Mikhmash, and the other southwards over against Geva.", 14.6. "And Yonatan said to the young man that bore his armour, Come, and let us go over to the garrison of these uncircumcised: it may be that the Lord will perform a deed for us: for there is no restraint upon the Lord to save by many or by few.", 14.7. "And his armourbearer said to him, Do all that is in thy heart: turn thee; behold, I am with thee according to thy heart.", 14.8. "Then said Yonatan, Behold, we will pass over to these men, and we will reveal ourselves to them.", 14.9. "If they say thus to us, Tarry until we come to you; then we will stand still in our place, and will not go up to them.", 14.10. "But if they say thus, Come up to us; then we will go up: for the Lord has delivered them into our hand: and this shall be a sign to us.", 14.11. "And both of them showed themselves to the garrison of the Pelishtim: and the Pelishtim said, Behold, the Hebrews come out of the holes where they have hidden themselves.", 14.12. "And the men of the garrison answered Yonatan and his armourbearer, and said, Come up to us, and we will show you something. And Yonatan said to his armourbearer, Come up after me: for the Lord has delivered them into the hand of Yisra᾽el.", 14.13. "And Yonatan climbed up on his hands and feet, and his armourbearer after him: and they fell before Yonatan; and his armourbearer slew after him.", 14.14. "And that first slaughter, which Yonatan and his armour-bearer made, was about twenty men, within as it were half a furrow, which a yoke of oxen might plough.", 14.15. "And there was trembling in the camp, in the field, and among all the people: the garrison, and the raiding parties, they also trembled, and the earth quaked: so it was a very great trembling.", 14.16. "And the watchmen of Sha᾽ul in Giv῾a of Binyamin looked; and, behold, the multitude melted away, and disintegrated.", 14.17. "Then said Sha᾽ul to the people that were with him. Number now, and see who is gone from us. And when they had numbered, behold, Yonatan and his armourbearer were not there.", 14.18. "And Sha᾽ul said to Aĥiyya, Bring the ark of God here. For the ark of God was at that time with the children of Yisra᾽el.", 14.19. "And it came to pass, while Sha᾽ul talked to the priest, that the noise that was in the camp of the Pelishtim went on and increased: and Sha᾽ul said to the priest, Withdraw thy hand.", 14.20. "And Sha᾽ul and all the people that were with him assembled themselves, and they came to the battle: and, behold, every man’s sword was against his fellow, and there was a very great confusion.", 14.21. "Moreover the Hebrews that were with the Pelishtim before that time, who went up with them into the camp from the country round about, they also turned to be with the men of Yisra᾽el that were with Sha᾽ul and Yonatan.", 14.22. "Likewise all the men of Yisra᾽el who had hid themselves in mount Efrayim, when they heard that the Pelishtim fled, they also pursued them closely in the battle.", 14.23. "So the Lord saved Yisra᾽el that day: and the battle passed beyond Bet-aven.", |
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| 13. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 19 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, destruction of temple by Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 236 |
14. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 12.9 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 234| 12.9. "מַדּוּעַ בָּזִיתָ אֶת־דְּבַר יְהוָה לַעֲשׂוֹת הָרַע בעינו [בְּעֵינַי] אֵת אוּרִיָּה הַחִתִּי הִכִּיתָ בַחֶרֶב וְאֶת־אִשְׁתּוֹ לָקַחְתָּ לְּךָ לְאִשָּׁה וְאֹתוֹ הָרַגְתָּ בְּחֶרֶב בְּנֵי עַמּוֹן׃", | 12.9. "Why hast thou despised the commandment of the Lord, to do evil in his sight? thou hast killed Uriyya the Ĥittite with the sword, and hast taken his wife to be thy wife, and hast slain him with the sword of the children of ῾Ammon.", |
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| 15. Plato, Republic, 3.414 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and carthage Found in books: Gruen (2020) 62 |
| 16. Plato, Menexenus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 107 |
| 17. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 107 |
18. Herodotus, Histories, 1.94 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and italy Found in books: Gruen (2020) 93 | 1.94. The customs of the Lydians are like those of the Greeks, except that they make prostitutes of their female children. They were the first men whom we know who coined and used gold and silver currency; and they were the first to sell by retail. ,And, according to what they themselves say, the games now in use among them and the Greeks were invented by the Lydians: these, they say, were invented among them at the time when they colonized Tyrrhenia. This is their story: ,In the reign of Atys son of Manes there was great scarcity of food in all Lydia . For a while the Lydians bore this with what patience they could; presently, when the famine did not abate, they looked for remedies, and different plans were devised by different men. Then it was that they invented the games of dice and knuckle-bones and ball and all other forms of game except dice, which the Lydians do not claim to have discovered. ,Then, using their discovery to lighten the famine, every other day they would play for the whole day, so that they would not have to look for food, and the next day they quit their play and ate. This was their way of life for eighteen years. ,But the famine did not cease to trouble them, and instead afflicted them even more. At last their king divided the people into two groups, and made them draw lots, so that the one group should remain and the other leave the country; he himself was to be the head of those who drew the lot to remain there, and his son, whose name was Tyrrhenus, of those who departed. ,Then the one group, having drawn the lot, left the country and came down to Smyrna and built ships, in which they loaded all their goods that could be transported aboard ship, and sailed away to seek a livelihood and a country; until at last, after sojourning with one people after another, they came to the Ombrici, where they founded cities and have lived ever since. ,They no longer called themselves Lydians, but Tyrrhenians, after the name of the king's son who had led them there.The Lydians, then, were enslaved by the Persians. |
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| 19. Antiphon, Orations, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 107 |
20. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.2.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and germans Found in books: Gruen (2011) 162| 1.2.4. διὰ γὰρ ἀρετὴν γῆς αἵ τε δυνάμεις τισὶ μείζους ἐγγιγνόμεναι στάσεις ἐνεποίουν ἐξ ὧν ἐφθείροντο, καὶ ἅμα ὑπὸ ἀλλοφύλων μᾶλλον ἐπεβουλεύοντο. | 1.2.4. The goodness of the land favoured the aggrandizement of particular individuals, and thus created faction which proved a fertile source of ruin. It also invited invasion. |
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| 21. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 63 |
22. Lycophron, Alexandra, 1245-1247, 1249, 1248 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 93| 1248. Τάρχων τε καὶ Τυρσηνός, αἴθωνες λύκοι, | |
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| 23. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 122 |
| 24. Plautus, Poenulus, 1309-1310 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 126 |
| 25. Cato, Marcus Porcius, Origines, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and sabines Found in books: Gruen (2020) 76 |
26. Cicero, Pro Sulla, 58 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 108| 58. ipse autem Sittius—non enim mihi deserenda est causa amici veteris atque hospitis—is homo est aut ea familia ac disciplina ut hoc credi possit, eum bellum populo Romano populo R. T, Gulielmius : rei (r. a ) p. cett. facere voluisse? ut, cuius pater, cum ceteri deficerent finitimi ac vicini, singulari exstiterit in rem publicam nostram officio et fide, is sibi nefarium bellum contra patriam suscipiendum putaret putarit Hulderich ? cuius aes alienum videmus, iudices, non libidine, sed negoti gerendi studio esse contractum, qui ita Romae debuit ut in provinciis et in regnis ei maximae ei maxime T : maxime ei cett. pecuniae deberentur; quas cum peteret, non commisit ut sui procuratores quicquam oneris absente se sustinerent; venire omnis suas possessiones et patrimonio se ornatissimo spoliari maluit quam ullam moram cuiquam fieri creditorum suorum. | |
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27. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 65, 67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 88| 67. Italia et ex omnibus nostris provinciis Hierosolymam exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto ne ex Asia exportari liceret. quis est, iudices, qui hoc non vere laudare possit? exportari aurum non oportere cum saepe antea senatus tum me consule gravissime iudicavit. huic autem barbarae superstitioni resistere severitatis, multitudinem Iudaeorum flagrantem non numquam in contionibus pro re publica contemnere gravitatis summae fuit. at Cn. Pompeius captis Hierosolymis victor ex illo fano nihil attigit. | |
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28. Cicero, On Divination, 1.90 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and gauls Found in books: Gruen (2011) 146| 1.90. Eaque divinationum ratio ne in barbaris quidem gentibus neglecta est, siquidem et in Gallia Druidae sunt, e quibus ipse Divitiacum Haeduum, hospitem tuum laudatoremque, cognovi, qui et naturae rationem, quam fusiologi/an Graeci appellant, notam esse sibi profitebatur et partim auguriis, partim coniectura, quae essent futura, dicebat, et in Persis augurantur et divit magi, qui congregantur in fano commentandi causa atque inter se conloquendi, quod etiam idem vos quondam facere Nonis solebatis; | 1.90. Nor is the practice of divination disregarded even among uncivilized tribes, if indeed there are Druids in Gaul — and there are, for I knew one of them myself, Divitiacus, the Aeduan, your guest and eulogist. He claimed to have that knowledge of nature which the Greeks call physiologia, and he used to make predictions, sometimes by means of augury and sometimes by means of conjecture. Among the Persians the augurs and diviners are the magi, who assemble regularly in a sacred place for practice and consultation, just as formerly you augurs used to do on the Nones. |
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29. Polybius, Histories, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 22| 3.18.7. ὁ δὲ προσδεξάμενος ἑκάστους ἐπὶ ταῖς ἁρμοζούσαις ὁμολογίαις ἐποιεῖτο τὸν πλοῦν εἰς τὴν Φάρον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὸν Δημήτριον. | 3.18.7. Having accepted their submission and imposed suitable conditions on each he sailed to Pharos to attack Demetrius himself. |
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30. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 4.2-4.3, 5.78 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 109, 346| 4.2. hoc autem loco consideranti mihi studia doctrinae multa sane sanae GK sane RV occurrunt, cur ea quoque arcessita aliunde neque solum expetita, sed etiam conservata et culta videantur. erat enim illis paene in conspectu praestanti sapientia et nobilitate Pythagoras, qui fuit in Italia temporibus isdem quibus L. Brutus patriam liberavit, praeclarus auctor nobilitatis tuae. Pythagorae autem doctrina cum longe lateque flueret, permanavisse mihi videtur in hanc civitatem, idque cum coniectura probabile est, tum quibusdam etiam vestigiis indicatur. quis enim est qui putet, cum floreret in Italia Graecia graeciae X potentissumis et et s. v. add. V 1? maximis urbibus, ea quae magna dicta est, in isque primum ipsius Pythagorae, deinde dein K 1 postea pythagorae deinde postea add. V c in mg. Pythagoreorum pytagorae orum G (e del. 2 ) pythagoraeorum ex -reorum ter V c tantum nomen esset, nostrorum hominum ad eorum doctissimas voces aures clausas fuisse? 4.3. quin etiam arbitror propter Pythagoreorum admirationem Numam quoque regem Pythagoreum pythagoreorum K 1 pythagoreum V a posterioribus existimatum. nam cum Pythagorae disciplinam et instituta instituta s constituta X cognoscerent regisque eius aequitatem et et s. v. add. V 1 sapientiam a maioribus suis accepissent, aetates aetas R 1 autem et tempora ignorarent propter vetustatem, eum, qui sapientia excelleret, Pythagorae auditorem crediderunt fuisse. et de coniectura quidem hactenus. vestigia autem Pythagoreorum quamquam multa colligi possunt, paucis tamen utemur, quoniam non id agitur hoc tempore. nam cum carminibus soliti illi esse dicantur et praecepta del. Dav. 2 ( opponuntur inter se carmina et cantus ut 28 cf. de orat. 3, 197 ) quaedam occultius tradere et mentes suas a cogitationum intentione cantu fidibusque fid elibusque K ( corr. in fidibusque 2 ) ad tranquillitatem traducere, gravissumus auctor in Originibus dixit fr. 118 cf. 218, 17 Cato morem apud maiores hunc epularum fuisse, ut deinceps, qui accubarent, canerent ad tibiam clarorum virorum laudes atque virtutes; ex quo perspicuum est et cantus tum fuisse discriptos rescriptos GKR rescripto suo cum s. V ( V 2 ) discriptos Sey. vocum sonis et carmina. 5.78. mulieres vero in India, cum est cuius cuiuis V 3 communis Geel ( sed tum plures...nuptae post mortuus legeretur; cf.etiam Se., Jb.d.ph.V.26 p.301 ) earum vir mortuus, in certamen iudiciumque veniunt, quam plurumum ille dilexerit— plures enim singulis solent esse nuptae—; quae est victrix, ea laeta prosequentibus suis una unam V 1 cum viro in rogum imponitur, ponitur G 1 illa ilia cf.Quint.inst.1,3,2 victa quae Se. non male,cf.Claud.de nupt.Hon.64 (superatae cum...maerore in vita remanent Val.M. ) maesta discedit. numquam naturam mos vinceret; vinceret vincit H est enim ea semper invicta; sed nos umbris deliciis delitiis X (deliciis V, sed ci in r scr.,alt. i ss. V 2 ) otio languore langore G desidia animum infecimus, opinionibus maloque more delenitum delinitum V 1 H mollivimus. mollium KR 1 ( corr. 1 aut c )H Aegyptiorum morem quis ignorat? ignoret K quorum inbutae mentes pravitatis erroribus quamvis carnificinam carnifici. nam X prius subierint quam ibim aut aspidem aut faelem felem GV cf.nat.deor.1, 82 aut canem aut corcodillum corcodillum GRV corcodrillum KH cf.Th.l.l. violent, volent V 1 quorum etiamsi inprudentes quippiam fecerint, poenam nullam recusent. | |
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| 31. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo, 34-36 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 108 |
32. Cicero, On Invention, 1.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132| 1.71. assumptionis autem approbatione praeterita quadri- pertita sic fiet argumentatio: qui saepenumero nos per fidem fefellerunt, eorum orationi fidem habere non debemus. si quid enim perfidia illorum detrimenti acceperimus, nemo erit praeter nosmet ipsos, quem iure accusare possimus. ac primo quidem decipi in- commodum est; iterum, stultum; tertio, turpe. Cartha- ginienses autem persaepe iam nos fefellerunt. summa igitur amentia est in eorum fide spem habere, quorum perfidia totiens deceptus sis. | |
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| 33. Cicero, On Laws, 2.5, 2.59, 2.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and greek culture •rome/romans, and italy •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 351; Gruen (2020) 102, 103 |
| 34. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 21, 55, 31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 75 |
35. Cicero, Post Reditum In Senatu, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 344| 14. Cum hoc homine an cum stipite stipite b2 ε : stipe P1 : etiope P2: ethiope Bt : stipe vel aethiope G in foro constitisses, nihil crederes interesse: sine sensu, sine sapore, elinguem, tardum, inhumanum negotium, Cappadocem modo abreptum de grege venalium diceres. idem domi quam libidinosus, quam impurus, quam intemperans, non ianua receptis sed pseudothyro intromissis voluptatibus! Cum vero etiam litteris litteris cod. Erfurt. G2 ε t : litteras PBH ς s belua ε : veluus ( corr. heluus) P : beluus B : helluo bs : om. H studere incipit et belua immanis cum Graeculis philosophari, tum est Epicureus non penitus illi disciplinae, quaecumque est, deditus, sed captus uno verbo voluptatis. habet autem magistros non ex istis ineptis qui dies totos de officio ac de virtute disserunt, qui ad laborem, ad industriam, ad pericula pro patria subeunda adhortantur, sed eos qui disputent disputant Lamb. in mg. horam nullam vacuam voluptate esse debere, in omni parte corporis semper oportere aliquod gaudium delectationemque versari. | |
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| 36. Cicero, Philippicae, 3.15, 12.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 102, 108 |
| 37. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 344 |
| 38. Cicero, On Old Age, 41 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 346 |
39. Cicero, Republic, 2.12-2.13, 2.28-2.29, 2.34-2.35, 3.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and sabines •rome/romans, and latins •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 109, 345; Gruen (2020) 75, 76, 94, 95| 2.12. Atque haec quidem perceleriter confecit; nam et urbem constituit, quam e suo nomine Romam iussit nominari, et ad firmandam novam civitatem novum quoddam et subagreste consilium, sed ad muniendas opes regni ac populi sui magni hominis et iam tum longe providentis secutus est, cum Sabinas honesto ortas loco virgines, quae Romam ludorum gratia venissent, quos tum primum anniversarios in circo facere instituisset, Consualibus rapi iussit easque in familiarum amplissimarum matrimoniis collocavit. 2.13. Qua ex causa cum bellum Romanis Sabini intulissent proeliique certamen varium atque anceps fuisset, cum T. Tatio, rege Sabinorum, foedus icit matronis ipsis, quae raptae erant, orantibus; quo foedere et Sabinos in civitatem adscivit sacris conmunicatis et regnum suum cum illorum rege sociavit. 2.28. Quae cum Scipio dixisset, Verene, inquit Manilius, hoc memoriae proditum est, Africane, regem istum Numam Pythagorae ipsius discipulum aut certe Pythagoreum fuisse? saepe enim hoc de maioribus natu audivimus et ita intellegimus vulgo existimari; neque vero satis id annalium publicorum auctoritate declaratum videmus. Tum Scipio: Falsum est enim, Manili, inquit, id totum, neque solum fictum, sed etiam imperite absurdeque fictum; ea sunt enim demum non ferenda in mendacio, quae non solum ficta esse, sed ne fieri quidem potuisse cernimus. Nam quartum iam annum regte Lucio Tarquinio Superbo Sybarim et Crotonem et in eas Italiae partis Pythagoras venisse reperitur; Olympias enim secunda et sexagesima eadem Superbi regni initium et Pythagorae declarat adventum. 2.29. Ex quo intellegi regiis annis dinumeratis potest anno fere centesimo et quadragesimo post mortem Numae primum Italiam Pythagoram attigisse; neque hoc inter eos, qui diligentissime persecuti sunt temporum annales, ulla est umquam in dubitatione versatum. Di inmortales, inquit Manilius, quantus iste est hominum et quam inveteratus error! Ac tamen facile patior non esse nos transmarinis nec inportatis artibus eruditos, sed genuinis domesticisque virtutibus. 2.34. Sed hoc loco primum videtur insitiva quadam disciplina doctior facta esse civitas. Influxit enim non tenuis quidam e Graecia rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum et artium. Fuisse enim quendam ferunt Demaratum Corinthium et honore et auctoritate et fortunis facile civitatis suae principem; qui cum Corinthiorum tyrannum Cypselum ferre non potuisset, fugisse cum magna pecunia dicitur ac se contulisse Tarquinios, in urbem Etruriae florentissimam. Cumque audiret dominationem Cypseli confirmari, defugit patriam vir liber ac fortis et adscitus est civis a Tarquiniensibus atque in ea civitate domicilium et sedes collocavit. Ubi cum de matre familias Tarquiniensi duo filios procreavisset, omnibus eos artibus ad Graecorum disciplinam eru diit 2.35. facile in civitatem receptus esset, propter humanitatem atque doctrinam Anco regi familiaris est factus usque eo, ut consiliorum omnium particeps et socius paene regni putaretur. Erat in eo praeterea summa comitas, summa in omnis civis opis, auxilii, defensionis, largiendi etiam benignitas. Itaque mortuo Marcio cunctis populi suffragiis rex est creatus L. Tarquinius; sic enim suum nomen ex Graeco nomine inflexerat, ut in omni genere huius populi consuetudinem videretur imitatus. Isque ut de suo imperio legem tulit, principio duplicavit illum pristinum patrum numerum et antiquos patres maiorum gentium appellavit, quos priores sententiam rogabat, a se adscitos minorum. 3.14. Nunc autem, si quis illo Pacuviano 'invehens alitum anguium curru' multas et varias gentis et urbes despicere et oculis conlustrare possit, videat primum in illa incorrupta maxime gente Aegyptiorum, quae plurimorum saeculorum et eventorum memoriam litteris continet, bovem quendam putari deum, quem Apim Aegyptii nomit, multaque alia portenta apud eosdem et cuiusque generis beluas numero consecratas deorum; deinde Graeciae, sicut apud nos, delubra magnifica humanis consecrata simulacris, quae Persae nefaria putaverunt; eamque unam ob causam Xerses inflammari Atheniensium fana iussisse dicitur, quod deos, quorum domus esset omnis hic mundus, inclusos parietibus contineri nefas esse duceret. | |
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| 40. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.87, 2.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 131, 132 |
| 41. Cicero, On His Consulship, 10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and citizenship •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 344; Gruen (2020) 87 |
| 42. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 141 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 344 |
| 43. Varro, On The Latin Language, 7.8, 7.29 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and sabines •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2011) 347; Gruen (2020) 99 |
| 44. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.1.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 129 |
45. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.43, 1.81-1.82, 2.8, 3.47 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt •rome/romans, and citizenship Found in books: Gruen (2011) 109; Gruen (2020) 89 | 1.43. With the errors of the poets may be classed the monstrous doctrines of the magi and the insane mythology of Egypt, and also the popular beliefs, which are a mere mass of inconsistencies sprung from ignorance. "Anyone pondering on the baseless and irrational character of these doctrines ought to regard Epicurus with reverence, and to rank him as one of the very gods about whom we are inquiring. For he alone perceived, first, that the gods exist, because nature herself has imprinted a conception of them on the minds of all mankind. For what nation or what tribe is there but possesses untaught some 'preconception' of the gods? Such notions Epicurus designates by the word prolepsis, that is, a sort of preconceived mental picture of a thing, without which nothing can be understood or investigated or discussed. The force and value of this argument we learn in that work of genius, Epicurus's Rule or Standard of Judgement. 1.81. "Furthermore, Velleius, what if your assumption, that when we think of god the only form that presents itself to us is that of a man, be entirely untrue? will you nevertheless continue to maintain your absurdities? Very likely we Romans do imagine god as you say, because from our childhood Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, Neptune, Vulcan and Apollo have been known to us with the aspect with which painters and sculptors have chosen to represent them, and not with that aspect only, but having that equipment, age and dress. But they are not so known to the Egyptians or Syrians, or any almost of the uncivilized races. Among these you will find a belief in certain animals more firmly established than is reverence for the holiest sanctuaries and images of the gods with us. 1.82. For we have often seen temples robbed and images of gods carried off from the holiest shrines by our fellow-countrymen, but no one ever even heard of an Egyptian laying profane hands on a crocodile or ibis or cat. What therefore do you infer? that the Egyptians do not believe their sacred bull Apis to be a god? Precisely as much as you believe the Saviour Juno of your native place to be a goddess. You never see her even in your dreams unless equipped with goat-skin, spear, buckler and slippers turned up at the toe. Yet that is not the aspect of the Argive Juno, nor of the Roman. It follows that Juno has one form for the Argives, another for the people of Lanuvium, and another for us. And indeed our Jupiter of the Capitol is not the same as the Africans' Juppiter Ammon. 2.8. Caelius writes that Gaius Flaminius after ignoring the claims of religion fell at the battle of Trasimene, when a serious blow was inflicted on the state. The fate of these men may serve to indicate that our empire was won by those commanders who obeyed the dictates of religion. Moreover if we care to compare our national characteristics with those of foreign peoples, we shall find that, while in all other respects we are only the equals or even the inferiors of others, yet in the sense of religion, that is, in reverence for the gods, we are far superior. 3.47. And if it is the nature of the gods to intervene in man's affairs, the Birth-Spirit also must be deemed divine, to whom it is our custom to offer sacrifice when we make the round of the shrines in the Territory of Ardea: she is named Natio from the word for being born (nasci), because she is believed to watch over married women in travail. If she is divine, so are all those abstractions that you mentioned, Honour, Faith, Intellect, Concord, and therefore also Hope, the Spirit of Money and all the possible creations of our own imagination. If this supposition is unlikely, so also is the former one, from which all these instances flow. Then, if the traditional gods whom we worship are really divine, what reason can you give why we should not include Isis and Osiris in the same category? And if we do so, why should we repudiate the gods of the barbarians? We shall therefore have to admit to the list of gods oxen and horses, ibises, hawks, asps, crocodiles, fishes, dogs, wolves, cats and many beasts besides. Or if we reject these, we shall also reject those others from whom their claim springs. |
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46. Cicero, De Oratore, 3.168 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and greek culture •rome/romans, and italy Found in books: Gruen (2020) 103| 3.168. quo item in genere et virtutes et vitia pro ipsis, in quibus illa sunt, appellantur: "luxuries quam in domum inrupit," et "quo avaritia penetravit"; aut "fides valuit, iustitia confecit." Videtis profecto genus hoc totum, cum inflexo immutatoque verbo res eadem enuntiatur ornatius; cui sunt finitima illa minus ornata, sed tamen non ignoranda, cum intellegi volumus aliquid aut ex parte totum, ut pro aedificiis cum parietes aut tecta dicimus; aut ex toto partem, ut cum unam turmam equitatum populi Romani dicimus; aut ex uno pluris: at Romanus homo, tamenetsi res bene gesta est corde suo trepidat; aut cum ex pluribus intellegitur unum: nos sumus Romani, qui fuimus ante Rudini; aut quocumque modo, non ut dictum est, in eo genere intellegitur, sed ut sensum est. | |
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47. Cicero, On Duties, 1.38 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132| 1.38. Cum vero de imperio decertatur belloque quaeritur gloria, causas omnino subesse tamen oportet easdem, quas dixi paulo ante iustas causas esse bellorum. Sed ea bella, quibus imperii proposita gloria est, minus acerbe gerenda sunt Ut enim cum civi aliter contendimus, si est inimicus, aliter, si competitor (cum altero certamen honoris et dignitatis est, cum altero capitis et famae), sic cum Celtiberis, cum Cimbris bellum ut cum inimicis gerebatur, uter esset, non uter imperaret, cum Latinis, Sabinis, Samnitibus, Poenis, Pyrrho de imperio dimicabatur. Poeni foedifragi, crudelis Hannibal, reliqui iustiores. Pyrrhi quidem de captivis reddendis illa praeclara: Nec mi aurum posco nec mi pretium dederitis, Nec caupotes bellum, sed belligerantes Ferro, non auro vitam cernamus utrique. Vosne velit an me regnare era, quidve ferat Fors, Virtute experiamur. Et hoc simul accipe dictum: Quorum virtuti belli fortuna pepercit, Eorundem libertati me parcere certum est. Dono, ducite, doque volentibus cum magnis dis. Regalis sane et digna Aeacidarum genere sententia. | 1.38. But when a war is fought out for supremacy and when glory is the object of war, it must still not fail to start from the same motives which I said a moment ago were the only righteous grounds for going to war. But those wars which have glory for their end must be carried on with less bitterness. For we contend, for example, with a fellow-citizen in one way, if he is a personal enemy, in another, if he is a rival: with the rival it is a struggle for office and position, with the enemy for life and honour. So with the Celtiberians and the Cimbrians we fought as with deadly enemies, not to determine which should be supreme, but which should survive; but with the Latins, Sabines, Samnites, Carthaginians, and Pyrrhus we fought for supremacy. The Carthaginians violated treaties; Hannibal was cruel; the others were more merciful. From Pyrrhus we have this famous speech on the exchange of prisoners: "Gold will I none, nor price shall ye give; for I ask none; Come, let us not be chaff'rers of war, but warriors embattled. Nay; let us venture our lives, and the sword, not gold, weigh the outcome. Make we the trial by valour in arms and see if Dame Fortune Wills it that ye shall prevail or I, or what be her judgment. Hear thou, too, this word, good Fabricius: whose valour soever Spared hath been by the fortune of war â their freedom I grant them. Such my resolve. I give and present them to you, my brave Romans; Take them back to their homes; the great gods' blessings attend you." A right kingly sentiment this and worthy a scion of the Aeacidae. |
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| 48. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 1.15 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and italy Found in books: Gruen (2020) 101 |
49. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 5.28.5-5.28.6, 5.29.4-5.29.5, 5.31.1-5.31.5, 5.32.3-5.32.7, 5.38.3, 7.5.4-7.5.5, 8.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and gauls •rome and romans, and carthaginians •rome and romans, and trojan origins •rome and romans, foundation legends •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 122, 144, 244, 345 | 5.28.5. They invite strangers to their feasts, and do not inquire until after the meal who they are and of what things they stand in need. And it is their custom, even during the course of the meal, to seize upon any trivial matter as an occasion for keen disputation and then to challenge one another to single combat, without any regard for their lives; 5.28.6. for the belief of Pythagoras prevails among them, that the souls of men are immortal and that after a prescribed number of years they commence upon a new life, the soul entering into another body. Consequently, we are told, at the funerals of their dead some cast letters upon the pyre which they have written to their deceased kinsmen, as if the dead would be able to read these letters. 5.29.4. When their enemies fall they cut off their heads and fasten them about the necks of their horses; and turning over to their attendants the arms of their opponents, all covered with blood, they carry them off as booty, singing a paean over them and striking up a song of victory, and these first-fruits of battle they fasten by nails upon their houses, just as men do, in certain kinds of hunting, with the heads of wild beasts they have mastered. 5.29.5. The heads of their most distinguished enemies they embalm in cedar-oil and carefully preserve in a chest, and these they exhibit to strangers, gravely maintaining that in exchange for this head some one of their ancestors, or their father, or the man himself, refused the offer of a great sum of money. And some men among them, we are told, boast that they have not accepted an equal weight of gold for the head they show, displaying a barbarous sort of greatness of soul; for not to sell that which constitutes a witness and proof of one's valour is a noble thing, but to continue to fight against one of our own race, after he is dead, is to descend to the level of beasts. 5.31.1. The Gauls are terrifying in aspect and their voices are deep and altogether harsh; when they meet together they converse with few words and in riddles, hinting darkly at things for the most part and using one word when they mean another; and they like to talk in superlatives, to the end that they may extol themselves and depreciate all other men. They are also boasters and threateners and are fond of pompous language, and yet they have sharp wits and are not without cleverness at learning. 5.31.2. Among them are also to be found lyric poets whom they call Bards. These men sing to the accompaniment of instruments which are like lyres, and their songs may be either of praise or of obloquy. Philosophers, as we may call them, and men learned in religious affairs are unusually honoured among them and are called by them Druids. 5.31.3. The Gauls likewise make use of diviners, accounting them worthy of high approbation, and these men foretell the future by means of the flight or cries of birds and of the slaughter of sacred animals, and they have all the multitude subservient to them. They also observe a custom which is especially astonishing and incredible, in case they are taking thought with respect to matters of great concern; for in such cases they devote to death a human being and plunge a dagger into him in the region above the diaphragm, and when the stricken victim has fallen they read the future from the manner of his fall and from the twitching of his limbs, as well as from the gushing of the blood, having learned to place confidence in an ancient and long-continued practice of observing such matters. 5.31.4. And it is a custom of theirs that no one should perform a sacrifice without a "philosopher"; for thank-offerings should be rendered to the gods, they say, by the hands of men who are experienced in the nature of the divine, and who speak, as it were, the language of the gods, and it is also through the mediation of such men, they think, that blessings likewise should be sought. 5.31.5. Nor is it only in the exigencies of peace, but in their wars as well, that they obey, before all others, these men and their chanting poets, and such obedience is observed not only by their friends but also by their enemies; many times, for instance, when two armies approach each other in battle with swords drawn and spears thrust forward, these men step forth between them and cause them to cease, as though having cast a spell over certain kinds of wild beasts. In this way, even among the wildest barbarians, does passion give place before wisdom, and Ares stands in awe of the Muses. 5.32.3. The most savage peoples among them are those who dwell beneath the Bears and on the borders of Scythia, and some of these, we are told, eat human beings, even as the Britons do who dwell on Iris, as it is called. 5.32.4. And since the valour of these peoples and their savage ways have been famed abroad, some men say that it was they who in ancient times overran all Asia and were called Cimmerians, time having slightly corrupted the word into the name of Cimbrians, as they are now called. For it has been their ambition from old to plunder, invading for this purpose the lands of others, and to regard all men with contempt. 5.32.5. For they are the people who captured Rome, who plundered the sanctuary at Delphi, who levied tribute upon a large part of Europe and no small part of Asia, and settled themselves upon the lands of the peoples they had subdued in war, being called in time Greco-Gauls, because they became mixed with the Greeks, and who, as their last accomplishment, have destroyed many large Roman armies. 5.32.6. And in pursuance of their savage ways they manifest an outlandish impiety also with respect to their sacrifices; for their criminals they keep prisoner for five years and then impale in honour of the gods, dedicating them together with many other offerings of first-fruits and constructing pyres of great size. Captives also are used by them as victims for their sacrifices in honour of the gods. Certain of them likewise slay, together with the human beings, such animals as are taken in war, or burn them or do away with them in some other vengeful fashion. 5.32.7. Although their wives are comely, they have very little to do with them, but rage with lust, in outlandish fashion, for the embraces of males. It is their practice to sleep upon the ground on the skins of wild beasts and to tumble with a catamite on each side. And the most astonishing thing of all is that they feel no concern for their proper dignity, but prostitute to others without a qualm the flower of their bodies; nor do they consider this a disgraceful thing to do, but rather when anyone of them is thus approached and refuses the favour offered him, this they consider an act of dishonour. 5.38.3. For it is in general true that in their wars the Carthaginians never rested their confidence in soldiers from among their own citizens or gathered from their allies, but that when they subjected the Romans and the Sicilians and the inhabitants of Libya to the greatest perils it was by money, thanks to the abundance of it which they derived from their mines, that they conquered them in every instance. For the Phoenicians, it appears, were from ancient times clever men in making discoveries to their gain, and the Italians are equally clever in leaving no gain to anyone else. 7.5.4. As for the name of the city, however, Fabius, who wrote a history of the Romans, presents a different story. This is what he says: An oracle was given to Aeneas, stating that a four-footed animal would lead him to the place where he should found a city. And once, when he was in the act of sacrificing a sow, white in colour, which was pregt, it escaped from his hands and was pursued to a certain hill, where it dropped a farrow of thirty pigs. 7.5.5. Aeneas was astounded at this strange happening, and then, calling to mind the oracle, he made preparations to found a city on the spot. But in his sleep he saw a vision which strictly forbade him to do so and counselled him to found the city thirty years hence, corresponding to the number of the farrow of pigs, and so he gave up his design. 8.14. 1. Pompilius, the Roman king, lived at peace for his entire life. And certain writers state that he was a pupil of Pythagoras, and that he received from him the ordices he laid down regarding the worship of the gods and was instructed in many other matters; and it was because of this that he became a man of renown and was summoned by the Romans to be their king. |
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| 50. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 1.1, 6.21-6.24, 6.23.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and germans Found in books: Gruen (2011) 159, 164, 167 |
51. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.10-1.13, 1.31, 1.34.1, 1.41-1.44, 1.49.1-1.49.2, 1.60-1.62, 1.72.2, 1.74.1, 1.89.1-1.89.2, 2.19, 2.49.2, 2.49.4-2.49.5, 2.59, 2.59.1, 4.62, 6.17.2, 10.51.5, 10.52.4, 10.55.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and arcadia •rome and romans, foundation legends •rome and romans, and trojan origins •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 244, 246, 247, 248, 345, 347, 348, 350 | 1.10. 1. There are some who affirm that the Aborigines, from whom the Romans are originally descended, were natives of Italy, a stock which came into being spontaneously (I call Italy all that peninsula which is bounded by the Ionian Gulf and the Tyrrhenian Sea and, thirdly, by the Alps on the landward side); and these authors say that they were first called Aborigines because they were the founders of the families of their descendants, or, as we should call them, genearchai or prôtogonoi.,2. Others claim that certain vagabonds without house or home, coming together out of many places, met one another there by chance and took up their abode in the fastnesses, living by robbery and grazing their herds. And these writers change their name, also, to one more suitable to their condition, calling them Aberrigenes, to show that they were wanderers; indeed, according to these, the race of the Aborigines would seem to be no different from those the ancients called Leleges; for this is the name they generally gave to the homeless and mixed peoples who had no fixed abode which they could call their country.,3. Still others have a story to the effect that they were colonists sent out by those Ligurians who are neighbours of the Umbrians. For the Ligurians inhabit not only many parts of Italy but some parts of Gaul as well, but which of these lands is their native country is not known, since nothing certain is said of them further. 1.11. 1. But the most learned of the Roman historians, among whom is Porcius Cato, who compiled with the greatest care the "origins" of the Italian cities, Gaius Sempronius and a great many others, say that they were Greeks, part of those who once dwelt in Achaia, and that they migrated many generations before the Trojan war. But they do not go on to indicate either the Greek tribe to which they belonged or the city from which they removed, or the date or the leader of the colony, or as the result of what turns of fortune they left their mother country; and although they are following a Greek legend, they have cited no Greek historian as their authority. It is uncertain, therefore, what the truth of the matter is. But if what they say is true, the Aborigines can be a colony of no other people but of those who are now called Arcadians;,2. for these were the first of all the Greeks to cross the Ionian Gulf, under the leadership of Oenotrus, the son of Lycaon, and to settle in Italy. This Oenotrus was the fifth from Aezeius and Phoroneus, who were the first kings in the Peloponnesus. For Niobê was the daughter of Phoroneus, and Pelasgus was the son of Niobê and Zeus, it is said; Lycaon was the son of Aezeius and Deïanira was the daughter of Lycaon; Deïanira and Pelasgus were the parents of another Lycaon, whose son Oenotrus was born seventeen generations before the Trojan expedition. This, then, was the time when the Greeks sent the colony into Italy.,3. Oenotrus left Greece because he was dissatisfied with his portion of his father's land; for, as Lycaon had twenty-two sons, it was necessary to divide Arcadia into as many shares. For this reason Oenotrus left the Peloponnesus, prepared a fleet, and crossed the Ionian Gulf with Peucetius, one of his brothers. They were accompanied by many of their own people â for this nation is said to have been very populous in early times â and by as many other Greeks as had less land than was sufficient for them.,4. Peucetius landed his people above the Iapygian Promontory, which was the first part of Italy they made, and settled there; and from him the inhabitants of this region were called Peucetians. But Oenotrus with the greater part of the expedition came into the other sea that washes the western regions along the coast of Italy; it was then called the Ausonian Sea, from the Ausonians who dwelt beside it, but after the Tyrrhenians became masters at sea its name was changed to that which it now bears. 1.12. 1. And finding there much land suitable for pasturage and much for tillage, but for the most part unoccupied, and even that which was inhabited not thickly populated, he cleared some of it of the barbarians and built small towns contiguous to one another on the mountains, which was the customary manner of habitation in use among the ancients. And all the land he occupied, which was very extensive, was called Oenotria, and all the people under his command Oenotrians, which was the third name they had borne. For in the reign of Aezeius they were called Aezeians, when Lycaon succeeded to the rule, Lycaonians, and after Oenotrus led them into Italy they were for a while called Oenotrians.,2. What I say is supported by the testimony of Sophocles, the tragic poet, in his drama entitled Triptolemus; for he there represents Demeter as informing Triptolemus how large a tract of land he would have to travel over while sowing it with the seeds she had given him. For, after first referring to the eastern part of Italy, which reaches from the Iapygian Promontory to the Sicilian Strait, and then touching upon Sicily on the opposite side, she returns again to the western part of Italy and enumerates the most important nations that inhabit this coast, beginning with the settlement of the Oenotrians. But it is enough to quote merely the iambics in which he says: "And after this, â first, then, upon the right, Oenotria wide-outstretched and Tyrrhene Gulf, And next the Ligurian land shall welcome thee." ,3. And Antiochus of Syracuse, a very early historian, in his account of the settlement of Italy, when enumerating the most ancient inhabitants in the order in which each of them held possession of any part of it, says that the first who are reported to have inhabited that country are the Oenotrians. His words are these: "Antiochus, the son of Xenophanes, wrote this account of Italy, which comprises all that is most credible and certain out of the ancient tales; this country, which is now called Italy, was formerly possessed by the Oenotrians." Then he relates in what manner they were governed and says that in the course of time Italus came to be their king, after whom they were named Italians; that this man was succeeded by Morges, after whom they were called Morgetes, and that Sicelus, being received as a guest by Morges and setting up a kingdom for himself, divided the nation. After which he adds these words: "Thus those who had been Oenotrians became Sicels, Morgetes and Italians." 1.13. 1. Now let me also show the origin of the Oenotrian race, offering as my witness another of the early historians, Pherecydes of Athens, who was a genealogist inferior to none. He thus expresses himself concerning the kings of Arcadia: "of Pelasgus and Deïanira was born Lycaon; this man married Cyllenê, a Naiad nymph, after whom Mount Cyllenê is named." Then, having given an account of their children and of the places each of them inhabited, he mentions Oenotrus and Peucetius, in these words: "And Oenotrus, after whom are named the Oenotrians who live in Italy, and Peucetius, after whom are named the Peucetians who live on the Ionian Gulf.",2. Such, then, are the accounts given by the ancient poets and writers of legends concerning the places of abode and the origin of the Oenotrians; and on their authority I assume that if the Aborigines were in reality a Greek nation, according to the opinion of Cato, Sempronius and many others, they were descendants of these Oenotrians. For I find that the Pelasgians and Cretans and the other nations that lived in Italy came thither afterwards; nor can I discover that any other expedition more ancient than this came from Greece to the western parts of Europe.,3. I am of the opinion that the Oenotrians, besides making themselves masters of many other regions in Italy, some of which they found unoccupied and others but thinly inhabited, also seized a portion of the country of the Umbrians, and that they were called Aborigines from their dwelling on the mountains (for it is characteristic of the Arcadians to be fond of the mountains), in the same manner as at Athens some are called Hyperakriori, and others Paralioi.,4. But if any are naturally slow in giving credit to accounts of ancient matters without due examination, let them be slow also in believing the Aborigines to be Ligurians, Umbrians, or any other barbarians, and let them suspend their judgment till they have heard what remains to be told and then determine which opinion out of all is the most probable. 1.31. 1. Soon after, another Greek expedition landed in this part of Italy, having migrated from Pallantium, a town of Arcadia, about the sixtieth year before the Trojan war, as the Romans themselves say. This colony had for its leader Evander, who is said to have been the son of Hermes and a local nymph of the Arcadians. The Greeks call her Themis and say that she was inspired, but the writers of the early history of Rome call her, in the native language, Carmenta. The nymph's name would be in Greek Thespiôdos or "prophetic singer"; for the Romans call songs carmina, and they agree that this woman, possessed by divine inspiration, foretold to the people in song the things that would come to pass.,2. This expedition was not sent out by the common consent of the nation, but, a sedition having arisen among the people, the faction which was defeated left the country of their own accord. It chanced that the kingdom of the Aborigines had been inherited at that time by Faunus, a descendant of Mars, it is said, a man of prudence as well as energy, whom the Romans in their sacrifices and songs honour as one of the gods of their country. This man received the Arcadians, who were but few in number, with great friendship and gave them as much of his own land as they desired.,3. And the Arcadians, as Themis by inspiration kept advising them, chose a hill, not far from the Tiber, which is now near the middle of the city of Rome, and by this hill built a small village sufficient for the complement of the two ships in which they had come from Greece. Yet this village was ordained by fate to excel in the course of time all other cities, whether Greek or barbarian, not only in its size, but also in the majesty of its empire and in every other form of prosperity, and to be celebrated above them all as long as mortality shall endure.,4. They named the town Pallantium after their mother-city in Arcadia; now, however, the Romans call it Palatium, time having obscured the correct form, and this name has given occasion of the many to suggest absurd etymologies. But some writers, among them Polybius of Megalopolis, related that the town was named after Pallas, a lad who died there; they say that he was the son of Hercules and Lavinia, the daughter of Evander, and that his maternal grandfather raised a tomb to him on the hill and called the place Pallantium, after the lad. 1.34.1. A few years after the Arcadians another Greek expedition came into Italy under the command of Hercules, who had just returned from the conquest of Spain and of all the region that extends to the setting of the sun. It was some of his followers who, begging Hercules to dismiss them from the expedition, remained in this region and built a town on a suitable hill, which they found at a distance of about three stades from Pallantium. This is now called theCapitoline hill, but by the men of that time the Saturnian hill, or, in Greek, the hill of Cronus. 1.41. 1. But the story which comes nearer to the truth and which has been adopted by many who have narrated his deeds in the form of history is as follows: Hercules, who was the greatest commander of his age, marched at the head of a large force through all the country that lies on this side of the Ocean, destroying any despotisms that were grievous and oppressive to their subjects, or commonwealths that outraged and injured the neighbouring states, or organized bands of men who lived in the manner of savages and lawlessly put strangers to death, and in their room establishing lawful monarchies, well-ordered governments and humane and sociable modes of life. Furthermore, he mingled barbarians with Greeks, and inhabitants of the inland with dwellers on the sea coast, groups which hitherto had been distrustful and unsocial in their dealings with each other; he also built cities in desert places, turned the course of rivers that overflowed the fields, cut roads through inaccessible mountains, and contrived other means by which every land and sea might lie open to the use of all mankind.,2. And he came into Italy not alone nor yet bringing a herd of cattle (for neither does this country lies on the road of those returning from Spain to Argos nor would he have been deemed worthy of so great an honour merely for passing through it), but at the head of a great army, after he had already conquered Spain, in order to subjugate and rule the people in this region; and he was obliged to tarry there a considerable time both because of the absence of his fleet, due to stormy weather that detained it, and because not all the nations of Italy willingly submitted to him.,3. For, besides the other barbarians, the Ligurians, a numerous and warlike people seated in the passes of the Alps, endeavoured to prevent his entrance into Italy by force of arms, and in that place so great a battle was fought by the Greeks that all their missiles gave out in the course of the fighting. This war is mentioned by Aeschylus, among the ancient poets, in his Prometheus Unbound; for there Prometheus is represented as foretelling to Hercules in detail how everything else was to befall him on his expedition against Geryon and in particular recounting to him the difficult struggle he was to have in the war with the Ligurians. The verses are these: "And thou shalt come to Liguria's dauntless host, Where no fault shalt thou find, bold though thou art, With the fray: 'tis fated thy missiles all shall fail." 1.42. 1. After Hercules had defeated this people and gained the passes, some delivered up their cities to him of their own accord, particularly those who were any other Greek extraction or who had no considerable forces; but the greatest part of them were reduced by war and siege.,2. Among those who were conquered in battle, they say, was Cacus, who is celebrated in the Roman legend, an exceedingly barbarous chieftain reigning over a savage people, who had set himself to oppose Hercules; he was established in the fastnesses and on that account was a pest to his neighbours. He, when he heard that Hercules lay encamped in the plain hard by, equipped his followers like brigands and making a sudden raid while the army lay sleeping, he surrounded and drove off as much of their booty as he found unguarded.,3. Afterwards, being besieged by the Greeks, he not only saw his forts taken by storm, but was himself slain amid his fastnesses. And when his forts had been demolished, those who had accompanied Hercules on the expedition (these were some Arcadians with Evander, and Faunus, king of the Aborigines) took over the districts round about, each group for itself. And it may be conjectured that those of the Greeks who remained there, that is, the Epeans and the Arcadians from Pheneus, as well as the Trojans, were left to guard the country.,4. For among the various measures of Hercules that bespoke the true general none was more worthy of admiration than his practice of carrying along with him for a time on his expeditions the prisoners taken from the captured cities, and then, after they had cheerfully assisted him in his wars, settling them in the conquered regions and bestowing on them the riches he had gained from others. It was because of these deeds that Hercules gained the greatest name and renown in Italy, and not because of his passage through it, which was attended by nothing worthy of veneration. Some say that he also left sons by two women in the region now inhabited by the Romans. One of these sons was Pallas, whom he had by the daughter of Evander, whose name, they say, was Lavinia; the other, Latinus, whose mother was a certain Hyperborean girl whom he brought with him as a hostage given to him by her father and preserved for some time untouched; but while he was on his voyage to Italy, he fell in love with her and got her with child. And when he was preparing to leave for Argos, he married her to Faunus, king of the Aborigines; for which reason Latinus is generally looked upon as the son of Faunus, not of Hercules. 1.43. 2. Pallas, they say, died before he arrived at puberty; but Latinus, upon reaching man's estate, succeeded to the kingdom of the Aborigines, and when he was killed in the battle against the neighbouring Rutulians, without leaving any male issue, the kingdom devolved on Aeneas, the son of Anchises, his son-inâlaw. But these things happened at other times. 1.44. 1. After Hercules had settled everything in Italy according to his desire and his naval force had arrived in safety from Spain, he sacrificed to the gods the tithes of his booty and built a small town named after himself in the place where his fleet lay at anchor (it is now occupied by the Romans, and lying as it does between Neapolis and Pompeii, has at all times Etruria havens); and having gained fame and glory and received divine honours from all the inhabitants of Italy, he set sail for Sicily.,2. Those who were left behind by him as a garrison to dwell in Italy and were settled around the Saturnian hill lived for some time under an independent government; but not long afterwards they adapted their manner of life, their laws and their religious ceremonies to those of the Aborigines, even as the Arcadians and, still earlier, the Pelasgians had done, and they shared in the same government with them, so that in time they came to be looked upon as of the same nation with them. But let this suffice concerning the expedition of Hercules and concerning the Peloponnesians who remained behind in Italy. 1.49.1. What happened after his departure creates still greater difficulty for most historians. For some, after they have brought him as far as Thrace, say he died there; of this number are Cephalon of Gergis and Hegesippus, who wrote concerning Pallenê, both of them ancient and reputable men. Others make him leave Thrace and take him to Arcadia, and say that he lived in the Arcadian Orchomenus, in a place which, though situated inland, yet by reason of marshes and a river, is called Nesos or "Island"; and they add that the town called Capyae was built by Aeneas and the Trojans and took its name from Capys the Troan. 1.49.2. This is the account given by various other writers and by Ariaethus, the author of Arcadica. And there are some who have the story that he came, indeed, to Arcadia and yet that his death did not occur there, but in Italy; this is stated by many others and especially by Agathyllus of Arcadia, the poet, who writes thus in an elegy: "Then to Arcadia came and in Nesos left his two daughters, Fruit of his love for Anthemonê fair and for lovely Codonê; Thence made haste to Hesperia's land and begat there male offspring, Romulus named." 1.60. 1. After the Trojans' city was built all were extremely desirous of enjoying the mutual benefit of their new alliance. And their kings setting the example, united the excellence of the two races, the native and the foreign, by ties of marriage, Latinus giving his daughter Lavinia to Aeneas.,2. Thereupon the rest also conceived the same desire as their kings; and combining in a very brief time their customs, laws and religious ceremonies, forming ties through intermarriages and becoming mingled together in the wars they jointly waged, and all calling themselves by the common name of Latins, after the king of the Aborigines, they adhered so firmly to their pact that no lapse of time has yet severed them from one another.,3. The nations, therefore, which came together and shared in a common life and from which the Roman people derived their origin before the city they now inhabit was built, are these: first, the Aborigines, who drove the Sicels out of these parts and were originally Greeks from the Peloponnesus, the same who with Oenotrus removed from the country now called Arcadia, according to my opinion; then, the Pelasgians, who came from Haemonia, as it was then called, but now Thessaly; third, those who came into Italy with Evander from the city of Pallantium; after them the Epeans and Pheneats, who were part of the Peloponnesian army commanded by Hercules, with whom a Trojan element also was commingled; and, last of all, the Trojans who had escaped with Aeneas from Ilium, Dardanus and the other Trojan cities. 1.61. 1. That the Trojans, too, were a nation as truly Greek as any and formerly came from the Peloponnesus has long been asserted by some authors and shall be briefly related by me also. The account concerning them is as follows. Atlas was the first king of the country now called Arcadia, and he lived near the mountain called Thaumasius. He had seven daughters, who are said to be numbered now among the constellations under the name of the Pleiades; Zeus married one of these, Electra, and had by her two sons, Iasus and Dardanus.,2. Iasus remained unmarried, but Dardanus married Chrysê, the daughter of Pallas, by whom he had two sons, Idaeus and Deimas; and these, succeeding Atlas in the kingdom, reign for some time in Arcadia. Afterwards, a great deluge occurring throughout Arcadia, the plains were overflowed and for a long time could not be tilled; and the inhabitants, living upon the mountains and eking out a sorry livelihood, decided that the land remaining would not be sufficient for the support of them all, and so divided themselves into two groups, one of which remained in Arcadia, after making Deimas, the son of Dardanus, their king, while the other left the Peloponnesus on board a large fleet.,3. And sailing along the coast of Europe, they came to a gulf called Melas and chanced to land on a certain island of Thrace, as to which I am unable to say whether it was previously inhabited or not. They called the island Samothrace, a name compounded of the name of a man and the name of a place. For it belongs to Thrace and its first settler was Samon, the son of Hermes and a nymph of Cyllenê, named Rhenê.,4. Here they remained but a short time, since the life proved to be no easy one for them, forced to contend, as they were, with both a poor soil and a boisterous sea; but leaving some few of their people in the island, the greater part of them removed once more and went to Asia under Dardanus as leader of their colony (for Iasus had died in the island, being struck with a thunderbolt for desiring to have intercourse with Demeter), and disembarking in the strait now called the Hellespont, they settled in the region which was afterwards called Phrygia. Idaeus, the son of Dardanus, with part of the company occupied the mountains which are now called after him the Idaean mountains, and there built a temple to the Mother of the Gods and instituted mysteries and ceremonies which are observed to this day throughout all Phrygia. And Dardanus built a city named after himself in the region now called the Troad; the land was given to him by Teucer, the king, after whom the country was anciently called Teucris.,5. Many authors, and particularly Phanodemus, who wrote about the ancient lore of Attica, say that Teucer had come into Asia from Attica, where he had been chief of the deme called Xypetê, and of this tale they offer many proofs. They add that, having possessed himself of a large and fertile country with but a small native population, he was glad to see Dardanus and the Greeks who came with him, both because he hoped for their assistance in his wars against the barbarians and because he desired that the land should not remain unoccupied. But the subject requires that I relate also how Aeneas was descended: this, too, I shall do briefly. Dardanus, after the death of Chrysê, the daughter of Pallas, by whom he had his first sons, married Bateia, the daughter of Teucer, and by her had Erichthonius, who is said to have been the most fortunate of all men, since he inherited both the kingdom of his father and that of his maternal grandfather. 1.62. 2. of Erichthonius and Callirrhoê, the daughter of Scamander, was born Tros, from whom the nation has received its name; of Tros and Acallaris, the daughter of Eumedes, Assaracus; of Assaracus and Clytodora, the daughter of Laomedon, Capys; of Capys and a Naiad nymph, Hieromnemê, Anchises; of Anchises and Aphroditê, Aeneas. Thus I have shown that the Trojan race, too, was originally Greek. 1.72.2. But the author of the history of the priestesses at Argos and of what happened in the days of each of them says that Aeneas came into Italy from the land of the Molossians with Odysseus and became the founder of the city, which he named after Romê, one of the Trojan women. He says that this woman, growing weary with wandering, stirred up the other Trojan women and together with them set fire to the ships. And Damastes of Sigeum and some others agree with him. 1.74.1. As to the last settlement or founding of the city, or whatever we ought to call it, Timaeus of Sicily, following what principle I do not know, places it at the same time as the founding of Carthage, that is, in the thirty-eighth year before the first Olympiad; Lucius Cincius, a member of the senate, places it about the fourth year of the twelfth Olympiad, and Quintus Fabius in the first year of the eighth Olympiad. 1.89.1. Such, then, are the facts concerning the origin of the Romans which I have been able to discover a reading very diligently many works written by both Greek and Roman authors. Hence, from now on let the reader forever renounce the views of those who make Rome a retreat of barbarians, fugitives and vagabonds, and let him confidently affirm it to be a Greek city, â which will be easy when he shows that it is at once the most hospitable and friendly of all cities, and when he bears in mind that the Aborigines were Oenotrians, and these in turn Arcadians, 1.89.2. and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these. 2.19. 1. Indeed, there is no tradition among the Romans either of Caelus being castrated by his own sons or of Saturn destroying his own offspring to secure himself from their attempts or of Jupiter dethroning Saturn and confining his own father in the dungeon of Tartarus, or, indeed, of wars, wounds, or bonds of the gods, or of their servitude among men.,2. And no festival is observed among them as a day of mourning or by the wearing of black garments and the beating of breasts and the lamentations of women because of the disappearance of deities, such as the Greeks perform in commemorating the rape of Persephonê and the adventures of Dionysus and all the other things of like nature. And one will see among them, even though their manners are now corrupted, no ecstatic transports, no Corybantic frenzies, no begging under the colour of religion, no bacchanals or secret mysteries, no all-night vigils of men and women together in the temples, nor any other mummery of this kind; but alike in all their words and actions with respect to the gods a reverence is shown such as is seen among neither Greeks nor barbarians.,3. And, â the thing which I myself have marvelled at most, â notwithstanding the influx into Rome of innumerable nations which are under every necessity of worshipping their ancestral gods according to the customs of their respective countries, yet the city has never officially adopted any of those foreign practices, as has been the experience of many cities in the past; but, even though she has, in pursuance of oracles, introduced certain rites from abroad, she celebrates them in accordance with her own traditions, after banishing all fabulous clap-trap. The rites of the Idaean goddess are a case in point;,4. for the praetors perform sacrifices and celebrated games in her honour every year according to the Roman customs, but the priest and priestess of the goddess are Phrygians, and it is they who carry her image in procession through the city, begging alms in her name according to their custom, and wearing figures upon their breasts and striking their timbrels while their followers play tunes upon their flutes in honour of the Mother of the Gods.,5. But by a law and decree of the senate no native Roman walks in procession through the city arrayed in a parti-coloured robe, begging alms or escorted by flute-players, or worships the god with the Phrygian ceremonies. So cautious are they about admitting any foreign religious customs and so great is their aversion to all pompous display that is wanting in decorum. 2.49.2. But Porcius Cato says that the Sabine race received its name from Sabus, the son of Sancus, a divinity of that country, and that this Sancus was by some called Jupiter Fidius. He says also that their first place of abode was a certain village called Testruna, situated near the city of Amiternum; that from there the Sabines made an incursion at that time into the Reatine territory, which was inhabited by the Aborigines together with the Pelasgians, and took their most famous city, Cutiliae, by force of arms and occupied it; 2.49.4. There is also another account given of the Sabines in the native histories, to the effect that a colony of Lacedaemonians settled among them at the time when Lycurgus, being guardian to his nephew Eunomus, gave his laws to Sparta. For the story goes that some of the Spartans, disliking the severity of his laws and separating from the rest, quitted the city entirely, and after being borne through a vast stretch of sea, made a vow to the gods to settle in the first land they should reach; for a longing came upon them for any land whatsoever. 2.49.5. At last they made that part of Italy which lies near the Pomentine plains and they called the place where they first landed Foronia, in memory of their being borne through the sea, and built a temple owing to the goddess Foronia, to whom they had addressed their vows; this goddess, by the alteration of one letter, they now call Feronia. And some of them, setting out from thence, settled among the Sabines. It is for this reason, they say, that many of the habits of the Sabines are Spartan, particularly their fondness for war and their frugality and a severity in all the actions of their lives. But this is enough about the Sabine race. 2.59. 1. Up to this point, then, I have nothing to allege in contradiction to those who have published the history of this man; but in regard to what follows I am at a loss what to say. For many have written that Numa was a disciple of Pythagoras and that when he was chosen king by the Romans he was studying philosophy at Croton. But the date of Pythagoras contradicts this account,,2. since he was not merely a few years younger than Numa, but actually lived four whole generations later, as we learn from universal history; for Numa succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans in the middle of the sixteenth Olympiad, whereas Pythagoras resided in Italy after the fiftieth Olympiad.,3. But I can advance yet a stronger argument to prove that the chronology is incompatible with the reports handed down about Numa, and that is, that at the time when he was called to the sovereignty by the Romans the city of Croton did not yet exist; for it was not until four whole years after Numa had begun to rule the Romans that Myscelus founded this city, in the third year of the seventeenth Olympiad. Accordingly, it was impossible for Numa either to have studied philosophy with Pythagoras the Samian, who flourished four generations after him, or to have resided in Croton, a city not as yet in existence when the Romans called him to the sovereignty.,4. But if I may express my own opinion, those who have written his history seem to have taken these two admitted facts, namely, the residence of Pythagoras in Italy and the wisdom of Numa (for he has been allowed by everybody to have been a wise man), and combining them, to have made Numa a disciple of Pythagoras, without going on to inquire whether they both flourished at the same period â unless, indeed, one is going to assume that there was another Pythagoras who taught philosophy before the Samian, and that with him Numa associated. But I do not know how this could be proved, since it is not supported, so far as I know, by the testimony of any author of note, either Greek or Roman. But I have said enough on this subject. 2.59.1. Up to this point, then, I have nothing to allege in contradiction to those who have published the history of this man; but in regard to what follows I am at a loss what to say. For many have written that Numa was a disciple of Pythagoras and that when he was chosen king by the Romans he was studying philosophy at Croton. But the date of Pythagoras contradicts this account, 4.62. 1. It is said that during the reign of Tarquinius another very wonderful piece of good luck also came to the Roman state, conferred upon it by the favour of some god or other divinity; and this good fortune was not of short duration, but throughout the whole existence of the country it has often saved it from great calamities.,2. A certain woman who was not a native of the country came to the tyrant wishing to sell him nine books filled with Sibylline oracles; but when Tarquinius refused to purchase the books at the price she asked, she went away and burned three of them. And not long afterwards, bringing the remaining six books, she offered to sell them for the same price. But when they thought her a fool and mocked at her for asking the same price for the smaller number of books that she had been unable to get for even the larger number, she again went away and burned half of those that were left; then, bringing the remaining books, she asked the same amount of money for these.,3. Tarquinius, wondering at the woman's purpose, sent for the augurs and acquainting them with the matter, asked them what he should do. These, knowing by certain signs that he had rejected a god-sent blessing, and declaring it to be a great misfortune that he had not purchased all the books, directed him to pay the woman all the money she asked and to get the oracles that were left.,4. The woman, after delivering the books and bidding him take great care of them, disappeared from among men. Tarquinius chose two men of distinction from among the citizens and appointing two public slaves to assist them, entrusted to them the guarding of the books; and when one of these men, named Marcus Atilius, seemed to have been faithless to his trust and was informed upon by one of the public slaves, he ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea as a parricide.,5. Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men.,6. But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâcalled acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. 6.17.2. All things having now gone according to his wish, he buried his own dead, and having purified his army, returned to the city with the pomp of a magnificent triumph, together with huge quantities of military stores, followed by 5,500 prisoners taken in the battle. And having set apart the tithes of the spoils, he spent forty talents in performing games and sacrifices to the gods, and let contracts for the building of temples to Ceres, Liber and Libera, in fulfilment of a vow he had made. 10.51.5. The substance of my advice is that you choose ambassadors and send some of them to the Greek cities in Italy and others to Athens, to ask the Greeks for their best laws and such as are most suited to our ways of life, and then to bring these laws here. And when they return, that the consuls then in office shall propose for the consideration of the senate what men to choose as lawgivers, what magistracy they shall hold and for how long a time, and to determine everything else in such a manner as they shall think expedient; and that you contend no longer with the plebeians nor add calamities to your calamities, particularly by quarrelling over laws which, if nothing else, have at least a respectable reputation for dignity." 10.52.4. The preliminary decree having been drawn up and afterwards confirmed by the populace, the ambassadors who were to get the laws from the Greeks were chosen, namely, Spurius Postumius, Servius Sulpicius and Aulus Manlius; and they were furnished with triremes at the public expense and with such other appointments as were sufficient to display the dignity of the Roman empire. And thus the year ended. 10.55.5. that these men select both from the Roman usages and from the Greek laws brought back by the ambassadors the best institutions and such as were suitable to the Roman commonwealth, and form them into a body of laws; that the laws drawn up by the decemvirs, if approved by the senate and confirmed by the people, should be valid for all time, and that all future magistrates should determine private contracts and administer the affairs of the public according to these laws. |
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| 52. Catullus, Poems, 39 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and italy Found in books: Gruen (2020) 101 |
| 53. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.139-1.4.143, 1.9.70, 2.1.34-2.1.39 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and jewish customs •rome/romans, and italy Found in books: Gruen (2011) 183, 184; Gruen (2020) 102 |
| 54. Horace, Epodes, 9.11-9.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 108 |
| 55. Horace, Odes, 1.37.6-1.37.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 108 |
| 56. Ovid, Tristia, 3.341-3.344 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 345 |
57. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 181, 184 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 38 | 184. But I will make the following reply to the envy and ill-temper of these men. of those who sacrifice their children, some do so out of habit, as they say some of the barbarians do; others do it because they are unable by any other means to place on a good footing some desperate and important dangers threatening their cities and countries. And of these men, some have given up their children because they have been constrained by those more powerful than themselves: and others, out of a thirst for glory, and honour, and for renown at the present moment, and celebrity in all future ages. |
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58. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.1-1.2, 3.17, 3.163 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and jewish customs •rome/romans, and josephus Found in books: Gruen (2011) 184; Gruen (2020) 38 | 1.1. The genera and heads of all special laws, which are called "the ten commandments," have been discussed with accuracy in the former treatise. We must now proceed to consider the particular commands as we read them in the subsequent passages of the holy scriptures; and we will begin with that which is turned into ridicule by people in general. 1.2. The ordice of circumcision of the parts of generation is ridiculed, though it is an act which is practised to no slight degree among other nations also, and most especially by the Egyptians, who appear to me to be the most populous of all nations, and the most abounding in all kinds of wisdom. 3.17. Nor, indeed, do the Persians, among whom such practices are frequent, avoid similar evils, for they are continually involved in military expeditions and battles, killing and being killed, and at one time invading their neighbours and at others repelling those who rise up against them. And many enemies rise up against them from many quarters, since it is not the nature of the barbarians to rest in tranquillity; therefore, before the existing sedition is appeased, another springs up, so that no season of the year is ever indulged in peace and quietness, but they are compelled to live under arms night and day, bearing for the greater portion of their lives hardships in the open air while serving in the camps, or else living in cities from the complete absence of all peace. 3.163. But perhaps it is not wonderful if men, barbarians by nature, utterly ignorant of all gentleness, and under the command of despotic authority, which compelled them to give an account of the yearly revenue, should, in order to enforce the payment of the taxes, extend their severities, not merely to properties but also to the persons, and even to the lives, of those from whom they thought they could exact a vicarious payment. |
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59. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 158, 215, 116 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 38 | 116. for all others, all men, all women, all cities, all nations, every country and region of the earth, I had almost said the whole of the inhabited world, although groaning over what was taking place, did nevertheless flatter him, dignifying him above measure, and helping to increase his pride and arrogance; and some of them even introduced the barbaric custom into Italy of falling down in adoration before him, adulterating their native feelings of Roman liberty. |
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60. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 74-76, 94, 73 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 38 | 73. And all Greece and all the land of the barbarians is a witness of this; for in the one country flourished those who are truly called "the seven wise men," though others had flourished before them, and have also in all probability lived since their time. But their memory, though they are now very ancient, has nevertheless not been effaced by the lapse of ages, while of others who are more modern, the names have been lost through the neglect of their contemporaries. |
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61. Ovid, Fasti, 1.260, 2.711-2.720, 3.151-3.154, 4.247-4.348 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and trojan origins •rome and romans, foundation legends •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 248, 345, 347, 349| 1.260. protinus Oebalii rettulit arma Tati, 2.711. ecce, nefas visu, mediis altaribus anguis 2.712. exit et extinctis ignibus exta rapit, 2.713. consulitur Phoebus: sors est ita reddita: ‘matri 2.714. qui dederit princeps oscula, victor erit.’ 2.715. oscula quisque suae matri properata tulerunt, 2.716. non intellecto credula turba deo. 2.717. Brutus erat stulti sapiens imitator, ut esset 2.718. tutus ab insidiis, dire Superbe, tuis; 2.719. ille iacens pronus matri dedit oscula Terrae, 2.720. creditus offenso procubuisse pede. 3.151. primus oliviferis Romam deductus ab arvis 3.152. Pompilius menses sensit abesse duos, 3.153. sive hoc a Samio doctus, qui posse renasci 3.154. nos putat, Egeria sive monente sua. 4.247. ‘hoc quoque, dux operis, moneas, precor, unde petita 4.248. venerit, an nostra semper in urbe fuit?’ 4.249. ‘Dindymon et Cybelen et amoenam fontibus Iden 4.250. semper et Iliacas Mater amavit opes: 4.251. cum Troiam Aeneas Italos portaret in agros, 4.252. est dea sacriferas paene secuta rates, 4.253. sed nondum fatis Latio sua numina posci 4.254. senserat, adsuetis substiteratque locis. 4.255. post, ut Roma potens opibus iam saecula quinque 4.256. vidit et edomito sustulit orbe caput, 4.257. carminis Euboici fatalia verba sacerdos 4.258. inspicit; inspectum tale fuisse ferunt: 4.259. ‘mater abest: matrem iubeo, Romane, requiras. 4.260. cum veniet, casta est accipienda manu. 4.261. ‘obscurae sortis patres ambagibus errant, 4.262. quaeve parens absit, quove petenda loco. 4.263. consulitur Paean,’ divum que arcessite Matrem, 4.264. inquit in Idaeo est invenienda iugo. 4.265. mittuntur proceres. Phrygiae tunc sceptra tenebat 4.266. Attalus: Ausoniis rem negat ille viris, 4.267. mira canam, longo tremuit cum murmure tellus, 4.268. et sic est adytis diva locuta suis: 4.269. ipsa peti volui, nec sit mora, mitte volentem. 4.270. dignus Roma locus, quo deus omnis eat.’ 4.271. ille soni terrore pavens proficiscere, dixit 4.272. nostra eris: in Phrygios Roma refertur avos. 4.273. protinus innumerae caedunt pineta secures 4.274. illa, quibus fugiens Phryx pius usus erat: 4.275. mille manus coeunt, et picta coloribus ustis 4.276. caelestum Matrem concava puppis habet, 4.277. illa sui per aquas fertur tutissima nati 4.278. longaque Phrixeae stagna sororis adit 4.279. Rhoeteumque rapax Sigeaque litora transit 4.280. et Tenedum et veteres Eetionis opes. 4.281. Cyclades excipiunt, Lesbo post terga relicta, 4.282. quaeque Carysteis frangitur unda vadis. 4.283. transit et Icarium, lapsas ubi perdidit alas 4.284. Icarus et vastae nomina fecit aquae. 4.285. tum laeva Creten, dextra Pelopeidas undas 4.286. deserit et Veneris sacra Cythera petit, 4.287. hinc mare Trinacrium, candens ubi tinguere ferrum 4.288. Brontes et Steropes Acmonidesque solent, 4.289. aequoraque Afra legit Sardoaque regna sinistris 4.290. respicit a remis Ausoniamque tenet. 4.291. Ostia contigerat, qua se Tiberinus in altum 4.292. dividit et campo liberiore natat: 4.293. omnis eques mixtaque gravis cum plebe senatus 4.294. obvius ad Tusci fluminis ora venit. 4.295. procedunt pariter matres nataeque nurusque 4.296. quaeque colunt sanctos virginitate focos, 4.297. sedula fune viri contento brachia lassant: 4.298. vix subit adversas hospita navis aquas, 4.299. sicca diu fuerat tellus, sitis usserat herbas: 4.300. sedit limoso pressa carina vado. 4.301. quisquis adest operi, plus quam pro parte laborat, 4.302. adiuvat et fortis voce sote manus, 4.303. illa velut medio stabilis sedet insula ponto: 4.304. attoniti monstro stantque paventque viri. 4.305. Claudia Quinta genus Clauso referebat ab alto, 4.306. nec facies impar nobilitate fuit: 4.307. casta quidem, sed non et credita: rumor iniquus 4.308. laeserat, et falsi criminis acta rea est; 4.309. cultus et ornatis varie prodisse capillis 4.310. obfuit, ad rigidos promptaque lingua senes, 4.311. conscia mens recti famae mendacia risit, 4.312. sed nos in vitium credula turba sumus, 4.313. haec ubi castarum processit ab agmine matrum 4.314. et manibus puram fluminis hausit aquam, 4.315. ter caput inrorat, ter tollit in aethera palmas ( 4.316. quicumque aspiciunt, mente carere putant) 4.317. summissoque genu voltus in imagine divae 4.318. figit et hos edit crine iacente sonos: 4.319. ‘supplicis, alma, tuae, genetrix fecunda deorum, 4.320. accipe sub certa condicione preces. 4.321. casta negor. si tu damnas, meruisse fatebor; 4.322. morte luam poenas iudice victa dea. 4.323. sed si crimen abest, tu nostrae pignora vitae 4.324. re dabis et castas casta sequere manus.’ 4.325. dixit et exiguo funem conamine traxit ( 4.326. mira, sed et scaena testificata loquar): 4.327. mota dea est sequiturque ducem laudatque sequendo: 4.328. index laetitiae fertur ad astra sonus, 4.329. fluminis ad flexum veniunt (Tiberina priores 4.330. atria dixerunt), unde sinister abit. 4.331. nox aderat: querno religant in stipite funem 4.332. dantque levi somno corpora functa cibo. 4.333. lux aderat: querno solvunt a stipite funem; 4.334. ante tamen posito tura dedere foco, 4.335. ante coronarunt puppem et sine labe iuvencam 4.336. mactarunt operum coniugiique rudem, 4.337. est locus, in Tiberim qua lubricus influit Almo 4.338. et nomen magno perdit in amne minor: 4.339. illic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos 4.340. Almonis dominam sacraque lavit aquis, 4.341. exululant comites, furiosaque tibia flatur, 4.342. et feriunt molles taurea terga manus. 4.343. Claudia praecedit laeto celeberrima voltu, 4.344. credita vix tandem teste pudica dea; 4.345. ipsa sedens plaustro porta est invecta Capena: 4.346. sparguntur iunctae flore recente boves. 4.347. Nasica accepit, templi non perstitit auctor: 4.348. Augustus nunc est, ante Metellus erat.’ | 1.260. He at once retold the warlike acts of Oebalian Tatius, 2.711. See, a dreadful sight, a snake appeared between the altars, 2.712. And snatched the entrails from the dead fires. 2.713. The oracle of Phoebus was consulted: it replied: 2.714. ‘He who first kisses his mother will win.’ 2.715. Not understanding the god, each of the throng 2.716. Believing it, quickly ran to kiss his mother. 2.717. Wise Brutus pretended to be foolish, to be safe 2.718. From your snares, dread Tarquin the Proud: 2.719. Throwing himself down he kissed Mother Earth, 2.720. Though they thought he had stumbled and fallen. 3.151. Numa Pompilius, led to Rome from the lands of olives, 3.152. Was the first to realise the year lacked two months, 3.153. Learning it from Pythagoras of Samos, who believed 3.154. We could be reborn, or was taught it by his own Egeria. 4.247. ‘Guide of my work, I beg you, teach me also, where She 4.248. Was brought from. Was she always resident in our City? 4.249. ‘The Mother Goddess always loved Dindymus, Cybele, 4.250. And Ida, with its pleasant streams, and the Trojan realm: 4.251. And when Aeneas brought Troy to Italian fields, the godde 4.252. Almost followed those ships that carried the sacred relics. 4.253. But she felt that fate didn’t require her powers in Latium, 4.254. So she stayed behind in her long-accustomed place. 4.255. Later, when Rome was more than five centuries old, 4.256. And had lifted its head above the conquered world, 4.257. The priest consulted the fateful words of Euboean prophecy: 4.258. They say that what he found there was as follows: 4.259. ‘The Mother’s absent: Roman, I command you: seek the Mother. 4.260. When she arrives, she must be received in chaste hands.’ 4.261. The dark oracle’s ambiguity set the senators puzzling 4.262. As to who that parent might be, and where to seek her. 4.263. Apollo was consulted, and replied: ‘Fetch the Mother 4.264. of all the Gods, who you’ll find there on Mount Ida.’ 4.265. Noblemen were sent. Attalus at that time held 4.266. The Phrygian sceptre: he refused the Italian lords. 4.267. Marvellous to tell, the earth shook with long murmurs, 4.268. And the goddess, from her shrine, spoke as follows: 4.269. ‘I myself wished them to seek me: don’t delay: send me, 4.270. Willingly. Rome is a worthy place for all divinities.’ 4.271. Quaking with fear at her words, Attalus, said: ‘Go, 4.272. You’ll still be ours: Rome claims Phrygian ancestry.’ 4.273. Immediately countless axes felled the pine-tree 4.274. Those trees pious Aeneas employed for his flight: 4.275. A thousand hands work, and the heavenly Mother 4.276. Soon has a hollow ship, painted in fiery colours. 4.277. She’s carried in perfect safety over her son’s waves, 4.278. And reaches the long strait named for Phrixus’ sister, 4.279. Passes fierce Rhoetum and the Sigean shore, 4.280. And Tenedos and Eetion’s ancient kingdom. 4.281. Leaving Lesbos behind she then steered for the Cyclades, 4.282. And the waves that break on Euboea’s Carystian shoals. 4.283. She passed the Icarian Sea, as well, where Icarus shed 4.284. His melting wings, giving his name to a vast tract of water. 4.285. Then leaving Crete to larboard, and the Pelopian wave 4.286. To starboard, she headed for Cythera, sacred to Venus. 4.287. From there to the Sicilian Sea, where Brontes, Sterope 4.288. And Aemonides forge their red-hot iron, 4.289. Then, skirting African waters, she saw the Sardinian 4.290. Realm behind to larboard, and reached our Italy. 4.291. She’d arrived at the mouth (ostia) where the Tiber divide 4.292. To meet the deep, and flows with a wider sweep: 4.293. All the Knights, grave Senators, and commoners, 4.294. Came to meet her at the mouth of the Tuscan river. 4.295. With them walked mothers, daughters, and brides, 4.296. And all those virgins who tend the sacred fires. 4.297. The men wearied their arms hauling hard on the ropes: 4.298. The foreign vessel barely made way against the stream. 4.299. For a long time there’d been a drought: the grass was dry 4.300. And scorched: the boat stuck fast in the muddy shallows. 4.301. Every man, hauling, laboured beyond his strength, 4.302. And encouraged their toiling hands with his cries. 4.303. Yet the ship lodged there, like an island fixed in mid-ocean: 4.304. And astonished at the portent, men stood and quaked. 4.305. Claudia Quinta traced her descent from noble Clausus, 4.306. And her beauty was in no way unequal to her nobility: 4.307. She was chaste, but not believed so: hostile rumour 4.308. Had wounded her, false charges were levelled at her: 4.309. Her elegance, promenading around in various hairstyles, 4.310. And her ready tongue, with stiff old men, counted against her. 4.311. Conscious of virtue, she laughed at the rumoured lies, 4.312. But we’re always ready to credit others with faults. 4.313. Now, when she’d stepped from the line of chaste women, 4.314. Taking pure river water in her hands, she wetted her head 4.315. Three times, three times lifted her palms to the sky, 4.316. (Everyone watching her thought she’d lost her mind) 4.317. Then, kneeling, fixed her eyes on the goddess’s statue, 4.318. And, with loosened hair, uttered these words: 4.319. “ Kind and fruitful Mother of the Gods, accept 4.320. A suppliant’s prayers, on this one condition: 4.321. They deny I’m chaste: let me be guilty if you condemn me: 4.322. Convicted by a goddess I’ll pay for it with my life. 4.323. But if I’m free of guilt, grant a pledge of my innocence 4.324. By your action: and, chaste, give way to my chaste hands.” 4.325. She spoke: then gave a slight pull at the rope, 4.326. (A wonder, but the sacred drama attests what I say): 4.327. The goddess stirred, followed, and, following, approved her: 4.328. Witness the sound of jubilation carried to the stars. 4.329. They came to a bend in the river (called of old 4.330. The Halls of Tiber): there the stream turns left, ascending. 4.331. Night fell: they tied the rope to an oak stump, 4.332. And, having eaten, settled to a tranquil sleep. 4.333. Dawn rose: they loosed the rope from the oak stump, 4.334. After first laying a fire and offering incense, 4.335. And crowned the stern, and sacrificed a heifer 4.336. Free of blemish, that had never known yoke or bull. 4.337. There’s a place where smooth-flowing Almo joins the Tiber, 4.338. And the lesser flow loses its name in the greater: 4.339. There, a white-headed priest in purple robe 4.340. Washed the Lady, and sacred relics, in Almo’s water. 4.341. The attendants howled, and the mad flutes blew, 4.342. And soft hands beat at the bull’s-hide drums. 4.343. Claudia walked in front with a joyful face, 4.344. Her chastity proven by the goddess’s testimony: 4.345. The goddess herself, sitting in a cart, entered the Capene Gate: 4.346. Fresh flowers were scattered over the yoked oxen. 4.347. Nasica received her. The name of her temple’s founder is lost: 4.348. Augustus has re-dedicated it, and, before him, Metellus.’ |
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62. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.1-15.8, 15.60-15.72, 185.826 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 108, 345| 15.1. Quaeritur interea quis tantae pondera molis 15.2. sustineat tantoque queat succedere regi: 15.3. destinat imperio clarum praenuntia veri 15.4. fama Numam; non ille satis cognosse Sabinae 15.5. gentis habet ritus: animo maiora capaci 15.6. concipit et, quae sit rerum natura, requirit. 15.7. Huius amor curae, patria Curibusque relictis, 15.8. fecit ut Herculei penetraret ad hospitis urbem. 15.60. Vir fuit hic, ortu Samius, sed fugerat una 15.61. et Samon et dominos odioque tyrannidis exsul 15.62. sponte erat, isque, licet caeli regione remotos, 15.63. mente deos adiit et quae natura negabat 15.64. visibus humanis, oculis ea pectoris hausit, 15.65. cumque animo et vigili perspexerat omnia cura, 15.66. in medium discenda dabat coetusque silentum 15.67. dictaque mirantum magni primordia mundi 15.68. et rerum causas et, quid natura, docebat, 15.69. quid deus, unde nives, quae fulminis esset origo, 15.70. Iuppiter an venti discussa nube tonarent, 15.71. quid quateret terras, qua sidera lege mearent — 15.72. et quodcumque latet; primusque animalia mensis | |
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| 63. Livy, Per., 74, 72 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 106, 107 |
| 64. Livy, History, 1.9-1.13, 1.9.14, 1.13.2, 1.13.4-1.13.5, 1.18.1-1.18.3, 1.34, 1.56.4-1.56.13, 2.118.1, 3.31.8, 3.32.6, 3.33.3-3.33.5, 5.15-5.17, 5.21.1-5.21.7, 5.23.8-5.23.11, 5.25.4-5.25.10, 5.28.1-5.28.5, 5.33-5.44, 8.5.4-8.5.6, 8.11.6, 8.14.10, 9.4.3-9.4.5, 10.47.6-10.47.7, 22.9-22.10, 22.57.4-22.57.5, 22.61.11-22.61.13, 23.5.2, 23.11.1-23.11.6, 23.30-23.31, 26.33.3, 28.45.12, 29.11.5-29.11.7, 30.42.17, 35.14.5-35.14.12, 35.49.8, 36.17.4-36.17.50, 38.17.5-38.17.11, 39.8-39.19, 45.30.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 97 |
| 65. Sallust, Iugurtha, 108.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132 |
66. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 4.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 109 | 4.14. of the Simple type of style, which is brought down to the most ordinary speech of every day, the following will serve as an example: "Now our friend happened to enter the baths, and, after washing, was beginning to be rubbed down. Then, just as he decided to go down into the pool, suddenly this fellow turned up. 'Say, young chap,' said he, 'you slaveboys have just beat me; you must make it good.' The young man grew red, for at his age he was not used to being hailed by a stranger. This creature started to shout the same words, and more, in a louder voice. With difficulty the youth replied: 'Well, but let me look into the matter.' Right then the fellow cries out in that tone of his that might well force blushes from any one; this is how aggressive and harsh it is â a tone certainly not practised in the neighbourhood of the Sundial, I would say, but backstage, and in places of that kind. The young man was embarrassed. And no wonder, for his ears still rang with the scoldings of his tutor, and he was not used to abusive language of this kind. For where would he have seen a buffoon, with not a blush left, who thought of himself as having no good name to lose, so that he could do anything he liked without damage to his reputation?" |
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| 67. Philo of Alexandria, Plant., 1.32.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and arcadia •rome and romans, foundation legends Found in books: Gruen (2011) 246 |
| 68. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 100 |
69. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 2.1-2.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 110| 2.1. ἕβδομον ἐνιαυτὸν ἡ Ῥώμη καὶ τριακοστὸν ἤδη Ῥωμύλου βασιλεύοντος ᾠκεῖτο· πέμπτῃ δὲ ἱσταμένου μηνός, ἣν νῦν ἡμέραν νώνας Καπρατίνας καλοῦσι, θυσίαν τινὰ δημοτελῆ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ὁ Ῥωμύλος ἔθυε περὶ τὸ καλούμενον Αἰγὸς ἕλος, καὶ παρῆν ἥ τε βουλὴ καὶ τοῦ δήμου τὸ πλεῖστον. 2.2. ἐξαίφνης δὲ μεγάλης περὶ τὸν ἀέρα τροπῆς γενομένης καὶ νέφους ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ἐρείσαντος ἅμα πνεύματι καὶ ζάλῃ, τὸν μὲν ἄλλον ὅμιλον ἐκπλαγέντα συνέβη φυγεῖν καὶ σκεδασθῆναι, τὸν δὲ Ῥωμύλον ἀφανῆ γενέσθαι, καὶ μήτε αὐτὸν ἔτι μήτε σῶμα τεθνηκότος εὑρεθῆναι, χαλεπὴν δὲ τινʼ ὑπόνοιαν ἅψασθαι τῶν πατρικίων, καὶ ῥυῆναι λόγον ἐν τῷ δήμῳ κατʼ αὑτῶν ὡς πάλαι βαρυνόμενοι τὸ βασιλεύεσθαι καὶ μεταστῆσαι τὸ κράτος εἰς αὑτοὺς θέλοντες ἀνέλοιεν τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ γάρ ἐδόκει τραχύτερον ἤδη προσφέρεσθαι καὶ μοναρχικώτερον αὐτοῖς. 2.3. ἀλλὰ ταύτην μὲν τὴν ὑποψίαν ἐθεράπευον εἰς θεῶν τιμὰς ἀνάγοντες ὡς οὐ τεθνηκότα τὸν Ῥωμύλον, ἀλλὰ κρείττονος ὄντα μοίρας· καὶ Πρόκλος, ἀνὴρ ἐπιφανής, διωμόσατο Ῥωμύλον ἰδεῖν εἰς οὐρανὸν σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀναφερόμενον, καὶ φωνῆς ἀκοῦσαι κελεύοντος αὐτὸν ὀνομάζεσθαι Κυρῖνον. 2.4. ἑτέρα δὲ ταραχὴ καὶ στάσις κατελάμβανε τὴν πόλιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀποδειχθήσεσθαι βασιλέως, οὔπω τῶν ἐπηλύδων κομιδῇ τοῖς πρώτοις συγκεκραμένων πολίταις, ἀλλʼ ἔτι τοῦ τε δήμου πολλὰ κυμαίνοντος ἐν ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῶν πατρικίων ἐν ὑποψίαις ἐκ τοῦ διαφόρου πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντων, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ βασιλεύεσθαι μὲν ἐδόκει πᾶσιν, ἤρισαν δὲ καὶ διέστησαν οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ γένους, ὁπότερον παρέξει τὸν ἡγεμόνα, καὶ γάρ οἱ μετὰ Ῥωμύλου· | 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. |
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70. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 2.3, 12.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 130, 343, 346| 2.3. Φαβίου δὲ Μαξίμου τὴν Ταραντίνων πόλιν ἑλόντος ἔτυχε μὲν ὁ Κάτων στρατευόμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῷ κομιδῇ μειράκιον ὤν, Νεάρχῳ δέ τινι τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν ξένῳ χρησάμενος ἐσπούδασε τῶν λόγων μεταλαβεῖν. ἀκούσας δὲ ταῦτα διαλεγομένου τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, οἷς κέχρηται καὶ Πλάτων, τὴν μὲν ἡδονὴν ἀποκαλῶν μέγιστον κακοῦ δέλεαρ, συμφορὰν δὲ τῇ ψυχῇ τὸ σῶμα πρώτην, λύσιν δὲ καὶ καθαρμὸν οἷς μάλιστα χωρίζει καὶ ἀφίστησιν αὑτὴν τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα παθημάτων λογισμοῖς, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠγάπησε τὸ λιτὸν καὶ τὴν ἐγκράτειαν. 12.5. Ποστούμιον γοῦν Ἀλβῖνον ἱστορίαν Ἑλληνιστὶ γράψαντα καὶ συγγνώμην αἰτούμενον ἐπέσκωψεν εἰπὼν, δοτέον εἶναι τὴν συγγνώμην, εἰ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων ψηφισαμένων ἀναγκασθεὶς ὑπέμεινε τὸ ἔργον, θαυμάσαι δέ φησι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὸ τάχος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ὀξύτητα τῆς φράσεως· ἃ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐξέφερε βραχέως, τὸν ἑρμηνέα μακρῶς καὶ διὰ πολλῶν ἀπαγγέλλειν τὸ δʼ ὅλον οἴεσθαι τὰ ῥήματα τοῖς μέν Ἕλλησιν ἀπὸ χειλέων, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἀπὸ καρδίας φέρεσθαι. | 2.3. 12.5. |
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| 71. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.263, 3.39, 5.85, 6.8, 18.5.22, 31.24, 34.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and social war •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •rome and romans, and carthaginians •rome and romans, and jewish customs •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 129, 183, 351; Gruen (2020) 105, 213; Marek (2019) 326, 331 |
| 72. Plutarch, Table Talk, 4.4-4.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and jewish customs Found in books: Gruen (2011) 184 |
73. Plutarch, Romulus, 2.1, 3.1-3.3, 16.1, 21.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 244, 248; Gruen (2020) 93, 95| 2.1. ἄλλοι δὲ Ῥώμην, Ἰταλοῦ θυγατέρα καὶ Λευκαρίας, οἱ δὲ Τηλέφου τοῦ Ἡρακλέουσ̓, Αἰνείᾳ γαμηθεῖσαν, οἱ δʼ Ἀσκανίῳ τῷ Αἰνείοὐ, λέγουσι τοὔνομα θέσθαι τῇ πόλει· οἱ δὲ Ῥωμανόν, Ὀδυσσέως παῖδα καὶ Κίρκης, οἰκίσαι τὴν πόλιν· οἱ δὲ Ῥῶμον ἐκ Τροίας ὑπὸ Διομήδους ἀποσταλέντα τὸν Ἠμαθίωνος, οἱ δὲ Ῥῶμιν Λατίνων τύραννον, ἐκβαλόντα Τυρρηνοὺς τοὺς εἰς Λυδίαν μὲν ἐκ Θετταλίας, ἐκ δὲ Λυδίας εἰς Ἰταλίαν παραγενομένους. οὐ μὴν οὐδʼ οἱ Ῥωμύλον τῷ δικαιοτάτῳ τῶν λόγων ἀποφαίνοντες ἐπώνυμον τῆς πόλεως ὁμολογοῦσι περὶ τοῦ γένους [αὐτοῦ]. 3.1. τοῦ δὲ πίστιν ἔχοντος λόγου μάλιστα καὶ πλείστους μάρτυρας τὰ μὲν κυριώτατα πρῶτος εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐξέδωκε Διοκλῆς Πεπαρήθιος, ᾧ καὶ Φάβιος ὁ Πίκτωρ ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις ἐπηκολούθηκε. γεγόνασι δὲ καὶ περὶ τούτων ἕτεραι διαφοραί· τύπῳ δʼ εἰπεῖν τοιοῦτός ἐστι. 3.2. τῶν ἀπʼ Αἰνείου γεγονότων ἐν Ἄλβῃ βασιλέων εἰς ἀδελφοὺς δύο, Νομήτορα καὶ Ἀμούλιον, ἡ διαδοχὴ καθῆκεν. Ἀμουλίου δὲ νείμαντος τὰ πάντα δίχα, τῇ δὲ βασιλείᾳ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὸν ἐκ Τροίας κομισθέντα χρυσὸν ἀντιθέντος, εἵλετο τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ Νομήτωρ. ἔχων οὖν ὁ Ἀμούλιος τὰ χρήματα καὶ πλέον ἀπʼ αὐτῶν δυνάμενος τοῦ Νομήτορος, τήν τε βασιλείαν ἀφείλετο ῥᾳδίως, καὶ φοβούμενος ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι παῖδας, ἱέρειαν τῆς Ἑστίας ἀπέδειξεν, ἄγαμον καὶ παρθένον ἀεὶ βιωσομένην. 3.3. ταύτην οἱ μὲν Ἰλίαν, οἱ δὲ Ῥέαν, οἱ δὲ Σιλουίαν ὀνομάζουσι. φωρᾶται δὲ μετʼ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον κυοῦσα παρὰ τὸν καθεστῶτα ταῖς Ἑστιάσι νόμον, καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀνήκεστα μὴ παθεῖν αὐτὴν ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως θυγάτηρ Ἀνθὼ παρῃτήσατο, δεηθεῖσα τοῦ πατρός, εἵρχθη δὲ καὶ δίαιταν εἶχεν ἀνεπίμεικτον, ὅπως μὴ λάθοι τεκοῦσα τὸν Ἀμούλιον. ἔτεκε δὲ δύο παῖδας ὑπερφυεῖς μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει. 16.1. οἱ δὲ Σαβῖνοι πολλοὶ μὲν ἦσαν καὶ πολεμικοί, κώμας δʼ ᾤκουν ἀτειχίστους, ὡς προσῆκον αὐτοῖς μέγα φρονεῖν καὶ μὴ φοβεῖσθαι, Λακεδαιμονίων ἀποίκοις οὖσιν. 21.1. μῆνας μὲν οὖν οἱ Σαβῖνοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίων ἐδέξαντο, καὶ περὶ αὐτῶν ὅσα καλῶς εἶχεν, ἐν τῷ Νομᾶ βίῳ γέγραπται· θυρεοῖς δὲ τοῖς ἐκείνων ὁ Ῥωμύλος ἐχρήσατο, καὶ μετέβαλε τὸν ὁπλισμὸν ἑαυτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων, Ἀργολικὰς πρότερον ἀσπίδας φορούντων. ἑορτῶν δὲ καὶ θυσιῶν ἀλλήλοις μετεῖχον, ἃς μὲν ἦγε τὰ γένη πρότερον οὐκ ἀνελόντες, ἑτέρας δὲ θέμενοι καινάς, ὧν ἥ τε τῶν Ματρωναλίων ἐστί, δοθεῖσα ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ πολέμου καταλύσει, καὶ ἡ τῶν Καρμενταλίων. | 2.1. Others again say that the Roma who gave her name to the city was a daughter of Italus and Leucaria, or, in another account, of Telephus the son of Heracles; and that she was married to Aeneas, or, in another version, to Ascanius the son of Aeneas. Some tell us that it was Romanus, a son of Odysseus and Circe, who colonized the city; others that it was Romus, who was sent from Troy by Diomedes the son of Emathion; and others still that it was Romis, tyrant of the Latins, after he had driven out the Tuscans, who passed from Thessaly into Lydia, and from Lydia into Italy. Moreover, even those writers who declare, in accordance with the most authentic tradition, that it was Romulus who gave his name to the city, do not agree about his lineage. 3.1. But the story which has the widest credence and the greatest number of vouchers was first published among the Greeks, in its principal details, by Diodes of Peparethus, and Fabius Pictor follows him in most points. Here again there are variations in the story, but its general outline is as follows. 3.2. The descendants of Aeneas reigned as kings in Alba, and the succession devolved at length upon two brothers, Numitor and Amulius. Cf. Livy, i. 3. Amulius divided the whole inheritance into two parts, setting the treasures and the gold which had been brought from Troy over against the kingdom, and Numitor chose the kingdom. Amulius, then, in possession of the treasure, and made more powerful by it than Numitor, easily took the kingdom away from his brother, and fearing lest that brother’s daughter should have children, made her a priestess of Vesta, bound to live unwedded and a virgin all her days. 3.3. Her name is variously given as Ilia, or Rhea, or Silvia. Not long after this, she was discovered to be with child, contrary to the established law for the Vestals. Cf. Livy, i. 4, 1-5. She did not, however, suffer the capital punishment which was her due, because the king’s daughter, Antho, interceded successfully in her behalf, but she was kept in solitary confinement, that she might not be delivered without the knowledge of Amulius. Delivered she was of two boys, and their size and beauty were more than human. 16.1. Now the Sabines were a numerous and warlike people, and dwelt in unwalled villages, thinking that it behoved them, since they were Lacedaemonians colonists, to be bold and fearless. 21.1. The Sabines, then, adopted the Roman months, about which I have written sufficiently in my Life of Numa. Chapters xviii. and xix. Romulus, on the other hand, made use of their oblong shields, and changed his own armour and that of the Romans, who before that carried round shields of the Argive pattern. Feasts and sacrifices they shared with one another, not discarding any which the two peoples had observed before, but instituting other new ones. One of these is the Matronalia, which was bestowed upon the women to commemorate their putting a stop to the war; and another is the Carmentalia. |
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74. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 1.3-1.4, 8.2-8.9, 11.1-11.2, 22.3-22.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and trojan origins •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation •rome and romans, foundation legends Found in books: Gruen (2011) 248, 345, 346| 1.3. Πυθαγόρου δὲ τὸν Σπαρτιάτην Ὀλύμπια νενικηκότα στάδιον ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκκαιδεκάτης Ὀλυμπιάδος, ἧς ἔτει τρίτῳ Νομᾶς εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν κατέστη, πλανηθέντα περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν συγγενέσθαι τῷ Νομᾷ καὶ συνδιακοσμῆσαι τὴν πολιτείαν, ὅθεν οὐκ ὀλίγα τοῖς Ῥωμαϊκοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασι τῶν Λακωνικῶν ἀναμεμῖχθαι Πυθαγόρου διδάξαντος, ἄλλως δὲ Νομᾶς γένος μὲν ἦν ἐκ Σαβίνων, Σαβῖνοι δὲ βούλονται Λακεδαιμονίων ἑαυτοὺς ἀποίκους γεγονέναι. 1.4. τοὺς μὲν οὖν χρόνους ἐξακριβῶσαι χαλεπόν ἐστι, καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς ἐκ τῶν Ὀλυμπιονικῶν ἀναγομένους, ὧν τὴν ἀναγραφὴν ὀψέ φασιν Ἱππίαν ἐκδοῦναι τὸν Ἠλεῖον, ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς ὁρμώμενον ἀναγκαίου πρὸς πίστιν ἃ δὲ παρειλήφαμεν ἡμεῖς ἄξια λόγου περὶ Νομᾶ, διέξιμεν ἀρχὴν οἰκείαν λαβόντες. 8.2. ταῖς δὲ πολλαῖς στρατείαις καὶ τοῖς συνεχέσι πολέμοις τροφῇ χρησαμένη καὶ αὐξήσει τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ καθάπερ τὰ καταπηγνύμενα τῷ σείεσθαι μᾶλλον ἑδράζεται, ῥώννυσθαι δοκοῦσα διὰ τῶν κινδύνων, οὕτω δὴ μετέωρον καὶ τετραχυμένον δῆμον οὐ μικρᾶς οὐδὲ φαύλης οἰόμενος εἶναι πραγματείας μεταχειρίσασθαι καὶ μετακοσμῆσαι πρὸς εἰρήνην, ἐπηγάγετο τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν θεῶν βοήθειαν, 8.3. τὰ μὲν πολλὰ θυσίαις καὶ πομπαῖς καὶ χορείαις, ἃς αὐτὸς ὠργίασε καὶ κατέστησεν, ἅμα σεμνότητι διαγωγὴν ἐπίχαριν καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἡδονὴν ἐχούσαις, δημαγωγῶν καὶ τιθασεύων τὸ θυμοειδὲς καὶ φιλοπόλεμον ἔστι δ’ ὅτε καὶ φόβους τινὰς ἀπαγγέλλων παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ φάσματα δαιμόνων ἀλλόκοτα καὶ φωνὰς οὐκ εὐμενεῖς, ἐδούλου καὶ ταπεινὴν ἐποίει τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας. 8.4. ἐξ ὧν καὶ μάλιστα λόγον ἔσχεν ἡ σοφία καὶ ἡ παίδευσις τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς Πυθαγόρᾳ συγγεγονότος. μέγαγὰρ ἦν μέρος, ὡς ἐκείνῳ τῆς φιλοσοφίας, καὶ τούτῳ τῆς πολιτείας ἡ περὶ τὸ θεῖονἁγιστεία ἁγιστεία Bryan’s correction, after Amyot, adopted by Coraës and Bekker: ἀγχιστεία( relationship ). καὶ διατριβή. λέγεται δὲκαὶ τὸν ἔξωθεν ὄγκον καὶ σχηματισμὸν ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς Πυθαγόρᾳ διανοίαςπεριβαλέσθαι. 8.5. καὶ γάρ ἐκεῖνος ἀετόν τε δοκεῖ πραῦναι, φωναῖς τισιν ἐπιστήσας καὶ καταγαγὼν ὑπεριπτάμενον, τόν τε μηρὸν ὑποφῆναι χρυσοῦν Ὀλυμπίασι διαπορευόμενος τὴν πανήγυριν· ἄλλας τε τερατώδεις μηχανὰς αὐτοῦ καὶ πράξεις ἀναγγέλλουσιν, ἐφʼ αἷς καὶ Τίμων ὁ Φλιάσιος ἔγραψε· Πυθαγόρην δὲ γόητας ἀποκλίνοντʼ ἐπὶ δόξας θήρῃ ἐπʼ ἀνθρώπων, σεμνηγορίης ὀαριστὴν 8.6. τῷ δὲ Νομᾷ δρᾶμα θεᾶς τινος ἢ νύμφης ὀρείας ἔρως ἦν καὶ συνουσία πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπόρρητος, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, καὶ κοιναὶ μετὰ Μουσῶν διατριβαί. τὰ γὰρ· πλεῖστα τῶν μαντευμάτων εἰς Μούσας ἀνῆγε, καὶ μίαν Μοῦσαν ἰδίως καὶ διαφερόντως ἐδίδαξε σέβεσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, Τακίταν προσαγορεύσας, οἷον σιωπηλὴν ἢ ἐνεάν· ὅπερ εἶναι δοκεῖ τὴν Πυθαγόρειον ἀπομνημονεύοντος ἐχεμυθίαν καὶ τιμῶντος. 8.7. ἔστι δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν ἀφιδρυμάτων νομοθετήματα παντάπασιν ἀδελφὰ τῶν Πυθαγόρου δογμάτων, οὔτε γὰρ ἐκεῖνος αἰσθητὸν ἢ παθητόν, ἀόρατον δὲ καὶ ἄκτιστον ἄκτιστον Sintenis 1 with AC, followed by Bekker: ἀκήρατον ( unmixed ). καὶ νοητὸν ὑπελάμβανεν εἶναι τὸ πρῶτον, οὗτός τε διεκώλυσεν ἀνθρωποειδῆ καὶ ζῳόμορφον εἰκόνα θεοῦ Ῥωμαίους νομίζειν. οὐδʼ ἦν παρʼ αὑτοῖς οὔτε γραπτὸν οὔτε πλαστὸν εἶδος θεοῦ πρότερον, 8.8. ἀλλʼ ἐν ἑκατὸν ἑβδομήκοντα τοῖς πρώτοις ἔτεσι ναοὺς μὲν οἰκοδομού μεν οι καὶ καλιάδας ἱερὰς ἱστῶντες, ἄγαλμα δὲ οὐδὲν ἔμμορφον ποιούμενοι διετέλουν, ὡς οὔτε ὅσιον ἀφομοιοῦν τὰ βελτίονα τοῖς χείροσιν οὔτε ἐφάπτεσθαι θεοῦ δυνατὸν ἄλλως ἢ νοήσει, κομιδῆ δὲ καὶ τὰ τῶν θυσιῶν ἔχεται τῆς Πυθαγορικῆς ἁγιστείας· ἀναίμακτοι γάρ ἦσαν αἵ γε πολλαί, διʼ ἀλφίτου καὶ σπονδῆς καὶ τῶν εὐτελεστάτων πεποιημέναι. 8.9. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἑτέροις ἔξωθεν ἐπαγωνίζονται τεκμηρίοις οἱ τὸν ἄνδρα τῷ ἀνδρὶ συνοικειοῦντες. ὧν ἓν μέν ἐστιν ὅτι Πυθαγόραν Ῥωμαῖοι τῇ πολιτείᾳ προσέγραψαν, ὡς ἱστόρηκεν Ἐπίχαρμος ὁ κωμικὸς ἔν τινὶ λόγῳ πρὸς Ἀντήνορα γεγραμμένῳ, παλαιὸς ἀνήρ καὶ τῆς Πυθαγορικῆς διατριβῆς μετεσχηκώς ἕτερον δὲ ὅτι τεσσάρων υἱῶν βασιλεῖ Νομᾷ γενομένων ἕνα Μάμερκον ἐπὶ τῷ Πυθαγόρου παιδὶ προσηγόρευσεν. 11.1. Νομᾶς δὲ λέγεται καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἑστίας ἱερὸν ἐγκύκλιον περιβαλέσθαι τῷ ἀσβέστῳ πυρὶ φρουράν, ἀπομιμούμενος οὐ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς γῆς ὡς Ἑστίας οὔσης, ἀλλὰ τοῦ σύμπαντος κόσμου, οὗ μέσον οἱ Πυθαγορικοὶ τὸ πῦρ ἱδρῦσθαι νομίζουσι, καὶ τοῦτο Ἑστίαν καλοῦσι καὶ μονάδα· 11.2. τὴν δὲ γῆν οὔτε ἀκίνητον οὔτε ἐν μέσῳ τῆς περιφορᾶς οὖσαν, ἀλλὰ κύκλῳ περὶ τὸ πῦρ αἰωρουμένην οὐ τῶν τιμιωτάτων οὐδὲ τῶν πρώτων τοῦ κόσμου μορίων ὑπάρχειν. ταῦτα δὲ καὶ Πλάτωνά φασι πρεσβύτην γενόμενον διανενοῆσθαι περὶ τῆς γῆς ὡς ἐν ἑτέρᾳ χώρᾳ καθεστώσης, τὴν δὲ μέσην καὶ κυριωτάτην ἑτέρῳ τινὶ κρείττονι προσήκουσαν. 22.3. ᾧ λογισμῷ φασι μηδὲ τοὺς Πυθαγορικοὺς εἰς γραφὴν κατατίθεσθαι τὰ συντάγματα, μνήμην δὲ καὶ παίδευσιν αὐτῶν ἄγραφον ἐμποιεῖν τοῖς ἀξίοις. καὶ τῆς γε περὶ τὰς ἀπόρους καὶ ἀρρήτους λεγομένας ἐν γεωμετρίᾳ μεθόδους πραγματείας πρός τινα τῶν ἀναξίων ἐκδοθείσης, ἔφασαν ἐπισημαίνειν τὸ δαιμόνιον μεγάλῳ τινὶ καὶ κοινῷ κακῷ τὴν γεγενημένην παρανομίαν καὶ ἀσέβειαν ἐπεξερχόμενον. 22.4. ὥστε συγγνώμην ἔχειν πολλὴν τοῖς εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ Πυθαγόρᾳ Νομᾶν φιλοτιμουμένοις συνάγειν ἐπὶ τοσαύταις ὁμοιότησιν. οἱ δὲ περὶ Ἀντίαν ἱστοροῦσι δώδεκα μὲν εἶναι βίβλους ἱεροφαντικάς, δώδεκα δὲ ἄλλας Ἑλληνικὰς φιλοσόφους τὰς εἰς τὴν σορὸν συντεθείσας. τετρακοσίων δέ που διαγενομένων ἐτῶν ὕπατοι μὲν ἦσαν Πόπλιος Κορνήλιος καὶ Μάρκος Βαίβιος· ὄμβρων δὲ μεγάλων ἐπιπεσόντων καὶ χώματος περιρραγέντος ἐξέωσε σε τὰς σοροὺς τὸ ῥεῦμα· | 1.3. but that there was another Pythagoras, the Spartan, who was Olympic victor in the foot-race for the sixteenth Olympiad 657-654 B.C. (in the third year of which Numa was made king), and that in his wanderings about Italy he made the acquaintance of Numa, and helped him arrange the government of the city, whence it came about that many Spartan customs were mingled with the Roman, as Pythagoras taught them to Numa. And at all events, Numa was of Sabine descent, and the Sabines will have it that they were colonists from Lacedaemon. 1.3. but that there was another Pythagoras, the Spartan, who was Olympic victor in the foot-race for the sixteenth Olympiad 657-654 B.C. (in the third year of which Numa was made king), and that in his wanderings about Italy he made the acquaintance of Numa, and helped him arrange the government of the city, whence it came about that many Spartan customs were mingled with the Roman, as Pythagoras taught them to Numa. And at all events, Numa was of Sabine descent, and the Sabines will have it that they were colonists from Lacedaemon. 1.4. Chronology, however, is hard to fix, and especially that which is based on the names of victors in the Olympic games, the list of which is said to have been published at a late period by Hippias of Elis, who had no fully authoritative basis for his work. I shall therefore begin at a convenient point, and relate the noteworthy facts which I have found in the life of Numa. 1.4. Chronology, however, is hard to fix, and especially that which is based on the names of victors in the Olympic games, the list of which is said to have been published at a late period by Hippias of Elis, who had no fully authoritative basis for his work. I shall therefore begin at a convenient point, and relate the noteworthy facts which I have found in the life of Numa. 8.2. and in its many expeditions and its continuous wars it found nourishment and increase of its power; and just as what is planted in the earth gets a firmer seat the more it is shaken, so Rome seemed to be made strong by its very perils. And therefore Numa, judging it to be no slight or trivial undertaking to mollify and newly fashion for peace so presumptuous and stubborn a people, called in the gods to aid and assist him. 8.2. and in its many expeditions and its continuous wars it found nourishment and increase of its power; and just as what is planted in the earth gets a firmer seat the more it is shaken, so Rome seemed to be made strong by its very perils. And therefore Numa, judging it to be no slight or trivial undertaking to mollify and newly fashion for peace so presumptuous and stubborn a people, called in the gods to aid and assist him. 8.3. It was for the most part by sacrifices, processions, and religious dances, which he himself appointed and conducted, and which mingled with their solemnity a diversion full of charm and a beneficent pleasure, that he won the people’s favour and tamed their fierce and warlike tempers. At times, also, by heralding to them vague terrors from the god, strange apparitions of divine beings and threatening voices, he would subdue and humble their minds by means of superstitious fears. 8.3. It was for the most part by sacrifices, processions, and religious dances, which he himself appointed and conducted, and which mingled with their solemnity a diversion full of charm and a beneficent pleasure, that he won the people’s favour and tamed their fierce and warlike tempers. At times, also, by heralding to them vague terrors from the god, strange apparitions of divine beings and threatening voices, he would subdue and humble their minds by means of superstitious fears. 8.4. This was the chief reason why Numa’s wisdom and culture were said to have been due to his intimacy with Pythagoras; for in the philosophy of the one, and in the civil polity of the other, religious services and occupations have a large place. It is said also that the solemnity of his outward demeanour was adopted by him because he shared the feelings of Pythagoras about it. 8.4. This was the chief reason why Numa’s wisdom and culture were said to have been due to his intimacy with Pythagoras; for in the philosophy of the one, and in the civil polity of the other, religious services and occupations have a large place. It is said also that the solemnity of his outward demeanour was adopted by him because he shared the feelings of Pythagoras about it. 8.5. That philosopher, indeed, is thought to have tamed an eagle, which he stopped by certain cries of his, and brought down from his lofty flight; also to have disclosed his golden thigh as he passed through the assembled throngs at Olympia. And we have reports of other devices and performances of his which savoured of the marvellous, regarding which Timon the Phliasian wrote:— Down to a juggler’s level he sinks with his cheating devices, Laying his nets for men, Pythagoras, lover of bombast. 8.5. That philosopher, indeed, is thought to have tamed an eagle, which he stopped by certain cries of his, and brought down from his lofty flight; also to have disclosed his golden thigh as he passed through the assembled throngs at Olympia. And we have reports of other devices and performances of his which savoured of the marvellous, regarding which Timon the Phliasian wrote:— Down to a juggler’s level he sinks with his cheating devices, Laying his nets for men, Pythagoras, lover of bombast. 8.6. In like manner Numa’s fiction was the love which a certain goddess or mountain nymph bore him, arid her secret meetings with him, as already mentioned, Chapter iv. 1-2. and his familiar converse with the Muses. For he ascribed the greater part of his oracular teachings to the Muses, and he taught the Romans to pay especial honours to one Muse in particular, whom he called Tacita, that is, the silent , or speechless one ; thereby perhaps handing on and honouring the Pythagorean precept of silence. 8.6. In like manner Numa’s fiction was the love which a certain goddess or mountain nymph bore him, arid her secret meetings with him, as already mentioned, Chapter iv. 1-2. and his familiar converse with the Muses. For he ascribed the greater part of his oracular teachings to the Muses, and he taught the Romans to pay especial honours to one Muse in particular, whom he called Tacita, that is, the silent , or speechless one ; thereby perhaps handing on and honouring the Pythagorean precept of silence. 8.7. Furthermore, his ordices concerning images are altogether in harmony with the doctrines of Pythagoras. For that philosopher maintained that the first principle of being was beyond sense or feeling, was invisible and uncreated, and discernible only by the mind. And in like manner Numa forbade the Romans to revere an image of God which had the form of man or beast. Nor was there among them in this earlier time any painted or graven likeness of Deity, 8.7. Furthermore, his ordices concerning images are altogether in harmony with the doctrines of Pythagoras. For that philosopher maintained that the first principle of being was beyond sense or feeling, was invisible and uncreated, and discernible only by the mind. And in like manner Numa forbade the Romans to revere an image of God which had the form of man or beast. Nor was there among them in this earlier time any painted or graven likeness of Deity, 8.8. but while for the first hundred and seventy years they were continually building temples and establishing sacred shrines, they made no statues in bodily form for them, convinced that it was impious to liken higher things to lower, and that it was impossible to apprehend Deity except by the intellect. Their sacrifices, too, were altogether appropriate to the Pythagorean worship; for most of them involved no bloodshed, but were made with flour, drink-offerings, and the least costly gifts. 8.9. And apart from these things, other external proofs are urged to show that the two men were acquainted with each other. One of these is that Pythagoras was enrolled as a citizen of Rome. This fact is recorded by Epicharmus the comic poet, in a certain treatise which he dedicated to Antenor; and Epicharmus was an ancient, and belonged to the school of Pythagoras. Another proof is that one of the four sons born to king Numa was named Mamercus, after the son of Pythagoras. 8.9. And apart from these things, other external proofs are urged to show that the two men were acquainted with each other. One of these is that Pythagoras was enrolled as a citizen of Rome. This fact is recorded by Epicharmus the comic poet, in a certain treatise which he dedicated to Antenor; and Epicharmus was an ancient, and belonged to the school of Pythagoras. Another proof is that one of the four sons born to king Numa was named Mamercus, after the son of Pythagoras. 11.1. Furthermore, it is said that Numa built the temple of Vesta, where the perpetual fire was kept, of a circular form, not in imitation of the shape of the earth, believing Vesta to be the earth, but of the entire universe, at the centre of which the Pythagoreans place the element of fire, and call it Vesta and Unit. 11.1. Furthermore, it is said that Numa built the temple of Vesta, where the perpetual fire was kept, of a circular form, not in imitation of the shape of the earth, believing Vesta to be the earth, but of the entire universe, at the centre of which the Pythagoreans place the element of fire, and call it Vesta and Unit. 11.2. And they hold that the earth is neither motionless nor situated in the centre of surrounding space, but that it revolves in a circle about the central fire, not being one of the most important, nor even one of the primary elements of the universe. This is the conception, we are told, which Plato also, in his old age, had of the earth, namely that it is established in a secondary space, and that the central and sovereign space is reserved for some other and nobler body. 11.2. And they hold that the earth is neither motionless nor situated in the centre of surrounding space, but that it revolves in a circle about the central fire, not being one of the most important, nor even one of the primary elements of the universe. This is the conception, we are told, which Plato also, in his old age, had of the earth, namely that it is established in a secondary space, and that the central and sovereign space is reserved for some other and nobler body. 22.3. This is the reason, we are told, why the Pythagoreans also do not entrust their precepts to writing, but implant the memory and practice of them in living disciples worthy to receive them. And when their treatment of the abstruse and mysterious processes of geometry had been divulged to a certain unworthy person, they said the gods threatened to punish such lawlessness and impiety with some signal and wide-spread calamity. 22.3. This is the reason, we are told, why the Pythagoreans also do not entrust their precepts to writing, but implant the memory and practice of them in living disciples worthy to receive them. And when their treatment of the abstruse and mysterious processes of geometry had been divulged to a certain unworthy person, they said the gods threatened to punish such lawlessness and impiety with some signal and wide-spread calamity. 22.4. Therefore we may well be indulgent with those who are eager to prove, on the basis of so many resemblances between them, that Numa was acquainted with Pythagoras. Antias, however, writes that it was twelve pontifical books, and twelve others of Greek philosophy, which were placed in the coffin. And about four hundred years afterwards, when Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius were consuls, heavy rains fell, and the torrent of water tore away the earth and dislodged the coffins. 22.4. Therefore we may well be indulgent with those who are eager to prove, on the basis of so many resemblances between them, that Numa was acquainted with Pythagoras. Antias, however, writes that it was twelve pontifical books, and twelve others of Greek philosophy, which were placed in the coffin. And about four hundred years afterwards, when Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius were consuls, heavy rains fell, and the torrent of water tore away the earth and dislodged the coffins. |
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75. Plutarch, Marcellus, 8.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 350| 8.6. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν νίκην ἐκείνην καὶ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν κατάλυσιν οὕτως ὑπερηγάπησαν ὥστε καὶ τῷ Πυθίῳ χρυσοῦν κρατῆρα ἀπὸ λιτρῶν ἀπὸ λιτρῶν Sintenis 1 , Coraës and Bekker: ἀπὸ λύτρων . εἷς Δελφοὺς ἀποστεῖλαι χαριστήριον, καὶ τῶν λαφύρων ταῖς τε συμμαχίσι μεταδοῦναι πόλεσι λαμπρῶς, καὶ πρὸς Ἱέρωνα πολλὰ πέμψαι, τὸν Συρακουσίων βασιλέα, φίλον ὄντα καὶ σύμμαχον. | 8.6. The Romans were so overjoyed at this victory and the ending of the war that they sent to the Pythian Apollo at Delphi a golden bowl The indication of its source or value which follows in the Greek, is uncertain. . . . as a thank-offering, gave a splendid share of the spoils to their allied cities, and sent many to Hiero, the king of Syracuse, who was their friend and ally. |
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76. New Testament, Romans, 16.4-16.5, 16.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 202| 16.4. οἵτινες ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς μου τὸν ἑαυτῶν τράχηλον ὑπέθηκαν, οἷς οὐκ ἐγὼ μόνος εὐχαριστῶ ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσαι αἱ ἐκκλησίαι τῶν ἐθνῶν, 16.5. καὶ τὴν κατʼ οἶκον αὐτῶν ἐκκλησίαν. ἀσπάσασθε Ἐπαίνετον τὸν ἀγαπητόν μου, ὅς ἐστιν ἀπαρχὴ τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς Χριστόν. 16.16. Ἀσπάσασθε ἀλλήλους ἐν φιλήματι ἁγίῳ. Ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς αἱ ἐκκλησίαι πᾶσαι τοῦ χριστοῦ. | 16.4. who for my life, laid down their own necks; to whom not only I give thanks, but also all the assemblies of the Gentiles. 16.5. Greet the assembly that is in their house. Greet Epaenetus, my beloved, who is the first fruits of Achaia to Christ. 16.16. Greet one another with a holy kiss. The assemblies of Christ greet you. |
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77. New Testament, Galatians, 1.2, 1.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 202| 1.2. καὶ οἱ σὺν ἐμοὶ πάντες ἀδελφοί, ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τῆς Γαλατίας· 1.22. ἤμην δὲ ἀγνοούμενος τῷ προσώπῳ ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τῆς Ἰουδαίας ταῖς ἐν Χριστῷ, | 1.2. and all the brothers who are with me, to the assemblies of Galatia: 1.22. Iwas still unknown by face to the assemblies of Judea which were inChrist, |
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78. New Testament, Colossians, 1.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 202| 1.18. καὶ αὐτός ἐστιν ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῦ σώματος, τῆς ἐκκλησίας· ὅς ἐστιν [ἡ] ἀρχή, πρωτότοκος ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν, ἵνα γένηται ἐν πᾶσιν αὐτὸς πρωτεύων, | 1.18. He is the head of the body, the assembly, who is the beginning, the firstborn from the dead; that in all things he might have the preeminence. |
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79. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 1.1, 8.1, 11.8, 11.28 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 202| 1.1. ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ἀπόστολος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ διὰ θελήματος θεοῦ καὶ Τιμόθεος ὁ ἀδελφὸς τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ οὔσῃ ἐν Κορίνθῳ, σὺν τοῖς ἁγίοις πᾶσιν τοῖς οὖσιν ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ Ἀχαίᾳ· 8.1. Γνωρίζομεν δὲ ὑμῖν, ἀδελφοί, τὴν χάριν τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν δεδομένην ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τῆς Μακεδονίας, 11.8. ἄλλας ἐκκλησίας ἐσύλησα λαβὼν ὀψώνιον πρὸς τὴν ὑμῶν διακονίαν, 11.28. χωρὶς τῶν παρεκτὸς ἡ ἐπίστασίς μοι ἡ καθʼ ἡμέραν, ἡ μέριμνα πασῶν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν. τίς ἀσθενεῖ, καὶ οὐκ ἀσθενῶ; | |
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80. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 1.1, 2.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 202| 1.1. ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΣΙΛΟΥΑΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΙΜΟΘΕΟΣ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ Θεσσαλονικέων ἐν θεῷ πατρὶ καὶ κυρίῳ Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ· χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη. 2.14. ὑμεῖς γὰρ μιμηταὶ ἐγενήθητε, ἀδελφοί, τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, ὅτι τὰ αὐτὰ ἐπάθετε καὶ ὑμεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων συμφυλετῶν καθὼς καὶ αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, | 1.1. Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy, to the assembly of the Thessalonians in God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ: Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. 2.14. For you, brothers, became imitators of the assemblies of God which are in Judea in Christ Jesus; for you also suffered the same things from your own countrymen, even as they did from the Jews; |
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81. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.2, 10.32, 11.16, 11.18, 12.13, 14.23, 15.9, 16.1, 16.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 202| 1.2. τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ οὔσῃ ἐν Κορίνθῳ, ἡγιασμένοις ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, κλητοῖς ἁγίοις, σὺν πᾶσιν τοῖς ἐπικαλουμένοις τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ αὐτῶν καὶ ἡμῶν· 10.32. ἀπρόσκοποι καὶ Ἰουδαίοις γίνεσθε καὶ Ἕλλησιν καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ, 11.16. Εἰ δέ τις δοκεῖ φιλόνεικος εἶναι, ἡμεῖς τοιαύτην συνήθειαν οὐκ ἔχομεν, οὐδὲ αἱ ἐκκλησίαι τοῦ θεοῦ. 11.18. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν, καὶ μέρος τι πιστεύω. 12.13. καὶ γὰρ ἐν ἑνὶ πνεύματι ἡμεῖς πάντες εἰς ἓν σῶμα ἐβαπτίσθημεν, εἴτε Ἰουδαῖοι εἴτε Ἕλληνες, εἴτε δοῦλοι εἴτε ἐλεύθεροι, καὶ πάντες ἓν πνεῦμα ἐποτίσθημεν. 14.23. Ἐὰν οὖν συνέλθῃ ἡ ἐκκλησία ὅλη ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ πάντες λαλῶσιν γλώσσαις, εἰσέλθωσιν δὲ ἰδιῶται ἢ ἄπιστοι, οὐκ ἐροῦσιν ὅτι μαίνεσθε; 15.9. Ἐγὼ γάρ εἰμι ὁ ἐλάχιστος τῶν ἀποστόλων, ὃς οὐκ εἰμὶ ἱκανὸς καλεῖσθαι ἀπόστολος, διότι ἐδίωξα τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ θεοῦ· 16.1. Περὶ δὲ τῆς λογίας τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἁγίους, ὥσπερ διέταξα ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τῆς Γαλατίας, οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς ποιήσατε. 16.19. Ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς αἱ ἐκκλησίαι τῆς Ἀσίας. ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς ἐν κυρίῳ πολλὰ Ἀκύλας καὶ Πρίσκα σὺν τῇ κατʼ οἶκον αὐτῶν ἐκκλησίᾳ. | 1.2. to the assembly of God whichis at Corinth; those who are sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to besaints, with all who call on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ in everyplace, both theirs and ours: 10.32. Give no occasions for stumbling, either to Jews, or to Greeks,or to the assembly of God; 11.16. But if any man seems to be contentious, we have nosuch custom, neither do God's assemblies. 11.18. For firstof all, when you come together in the assembly, I hear that divisionsexist among you, and I partly believe it. 12.13. For in one Spirit we were all baptized into one body, whetherJews or Greeks, whether bond or free; and were all given to drink intoone Spirit. 14.23. If therefore thewhole assembly is assembled together and all speak with otherlanguages, and unlearned or unbelieving people come in, won't they saythat you are crazy? 15.9. For I am the least of theapostles, who is not worthy to be called an apostle, because Ipersecuted the assembly of God. 16.1. Now concerning the collection for the saints, as I commandedthe assemblies of Galatia, you do likewise. 16.19. The assemblies of Asia greet you. Aquila and Priscilla greetyou much in the Lord, together with the assembly that is in theirhouse. |
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82. New Testament, 1 Peter, 2.9-2.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 202| 2.9. ὑμεῖς δὲ γένος ἐκλεκτόν, βασίλειον ἱεράτευμα, ἔθνος ἅγιον, λαὸς εἰς περιποίησιν, ὅπως τὰς ἀρετὰς ἐξαγγείλητε τοῦ ἐκ σκότους ὑμᾶς καλέσαντος εἰς τὸ θαυμαστὸν αὐτοῦ φῶς· 2.10. οἵ ποτεοὐ λαὸςνῦν δὲλαὸς θεοῦ,οἱοὐκ ἠλεημένοινῦν δὲἐλεηθέντες. | 2.9. But you are a chosen race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a people for God's own possession, that you may show forth the excellencies of him who called you out of darkness into his marvelous light: 2.10. who in time past were no people, but now are God's people, who had not obtained mercy, but now have obtained mercy. |
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83. Mishnah, Avot, 3.1, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, governor of •romans and rome Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 138, 234| 3.1. "עֲקַבְיָא בֶן מַהֲלַלְאֵל אוֹמֵר, הִסְתַּכֵּל בִּשְׁלשָׁה דְבָרִים וְאִי אַתָּה בָא לִידֵי עֲבֵרָה. דַּע מֵאַיִן בָּאתָ, וּלְאָן אַתָּה הוֹלֵךְ, וְלִפְנֵי מִי אַתָּה עָתִיד לִתֵּן דִּין וְחֶשְׁבּוֹן. מֵאַיִן בָּאתָ, מִטִּפָּה סְרוּחָה, וּלְאָן אַתָּה הוֹלֵךְ, לִמְקוֹם עָפָר רִמָּה וְתוֹלֵעָה. וְלִפְנֵי מִי אַתָּה עָתִיד לִתֵּן דִּין וְחֶשְׁבּוֹן, לִפְנֵי מֶלֶךְ מַלְכֵי הַמְּלָכִים הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא:", 4.1. "בֶּן זוֹמָא אוֹמֵר, אֵיזֶהוּ חָכָם, הַלּוֹמֵד מִכָּל אָדָם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים קיט) מִכָּל מְלַמְּדַי הִשְׂכַּלְתִּי כִּי עֵדְוֹתֶיךָ שִׂיחָה לִּי. אֵיזֶהוּ גִבּוֹר, הַכּוֹבֵשׁ אֶת יִצְרוֹ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (משלי טז) טוֹב אֶרֶךְ אַפַּיִם מִגִּבּוֹר וּמשֵׁל בְּרוּחוֹ מִלֹּכֵד עִיר. אֵיזֶהוּ עָשִׁיר, הַשָּׂמֵחַ בְּחֶלְקוֹ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים קכח) יְגִיעַ כַּפֶּיךָ כִּי תֹאכֵל אַשְׁרֶיךָ וְטוֹב לָךְ. אַשְׁרֶיךָ, בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה. וְטוֹב לָךְ, לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא. אֵיזֶהוּ מְכֻבָּד, הַמְכַבֵּד אֶת הַבְּרִיּוֹת, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמואל א ב) כִּי מְכַבְּדַי אֲכַבֵּד וּבֹזַי יֵקָלּוּ: \n", | 3.1. "Akabyah ben Mahalalel said: mark well three things and you will not come into the power of sin: Know from where you come, and where you are going, and before whom you are destined to give an account and reckoning. From where do you come? From a putrid drop. Where are you going? To a place of dust, of worm and of maggot. Before whom you are destined to give an account and reckoning? Before the King of the kings of kings, the Holy One, blessed be he.", 4.1. "Ben Zoma said:Who is wise? He who learns from every man, as it is said: “From all who taught me have I gained understanding” (Psalms 119:99). Who is mighty? He who subdues his [evil] inclination, as it is said: “He that is slow to anger is better than the mighty; and he that rules his spirit than he that takes a city” (Proverbs 16:3). Who is rich? He who rejoices in his lot, as it is said: “You shall enjoy the fruit of your labors, you shall be happy and you shall prosper” (Psalms 128:2) “You shall be happy” in this world, “and you shall prosper” in the world to come. Who is he that is honored? He who honors his fellow human beings as it is said: “For I honor those that honor Me, but those who spurn Me shall be dishonored” (I Samuel 2:30).", |
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| 84. Martial, Epigrams, 6.8.8, 7.30, 7.30.5, 8.61.5, 11.94, 12.57.13, 102.14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and jewish customs •rome and romans, and egypt •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and social war •rome/romans, and citizenship Found in books: Gruen (2011) 111, 183, 184; Gruen (2020) 89, 105 |
| 85. Martial, Epigrams, 6.8.8, 7.30, 7.30.5, 8.61.5, 11.94, 12.57.13, 102.14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and jewish customs •rome and romans, and egypt •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and social war •rome/romans, and citizenship Found in books: Gruen (2011) 111, 183, 184; Gruen (2020) 89, 105 |
| 86. Lucan, Pharsalia, 8.542-8.549, 10.63 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 108 |
| 87. Juvenal, Satires, 1.26-1.29, 3.10-3.16, 3.58-3.60, 3.296, 6.159-6.160, 6.522-6.547, 14.98-14.99, 15.1-15.8, 15.10-15.11, 15.13, 15.77-15.92, 15.119-15.174 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 110, 111, 183, 184; Gruen (2020) 89 |
88. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.58, 1.75, 1.116, 1.161, 1.201, 1.250, 2.29-2.30, 2.38 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and josephus Found in books: Gruen (2020) 39, 40, 169 | 1.58. and I suppose I have sufficiently declared that this custom of transmitting down the histories of ancient times hath been better preserved by those nations which are called Barbarians, than by the Greeks themselves. I am now willing, in the next place, to say a few things to those who endeavor to prove that our constitution is but of late time, for this reason, as they pretend, that the Greek writers have said nothing about us; 1.75. “There was a king of ours, whose name was Timaus. Under him it came to pass, I know not how, that God was averse to us; and there came, after a surprising manner, men of ignoble birth out of the eastern parts, and had boldness enough to make an expedition into our country, and with ease subdued it by force, yet without our hazarding a battle with them. 1.116. 18. And now I shall add Meder the Ephesian, as an additional witness. This Meder wrote the Acts that were done both by the Greeks and Barbarians, under every one of the Tyrian kings; and had taken much pains to learn their history out of their own records. 1.161. 22. But now it is proper to satisfy the inquiry of those that disbelieve the records of Barbarians, and think none but Greeks to be worthy of credit, and to produce many of these very Greeks who were acquainted with our nation, and to set before them such as upon occasion have made mention of us in their own writings. 1.201. “As I was myself going to the Red Sea, there followed us a man, whose name was Mosollam; he was one of the Jewish horsemen who conducted us; he was a person of great courage, of a strong body, and by all allowed to be the most skilful archer that was either among the Greeks or barbarians. 1.250. It was also reported that the priest, who ordained their polity and their laws, was by birth of Heliopolis, and his name Osarsiph from Osiris, who was the god of Heliopolis; but that when he was gone over to these people, his name was changed, and he was called Moses.” /p 2.29. for although he was born at Oasis in Egypt, he pretends to be, as a man may say, the top man of all the Egyptians; yet does he forswear his real country and progenitors, and by falsely pretending to be born at Alexandria, cannot deny the pravity of his family; 2.30. for you see how justly he calls those Egyptians whom he hates, and endeavors to reproach; for had he not deemed Egyptians to be a name of great reproach, he would not have avoided the name of an Egyptian himself; as we know that those who brag of their own countries, value themselves upon the denomination they acquire thereby, and reprove such as unjustly lay claim thereto. 2.38. nay, when he appears to wonder how Jews could be called Alexandrians, this is another like instance of his ignorance; for all such as are called out to be colonies, although they be ever so far remote from one another in their original, receive their names from those that bring them to their new habitations. |
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89. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 1.6, 1.63, 1.123, 1.255, 1.258, 1.261-1.262, 1.268, 1.274, 1.322, 2.92, 2.160, 2.194, 2.510, 3.34, 3.402, 3.472, 4.45, 4.231, 4.233, 4.261, 4.535, 4.556, 5.228, 5.443, 5.460, 5.560, 6.17, 6.199, 6.310, 7.78, 7.86, 7.94, 7.219-7.243, 7.359, 7.423 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and josephus •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Gruen (2020) 39, 40, 169, 175, 176, 180; Marek (2019) 339, 343 | 1.3. I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward [am the author of this work]. 1.6. I thought it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what manner it ended. 1.63. So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in their neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and besides these, [he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round about that temple which was built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem; he also took a great many other cities of Idumea, with Adoreon and Marissa. 1.123. 2. Now, those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: 1.255. however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less suspected; he also left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest. 1.258. they also perceived that an ambush was always laid for them by the barbarians in the nighttime; they had also been seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem, because if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report, but they saw the guards already not far off them. 1.261. 6. In the meantime, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot how to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city, as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the beginning; and having then received intelligence that a messenger, who was to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery intended, had fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city; though Pacorus said very positively that he ought to go out, and meet the messengers that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done; 1.262. yet had he heard from others that his brother was seized; and Alexandra the shrewdest woman in the world, Hyrcanus’s daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor trust himself to those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt upon him openly. 1.268. 9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon the king’s palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus’s money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men’s money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. 1.274. 1. Now Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia, as making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive; by which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous temper of the barbarians to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with himself:—that if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father’s friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed. 1.322. Indeed, when he came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the barbarians, and took from them a large prey; insomuch that Antony, who admired his courage formerly, did now admire it still more. Accordingly, he heaped many more honors upon him, and gave him more assured hopes that he should gain his kingdom; and now king Antiochus was forced to deliver up Samosata. 2.92. So the Jews concluded their accusation with this request. Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the accusations which were brought against the kings, and himself accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kinsmen of Archelaus who had left him, and were gone over to his accusers. 2.160. 13. Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. 2.194. while all the nations in subjection to them had placed the images of Caesar in their several cities, among the rest of their gods,—for them alone to oppose it, was almost like the behavior of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar. 2.510. 11. But Cestius sent Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee, and delivered to him as many of his forces as he supposed sufficient to subdue that nation. 3.34. And indeed the danger of losing Sepphoris would be no small one, in this war that was now beginning, seeing it was the largest city of Galilee, and built in a place by nature very strong, and might be a security of the whole nation’s [fidelity to the Romans]. 3.402. Bind me now still faster, and keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm anything of God.” 3.472. “My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to fight. 4.45. But this incautiousness in war, and this madness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While we perform all that we attempt by skill and good order, that procedure is the part of barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly support themselves by. 4.231. for they knew well enough that these would immediately comply with their desires, as being ever a tumultuous and disorderly nation, always on the watch upon every motion, and delighting in mutations; and upon your flattering them ever so little, and petitioning them, they soon take their arms, and put themselves into motion, and make haste to a battle, as if it were to a feast. 4.233. 2. Now, these rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of the letter, and at what those that came with it further told them; whereupon they ran about the nation like madmen, and made proclamation that the people should come to war; 4.261. who have proceeded to that degree of madness, as not only to have transferred their impudent robberies out of the country, and the remote cities, into this city, the very face and head of the whole nation, but out of the city into the temple also; 4.535. Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in, he was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation, by which means it came to pass that Idumea was greatly depopulated; 4.556. 10. And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her from the zealots, he returned back to the remainders of Idumea, and driving the nation all before him from all quarters, he compelled a great number of them to retire to Jerusalem; 5.228. 7. Now all those of the stock of the priests that could not minister by reason of some defect in their bodies, came within the partition, together with those that had no such imperfection, and had their share with them by reason of their stock, but still made use of none except their own private garments; for nobody but he that officiated had on his sacred garments; 5.443. Finally, they brought the Hebrew nation into contempt, that they might themselves appear comparatively less impious with regard to strangers. They confessed what was true, that they were the slaves, the scum, and the spurious and abortive offspring of our nation, 5.460. 3. In the meantime Antiochus Epiphanes came to the city, having with him a considerable number of other armed men, and a band called the Macedonian band about him, all of the same age, tall, and just past their childhood, armed, and instructed after the Macedonian manner, whence it was that they took that name. Yet were many of them unworthy of so famous a nation; 5.560. This, therefore, which was forbidden by Caesar under such a threatening, was ventured upon privately against the deserters, and these barbarians would go out still, and meet those that ran away before any saw them, and looking about them to see that no Roman spied them, they dissected them, and pulled this polluted money out of their bowels; 6.17. that, in the first place, their conduct did not seem to be uimous, but they went out in distinct parties, and at distinct intervals, and after a slow manner, and timorously, and, to say all in a word, without a Jewish courage; for they were now defective in what is peculiar to our nation, that is, in boldness, in violence of assault, and in running upon the enemy all together, and in persevering in what they go about, though they do not at first succeed in it; 6.199. But why do I describe the shameless impudence that the famine brought on men in their eating iimate things, while I am going to relate a matter of fact, the like to which no history relates, either among the Greeks or Barbarians? It is horrible to speak of it, and incredible when heard. 6.310. 4. Now, if anyone consider these things, he will find that God takes care of mankind, and by all ways possible foreshows to our race what is for their preservation; but that men perish by those miseries which they madly and voluntarily bring upon themselves; 7.78. in the next place, the hatred they bore to those that were their governors, while their nation had never been conscious of subjection to any but to the Romans, and that by compulsion only. Besides these motives, it was the opportunity that now afforded itself, which above all the rest prevailed with them so to do; 7.86. He had a courageous mind from his father, and had made greater improvements than belonged to such an age: accordingly he marched against the barbarians immediately; 7.94. So when this general had put an end to the war, he provided for the future security of the country also; for he placed more and more numerous garrisons in the place, till he made it altogether impossible for the barbarians to pass over the river any more. 7.219. 1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: 7.220. Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus (for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered), sent an epistle to Caesar, 7.221. and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; 7.222. that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. 7.223. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; 7.224. for Samosata, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception. 7.225. Petus was accordingly believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. 7.226. These kings also came to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa. 7.227. Nor was there any opposition made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. 7.228. When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately, with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him. 7.229. So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents. 7.230. 2. Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon Samosata, and by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army. 7.231. However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do anything in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent. 7.232. But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves to military force; 7.233. and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces; 7.234. yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds of his own soldiers. 7.235. Accordingly, they revolted, and went over to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate. 7.236. It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, 7.237. whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they were not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them as if they had retained their ancient prosperity. 7.238. 3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. 7.239. However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretense of this war. 7.240. Accordingly, he gave orders that they should take off his bonds, while he was still upon the road, and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live at Lacedemon; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not only live in plenty, but like a king also. 7.241. When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under. 7.242. He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire. 7.243. So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained. 7.359. for it now appears that God hath made such a decree against the whole Jewish nation, that we are to be deprived of this life which [he knew] we would not make a due use of. 7.423. Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; |
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90. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.14, 1.20, 1.96, 1.107, 1.191, 1.193, 1.206, 1.220, 1.235, 2.32, 2.300, 3.23, 4.2, 4.12, 4.114-4.115, 4.192, 4.239, 4.262, 4.290, 5.55, 5.59, 5.88, 5.90, 5.93, 5.98, 5.120, 6.61, 6.114, 6.146, 6.342, 7.6, 7.61, 7.330, 7.356, 8.120, 8.200, 8.282, 9.253, 10.222, 11.88, 11.180, 11.299, 11.302, 11.340-11.341, 12.23, 12.131, 12.143, 12.222, 12.331, 12.417, 13.48, 13.126-13.127, 13.163, 13.166, 13.212, 13.255, 13.319, 14.41, 14.43, 14.91, 14.117, 14.186-14.187, 14.212, 14.241, 14.248, 14.265, 14.304, 14.306-14.307, 14.320, 14.323, 14.341, 14.343, 14.347, 14.440-14.442, 14.445, 15.13, 15.136, 15.257, 15.402, 16.36, 16.56, 16.162, 16.175-16.177, 17.174, 17.300, 18.2, 18.47, 18.49, 18.106, 18.128, 18.139-18.140, 18.328, 19.12, 19.119, 19.278, 20.11, 20.145 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and josephus •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Gruen (2020) 39, 40, 169, 175, 176, 180; Marek (2019) 330, 334, 339 | 1.14. Upon the whole, a man that will peruse this history, may principally learn from it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then it is to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws: and that so far as men any way apostatize from the accurate observation of them, what was practicable before becomes impracticable; and whatsoever they set about as a good thing is converted into an incurable calamity. 1.20. neither could the legislator himself have a right mind without such a contemplation; nor would any thing he should write tend to the promotion of virtue in his readers; I mean, unless they be taught first of all, that God is the Father and Lord of all things, and sees all things, and that thence he bestows a happy life upon those that follow him; but plunges such as do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevitable miseries. 1.96. 7. But as for Noah, he was afraid, since God had determined to destroy mankind, lest he should drown the earth every year; so he offered burnt-offerings, and besought God that nature might hereafter go on in its former orderly course, and that he would not bring on so great a judgment any more, by which the whole race of creatures might be in danger of destruction: but that, having now punished the wicked, he would of his goodness spare the remainder, and such as he had hitherto judged fit to be delivered from so severe a calamity; 1.107. Now I have for witnesses to what I have said, all those that have written Antiquities, both among the Greeks and barbarians; for even Manetho, who wrote the Egyptian History, and Berosus, who collected the Chaldean Monuments, and Mochus, and Hestieus, and, besides these, Hieronymus the Egyptian, and those who composed the Phoenician History, agree to what I here say: 1.191. 5. The forementioned son was born to Abram when he was eighty-six years old: but when he was ninety-nine, God appeared to him, and promised him that he Should have a son by Sarai, and commanded that his name should be Isaac; and showed him, that from this son should spring great nations and kings, and that they should obtain all the land of Canaan by war, from Sidon to Egypt. 1.193. And Abram inquiring also concerning Ismael, whether he should live or not, God signified to him that he should live to be very old, and should be the father of great nations. Abram therefore gave thanks to God for these blessings; and then he, and all his family, and his son Ismael, were circumcised immediately; the son being that day thirteen years of age, and he ninety-nine. 1.206. The former of whom was the father of the Moabites, which is even still a great nation; the latter was the father of the Ammonites; and both of them are inhabitants of Celesyria. And such was the departure of Lot from among the Sodomites. 1.220. 4. When the lad was grown up, he married a wife, by birth an Egyptian, from whence the mother was herself derived originally. of this wife were born to Ismael twelve sons; Nabaioth, Kedar, Abdeel, Mabsam, Idumas, Masmaos, Masaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur, Naphesus, Cadmas. 1.235. He foretold also, that his family should increase into many nations and that those patriarchs should leave behind them an everlasting name; that they should obtain the possession of the land of Canaan, and be envied by all men. When God had said this, he produced to them a ram, which did not appear before, for the sacrifice. 2.32. 3. But Judas, being one of Jacob’s sons also, seeing some Arabians, of the posterity of Ismael, carrying spices and Syrian wares out of the land of Gilead to the Egyptians, after Rubel was gone, advised his brethren to draw Joseph out of the pit, and sell him to the Arabians; 2.300. 3. Accordingly, God punished his falseness with another plague, added to the former; for there arose out of the bodies of the Egyptians an innumerable quantity of lice, by which, wicked as they were, they miserably perished, as not able to destroy this sort of vermin either with washes or with ointments. 3.23. and some way of deliverance from the want they were in, because in him, and in him alone, was their hope of salvation; and he desired that he would forgive what necessity had forced the people to do, since such was the nature of mankind, hard to please, and very complaining under adversities. Accordingly God promised he would take care of them, and afford them the succor they were desirous of. 4.2. Accordingly they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, and said that God gave them his assistance, not out of regard to Moses’s intercessions, but because he took care of their entire nation, on account of their forefathers, whose affairs he took under his own conduct; as also, that it was on account of their own virtue that he had formerly procured them their liberty, and would be assisting to them, now they were willing to take pains for it. 4.12. Such a sedition overtook them, as we have not the like example either among the Greeks or the Barbarians, by which they were in danger of being all destroyed, but were notwithstanding saved by Moses, who would not remember that he had been almost stoned to death by them. 4.114. Then said he, “Happy is this people, on whom God bestows the possession of innumerable good things, and grants them his own providence to be their assistant and their guide; so that there is not any nation among mankind but you will be esteemed superior to them in virtue, and in the earnest prosecution of the best rules of life, and of such as are pure from wickedness, and will leave those rules to your excellent children; and this out of the regard that God bears to you, and the provision of such things for you as may render you happier than any other people under the sun. 4.115. You shall retain that land to which he hath sent you, and it shall ever be under the command of your children; and both all the earth, as well as the seas, shall be filled with your glory: and you shall be sufficiently numerous to supply the world in general, and every region of it in particular, with inhabitants out of your stock. 4.192. I also do further exhort you, to overthrow their altars, and their groves, and whatsoever temples they have among them, and to burn all such, their nation, and their very memory with fire; for by this means alone the safety of your own happy constitution can be firmly secured to you. 4.239. for it is proper for you who have had the experience of the afflictions in Egypt, and of those in the wilderness, to make provision for those that are in the like circumstances; and while you have now obtained plenty yourselves, through the mercy and providence of God, to distribute of the same plenty, by the like sympathy, to such as stand in need of it. 4.262. And now, since it is reasonable to forgive the sins of those that are young, let it suffice thee to have given so many indications of thy contempt of us; reform thyself, and act more wisely for the time to come; considering that God is displeased with those that are insolent towards their parents, because he is himself the Father of the whole race of mankind, and seems to bear part of that dishonor which falls upon those that have the same name, when they do not meet with dire returns from their children. And on such the law inflicts inexorable punishment; of which punishment mayst thou never have the experience.” 4.290. 40. Let those that have made themselves eunuchs be had in detestation; and do you avoid any conversation with them who have deprived themselves of their manhood, and of that fruit of generation which God has given to men for the increase of their kind: let such be driven away, as if they had killed their children, since they beforehand have lost what should procure them; 5.55. Thus did these ambassadors speak; and showing them the marks of their long journey, they entreated the Hebrews to make a league of friendship with them. Accordingly Joshua, believing what they said, that they were not of the nation of the Canaanites, entered into friendship with them; and Eleazar the high priest, with the senate, sware to them that they would esteem them their friends and associates, and would attempt nothing that should be unfair against them, the multitude also assenting to the oaths that were made to them. 5.59. for such was their case, as to expect to be destroyed by these Canaanites, but to suppose they should be saved by those that came for the destruction of the Canaanites, because of the league of friendship that was between them. 5.88. 23. After this manner did Joshua divide the six nations that bear the name of the sons of Canaan, with their land, to be possessed by the nine tribes and a half; 5.90. 24. But now was Joshua hindered by his age from executing what he intended to do (as did those that succeeded him in the government, take little care of what was for the advantage of the public); so he gave it in charge to every tribe to leave no remainder of the race of the Canaanites in the land that had been divided to them by lot; that Moses had assured them beforehand, and they might rest fully satisfied about it, that their own security and their observation of their own laws depended wholly upon it. 5.93. 25. After this was over, he gathered the army together to a congregation, and spake thus to those tribes that had their settlement in the land of the Amorites beyond Jordan,—for fifty thousand of them had armed themselves, and had gone to the war along with them:—“Since that God, who is the Father and Lord of the Hebrew nation, has now given us this land for a possession, and promised to preserve us in the enjoyment of it as our own for ever; 5.98. whose worship and form of government we are to take care of, which he has ordained, and are most carefully to observe; because while you continue in those laws, God will also show himself merciful and assisting to you; but if you imitate the other nations, and forsake those laws, he will reject your nation.” 5.120. 1. After the death of Joshua and Eleazar, Phineas prophesied, that according to God’s will they should commit the government to the tribe of Judah, and that this tribe should destroy the race of the Canaanites; for then the people were concerned to learn what was the will of God. They also took to their assistance the tribe of Simeon; but upon this condition, that when those that had been tributary to the tribe of Judah should be slain, they should do the like for the tribe of Simeon. 6.61. for God is the best of beings, and they chose to have a man for their king; while kings will use their subjects as beasts, according to the violence of their own wills and inclinations, and other passions, as wholly carried away with the lust of power, but will not endeavor so to preserve the race of mankind as his own workmanship and creation, which, for that very reason, God would take cake of. “But since you have come to a fixed resolution, and this injurious treatment of God has quite prevailed over you, dispose yourselves by your tribes and scepters, and cast lots.” 6.114. but the greatest part, not knowing one another, because they were of different nations, suspected one another to be enemies, (for they did not imagine there were only two of the Hebrews that came up,) and so they fought one against another; and some of them died in the battle, and some, as they were flying away, were thrown down from the rock headlong. 6.146. To which Samuel replied, “How is it then that I hear the bleating of the sheep and the lowing of the greater cattle in the camp?” Saul made answer, That the people had reserved them for sacrifices; but that, as to the nation of the Amalekites, it was entirely destroyed, as he had received it in command to see done, and that no one man was left; but that he had saved alive the king alone, and brought him to him, concerning whom, he said, they would advise together what should be done with him. 6.342. It would be well therefore to imitate the example of this woman, and to do kindnesses to all such as are in want and to think that nothing is better, nor more becoming mankind, than such a general beneficence, nor what will sooner render God favorable, and ready to bestow good things upon us. And so far may suffice to have spoken concerning this woman. 7.6. for when David had said to him that he was become his own accuser, as the very man who had slain the king, and when he had understood that he was the son of an Amalekite, he commanded him to be slain. He also committed to writing some lamentations and funeral commendations of Saul and Jonathan, which have continued to my own age. 7.61. 1. Now the Jebusites, who were the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and were by extraction Canaanites, shut their gates, and placed the blind, and the lame, and all their maimed persons, upon the wall, in way of derision of the king, and said that the very lame themselves would hinder his entrance into it. This they did out of contempt of his power, and as depending on the strength of their walls. David was hereby enraged, and began the siege of Jerusalem, and employed his utmost diligence and alacrity therein, 7.330. Now Araunah was thrashing wheat; and when he saw the king and all his servants coming to him, he ran before, and came to him and worshipped him: he was by his lineage a Jebusite, but a particular friend of David’s; and for that cause it was that, when he overthrew the city, he did him no harm, as we informed the reader a little before. 7.356. and commanded them to follow Solomon through the midst of the city, and to sound the trumpets, and wish aloud that Solomon the king may sit upon the royal throne for ever, that so all the people may know that he is ordained king by his father. He also gave Solomon a charge concerning his government, to rule the whole nation of the Hebrews, and particularly the tribe of Judah, religiously and righteously. 8.120. and to pray that they might always have the like indications from him, and that he would preserve in them a mind pure from all wickedness, in righteousness and religious worship, and that they might continue in the observation of those precepts which God had given them by Moses, because by that means the Hebrew nation would be happy, and indeed the most blessed of all nations among all mankind. 8.200. He was a child of the stock of the Edomites, and of the blood royal; and when Joab, the captain of David’s host, laid waste the land of Edom, and destroyed all that were men grown, and able to bear arms, for six months’ time, this Hadad fled away, and came to Pharaoh the king of Egypt, 8.282. 3. This was the speech which Abijah made to the multitude. But while he was still speaking Jeroboam sent some of his soldiers privately to encompass Abijab round about, on certain parts of the camp that were not taken notice of; and when he was thus within the compass of the enemy, his army was affrighted, and their courage failed them; but Abijah encouraged them, and exhorted them to place their hopes on God, for that he was not encompassed by the enemy. 9.253. Now this king, upon the reception of those ambassadors, came to assist Ahaz, and made war upon the Syrians, and laid their country waste, and took Damascus by force, and slew Rezin their king, and transplanted the people of Damascus into the Upper Media, and brought a colony of Assyrians, and planted them in Damascus. 10.222. and when he was made sensible, as he was in a little time, that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] was dead, and having settled the affairs of Egypt, and the other countries, as also those that concerned the captive Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations; and having committed the conveyance of them to Babylon to certain of his friends, together with the gross of his army, and the rest of their ammunition and provisions, he went himself hastily, accompanied with a few others, over the desert, and came to Babylon. 11.88. 4. When the Cuthearts heard this, for the Samaritans have that appellation, they had indignation at it, and persuaded the nations of Syria to desire of the governors, in the same manner as they had done formerly in the days of Cyrus, and again in the days of Cambyses afterwards, to put a stop to the building of the temple, and to endeavor to delay and protract the Jews in their zeal about it. 11.180. Now when the walls were finished, Nehemiah and the multitude offered sacrifices to God for the building of them, and they continued in feasting eight days. However, when the nations which dwelt in Syria heard that the building of the wall was finished, they had indignation at it. 11.299. In confidence of whose support, Jesus quarreled with John in the temple, and so provoked his brother, that in his anger his brother slew him. Now it was a horrible thing for John, when he was high priest, to perpetrate so great a crime, and so much the more horrible, that there never was so cruel and impious a thing done, neither by the Greeks nor Barbarians. 11.302. 2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. 11.340. 6. So when Alexander had thus settled matters at Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighboring cities; and when all the inhabitants to whom he came received him with great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then Shechem for their metropolis, (a city situate at Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates of the Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so greatly honored the Jews, determined to profess themselves Jews; 11.341. for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. 12.23. And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favors to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them.” 12.131. But at length, when Antiochus had beaten Ptolemy, he seized upon Judea; and when Philopater was dead, his son sent out a great army under Scopas, the general of his forces, against the inhabitants of Celesyria, who took many of their cities, and in particular our nation; 12.143. And that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperberetus. 12.222. And when Hyrcanus’s brethren came to fight him, he slew many others of those that were with them, as also two of his brethren themselves; but the rest of them escaped to Jerusalem to their father. But when Hyrcanus came to the city, where nobody would receive him, he was afraid for himself, and retired beyond the river Jordan, and there abode, but obliging the barbarians to pay their taxes. 12.331. And as these epistles were reading, there came other messengers out of Galilee, who informed him that the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were gotten together. 12.417. The decree itself was this: “The decree of the senate concerning a league of assistance and friendship with the nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful for any that are subject to the Romans to make war with the nation of the Jews, nor to assist those that do so, either by sending them corn, or ships, or money; 13.48. “King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship for us, and when you have been tempted by our enemies, you have not joined yourselves to them, I both commend you for this your fidelity, and exhort you to continue in the same disposition, for which you shall be repaid, and receive rewards from us; 13.126. “King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. We have sent you a copy of that epistle which we have written to Lasthenes our kinsman, that you may know its contents. 13.127. ‘King Demetrius to Lasthenes our father, sendeth greeting. I have determined to return thanks, and to show favor to the nation of the Jews, which hath observed the rules of justice in our concerns. Accordingly, I remit to them the three prefectures, Apherima, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have been added to Judea out of Samaria, with their appurteces; 13.163. 8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, and slain two thousand of the enemy, returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw that all his affairs prospered according to his mind, by the providence of God, he sent ambassadors to the Romans, being desirous of renewing that friendship which their nation had with them formerly. 13.166. a copy of which here follows: “Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori, and senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greeting. If you be well, and both your public and private affairs be agreeable to your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also. 13.212. and which have been preserved to this day; and we know that it was Simon who bestowed so much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the building of these monuments for his relations. Now Jonathan died when he had been high priest four years and had been also the governor of his nation. And these were the circumstances that concerned his death. 13.255. However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, 13.319. He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: “This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.” 14.41. and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly’ government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. 14.43. He also accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors’ countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him; and that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a man given to violence and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the best esteem among them, who confirmed this accusation; which confirmation was procured by Antipater. 14.91. and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy. 14.117. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. 14.186. And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; 14.187. for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, 14.212. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.” 14.241. 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, 14.248. and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, 14.265. 26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans and those different from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted; 14.304. But still, when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against him, and to restore them that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them. 14.306. 3. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. 14.307. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. 14.320. Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the Roman people, as in war; 14.323. 6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation. 14.341. And when Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm, complied with his proposal, while Herod did not give his consent to what was done, because of the perfidiousness of these barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather to fight those that were come into the city. 14.343. Barzaphanles also received them at the first with cheerfulness, and made them presents, though he afterward conspired against them; and Phasaelus, with his horsemen, were conducted to the sea-side. But when they heard that Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to assist him against them, they soon had a suspicion of the barbarians. 14.347. But the barbarian swore to him that there was no truth in any of his suspicions, but that he was troubled with nothing but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus. 14.440. And when he came to Antioch, and met there a great number of men gotten together that were very desirous to go to Antony, but durst not venture to go, out of fear, because the barbarians fell upon men on the road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and became their conductor upon the road. 14.441. Now when they were within two days’ march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an ambush there to disturb those that came to Antony, and where the woods made the passes narrow, as they led to the plains, there they laid not a few of their horsemen, who were to lie still until those passengers were gone by into the wide place. 14.442. Now as soon as the first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) those that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them on the sudden, and when they had put the foremost to flight, the king came riding hard, with the forces that were about him, and immediately drove back the enemy; by which means he made the minds of his own men courageous, and imboldened them to go on, insomuch that those who ran away before now returned back, and the barbarians were slain on all sides. 14.445. 9. And when he was near to Samosata, Antony sent out his army in all their proper habiliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod this respect, and because of the assistance he had given him; for he had heard what attacks the barbarians had made upon him [in Judea]. 15.13. Phasaelus indeed could not bear the reproach of being in bonds; and thinking that death with glory was better than any life whatsoever, he became his own executioner, as I have formerly related. 15.136. for these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable. And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another. 15.257. and this he did, not because he was better pleased to be under Cleopatra’s government, but because he thought that, upon the diminution of Herod’s power, it would not be difficult for him to obtain himself the entire government over the Idumeans, and somewhat more also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having no small pretenses, both by his birth and by these riches which he had gotten by his constant attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small matter that he aimed at. 15.402. and round about the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken from barbarous nations; all these had been dedicated to the temple by Herod, with the addition of those he had taken from the Arabians. 16.36. for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to live [in peace]; 16.56. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of Herod. 16.162. 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor, 16.175. and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. 16.176. As for our customs there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city almost we meet with them different from one another; 16.177. but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men; 17.174. He commanded that all the principal men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him. Accordingly, they were a great number that came, because the whole nation was called, and all men heard of this call, and death was the penalty of such as should despise the epistles that were sent to call them. And now the king was in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as those that had afforded ground for accusations; 17.300. for an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the nation to send it, that they might petition for the liberty of living by their own laws. Now the number of the ambassadors that were sent by the authority of the nation were fifty, to which they joined above eight thousand of the Jews that were at Rome already. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 18.47. However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave, (for so they called those that had been hostages,) nor could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace. 18.49. Yet did he a little after gather a great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia [upon Tigris]. So when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his people; and so he now reigned over the Parthians. 18.106. 6. About this time it was that Philip, Herod’s brother, departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government; 18.128. for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed. One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were: 18.139. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; 18.140. Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. 18.328. and when he understood that he was afraid, and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the gods of his country, that he would do them no harm, if they came to him upon the assurances he gave them, and gave him his right hand. This is of the greatest force there with all these barbarians, and affords a firm security to those who converse with them; 19.12. and yet mankind bore him in such his pranks. He also gave leave to slaves to accuse their masters of any crimes whatsoever they pleased; for all such accusations were terrible, because they were in great part made to please him, and at his suggestion, 19.119. The Germans were the first who perceived that Caius was slain. These Germans were Caius’s guard, and carried the name of the country whence they were chosen, and composed the Celtic legion. 19.278. 2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. 20.11. “Claudius Caesar Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time, and designed consul the fourth time, and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country, to the magistrates, senate, and people, and the whole nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. 20.145. 3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false; |
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91. New Testament, Philippians, 3.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 202| 3.6. κατὰ ζῆλος διώκων τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, κατὰ δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐν νόμῳ γενόμενος ἄμεμπτος. | 3.6. concerning zeal, persecuting the assembly; concerning the righteousness which is in the law, found blameless. |
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| 92. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 9.3.31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 130 |
| 93. Ptolemy, Geography, 5.6.17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 329 |
| 94. Arrian, Periplus, 17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 348 |
95. Columella, De Re Rustica, 1.1.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 129| 1.1.13. Nec postremo quasi paedagogi eius meminisse dedignemur Iuli Hygini, verum tamen ut Carthaginiensem Magonem rusticationis parentem maxime veneremur; nam huius octo et viginti memorabilia illa volumina ex senatus consulto in Latinum sermonem conversa sunt. | |
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| 96. Suetonius, Nero, 16.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 204, 213 |
| 97. Suetonius, Tiberius, 37.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 326 |
| 98. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 8.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 341 |
| 99. Tacitus, Agricola, 39.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 152, 164 |
100. Tacitus, Annals, 1.69, 2.42.2, 2.46, 2.56, 3.27, 4.36, 4.55.3, 6.31, 6.41, 12.45, 12.49-12.50, 12.49.2, 13.35, 13.37.3, 15.24, 15.44 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and germans •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 159, 163; Gruen (2020) 93, 203; Marek (2019) 326, 328, 329, 332, 333, 336| 1.69. Pervaserat interim circumventi exercitus fama et infesto Germanorum agmine Gallias peti, ac ni Agrippina inpositum Rheno pontem solvi prohibuisset, erant qui id flagitium formidine auderent. sed femina ingens animi munia ducis per eos dies induit, militibusque, ut quis inops aut saucius, vestem et fomenta dilargita est. tradit C. Plinius, Germanicorum bellorum scriptor, stetisse apud principium ponti laudes et grates reversis legionibus habentem. id Tiberii animum altius penetravit: non enim simplicis eas curas, nec adversus externos studia militum quaeri. nihil relictum imperatoribus, ubi femina manipulos intervisat, signa adeat, largitionem temptet, tamquam parum ambitiose filium ducis gregali habitu circumferat Caesaremque Caligulam appellari velit. potiorem iam apud exercitus Agrippinam quam legatos, quam duces; conpressam a muliere seditionem, cui nomen principis obsistere non quiverit. accendebat haec onerabatque Seianus, peritia morum Tiberii odia in longum iaciens, quae reconderet auctaque promeret. 2.46. Neque Maroboduus iactantia sui aut probris in hostem abstinebat, sed Inguiomerum tenens illo in cor- pore decus omne Cheruscorum, illius consiliis gesta quae prospere ceciderint testabatur: vaecordem Arminium et rerum nescium alienam gloriam in se trahere, quoniam tres vagas legiones et ducem fraudis ignarum perfidia deceperit, magna cum clade Germaniae et ignominia sua, cum coniunx, cum filius eius servitium adhuc tolerent. at se duodecim legionibus petitum duce Tiberio inlibatam Germanorum gloriam servavisse, mox condicionibus aequis discessum; neque paenitere quod ipsorum in manu sit, integrum adversum Romanos bellum an pacem incruentam malint. his vocibus instinctos exercitus propriae quoque causae stimulabant, cum a Cheruscis Langobardisque pro antiquo decore aut recenti libertate et contra augendae dominationi certaretur. non alias maiore mole concursum neque ambiguo magis eventu, fusis utrimque dextris cornibus; sperabaturque rursum pugna, ni Maroboduus castra in collis subduxisset. id signum perculsi fuit; et transfugiis paulatim nudatus in Marcomanos concessit misitque legatos ad Tiberium oraturos auxilia. responsum est non iure eum adversus Cheruscos arma Romana invocare, qui pugtis in eundem hostem Romanos nulla ope iuvisset. missus tamen Drusus, ut rettulimus, paci firmator. 2.56. Ambigua gens ea antiquitus hominum ingeniis et situ terrarum, quoniam nostris provinciis late praetenta penitus ad Medos porrigitur; maximisque imperiis interiecti et saepius discordes sunt, adversus Romanos odio et in Parthum invidia. regem illa tempestate non habebant, amoto Vonone: sed favor nationis inclinabat in Zenonem, Polemonis regis Pontici filium, quod is prima ab infantia instituta et cultum Armeniorum aemulatus, venatu epulis et quae alia barbari celebrant, proceres plebemque iuxta devinxerat. igitur Germanicus in urbe Artaxata adprobantibus nobilibus, circumfusa multitudine, insigne regium capiti eius imposuit. ceteri venerantes regem Artaxiam consalutavere, quod illi vocabulum indiderant ex nomine urbis. at Cappadoces in formam provinciae redacti Q. Veranium legatum accepere; et quaedam ex regiis tributis deminuta quo mitius Romanum imperium speraretur. Commagenis Q. Servaeus praeponitur, tum primum ad ius praetoris translatis. 3.27. Pulso Tarquinio adversum patrum factiones multa populus paravit tuendae libertatis et firmandae concordiae, creatique decemviri et accitis quae usquam egregia compositae duodecim tabulae, finis aequi iuris. nam secutae leges etsi aliquando in maleficos ex delicto, saepius tamen dissensione ordinum et apiscendi inlicitos honores aut pellendi claros viros aliaque ob prava per vim latae sunt. hinc Gracchi et Saturnini turbatores plebis nec minor largitor nomine senatus Drusus; corrupti spe aut inlusi per intercessionem socii. ac ne bello quidem Italico, mox civili omissum quin multa et diversa sciscerentur, donec L. Sulla dictator abolitis vel conversis prioribus, cum plura addidisset, otium eius rei haud in longum paravit, statim turbidis Lepidi rogationibus neque multo post tribunis reddita licentia quoquo vellent populum agitandi. iamque non modo in commune sed in singulos homines latae quaestiones, et corruptissima re publica plurimae leges. 4.36. Ceterum postulandis reis tam continuus annus fuit ut feriarum Latinarum diebus praefectum urbis Drusum, auspicandi gratia tribunal ingressum, adierit Calpurnius Salvianus in Sextum Marium: quod a Caesare palam increpitum causa exilii Salviano fuit. obiecta publice Cyzicenis incuria caerimoniarum divi Augusti, additis violentiae criminibus adversum civis Romanos. et amisere libertatem, quam bello Mithridatis meruerant, circumsessi nec minus sua constantia quam praesidio Luculli pulso rege. at Fonteius Capito, qui pro consule Asiam curaverat, absolvitur, comperto ficta in eum crimina per Vibium Serenum. neque tamen id Sereno noxae fuit, quem odium publicum tutiorem faciebat. nam ut quis destrictior accusator, velut sacrosanctus erat: leves ignobiles poenis adficiebantur. 6.31. C. Cestio M. Servilio consulibus nobiles Parthi in urbem venere, ignaro rege Artabano. is metu Germanici fidus Romanis, aequabilis in suos, mox superbiam in nos, saevitiam in popularis sumpsit, fretus bellis quae secunda adversum circumiectas nationes exercuerat, et senectutem Tiberii ut inermem despiciens avidusque Armeniae, cui defuncto rege Artaxia Arsacen liberorum suorum veterrimum imposuit, addita contumelia et missis qui gazam a Vonone relictam in Syria Ciliciaque reposcerent; simul veteres Persarum ac Macedonum terminos seque invasurum possessa Cyro et post Alexandro per vaniloquentiam ac minas iacie- bat. sed Parthis mittendi secretos nuntios validissimus auctor fuit Sinnaces, insigni familia ac perinde opibus, et proximus huic Abdus ademptae virilitatis. non despectum id apud barbaros ultroque potentiam habet. ii adscitis et aliis primoribus, quia neminem gentis Arsacidarum summae rei imponere poterant, interfectis ab Artabano plerisque aut nondum adultis, Phraaten regis Phraatis filium Roma poscebant: nomine tantum et auctore opus ut sponte Caesaris ut genus Arsacis ripam apud Euphratis cerneretur. 6.41. Per idem tempus Clitarum natio Cappadoci Archelao subiecta, quia nostrum in modum deferre census, pati tributa adigebatur, in iuga Tauri montis abscessit locorumque ingenio sese contra imbellis regis copias tutabatur, donec M. Trebellius legatus, a Vitellio praeside Syriae cum quattuor milibus legionariorum et delectis auxiliis missus, duos collis quos barbari insederant (minori Cadra, alteri Davara nomen est) operibus circumdedit et erumpere ausos ferro, ceteros siti ad deditionem coegit. At Tiridates volentibus Parthis Nicephorium et Anthemusiada ceterasque urbes, quae Macedonibus sitae Graeca vocabula usurpant, Halumque et Artemitam Parthica oppida recepit, certantibus gaudio qui Artabanum Scythas inter eductum ob saevitiam execrati come Tiridatis ingenium Romanas per artes sperabant. 12.45. Reconciliationis specie adsumpta regressusque ad patrem, quae fraude confici potuerint, prompta nuntiat, cetera armis exequenda. interim Pharasmanes belli causas confingit: proelianti sibi adversus regem Albanorum et Romanos auxilio vocanti fratrem adversatum, eamque iniuriam excidio ipsius ultum iturum; simul magnas copias filio tradidit. ille inruptione subita territum exutumque campis Mithridaten compulit in castellum Gorneas, tutum loco ac praesidio militum, quis Caelius Pollio praefectus, centurio Casperius praeerat. nihil tam ignarum barbaris quam machinamenta et astus oppugnationum: at nobis ea pars militiae maxime gnara est. ita Radamistus frustra vel cum damno temptatis munitionibus obsidium incipit; et cum vis neglegeretur, avaritiam praefecti emercatur, obtestante Casperio, ne socius rex, ne Armenia donum populi Romani scelere et pecunia verterentur. postremo quia multitudinem hostium Pollio, iussa patris Radamistus obtendebant, pactus indutias abscedit, ut, nisi Pharasmanen bello absterruisset, Vmmidium Quadratum praesidem Syriae doceret quo in statu Armenia foret. 12.49. Erat Cappadociae procurator Iulius Paelignus, ignavia animi et deridiculo corporis iuxta despiciendus, sed Claudio perquam familiaris, cum privatus olim conversatione scurrarum iners otium oblectaret. is Paelignus auxiliis provincialium contractis tamquam reciperaturus Armeniam, dum socios magis quam hostis praedatur, abscessu suorum et incursantibus barbaris praesidii egens ad Radamistum venit; donisque eius evictus ultro regium insigne sumere cohortatur sumentique adest auctor et satelles. quod ubi turpi fama divulgatum, ne ceteri quoque ex Paeligno coniectarentur, Helvidius Priscus legatus cum legione mittitur rebus turbidis pro tempore ut consuleret. igitur propere montem Taurum transgressus moderatione plura quam vi composuerat, cum rediret in Syriam iubetur ne initium belli adversus Parthos existeret. 13.35. Sed Corbuloni plus molis adversus ignaviam militum quam contra perfidiam hostium erat: quippe Syria transmotae legiones, pace longa segnes, munia castrorum aegerrime tolerabant. satis constitit fuisse in eo exercitu veteranos qui non stationem, non vigilias inissent, vallum fossamque quasi nova et mira viserent, sine galeis, sine loricis, nitidi et quaestuosi, militia per oppida expleta. igitur dimissis quibus senectus aut valetudo adversa erat supplementum petivit. et habiti per Galatiam Cappadociamque dilectus, adiectaque ex Germania legio cum equitibus alariis et peditatu cohortium. retentusque omnis exercitus sub pellibus, quamvis hieme saeva adeo ut obducta glacie nisi effossa humus tentoriis locum non praeberet. ambusti multorum artus vi frigoris et quidam inter excubias exanimati sunt. adnotatusque miles qui fascem lignorum gestabat ita praeriguisse manus, ut oneri adhaerentes truncis brachiis deciderent. ipse cultu levi, capite intecto, in agmine, in laboribus frequens adesse, laudem strenuis, solacium invalidis, exemplum omnibus ostendere. dehinc quia duritia caeli militiaeque multi abnuebant deserebantque, remedium severitate quaesitum est. nec enim, ut in aliis exercitibus, primum alterumque delictum venia prosequebatur, sed qui signa reliquerat, statim capite poenas luebat. idque usu salubre et misericordia melius adparuit: quippe pauciores illa castra deseruere quam ea in quibus ignoscebatur. 15.24. Inter quae veris principio legati Parthorum mandata regis Vologesis litterasque in eandem formam attulere: se priora et toties iactata super optinenda Armenia nunc omit- tere, quoniam dii, quamvis potentium populorum arbitri, possessionem Parthis non sine ignominia Romana tradidissent. nuper clausum Tigranen; post Paetum legionesque, cum opprimere posset, incolumis dimisisse. satis adprobatam vim; datum et lenitatis experimentum. nec recusaturum Tiridaten accipiendo diademati in urbem venire nisi sacerdotii religione attineretur. iturum ad signa et effigies principis ubi legionibus coram regnum auspicaretur. 15.44. Et haec quidem humanis consiliis providebantur. mox petita dis piacula aditique Sibyllae libri, ex quibus supplicatum Vulcano et Cereri Proserpinaeque ac propitiata Iuno per matronas, primum in Capitolio, deinde apud proximum mare, unde hausta aqua templum et simulacrum deae perspersum est; et sellisternia ac pervigilia celebravere feminae quibus mariti erant. sed non ope humana, non largitionibus principis aut deum placamentis decedebat infamia quin iussum incendium crederetur. ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et quaesitissimis poenis adfecit quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. auctor nominis eius Christus Tiberio imperitante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat; repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem eius mali, sed per urbem etiam quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque. igitur primum correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens haud proinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis convicti sunt. et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, aut crucibus adfixi aut flammandi, atque ubi defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat et circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigae permixtus plebi vel curriculo insistens. unde quamquam adversus sontis et novissima exempla meritos miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non utilitate publica sed in saevitiam unius absumerentur. | 1.69. In the meantime a rumour had spread that the army had been trapped and the German columns were on the march for Gaul; and had not Agrippina prevented the demolition of the Rhine bridge, there were those who in their panic would have braved that infamy. But it was a great-hearted woman who assumed the duties of a general throughout those days; who, if a soldier was in need, clothed him, and, if he was wounded, gave him dressings. Pliny, the historian of the German Wars, asserts that she stood at the head of the bridge, offering her praises and her thanks to the returning legions. The action sank deep into the soul of Tiberius. "There was something behind this officiousness; nor was it the foreigner against whom her courtship of the army was directed. Commanding officers had a sinecure nowadays, when a woman visited the maniples, approached the standards and took in hand to bestow largesses â as though it were not enough to curry favour by parading the general's son in the habit of a common soldier, with the request that he should be called Caesar Caligula! Already Agrippina counted for more with the armies than any general or generalissimo, and a woman had suppressed a mutiny which the imperial name had failed to check." Sejanus inflamed and exacerbated his jealousies; and, with his expert knowledge of the character of Tiberius, kept sowing the seed of future hatreds â grievances for the emperor to store away and produce some day with increase. 2.46. Nor could Maroboduus refrain from a panegyric upon himself and an invective against the enemy, but holding Inguiomarus by the hand, "There was but one person," he declared, "in whom resided the whole glory of the Cherusci â by whose counsels had been won whatsoever success they had achieved! Arminius was a fool, a novice in affairs, who usurped another man's fame, because by an act of perfidy he had entrapped three straggling legions and a commander who feared no fraud: a feat disastrous to Germany and disgraceful to its author, whose wife and child were even yet supporting their bondage. For himself, when he was attacked by twelve legions, with Tiberius at their head, he had kept the German honour unstained, and soon afterwards the combatants had parted on equal terms: nor could he regret that it was now in their power to choose with Rome either a war uncompromised or a bloodless peace!" Fired by the oratory, the armies were stimulated also by motives of their own, as the Cherusci and Langobardi were striking for ancient fame or recent liberty; their adversaries for the extension of a realm. No field ever witnessed a fiercer onset or a more ambiguous event; for on both sides the right wing was routed. A renewal of the conflict was expected, when Maroboduus shifted his camp to the hills. It was the sign of a beaten man; and stripped gradually of his forces by desertions, he fell back upon the Marcomani and sent a deputation to Tiberius asking assistance. The reply ran that "to invoke the Roman arms against the Cherusci was not the part of a man who had brought no help to Rome when she was herself engaged against the same enemy." Drusus, however, as we have mentioned, was sent out to consolidate a peace. 2.56. That country, from the earliest period, has owned a national character and a geographical situation of equal ambiguity, since with a wide extent of frontier conterminous with our own provinces, it stretches inland right up to Media; so that the Armenians lie interposed between two vast empires, with which, as they detest Rome and envy the Parthian, they are too frequently at variance. At the moment they lacked a king, owing to the removal of Vonones, but the national sentiment leaned to Zeno, a son of the Pontic sovereign Polemo: for the prince, an imitator from earliest infancy of Armenian institutions and dress, had endeared himself equally to the higher and the lower orders by his affection for the chase, the banquet, and the other favourite pastimes of barbarians. Accordingly, in the town of Artaxata, before the consenting nobles and a great concourse of the people, Germanicus placed on his head the emblem of royalty. All save the Romans did homage and acclaimed King Artaxias â an appellation suggested by the name of the city. On the other hand, Cappadocia, reduced to the rank of a province, received Quintus Veranius as governor; and, to encourage hope in the mildness of Roman sway, a certain number of the royal tributes were diminished. Quintus Servaeus was appointed to Commagene, now for the first time transferred to praetorian jurisdiction. 4.36. For the rest, the year was so continuous a chain of impeachments that in the days of the Latin Festival, when Drusus, as urban prefect, mounted the tribunal to inaugurate his office, he was approached by Calpurnius Salvianus with a suit against Sextus Marius: an action which drew a public reprimand from the Caesar and occasioned the banishment of Salvianus. The community of Cyzicus were charged with neglecting the cult of the deified Augustus; allegations were added of violence to Roman citizens; and they forfeited the freedom earned during the Mithridatic War, when the town was invested and they beat off the king as much by their own firmness as by the protection of Lucullus. On the other hand, Fonteius Capito, who had administered Asia as proconsul, was acquitted upon proof that the accusations against him were the invention of Vibius Serenus. The reverse, however, did no harm to Serenus, who was rendered doubly secure by the public hatred. For the informer whose weapon never rested became quasi-sacrosanct: it was on the insignificant and unknown that punishments descended. 6.31. In the consulate of Gaius Cestius and Marcus Servilius, a number of Parthian nobles made their way to the capital without the knowledge of King Artabanus. That prince, loyal to Rome and temperate towards his subjects while he had Germanicus to fear, soon adopted an attitude of arrogance to ourselves and of cruelty to his countrymen. For he was emboldened by the campaigns he had successfully prosecuted against the surrounding nations; he disdained the old age of Tiberius as no longer fit for arms; and he coveted Armenia, on the throne of which (after the death of Artaxias) he installed his eldest son Arsaces, adding insult to injury by sending envoys to reclaim the treasure left by Vonones in Syria and Cilicia. At the same time, he referred in boastful and menacing terms to the old boundaries of the Persian and Macedonian empires, and to his intention of seizing the territories held first by Cyrus and afterwards by Alexander. The most influential advocate, however, for the despatch of the secret legation by the Parthians was Sinnaces, a man of noted family and corresponding wealth; and, next to him, the eunuch Abdus: for among barbarians that condition brings with it not contempt but actual power. Other magnates also were admitted into their counsels; then, as they were unable to bestow the crown on a scion of the Arsacidae, many of whom had been killed by Artabanus while others were under age, they demanded from Rome Phraates, the son of King Phraates:â "Only a name and a warrant were necessary â only that, with the Caesar's permission, a descendant of Arsaces should be seen upon the bank of Euphrates!" 6.41. About this date, the Cietae, a tribe subject to Archelaus of Cappadocia, pressed to conform with Roman usage by making a return of their property and submitting to a tribute, migrated to the heights of the Tauric range, and, favoured by the nature of the country, held their own against the unwarlike forces of the king; until the legate Marcus Trebellius, despatched by Vitellius from his province of Syria with four thousand legionaries and a picked force of auxiliaries, drew his lines round the two hills which the barbarians had occupied (the smaller is known as Cadra, the other as Davara) and reduced them to surrender â those who ventured to make a sally, by the sword, the others by thirst. Meanwhile, with the acquiescence of the Parthians, Tiridates took over Nicephorium, Anthemusias, and the other cities of Macedonian foundation, carrying Greek names, together with the Parthic towns of Halus and Artemita; enthusiasm running high, as Artabanus, with his Scythian training, had been execrated for his cruelty and it was hoped that Roman culture had mellowed the character of Tiridates. 12.45. Assuming the character of a reconciled son, he returned to his father, and announced that all which it had been possible to effect by fraud was ready: what remained must be achieved by arms. Meanwhile, Pharasmanes fabricated pretexts for war:â "During his conflict with the king of Albania, his appeal for Roman help had been opposed by his brother, and he would now avenge that injury by his destruction." At the same time, he entrusted a large force to his son; who, by a sudden incursion, unnerved Mithridates, beat him out of the plains, and forced him into Gorneae, a fort protected by the nature of the ground and a garrison under the command of the prefect Caelius Pollio and the centurion Casperius. Nothing is so completely unknown to barbarians as the appliances and refinements of siege operations â a branch of warfare perfectly familiar to ourselves. Hence, after several attacks, fruitless or worse, upon the fortifications, Radamistus began a blockade: then, as force was ignored, he bribed the avarice of the prefect, though Casperius protested against the subversion, by guilt and gold, of an allied monarch and of Armenia, his gift from the Roman people. At last, as Pollio continued to plead the numbers of the enemy and Radamistus the orders of his father, he stipulated for a truce, and left with the intention of either deterring Pharasmanes from his campaign or acquainting the governor of Syria, Ummidius Quadratus, with the state of matters in Armenia. 12.49. The procurator of Cappadocia was Julius Paelignus, a person made doubly contemptible by hebetude of mind and grotesqueness of body, yet on terms of the greatest intimacy with Claudius during the years of retirement when he amused his sluggish leisure with the society of buffoons. The Paelignus had mustered the provincial militia, with the avowed intention of recovering Armenia; but, while he was plundering our subjects in preference to the enemy, the secession of his troops left him defenceless against the barbarian incursions, and he made his way to Radamistus, by whose liberality he was so overpowered that he voluntarily advised him to assume the kingly emblem, and assisted at its assumption in the quality of sponsor and satellite. Ugly reports of the incident spread; and, to make it clear that not all Romans were to be judged by the standard of Paelignus, the legate Helvidius Priscus was sent with a legion to deal with the disturbed situation as the circumstances might require. Accordingly, after crossing Mount Taurus in haste, he had settled more points by moderation than by force, when he was ordered back to Syria, lest he should give occasion for a Parthian war. 12.50. For Vologaeses, convinced that the chance was come for an attack on Armenia, once the property of his ancestors, now usurped by a foreign monarch in virtue of a crime, collected a force, and prepared to settle his brother Tiridates on the throne; so that no branch of his family should lack its kingdom. The Parthian invasion forced back the Iberians without a formal battle, and the Armenian towns of Artaxata and Tigranocerta accepted the yoke. Then a severe winter, the inadequate provision of supplies, and an epidemic due to both of these causes, forced Vologaeses to abandon the scene of action; and Armenia, masterless once again, was occupied by Radamistus, more truculent than ever towards a nation of traitors whom he regarded as certain to rebel when opportunity offered. They were a people inured to bondage; but patience broke, and they surrounded the palace in arms. 15.24. Meanwhile, at the beginning of spring, a Parthian legation brought a message from King Vologeses and a letter to the same purport:â "He was now dropping his earlier and often-vented claims to the possession of Armenia, since the gods, arbiters of the fate of nations however powerful, had transferred the ownership to Parthia, not without some humiliation to Rome. Only recently he had besieged Tigranes: a little later, when he might have crushed them, he had released Paetus and the legions with their lives. He had sufficiently demonstrated his power; he had also given an example of his clemency. Nor would Tiridates have declined to come to Rome and receive his diadem, were he not detained by the scruples attaching to his priesthood; he would visit the standards and the effigies of the emperor, there to inaugurate his reign in the presence of the legions." 15.44. So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. |
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| 101. Tacitus, Histories, 1.11.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 109 |
| 102. Statius, Siluae, 3.2.113 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 111 |
| 103. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.9.35, 1.13.56, 1.23.99, 1.34.152, 1.34.154-1.34.155, 1.38.170-1.38.174, 1.39.175-1.39.176, 1.41.183, 1.42.185, 1.48.208-1.48.209, 1.49.211-1.49.213, 1.53.231 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and social war •rome/romans, and latins •rome/romans, and samnites Found in books: Gruen (2020) 96, 100, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110 |
| 104. Appian, The Punic Wars, 250, 69 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 130 |
| 105. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 1.11.34 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and germans Found in books: Gruen (2011) 159 |
| 106. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 19.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 109 |
| 107. Appian, The Samnite War, 4.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and sabines •rome/romans, and samnites Found in books: Gruen (2020) 98 |
| 108. Appian, The Syrian Wars, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 126 |
| 109. Silius Italicus, Punica, 8.414-8.415 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 249; Gruen (2020) 76 |
| 110. Suetonius, Domitianus, 2, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 342 |
| 111. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.4, 22.12-23.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 57 |
112. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 1.8.1-1.8.13, 1.10, 1.20.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 348; Gruen (2020) 212, 213 | 1.10. Pour out now all your venom; fling against this name of ours all your shafts of calumny: I shall stay no longer to refute them; but they shall by and by be blunted, when we come to explain our entire discipline. I shall content myself now indeed with plucking these shafts out of our own body, and hurling them back on yourselves. The same wounds which you have inflicted on us by your charges I shall show to be imprinted on yourselves, that you may fall by your own swords and javelins. Now, first, when you direct against us the general charge of divorcing ourselves from the institutions of our forefathers, consider again and again whether you are not yourselves open to that accusation in common with us. For when I look through your life and customs, lo, what do I discover but the old order of things corrupted, nay, destroyed by you? of the laws I have already said, that you are daily supplanting them with novel decrees and statutes. As to everything else in your manner of life, how great are the changes you have made from your ancestors - in your style, your dress, your equipage, your very food, and even in your speech; for the old-fashioned you banish, as if it were offensive to you! Everywhere, in your public pursuits and private duties, antiquity is repealed; all the authority of your forefathers your own authority has superseded. To be sure, you are for ever praising old customs; but this is only to your greater discredit, for you nevertheless persistently reject them. How great must your perverseness have been, to have bestowed approbation on your ancestors' institutions, which were too inefficient to be lasting, all the while that you were rejecting the very objects of your approbation! But even that very heir-loom of your forefathers, which you seem to guard and defend with greatest fidelity, in which you actually find your strongest grounds for impeaching us as violators of the law, and from which your hatred of the Christian name derives all its life - I mean the worship of the gods - I shall prove to be undergoing ruin and contempt from yourselves no less than (from us) - unless it be that there is no reason for our being regarded as despisers of the gods like yourselves, on the ground that nobody despises what he knows has absolutely no existence. What certainly exists can be despised. That which is nothing, suffers nothing. From those, therefore, to whom it is an existing thing, must necessarily proceed the suffering which affects it. All the heavier, then, is the accusation which burdens you who believe that there are gods and (at the same time) despise them, who worship and also reject them, who honour and also assail them. One may also gather the same conclusion from this consideration, above all: since you worship various gods, some one and some another, you of course despise those which you do not worship. A preference for the one is not possible without slighting the other, and no choice can be made without a rejection. He who selects some one out of many, has already slighted the other which he does not select. But it is impossible that so many and so great gods can be worshipped by all. Then you must have exercised your contempt (in this matter) even at the beginning, since indeed you were not then afraid of so ordering things, that all the gods could not become objects of worship to all. For those very wise and prudent ancestors of yours, whose institutions you know not how to repeal, especially in respect of your gods, are themselves found to have been impious. I am much mistaken, if they did not sometimes decree that no general should dedicate a temple, which he may have vowed in battle, before the senate gave its sanction; as in the case of Marcus Æmilius, who had made a vow to the god Alburnus. Now is it not confessedly the greatest impiety, nay, the greatest insult, to place the honour of the Deity at the will and pleasure of human judgment, so that there cannot be a god except the senate permit him? Many times have the censors destroyed (a god) without consulting the people. Father Bacchus, with all his ritual, was certainly by the consuls, on the senate's authority, cast not only out of the city, but out of all Italy; while Varro informs us that Serapis also, and Isis, and Arpocrates, and Anubis, were excluded from the Capitol, and that their altars which the senate had thrown down were only restored by the popular violence. The Consul Gabinius, however, on the first day of the ensuing January, although he gave a tardy consent to some sacrifices, in deference to the crowd which assembled, because he had failed to decide about Serapis and Isis, yet held the judgment of the senate to be more potent than the clamour of the multitude, and forbade the altars to be built. Here, then, you have among your own forefathers, if not the name, at all events the procedure, of the Christians, which despises the gods. If, however, you were even innocent of the charge of treason against them in the honour you pay them, I still find that you have made a consistent advance in superstition as well as impiety. For how much more irreligious are you found to be! There are your household gods, the Lares and the Penates, which you possess by a family consecration: you even tread them profanely under foot, you and your domestics, by hawking and pawning them for your wants or your whims. Such insolent sacrilege might be excusable, if it were not practised against your humbler deities; as it is, the case is only the more insolent. There is, however, some consolation for your private household gods under these affronts, that you treat your public deities with still greater indignity and insolence. First of all, you advertise them for auction, submit them to public sale, knock them down to the highest bidder, when you every five years bring them to the hammer among your revenues. For this purpose you frequent the temple of Serapis or the Capitol, hold your sales there, conclude your contracts, as if they were markets, with the well-known voice of the crier, (and) the self-same levy of the qu stor. Now lands become cheaper when burdened with tribute, and men by the capitation tax diminish in value (these are the well-known marks of slavery). But the gods, the more tribute they pay, become more holy; or rather, the more holy they are, the more tribute do they pay. Their majesty is converted into an article of traffic; men drive a business with their religion; the sanctity of the gods is beggared with sales and contracts. You make merchandise of the ground of your temples, of the approach to your altars, of your offerings, of your sacrifices. You sell the whole divinity (of your gods). You will not permit their gratuitous worship. The auctioneers necessitate more repairs than the priests. It was not enough that you had insolently made a profit of your gods, if we would test the amount of your contempt; and you are not content to have withheld honour from them, you must also depreciate the little you do render to them by some indignity or other. What, indeed, do you do by way of honouring your gods, which you do not equally offer to your dead? You build temples for the gods, you erect temples also to the dead; you build altars for the gods, you build them also for the dead; you inscribe the same superscription over both; you sketch out the same lineaments for their statues- as best suits their genius, or profession, or age; you make an old man of Saturn, a beardless youth of Apollo; you form a virgin from Diana; in Mars you consecrate a soldier, a blacksmith in Vulcan. No wonder, therefore, if you slay the same victims and burn the same odours for your dead as you do for your gods. What excuse can be found for that insolence which classes the dead of whatever sort as equal with the gods? Even to your princes there are assigned the services of priests and sacred ceremonies, and chariots, and cars, and the honours of the solisternia and the lectisternia, holidays and games. Rightly enough, since heaven is open to them; still it is none the less contumelious to the gods: in the first place, because it could not possibly be decent that other beings should be numbered with them, even if it has been given to them to become divine after their birth; in the second place, because the witness who beheld the man caught up into heaven would not forswear himself so freely and palpably before the people, if it were not for the contempt felt about the objects sworn to both by himself and those who allow the perjury. For these feel of themselves, that what is sworn to is nothing; and more than that, they go so far as to fee the witness, because he had the courage to publicly despise the avengers of perjury. Now, as to that, who among you is pure of the charge of perjury? By this time, indeed, there is an end to all danger in swearing by the gods, since the oath by C sar carries with it more influential scruples, which very circumstance indeed tends to the degradation of your gods; for those who perjure themselves when swearing by C sar are more readily punished than those who violate an oath to a Jupiter. But, of the two kindred feelings of contempt and derision, contempt is the more honourable, having a certain glory in its arrogance; for it sometimes proceeds from confidence, or the security of consciousness, or a natural loftiness of mind. Derision, however, is a more wanton feeling, and so far it points more directly to a carping insolence. Now only consider what great deriders of your gods you show yourselves to be! I say nothing of your indulgence of this feeling during your sacrificial acts, how you offer for your victims the poorest and most emaciated creatures; or else of the sound and healthy animals only the portions which are useless for food, such as the heads and hoofs, or the plucked feathers and hair, and whatever at home you would have thrown away. I pass over whatever may seem to the taste of the vulgar and profane to have constituted the religion of your forefathers; but then the most learned and serious classes (for seriousness and wisdom to some extent profess to be derived from learning) are always, in fact, the most irreverent towards your gods; and if their learning ever halts, it is only to make up for the remissness by a more shameful invention of follies and falsehoods about their gods. I will begin with that enthusiastic fondness which you show for him from whom every depraved writer gets his dreams, to whom you ascribe as much honour as you derogate from your gods, by magnifying him who has made such sport of them. I mean Homer by this description. He it is, in my opinion, who has treated the majesty of the Divine Being on the low level of human condition, imbuing the gods with the falls and the passions of men; who has pitted them against each other with varying success, like pairs of gladiators: he wounds Venus with an arrow from a human hand; he keeps Mars a prisoner in chains for thirteen months, with the prospect of perishing; he parades Jupiter as suffering a like indignity from a crowd of celestial (rebels;) or he draws from him tears for Sarpedon; or he represents him wantoning with Juno in the most disgraceful way, advocating his incestuous passion for her by a description and enumeration of his various amours. Since then, which of the poets has not, on the authority of their great prince, calumniated the gods, by either betraying truth or feigning falsehood? Have the dramatists also, whether in tragedy or comedy, refrained from making the gods the authors of the calamities and retributions (of their plays)? I say nothing of your philosophers, whom a certain inspiration of truth itself elevates against the gods, and secures from all fear in their proud severity and stern discipline. Take, for example, Socrates. In contempt of your gods, he swears by an oak, and a dog, and a goat. Now, although he was condemned to die for this very reason, the Athenians afterwards repented of that condemnation, and even put to death his accusers. By this conduct of theirs the testimony of Socrates is replaced at its full value, and I am enabled to meet you with this retort, that in his case you have approbation bestowed on that which is now-a-days reprobated in us. But besides this instance there is Diogenes, who, I know not to what extent, made sport of Hercules; while Varro, that Diogenes of the Roman cut, introduces to our view some three hundred Joves, or, as they ought to be called, Jupiters, (and all) without heads. Your other wanton wits likewise minister to your pleasures by disgracing the gods. Examine carefully the sacrilegious beauties of your Lentuli and Hostii; now, is it the players or your gods who become the objects of your mirth in their tricks and jokes? Then, again, with what pleasure do you take up the literature of the stage, which describes all the foul conduct of the gods! Their majesty is defiled in your presence in some unchaste body. The mask of some deity, at your will, covers some infamous paltry head. The Sun mourns for the death of his son by a lightning-flash amid your rude rejoicing. Cybele sighs for a shepherd who disdains her, without raising a blush on your cheek; and you quietly endure songs which celebrate the gallantries of Jove. You are, of course, possessed of a more religious spirit in the show of your gladiators, when your gods dance, with equal zest, over the spilling of human blood, (and) over those filthy penalties which are at once their proof and plot for executing your criminals, or else (when) your criminals are punished personating the gods themselves. We have often witnessed in a mutilated criminal your god of Pessinum, Attis; a wretch burnt alive has personated Hercules. We have laughed at the sport of your mid-day game of the gods, when Father Pluto, Jove's own brother, drags away, hammer in hand, the remains of the gladiators; when Mercury, with his winged cap and heated wand, tests with his cautery whether the bodies were really lifeless, or only feigning death. Who now can investigate every particular of this sort although so destructive of the honour of the Divine Being, and so humiliating to His majesty? They all, indeed, have their origin in a contempt (of the gods), on the part both of those who practise these personations, as well as of those who are susceptible of being so represented. I hardly know, therefore, whether your gods have more reason to complain of yourselves or of us. After despising them on the one hand, you flatter them on the other; if you fail in any duty towards them, you appease them with a fee; in short, you allow yourselves to act towards them in any way you please. We, however, live in a consistent and entire aversion to them. |
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| 113. Hermas, Mandates, 3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 107 |
| 114. Tertullian, Antidote For The Scorpion'S Sting, 10.10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 212 |
| 115. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 520, 563, 577-581, 583, 582 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 352 |
| 116. Lucian, Alexander The False Prophet, 27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350 |
| 117. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 88, 105 |
| 118. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 3.2, 3.9, 4.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 352, 353, 354 |
119. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 13.5 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pig, as metonym for rome and romans Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al (2015) 73| 13.5. אָמַר רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן כָּל הַנְּבִיאִים רָאוּ הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת בְּעִסּוּקָן, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית ב, י): וְנָהָר יֹצֵא מֵעֵדֶן לְהַשְׁקוֹת וגו', רַבִּי תַּנְחוּמָא וְאַמְרֵי לָהּ רַבִּי מְנַחֲמָא בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בֶּן לֵוִי אָמַר עָתִיד הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְהַשְׁקוֹת כּוֹס הַתַּרְעֵלָה לְאֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב: וְנָהָר יֹצֵא מֵעֵדֶן, מָקוֹם שֶׁהַדִּין יוֹצֵא, (בראשית ב, י): וּמִשָּׁם יִפָּרֵד וְהָיָה לְאַרְבָּעָה רָאשִׁים, אֵלּוּ אַרְבָּעָה נְהָרוֹת, (בראשית ב, יא): שֵׁם הָאֶחָד פִּישׁוֹן, זֶה בָּבֶל, עַל שֵׁם (חבקוק א, ח): וּפָשׁוּ פָּרָשָׁיו. (בראשית ב, יא): הוּא הַסֹּבֵב אֵת כָּל אֶרֶץ הַחֲוִילָה, נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר הָרָשָׁע שֶׁעָלָה וְהִקִּיף אֶת כָּל אֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל שֶׁמְּיַחֶלֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (תהלים מב, ו): הוֹחִלִי לֵאלֹהִים. (בראשית ב, יא): אֲשֶׁר שָׁם הַזָּהָב, אֵלּוּ דִּבְרֵי תוֹרָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים יט, יא): הַנֶּחֱמָדִים מִזָּהָב וּמִפָּז רָב. (בראשית ב, יב): וּזֲהַב הָאָרֶץ הַהִוא טוֹב, מְלַמֵּד שֶׁאֵין תּוֹרָה כְּתוֹרַת אֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאֵין חָכְמָה כְּחָכְמַת אֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל, (בראשית ב, יב): שָׁם הַבְּדֹלַח וְאֶבֶן הַשֹּׁהַם, מִקְרָא מִשְׁנָה תַּלְמוּד הֲלָכוֹת וְאַגָּדוֹת. (בראשית ב, יג): וְשֵׁם הַנָּהָר הַשֵּׁנִי גִיחוֹן, זֶה מָדַי, שֶׁהֶעֱמִידָה אֶת הָמָן הָרָשָׁע שֶׁמָּשַׁךְ עִסָּה כַּנָּחָשׁ, עַל שׁוּם (בראשית ג, יד): עַל גְּחֹנְךָ תֵלֵךְ. (בראשית ב, יג): הוּא הַסּוֹבֵב אֶת כָּל אֶרֶץ כּוּשׁ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (אסתר א, א): מֵהוֹדוּ וְעַד כּוּשׁ. (בראשית ב, יד): וְשֵׁם הַנָּהָר הַשְּׁלִישִׁי חִדֶּקֶל, זוֹ יָוָן, שֶׁהִיא חַדָּה וְקַלָּה בִּגְזֵרוֹתֶיהָ עַל יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאוֹמֵר לָהֶם כִּתְבוּ עַל קֶרֶן הַשּׁוֹר שֶׁאֵין לְיִשְׂרָאֵל חֵלֶק בֵּאלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל. (בראשית ב, יד): הַהֹלֵךְ קִדְמַת אַשּׁוּר, אָמַר רַב הוּנָא כָּל הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת נִקְרְאוּ עַל שֵׁם אַשּׁוּר, שֶׁהָיוּ מְאַשְׁרִין עַצְמָן מִיִּשְׂרָאֵל. אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹסֵי בְּרַבִּי חֲנִינָא, כָּל הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת נִקְרְאוּ עַל שֵׁם מִצְרַיִם, עַל שֵׁם שֶׁהָיוּ מְצֵירִין לְיִשְׂרָאֵל. (בראשית ב, יד): וְהַנָּהָר הָרְבִיעִי הוּא פְרָת, הוּא אֱדוֹם שֶׁפָּרָת וְרָבָת בִּתְפִלָּתוֹ שֶׁל זָקֵן. דָּבָר אַחֵר, שֶׁפָּרָת וְרָבָת וְהֵצֵירָה לְעוֹלָמוֹ שֶׁל יִשְׂרָאֵל. דָּבָר אַחֵר, שֶׁפָּרָת וְרָבָת וְהֵצֵירָה לִבְנוֹ. דָּבָר אַחֵר, שֶׁפָּרָת וְרָבָת וְהֵצֵירָה לְבֵיתוֹ. דָּבָר אַחֵר, פָּרָת עַל שׁוּם סוֹפָהּ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה סג, ג): פּוּרָה דָרַכְתִּי לְבַדִּי. אַבְרָהָם רָאָה הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת בְּעִסּוּקָן (בראשית טו, יב): וְהִנֵּה אֵימָה, זוֹ בָּבֶל עַל שֵׁם (דניאל ג, יט): נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר הִתְמְלִי חֱמָא. (בראשית טו, יב): חֲשֵׁכָה, זוֹ מָדַי, שֶׁהֶחֱשִׁיכָה בִּגְזֵרוֹתֶיהָ אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (אסתר ג, יג): לְהַשְׁמִיד לַהֲרֹג וּלְאַבֵּד. (בראשית טו, יב): גְּדֹלָה, זוֹ יָוָן, אָמַר רַב נַחְמָן מְלַמֵּד שֶׁהָיְתָה מַלְכוּת יָוָן מַעֲמֶדֶת מֵאָה וְשִׁבְעִים וְאֶחָד אִפַּרְכִין, מֵאָה וְעֶשְׂרִים וְשִׁבְעָה אִסְטְרָטָלִיטוּן, וְרַבָּנָן אָמְרִין שִׁשִּׁים שִׁשִׁים, וְרַבִּי בֶּרֶכְיָה וְרַבִּי חָנִין עַל הֲדָא דְרַבָּנָן (דברים ח, טו): הַמּוֹלִיכְךָ בַּמִּדְבָּר הַגָּדֹל וְהַנּוֹרָא נָחָשׁ שָׂרָף וְעַקְרָב, נָחָשׁ זֶה בָּבֶל. שָׂרָף, זֶה מָדַי. עַקְרָב, זֶה יָוָן, מָה עַקְרָב זֶה מַשְׁרֶצֶת שִׁשִּׁים שִׁשִּׁים, כָּךְ הָיְתָה מַלְכוּת יָוָן מַעֲמֶדֶת שִׁשִּׁים שִׁשִּׁים. (בראשית טו, יב): נֹפֶלֶת, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, עַל שֵׁם (ירמיה מט, כא): מִקּוֹל נִפְלָם רָעֲשָׁה הָאָרֶץ. וְיֵשׁ אוֹמְרִים אֵימָה, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, עַל שֵׁם (דניאל ז, ז): דְּחִילָה וְאֵימְתָנִי. חֲשֵׁכָה, זוֹ יָוָן. גְּדֹלָה, זוֹ מָדַי, עַל שֵׁם (אסתר ג, א): גִּדַּל הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ. נֹפֶלֶת, זוֹ בָּבֶל, עַל שֵׁם (ישעיה כא, ט): נָפְלָה נָפְלָה בָּבֶל. רָאָה דָּנִיֵּאל אֶת הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת בְּעִסּוּקָן, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (דניאל ז, ב ג): חָזֵה הֲוֵית בְּחֶזְוִי עִם לֵילְיָא וַאֲרוּ אַרְבַּע רוּחֵי שְׁמַיָא מְגִיחָן לְיַמָּא רַבָּא, וְאַרְבַּע חֵיוָן רַבְרְבָן סָלְקָן מִן יַמָּא, אִם זְכִיתֶם מִן יַמָּא וְאִם לָאו מִן חוֹרְשָׁא, הֲדָא חֵיוְתָא דְיַמָּא כִּי סָלְקָא מִן יַמָּא הִיא מִמַּכְיָא, סָלְקָא מִן חוֹרְשָׁא לֵית הִיא מִמַּכְיָא, דְכַוָּותָא (תהלים פ, יד): יְכַרְסְמֶנָּה חֲזִיר מִיָּעַר, עַיִ"ן תְּלוּיָה, אִם זְכִיתֶם מִן הַיְאוֹר וְאִם לָאו מִן הַיַּעַר, הֲדָא חֵיוְתָא כִּי סָלְקָא מִן נַהֲרָא הִיא מִמַּכְיָא, סָלְקָא מִן חוֹרְשָׁא לֵית הִיא מִמַּכְיָא, (דניאל ז, ג): שָׁנְיָן דָּא מִן דָּא, אַל תִּקְרֵי שָׁנְיָן אֶלָּא סָנְיָן דָּא מִן דָּא, מְלַמֵּד שֶׁכָּל אֻמָּה שֶׁשּׁוֹלֶטֶת בָּעוֹלָם הִיא שׂוֹנְאָה לְיִשְׂרָאֵל וּמְשַׁעְבְּדָא בָּהֶן. (דניאל ז, ד): קַדְמָיְתָא כְאַרְיֵה, זוֹ בָּבֶל, יִרְמְיָה רָאָה אוֹתָהּ אֲרִי וְרָאָה אוֹתָהּ נֶשֶׁר, דִּכְתִיב (ירמיה ד, ז): עָלָה אַרְיֵה מִסֻּבְּכוֹ (ירמיה מט, כב): הִנֵּה כַנֶּשֶׁר יַעֲלֶה וְיִדְאֶה, אָמְרִין לְדָנִיֵּאל אַתּ מָה חָמֵית לְהוֹן, אָמַר לְהוֹן חָמֵיתִי אַפִּין כְּאַרְיֵה וְגַפִּין דִּי נְשַׁר, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (דניאל ז, ד): קַדְמָיְתָא כְאַרְיֵה וְגַפִּין דִּי נְשַׁר לַהּ חָזֵה הֲוֵית עַד דִּי מְּרִיטוּ גַּפֵּיהּ וּנְטִילַת מִן אַרְעָא. רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר וְרַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן, רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר אוֹמֵר כָּל אוֹתוֹ אֲרִי לָקָה וְלִבּוֹ לֹא לָקָה, דִּכְתִיב (דניאל ז, ד): וּלְבַב אֱנָשׁ יְהִיב לַהּ. וְרַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן אָמַר אַף לִבּוֹ לָקָה, דִּכְתִיב (דניאל ד, יג): לִבְבֵהּ מִן אֲנָשָׁא יְשַׁנּוֹן. חָזֵה הֲוֵית (דניאל ז, ה): וַאֲרוּ חֵיוָה אָחֳרֵי תִנְיָנָא דָמְיָא לְדֹב, לְדב כְּתִיב זֶה מָדַי, הוּא דַעְתֵּיהּ דְּרַבִּי יוֹחָנָן דְּאָמַר רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן (ירמיה ה, ו): עַל כֵּן הִכָּם אַרְיֵה מִיַּעַר, זוֹ בָּבֶל. (ירמיה ה, ו): זְאֵב עֲרָבוֹת יְשָׁדְדֵם, זוֹ מָדַי. (ירמיה ה, ו): נָמֵר שֹׁקֵד עַל עָרֵיהֶם, זוֹ יָוָן. (ירמיה ה, ו): כָּל הַיּוֹצֵא מֵהֵנָּה יִטָּרֵף, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, לָמָּה, (ירמיה ה, ו): כִּי רַבּוּ פִּשְׁעֵיהֶם עָצְמוּ מְשֻׁבוֹתֵיהֶם. (דניאל ז, ו): חָזֵה הֲוֵית וַאֲרוּ אָחֳרִי כִּנְמַר, זוֹ יָוָן, שֶׁהָיְתָה מַעֲמֶדֶת בִּגְזֵרוֹתֶיהָ וְאוֹמֶרֶת לְיִשְׂרָאֵל כִּתְבוּ עַל קֶרֶן הַשּׁוֹר שֶׁאֵין לָכֶם חֵלֶק לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא. (דניאל ז, ז): בָּאתַר דְּנָא חָזֵה הֲוֵית בְּחֶזְוֵי לֵילְיָא וַאֲרוּ חֵיוָה רְבִיעָאָה דְּחִילָה וְאֵימְתָנִי וְתַקִּיפָא יַתִּירָה, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, דָּנִיֵּאל רָאָה שְׁלָשְׁתָּן בְּלַיְלָה אֶחָד וְלָזוֹ בְּלַיְלָה אֶחָד, לָמָּה, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן וְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אָמַר שֶׁשְּׁקוּלָה כְּנֶגֶד שְׁלָשְׁתָּן, רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ אָמַר יַתִּירָה. מָתִיב רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן לְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ (יחזקאל כא, יט): בֶּן אָדָם הִנָּבֵא וְהַךְ כַּף אֶל כָּף, דָּא מָה עָבַד לָהּ רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ (יחזקאל כא, יט): וְתִכָּפֵל. משֶׁה רָאָה אֶת הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת בְּעִסּוּקָן, (ויקרא יא, ד): אֶת הַגָּמָל, זוֹ בָּבֶל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים קלז, ח): אַשְׁרֵי שֶׁיְשַׁלֶּם לָךְ אֶת גְּמוּלֵךְ שֶׁגָּמַלְתְּ לָנוּ. (ויקרא יא, ה): אֶת הַשָּׁפָן, זוֹ מָדַי. רַבָּנָן וְרַבִּי יְהוּדָה בְּרַבִּי סִימוֹן, רַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי מַה הַשָּׁפָן הַזֶּה יֵשׁ בּוֹ סִימָנֵי טֻמְאָה וְסִימָנֵי טָהֳרָה, כָּךְ הָיְתָה מַלְכוּת מָדַי מַעֲמֶדֶת צַדִּיק וְרָשָׁע. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה בְּרַבִּי סִימוֹן דָּרְיָוֶשׁ הָאַחֲרוֹן בְּנָהּ שֶׁל אֶסְתֵּר הָיָה, טָהוֹר מֵאִמּוֹ וְטָמֵא מֵאָבִיו. (ויקרא יא, ו): וְאֶת הָאַרְנֶבֶת, זוֹ יָוָן, אִמּוֹ שֶׁל תַּלְמַי אַרְנֶבֶת שְׁמָהּ. (ויקרא יא, ז): וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר, זוֹ פָּרַס, משֶׁה נָתַן שְׁלָשְׁתָּם בְּפָסוּק אֶחָד, וְלָזוֹ בְּפָסוּק אֶחָד, וְלָמָּה, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן וְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אָמַר שֶׁשְּׁקוּלָה כְּנֶגֶד שְׁלָשְׁתָּן, רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ אָמַר (דניאל ז, ז): יַתִּירָה. מָתִיב רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן לְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ בֶּן אָדָם הִנָּבֵא וְהַךְ כַּף אֶל כָּף, דָּא מָה עָבַד לֵיהּ רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ וְתִכָּפֵל. רַבִּי פִּנְחָס וְרַבִּי חִלְקִיָּה בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי סִימוֹן מִכָּל הַנְּבִיאִים לֹא פִּרְסְמוּהָ אֶלָּא שְׁנַיִם אָסָף וּמשֶׁה, אָסָף אָמַר (תהלים פ, יד): יְכַרְסְמֶנָּה חֲזִיר מִיָּעַר. משֶׁה אָמַר (ויקרא יא, ז): וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר כִּי מַפְרִיס פַּרְסָה, לָמָּה נִמְשְׁלָה לַחֲזִיר, לוֹמַר לָךְ מָה חֲזִיר בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁהוּא רוֹבֵץ מוֹצִיא טְלָפָיו וְאוֹמֵר רְאוּ שֶׁאֲנִי טָהוֹר, כָּךְ מַלְכוּת אֱדוֹם מִתְגָּאָה וְחוֹמֶסֶת וְגוֹזֶלֶת וְנִרְאֵית כְּאִלּוּ מַצַּעַת בִּימָה. מַעֲשֶׂה בְּשִׁלְטוֹן אֶחָד שֶׁהָיָה הוֹרֵג הַגַּנָּבִים וְהַמְנָאֲפִים וְהַמְכַשְּׁפִים, גָּחִין וְאָמַר לַסַּנְקְלִיטִין, שְׁלָשְׁתָּן עָשִׂיתִי בְּלַיְלָה אֶחָד. דָּבָר אַחֵר, (ויקרא יא, ד): אֶת הַגָּמָל, זוֹ בָּבֶל, (ויקרא יא, ד): כִּי מַעֲלֶה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁמְקַלֶּסֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא. רַבִּי בֶּרֶכְיָה וְרַבִּי חֶלְבּוֹ בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יִשְׁמָעֵאל בַּר נַחְמָן, כָּל מַה שֶּׁפָּרַט דָּוִד כָּלַל אוֹתוֹ רָשָׁע בְּפָסוּק אֶחָד, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דניאל ד, לד): כְּעַן אֲנָה נְבֻכַדְנֶצַּר מְשַׁבַּח וּמְרוֹמֵם וּמְהַדַּר לְמֶלֶךְ שְׁמַיָא. מְשַׁבַּח (תהלים קמז, יב): שַׁבְּחִי יְרוּשָׁלַיִם אֶת ה'. וּמְרוֹמֵם (תהלים ל, ב): אֲרוֹמִמְךָ ה'. וּמְהַדַּר (תהלים קד, א): ה' אֱלֹהַי גָדַלְתָּ מְאֹד הוֹד וְהָדָר לָבָשְׁתָּ. (דניאל ד, לד): דִּי כָל מַעֲבָדוֹהִי קְשֹׁט (תהלים קלח, ב): עַל חַסְדְּךָ וְעַל אֲמִתֶּךָ. (דניאל ד, לד): וְאֹרְחָתֵהּ דִּין (תהלים צו, י): יָדִין עַמִּים בְּמֵישָׁרִים. (דניאל ד, לד): וְדִי מַהְלְכִין בְּגֵוָה (תהלים צג, א): ה' מָלָךְ גֵּאוּת לָבֵשׁ. (דניאל ד, לד): יָכִל לְהַשְׁפָּלָה (תהלים עה, יא): וְכָל קַרְנֵי רְשָׁעִים אֲגַדֵּעַ. (ויקרא יא, ה): וְאֶת הַשָּׁפָן, זוֹ מָדַי, (ויקרא יא, ה): כִּי מַעֲלֵה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁמְקַלֶּסֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (עזרא א, ב): כֹּה אָמַר כֹּרֶשׁ מֶלֶךְ פָּרַס. (ויקרא יא, ו): וְאֶת הָאַרְנֶבֶת, זוֹ יָוָן, (ויקרא יא, ו): כִּי מַעֲלַת גֵּרָה הִוא, שֶׁמְּקַלֶּסֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא. אֲלֶכְּסַנְדְּרוֹס מוֹקְדוֹן כַּד הֲוָה חָמֵי לְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק, אוֹמֵר בָּרוּךְ ה' אֱלֹהֵי שֶׁל שִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק. (ויקרא יא, ז): וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר, זֶה אֱדוֹם, (ויקרא יא, ז): וְהוּא גֵרָה לֹא יִגָּר, שֶׁאֵינָהּ מְקַלֶּסֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, וְלֹא דַּיָּן שֶׁאֵינָהּ מְקַלֶּסֶת אֶלָּא מְחָרֶפֶת וּמְגַדֶּפֶת וְאוֹמֶרֶת (תהלים עג, כה): מִי לִי בַשָּׁמָיִם. דָּבָר אַחֵר, אֶת הַגָּמָל, זוֹ בָּבֶל, כִּי מַעֲלֶה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁמְגַדֶּלֶת אֶת דָּנִיֵּאל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דניאל ב, מט): וְדָנִיֵּאל בִּתְרַע מַלְכָּא. וְאֶת הַשָּׁפָן, זוֹ מָדַי, כִּי מַעֲלֵה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁמְגַדֶּלֶת אֶת מָרְדְּכַי, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (אסתר ב, יט): וּמָרְדֳּכַי ישֵׁב בְּשַׁעַר הַמֶּלֶךְ. וְאֶת הָאַרְנֶבֶת, זוֹ יָוָן, כִּי מַעֲלַת גֵּרָה הִוא, שֶׁמְגַדֶּלֶת הַצַּדִּיקִים. אֲלֶכְּסַנְדְּרוֹס כַּד הֲוָה חָמֵי לְשִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק הֲוָה קָאֵים עַל רַגְלֵיהּ, אָמְרִין לֵיהּ מִינָאֵי, מִן קֳדָם יְהוּדָאי אַתְּ קָאֵים, אָמַר לָהֶם בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁאֲנִי יוֹצֵא לְמִלְחָמָה דְּמוּתוֹ אֲנִי רוֹאֶה וְנוֹצֵחַ. וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, וְהוּא גֵרָה לֹא יִגָּר, שֶׁאֵינָה מְגַדֶּלֶת הַצַּדִּיקִים, וְלֹא דַי שֶׁאֵינָה מְגַדֶּלֶת אֶלָּא שֶׁהוֹרֶגֶת אוֹתָם. הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (ישעיה מז, ו): קָצַפְתִּי עַל עַמִּי חִלַּלְתִּי נַחֲלָתִי וגו', נַחֲלָתִי רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא וַחֲבֵרָיו. דָּבָר אַחֵר, אֶת הַגָּמָל, זוֹ בָּבֶל, כִּי מַעֲלֶה גֵרָה, שֶׁגָּרְרָה מַלְכוּת אַחֲרֶיהָ. וְאֶת הַשָּׁפָן, זוֹ מָדַי כִּי מַעֲלֵה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁגָּרְרָה מַלְכוּת אַחֲרֶיהָ, וְאֶת הָאַרְנֶבֶת, זוֹ יָוָן, כִּי מַעֲלַת גֵרָה הִוא, שֶׁגָּרְרָה מַלְכוּת אַחֲרֶיהָ. וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, וְהוּא גֵרָה לֹא יִגָּר, שֶׁאֵינָה גוֹרֶרֶת מַלְכוּת אַחֲרֶיהָ, וְלָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמָהּ חֲזִיר, שֶׁמַּחֲזֶרֶת עֲטָרָה לִבְעָלֶיהָ, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (עובדיה א, כא): וְעָלוּ מוֹשִׁיעִים בְּהַר צִיּוֹן לִשְׁפֹּט אֶת הַר עֵשָׂו וְהָיְתָה לַה' הַמְּלוּכָה. | |
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| 120. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 19.1, 26.61, 33.6, 42.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 105; Marek (2019) 351, 352 |
| 121. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 8.16.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 100 |
122. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 109 | 50.27.1. "Therefore let no one count him a Roman, but rather an Egyptian, nor call him Antony, but rather Serapion; let no one think he was ever consul or imperator, but only gymnasiarch. |
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| 123. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 9.359-9.364 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 343 |
| 124. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 31.2-31.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 109 |
| 125. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.96.2, 10.96.5-10.96.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 203 |
126. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 1.9.1, 2.20 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pig, as metonym for rome and romans •romans and rome, emperor of Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al (2015) 73; Rubenstein (2018) 16, 17| 1.9.1. מַה שֶּׁהָיָה הוּא שֶׁיִּהְיֶה, רַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא הַדּוֹרוֹת מִתְכַּנְסִין לִפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא וְאוֹמְרִים לְפָנָיו רִבּוֹנוֹ שֶׁל עוֹלָם מִי יֹאמַר לְפָנֶיךָ שִׁירָה תְּחִלָּה, וְאוֹמֵר לָהֶם לְשֶׁעָבַר לֹא אָמְרוּ שִׁירָה לְפָנַי אֶלָּא דּוֹרוֹ שֶׁל משֶׁה, וְעַכְשָׁיו לֹא יֹאמַר שִׁירָה לְפָנַי אֶלָּא הוּא, מַאי טַעְמָא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה מב, י): שִׁירוּ לַה' שִׁיר חָדָשׁ תְּהִלָּתוֹ מִקְצֵה הָאָרֶץ יוֹרְדֵי הַיָּם וּמְלֹאוֹ וגו', מַעֲשֶׂה וְשָׁלְחָה מַלְכוּת אֵצֶל רַבּוֹתֵינוּ וְאָמְרָה לָהֶם שִׁלְחוּ לָנוּ קְסִלוֹפָנוֹס אֶחָד מִשֶּׁלָּכֶם, אָמְרוּ כַּמָּה קְסִלוֹפָנוֹס יֵשׁ לָהֶם וְהֵם מְבַקְּשִׁין מִמֶּנּוּ קְסִלוֹפָנוֹס אֶחָד. כַּמָּה מִקְווֹת פַּנָּסִין יֵשׁ לָהֶם, כַּמָּה אֲבָנִים טוֹבוֹת וּמַרְגָּלִיּוֹת יֵשׁ לָהֶם, כִּמְדֻמִּין אָנוּ שֶׁאֵין מְבַקְּשִׁין מִמֶּנּוּ אֶלָּא מֵאִיר פָּנִים בַּהֲלָכָה, שָׁלְחוּ לָהֶם אֶת רַבִּי מֵאִיר, וְהָיוּ שׁוֹאֲלִין אוֹתוֹ וְהוּא מֵשִׁיב, שׁוֹאֲלִין אוֹתוֹ וְהוּא מֵשִׁיב, וּבַסּוֹף שָׁאֲלוּ אוֹתוֹ לָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמוֹ חֲזִיר, אָמַר לָהֶם שֶׁהוּא עָתִיד לְהַחֲזִיר אֶת הַמַּלְכוּת לִבְעָלֶיהָ. וְעוֹד יָשַׁב רַבִּי מֵאִיר וְדָרַשׁ עָתִיד זְאֵב לִהְיוֹת גָּזוֹז מֵילָתָן, וְהַכֶּלֶב גְּלֶבְטִינוֹן, אָמְרוּ לוֹ דַּיֶּךָ רַבִּי מֵאִיר, וְאֵין כָּל חָדָשׁ תַּחַת הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ. רַבָּנָן אָמְרִין לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מוֹצִיא כָּרוֹז וּמַכְרִיז וְאוֹמֵר כָּל מִי שֶׁלֹא אָכַל בְּשַׂר חֲזִיר מִיָּמָיו יָבוֹא וְיִטֹּל שְׂכָרוֹ, וְהַרְבֵּה מְאֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם שֶׁלֹא אָכְלוּ בְּשַׂר חֲזִיר מִימֵיהֶם וְהֵם בָּאִים לִטֹּל שְׂכָרָן, בְּאוֹתָהּ שָׁעָה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אוֹמֵר נִשְׂתַּכְּרוּ אֵלּוּ שְׁנֵי עוֹלָמוֹת, לֹא דַּיָּן שֶׁאָכְלוּ עוֹלָמָן אֶלָּא הֵם מְבַקְּשִׁין לֶאֱכֹל עוֹלָמָן שֶׁל בָּנַי עוֹד, בְּאוֹתָהּ שָׁעָה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מוֹצִיא כָּרוֹז פַּעַם שְׁנִיָּה וּמַכְרִיז וְאוֹמֵר כָּל מִי שֶׁלֹא אָכַל בְּשַׂר נְבֵלוֹת וּטְרֵפוֹת, שְׁקָצִים וּרְמָשִׂים, אִם לֹא אָכַל מִשֶּׁלּוֹ אָכַל מִשֶּׁל חֲבֵרוֹ, הֱוֵי לָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמוֹ חֲזִיר שֶׁעָתִיד לְהַחֲזִיר הַגְּדֻלָּה וְהַמַּלְכוּת לִבְעָלֶיהָ. עוֹרוֹת תְּחָשִׁים מָה הֵן, רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר אַלְטִינוֹן. רַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה אוֹמֵר גַּלְטִינוֹן. רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אוֹמֵר מִין חַיָּה גְדוֹלָה הֶרְאָה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְמשֶׁה וְעָשָׂה הֵימֶנָּה צֹרֶךְ הַמִּשְׁכָּן וּגְנָזָהּ. רַבִּי אָבִין אָמַר קֶרֶשׁ הָיָה שְׁמָהּ. תָּנֵי רַבִּי הוֹשַׁעְיָה קֶרֶן אַחַת הָיְתָה לוֹ בְּמִצְחוֹ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים סט, לב): וְתִיטַב לַה' מִשּׁוֹר פָּר מַקְרִן מַפְרִיס וגו', מַקְרִין תַּרְתֵּי שְׁמַע מִנָּהּ. אָמַר רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בַּר יִצְחָק מַקְרִן כְּתִיב. רַבִּי בֶּרֶכְיָה אָמַר בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יִצְחָק, כַּגּוֹאֵל רִאשׁוֹן כָּךְ גּוֹאֵל אַחֲרוֹן, מַה גּוֹאֵל רִאשׁוֹן נֶאֱמַר (שמות ד, כ): וַיִּקַּח משֶׁה אֶת אִשְׁתּוֹ וְאֶת בָּנָיו וַיַּרְכִּבֵם עַל הַחֲמֹר, כָּךְ גּוֹאֵל אַחֲרוֹן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (זכריה ט, ט): עָנִי וְרֹכֵב עַל הַחֲמוֹר. מַה גּוֹאֵל הָרִאשׁוֹן הוֹרִיד אֶת הַמָּן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמות טז, ד): הִנְנִי מַמְטִיר לָכֶם לֶחֶם מִן הַשָּׁמָיִם, אַף גּוֹאֵל אַחֲרוֹן יוֹרִיד אֶת הַמָּן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים עב, טז): יְהִי פִסַּת בַּר בָּאָרֶץ. מַה גּוֹאֵל רִאשׁוֹן הֶעֱלָה אֶת הַבְּאֵר, אַף גּוֹאֵל אַחֲרוֹן יַעֲלֶה אֶת הַמַּיִם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (יואל ד, יח): וּמַעְיָן מִבֵּית ה' יֵצֵא וְהִשְׁקָה אֶת נַחַל הַשִּׁטִּים. | |
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| 127. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.19.1, 10.1.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 123, 347 |
| 128. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.96.2, 10.96.5-10.96.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 203 |
| 129. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.5.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 107 |
| 130. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, 54 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and samnites •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 106 |
131. Porphyry, Life of Pythagoras, 22 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 346 | 22. According to Aristoxenus, some Lucanians, Messapians, Picentinians and Romans came to him. He rooted out all dissensions, not only among his disciples and their successors, for many ages, but among all the cities of Italy and Sicily, both internally and externally. He was continuously harping on the maxim, "We ought, to the best of our ability avoid, and even with fire and sword extirpate from the body, sickness; from the soul, ignorance; from the belly, luxury; from a city, sedition; from a family, discord; and from all things excess." SPAN |
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132. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 171| 35b. מיתיבי (יחזקאל מד, יט) ולבשו בגדים אחרים ולא יקדשו את העם בבגדיהם,מאי לאו אחרים חשובין מהן לא אחרים פחותים מהן,תני רב הונא בר יהודה ואמרי לה רב שמואל בר יהודה אחר שכלתה עבודת ציבור כהן שעשתה לו אמו כתונת לובשה ועובד בה עבודת יחיד ובלבד שימסרנה לציבור פשיטא,מהו דתימא ניחוש שמא לא ימסרנה יפה יפה קמ"ל אמרו עליו על רבי ישמעאל בן פאבי שעשתה לו אמו כתונת של מאה מנה ולובשה ועובד בה עבודת יחיד ומסרה לציבור,אמרו עליו על ר' אלעזר בן חרסום שעשתה לו אמו כתונת משתי ריבוא ולא הניחוהו אחיו הכהנים ללובשה מפני שנראה כערום ומי מתחזי והאמר מר חוטן כפול ששה אמר אביי כחמרא במזגא,ת"ר עני ועשיר ורשע באין לדין לעני אומרים לו מפני מה לא עסקת בתורה אם אומר עני הייתי וטרוד במזונותי אומרים לו כלום עני היית יותר מהלל,אמרו עליו על הלל הזקן שבכל יום ויום היה עושה ומשתכר בטרפעיק חציו היה נותן לשומר בית המדרש וחציו לפרנסתו ולפרנסת אנשי ביתו פעם אחת לא מצא להשתכר ולא הניחו שומר בית המדרש להכנס עלה ונתלה וישב על פי ארובה כדי שישמע דברי אלהים חיים מפי שמעיה ואבטליון,אמרו אותו היום ערב שבת היה ותקופת טבת היתה וירד עליו שלג מן השמים כשעלה עמוד השחר אמר לו שמעיה לאבטליון אבטליון אחי בכל יום הבית מאיר והיום אפל שמא יום המעונן הוא הציצו עיניהן וראו דמות אדם בארובה עלו ומצאו עליו רום שלש אמות שלג פרקוהו והרחיצוהו וסיכוהו והושיבוהו כנגד המדורה אמרו ראוי זה לחלל עליו את השבת,עשיר אומרים לו מפני מה לא עסקת בתורה אם אומר עשיר הייתי וטרוד הייתי בנכסי אומרים לו כלום עשיר היית יותר מרבי אלעזר אמרו עליו על רבי אלעזר בן חרסום שהניח לו אביו אלף עיירות ביבשה וכנגדן אלף ספינות בים ובכל יום ויום נוטל נאד של קמח על כתיפו ומהלך מעיר לעיר וממדינה למדינה ללמוד תורה,פעם אחת מצאוהו עבדיו ועשו בו אנגריא אמר להן בבקשה מכם הניחוני ואלך ללמוד תורה אמרו לו חיי רבי אלעזר בן חרסום שאין מניחין אותך ומימיו לא הלך וראה אותן אלא יושב ועוסק בתורה כל היום וכל הלילה,רשע אומרים לו מפני מה לא עסקת בתורה אם אמר נאה הייתי וטרוד ביצרי הייתי אומרים לו כלום נאה היית מיוסף אמרו עליו על יוסף הצדיק בכל יום ויום היתה אשת פוטיפר משדלתו בדברים בגדים שלבשה לו שחרית לא לבשה לו ערבית בגדים שלבשה לו ערבית לא לבשה לו שחרית,אמרה לו השמע לי אמר לה לאו אמרה לו הריני חובשתך בבית האסורין אמר לה (תהלים קמו, ז) ה' מתיר אסורים הריני כופפת קומתך (תהלים קמו, ח) ה' זוקף כפופים הריני מסמא את עיניך (תהלים קמו, ח) ה' פוקח עורים נתנה לו אלף ככרי כסף לשמוע אליה לשכב אצלה להיות עמה ולא רצה לשמוע אליה,לשכב אצלה בעוה"ז להיות עמה לעוה"ב נמצא הלל מחייב את העניים רבי אלעזר בן חרסום מחייב את העשירים יוסף מחייב את הרשעים, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big בא לו אצל פרו ופרו היה עומד בין האולם ולמזבח ראשו לדרום ופניו למערב והכהן עומד במזרח ופניו למערב וסומך שתי ידיו עליו ומתודה,וכך היה אומר אנא השם עויתי פשעתי חטאתי לפניך אני וביתי אנא השם כפר נא לעונות ולפשעים ולחטאים שעויתי ושפשעתי ושחטאתי לפניך אני וביתי ככתוב בתורת משה עבדך (ויקרא טז, ל) כי ביום הזה יכפר וגו' והן עונין אחריו ברוך שם כבוד מלכותו לעולם ועד | 35b. b The Gemara raises an objection. /b It is stated: “And it shall be that when they enter in at the gates of the inner court, they shall be clothed with linen garments; and no wool shall come upon them, while they minister in the gates of the inner court, and within” (Ezekiel 44:17). This verse is referring to the Yom Kippur service, as during the year the High Priest performed the service in eight priestly vestments made partially of wool. Two verses later the prophet says: “And when they go forth into the outer court, into the outer court to the people, they shall remove their garments in which they serve, and lay them in the sacred chambers, b and they shall put on other garments, so that they do not sanctify the people with their garments” /b (Ezekiel 44:19).,The Gemara infers: b What, doesn’t “other” /b mean b more important than /b the first set of linen garments? The Gemara rejects this: b No, /b although b “other” /b means different garments, it means garments b inferior to them, /b the first set of linen garments. The High Priest does not don a second set of garments to effect atonement; rather, he dons them in deference to God to remove the spoon and the coal pan from the Holy of Holies., b Rav Huna bar Yehuda, and some say Rav Shmuel bar Yehuda, taught: After the public service concluded, a priest whose mother had made him /b a priestly b tunic /b may b wear it and perform an individual service /b while wearing b it, /b such as removal of the spoon and the coal pan, which is not a service in and of itself, b provided he transfers it to /b the possession of b the public. /b All services performed by the priest must be performed while he is wearing sacred garments owned by the public, as all the Temple vessels are. The Gemara asks: This is b obvious; /b once he transfers it to the possession of the public, it is Temple property like any other vessel that an individual donates to the Temple. What is novel in this statement?,The Gemara answers: b Lest you say /b that the concern is that since he is the one wearing it b perhaps /b he will intend to retain ownership b and will not transfer it wholeheartedly; /b therefore, b it teaches us /b that if he transfers possession to the public, that is not a concern. Apropos this i halakha /i , the Gemara relates: b They said about /b the High Priest b Rabbi Yishmael ben Pabi that his mother made him a tunic worth one hundred i maneh /i . He donned it and performed an individual service and transferred /b possession of it b to the public. /b ,And similarly, b they said about /b the High Priest b Rabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum that his mother made him a tunic /b worth b twenty thousand /b dinars, b but his fellow priests did not allow him to wear it because /b it was transparent and b he appeared as /b one who is b naked. /b The Gemara asks: b And could /b he b be seen /b through a garment made to the specifications of the priestly vestments? b Didn’t the Master say: The threads /b of the priestly vestments b were six-fold? /b Since the clothes were woven from threads that thick, his body could not have been seen through them. b Abaye said: It is like wine in /b a thick b glass /b cup. His flesh could not actually be seen, but since it was very fine linen, it was somewhat translucent and his skin color was discernible.,§ Apropos the great wealth of Rabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum, the Gemara cites that which b the Sages taught: A poor /b person, b and a wealthy /b person, b and a wicked /b person b come to /b face b judgment /b before the Heavenly court for their conduct in this world. b To the poor /b person, the members of the court b say: Why did you not engage in Torah? If he /b rationalizes his conduct b and says: I was poor and preoccupied with /b earning enough to pay for b my sustece /b and that is why I did not engage in Torah study, b they say to him: Were you any poorer than Hillel, /b who was wretchedly poor and nevertheless attempted to study Torah?, b They said about Hillel the Elder that each and every day he would work and earn a half-dinar, half of which he would give to the guard of the study hall and half of which /b he spent b for his sustece and the sustece of the members of his family. One time he did not find /b employment b to earn /b a wage, b and the guard of the study hall did not allow him to enter. He ascended /b to the roof, b suspended /b himself, b and sat at the edge of the skylight in order to hear the words /b of the Torah b of the living God from the mouths of Shemaya and Avtalyon, /b the spiritual leaders of that generation.,The Sages continued and b said: That day was Shabbat eve and it was the /b winter b season of Tevet, and snow fell upon him from the sky. When it was dawn, Shemaya said to Avtalyon: Avtalyon, my brother, every day /b at this hour b the /b study b hall /b is already b bright /b from the sunlight streaming through the skylight, b and today it is dark; is it perhaps a cloudy day? They focused their eyes and saw the image of a man in the skylight. They ascended and found him /b covered with b snow three cubits high. They extricated him /b from the snow, b and they washed him and smeared /b oil b on him, and they sat him opposite the bonfire /b to warm him. b They said: This /b man b is worthy /b for us b to desecrate Shabbat for him. /b Saving a life overrides Shabbat in any case; however, this great man is especially deserving. Clearly, poverty is no excuse for the failure to attempt to study Torah.,And if b a wealthy /b man comes before the heavenly court, the members of the court b say to him: Why did you not engage in Torah? If he says: I was wealthy and preoccupied with /b managing b my possessions, they say to him: Were you any wealthier than Rabbi Elazar, /b who was exceedingly wealthy and nevertheless studied Torah? b They said about Rabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum that his father left him /b an inheritance of b one thousand villages on land, and corresponding to them, one thousand ships at sea. And each and every day he takes /b a leather b jug of flour on his shoulder and walks from city to city and from state to state to study Torah /b from the Torah scholars in each of those places., b One time /b as he passed through the villages in his estate and b his servants found him, /b did not recognize him, b and, /b thinking he was a resident of the town, b they pressed him into service [ i angarya /i ] /b for the master of the estate. b He said to them: I beseech you; let me be and I will go study Torah. They said: /b We swear b by the life of Rabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum that /b we b will not let you be. /b The Gemara comments: b And in all his days, he never went and saw /b all his possessions and his property; b rather, /b he would b sit and engage in /b the study of b Torah all day and all night. /b ,And if a wicked man comes to judgment, the members of the court b say to him: Why did you not engage in Torah? If he said: I was handsome and preoccupied with my /b evil b inclination, /b as I had many temptations, b they say to him: Were you any more handsome than Joseph, /b who did not neglect Torah despite his beauty? b They said about Joseph the righteous: Each and every day, the wife of Potiphar seduced him with words. /b In addition, b the clothes that she wore to /b entice b him in the morning, she did not wear to /b entice b him in the evening. The clothes that she wore to /b entice b him in the evening, she did not wear to /b entice b him in the morning /b of the next day.,One day b she said to him: Submit to me /b and have relations with me. br b He said to her: No. /b br b She said to him: I will incarcerate you in the prison. He said to her: /b I do not fear you, as it is stated: b “God releases prisoners” /b (Psalms 146:7). br b She said to him: I will /b cause you to be b bent over /b with suffering. br He said: b “God straightens those who are bent over” /b (Psalms 146:8). br She said b I will blind your eyes. /b br He said to her b “God opens the eyes of the blind” /b (Psalms 146:8). br b She gave him a thousand talents of silver to submit to her, “to lie with her and be with her” /b (Genesis 39:10), b and he refused. /b ,The Gemara elaborates: Had he submitted to her b to lie with her in this world, /b it would have been decreed in Heaven that he would b be with her in the World-to-Come. /b Therefore, he refused. b Consequently, Hillel obligates the poor /b to study Torah, b Rabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum obligates the wealthy, /b and b Joseph obligates the wicked. /b For each category of people, there is a role model who overcame his preoccupations and temptations to study Torah., strong MISHNA: /strong The High Priest b comes /b and stands b next to his bull, and his bull was standing between the Entrance Hall and the altar /b with b its head /b facing b to the south and its face to the west. And the priest stands to the east /b of the bull, b and his face /b points b to the west. And /b the priest b places his two hands on /b the bull b and confesses. /b , b And this is what he would say /b in his confession: b Please, God, I have sinned, I have done wrong, /b and b I have rebelled before You, I and my family. Please, God, grant atonement, please, for the sins, and for the wrongs, and for the rebellions that I have sinned, and done wrong, and rebelled before You, I and my family, as it is written in the Torah of Moses your servant: “For on this day atonement shall be made /b for you to cleanse you of all your sins; you shall be clean before the Lord” (Leviticus 16:30). b And /b the priests and the people who were in the courtyard b respond after he /b recites the name of God: b Blessed be the name of His glorious kingdom forever and all time. /b |
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| 133. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 2.6.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 347 |
134. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, philosophy of Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 50| 63a. והמלוה סלע לעני בשעת דחקו עליו הכתוב אומר (ישעיהו נח, ט) אז תקרא וה' יענה תשוע ויאמר הנני:,סי' אש"ה וקרק"ע עז"ר זא"ת שת"י הברכו"ת תגר"י פחת"י: א"ר אלעזר כל אדם שאין לו אשה אינו אדם שנאמר (בראשית ה, ב) זכר ונקבה בראם ויקרא את שמם אדם ואמר רבי אלעזר כל אדם שאין לו קרקע אינו אדם שנא' (תהלים קטו, טז) השמים שמים לה' והארץ נתן לבני אדם,ואמר רבי אלעזר מאי דכתיב (בראשית ב, יח) אעשה לו עזר כנגדו זכה עוזרתו לא זכה כנגדו ואיכא דאמרי ר' אלעזר רמי כתיב כנגדו וקרינן כניגדו זכה כנגדו לא זכה מנגדתו,אשכחיה רבי יוסי לאליהו א"ל כתיב אעשה לו עזר במה אשה עוזרתו לאדם א"ל אדם מביא חיטין חיטין כוסס פשתן פשתן לובש לא נמצאת מאירה עיניו ומעמידתו על רגליו,וא"ר אלעזר מאי דכתיב (בראשית ב, כג) זאת הפעם עצם מעצמי ובשר מבשרי מלמד שבא אדם על כל בהמה וחיה ולא נתקררה דעתו עד שבא על חוה,ואמר ר' אלעזר מאי דכתיב (בראשית יב, ג) ונברכו בך כל משפחות האדמה אמר ליה הקב"ה לאברהם שתי ברכות טובות יש לי להבריך בך רות המואביה ונעמה העמונית כל משפחות האדמה אפילו משפחות הדרות באדמה אין מתברכות אלא בשביל ישראל (בראשית יח, יח) כל גויי הארץ אפילו ספינות הבאות מגליא לאספמיא אינן מתברכות אלא בשביל ישראל,ואמר רבי אלעזר עתידים כל בעלי אומניות שיעמדו על הקרקע שנאמר (יחזקאל כז, כט) וירדו מאניותיהם כל תופשי משוט מלחים כל חובלי הים על הארץ יעמדו ואמר ר' אלעזר אין לך אומנות פחותה מן הקרקע שנאמר וירדו רבי אלעזר חזיא לההיא ארעא דשדי ביה כרבא לפותיא א"ל אי תשדייה לאורכיך הפוכי בעיסקא טב מינך,רב על לביני שיבלי חזנהו דקא נייפן אמר להו אי נייפת איתנופי הפוכי בעיסקא טב מינך אמר רבא מאה זוזי בעיסקא כל יומא בשרא וחמרא מאה זוזי בארעא מילחא וחפורה ולא עוד אלא מגניא ליה אארעא ומרמיא ליה תיגרי,אמר רב פפא זרע ולא תזבין אע"ג דכי הדדי נינהו הני מברכן זבין ולא תיזול הני מילי ביסתרקי אבל גלימא לא מיתרמיא ליה,טום ולא תשפיץ שפוץ ולא תיבני שכל העוסק בבנין מתמסכן קפוץ זבין ארעא מתון נסיב איתתא נחית דרגא נסיב איתתא סק דרגא בחר שושבינא,א"ר אלעזר בר אבינא אין פורענות באה לעולם אלא בשביל ישראל שנאמר (צפניה ג, ו) הכרתי גוים נשמו פנותם החרבתי חוצותם וכתיב (צפניה ג, ז) אמרתי אך תיראי אותי תקחי מוסר,רב הוה מיפטר מרבי חייא אמר ליה רחמנא ליצלך ממידי דקשה ממותא ומי איכא מידי דקשה ממותא נפק דק ואשכח (קהלת ז, כו) ומוצא אני מר ממות את האשה וגו' רב הוה קא מצערא ליה דביתהו כי אמר לה עבידי לי טלופחי עבדא ליה חימצי חימצי עבדא ליה טלופחי,כי גדל חייא בריה אפיך לה אמר ליה איעליא לך אמך אמר ליה אנא הוא דקא אפיכנא לה אמר ליה היינו דקא אמרי אינשי דנפיק מינך טעמא מלפך את לא תעביד הכי שנאמר (ירמיהו ט, ד) למדו לשונם דבר שקר העוה וגו',רבי חייא הוה קא מצערא ליה דביתהו כי הוה משכח מידי צייר ליה בסודריה ומייתי ניהלה אמר ליה רב והא קא מצערא ליה למר א"ל דיינו שמגדלות בנינו ומצילות אותנו | 63a. b and who lends a i sela /i to a pauper at his time of need, about him the verse states: “Then shall you call, and the Lord will answer; you shall cry, and He will say: Here I am” /b (Isaiah 58:9).,§ The Gemara provides b a mnemonic /b device for a series of statements cited in the name of Rabbi Elazar: b Woman; and land; helper; this; two; the blessings; merchants; lowly. /b The Gemara presents these statements: b Rabbi Elazar said: Any man who does not have a wife is not a man, as it is stated: “Male and female He created them…and called their name Adam” /b (Genesis 5:2). b And Rabbi Elazar said: Any man who does not have /b his own b land is not a man, as it is stated: “The heavens are the heavens of the Lord; but the earth He has given to the children of men” /b (Psalms 115:16)., b And Rabbi Elazar said: What is /b the meaning of b that /b which b is written: “I will make him a helpmate for him [ i kenegdo /i ]” /b (Genesis 2:18)? If one is b worthy /b his wife b helps him; /b if he is b not worthy /b she is b against him. And some say /b a slightly different version: b Rabbi Elazar raised a contradiction: It is written /b in the Torah with a spelling that allows it to be read: b Striking him [ i kenagdo /i ], and we read /b it as though it said: b For him [ i kenegdo /i ]. /b If he is b worthy /b she is b for him /b as his helpmate; if he is b not worthy /b she b strikes him. /b ,The Gemara relates that b Rabbi Yosei encountered Elijah /b the prophet and b said to him: It is written: I will make him a helpmate. In what /b manner b does a woman help a man? /b Elijah b said to him: /b When b a man brings wheat /b from the field, does he b chew /b raw b wheat? /b When he brings home b flax, /b does he b wear /b unprocessed b flax? /b His wife turns the raw products into bread and clothing. Is his wife b not found /b to be the one who b lights up his eyes and stands him on his feet? /b , b And Rabbi Elazar said: What is /b the meaning of b that /b which b is written: “This is now bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh” /b (Genesis 2:23)? This b teaches that Adam had intercourse with each animal and beast /b in his search for his mate, b and his mind was not at ease, /b in accordance with the verse: “And for Adam, there was not found a helpmate for him” (Genesis 2:20), b until he had intercourse with Eve. /b , b And Rabbi Elazar said: What is /b the meaning of b that /b which b is written: “And in you shall all the families of the earth be blessed [ i nivrekhu /i ]” /b (Genesis 12:3)? b The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to Abraham: I have two good shoots to graft /b [ b i lehavrikh /i /b ] b onto you: Ruth the Moabite, /b the ancestress of the house of David, b and Naamah the Ammonite, /b whose marriage with Solomon led to the ensuing dynasty of the kings of Judea. b “All the families of the earth” /b means: b Even families that live in the earth, /b i.e., who have land of their own, b are blessed only due to the Jewish people. /b Similarly, when the verse states: b “All the nations of the earth /b shall be blessed in him” (Genesis 18:18), it indicates that b even ships that come from Galia to Hispania are blessed only due to the Jewish people. /b , b And Rabbi Elazar said: All craftsmen are destined to stand upon /b and work b the land, as it is stated: “And all that handle the oar, the mariners, and all the pilots of the sea, shall come down from their ships, they shall stand upon the land” /b (Ezekiel 27:29). b And Rabbi Elazar said: There is no occupation lowlier than /b working b the land, as it is stated: “And they shall come down,” /b implying that one who works the land is of lower stature than even a sailor. The Gemara similarly relates: b Rabbi Elazar saw land that was plowed /b across b its width. He said to it: /b Even b if they plow you /b once more b lengthwise, /b for further improvement, b conducting business is better than /b farming with b you, /b as the potential profits gained by selling merchandise are far greater than those from working the land.,The Gemara relates a similar incident: b Rav entered between the sheaves /b in a field and b saw them waving /b in the wind. b He said to them: If you /b want to b wave /b go ahead and b wave, /b but b conducting business is better than /b farming with b you. Rava /b similarly b said: /b One who has b a hundred dinars /b that are invested b in /b a b business /b is able to eat b meat and wine every day, /b whereas he who has b a hundred dinars /b worth b of land /b eats only b salt and vegetables. And what is more, /b working the land b causes him to lie on the ground /b at night in order to guard it, b and /b it b draws quarrels upon him /b with other people., b Rav Pappa said: Sow /b your own produce b and do not buy /b it. b Even though they are equal to each other /b in value, b these /b that you sow b will be blessed. /b Conversely, b buy /b your clothes b rather than weave [ i teizul /i ] /b them yourself. The Gemara comments: b This applies /b only to b mats [ i bistarkei /i ], but /b with regard to the b cloak /b one wears, perhaps b he will not find it /b precisely to his liking, and therefore he should make his own cloak, which fits his measurements.,Rav Pappa further advised: If there is a hole in your house, b close /b it b up and do not /b enlarge it and then b plaster /b it, or at least b plaster /b it b and do not /b knock it down and b build /b it again. b As, whoever engages in construction becomes poor. Hurry /b to b buy land /b so that you do not lose the opportunity. Be b patient and marry a woman /b who is suitable for you. b Descend a level /b to b marry a woman /b of lower social status, and b ascend a level /b to b choose a friend [ i shushevina /i ]. /b , b Rabbi Elazar bar Avina said: Calamity befalls the world only due to /b the sins of b the Jewish people, as it is stated: “I have cut off nations, their corners are desolate; I have made their streets waste” /b (Zephaniah 3:6), b and it is written: “I said: Surely you will fear Me, you will receive correction” /b (Zephaniah 3:7). This indicates that other nations were punished so that the Jewish people would mend their ways.,The Gemara cites more statements with regard to wives. When b Rav was taking leave of /b his uncle and teacher, b Rabbi Ḥiyya, /b upon his return from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, Rabbi Ḥiyya b said to him: May the Merciful One save you from something that is worse than death. /b Rav was perplexed: b Is there anything that is worse than death? He went, examined /b the sources, b and found /b the following verse: b “And I find more bitter than death the woman, etc.” /b (Ecclesiastes 7:26). Rabbi Ḥiyya was hinting at this verse, and indeed, b Rav’s wife would /b constantly b aggravate him. When he would say to her: Prepare me lentils, she would prepare him peas; /b if he asked her for b peas, she would prepare him lentils. /b , b When Ḥiyya, his son, grew up, he would reverse /b the requests Rav asked him to convey b to her, /b so that Rav would get what he wanted. Rav b said to /b his son Ḥiyya: b Your mother has improved /b now that b you /b convey my requests. b He said to /b Rav: b It is I who reverse /b your request b to her. /b Rav b said to him: This is /b an example of the well-known adage b that people say: /b He b who comes from you shall teach you wisdom; /b I should have thought of that idea myself. b You, /b however, b should not do so, /b i.e., reverse my request, b as it is stated: “They have taught their tongue to speak lies, they /b weary themselves to b commit iniquity, etc.” /b (Jeremiah 9:4). If you attribute such a request to me, you will have uttered a falsehood.,The Gemara relates a similar story. b Rabbi Ḥiyya’s wife would /b constantly b aggravate him. /b Nevertheless, b when he would find something /b she would appreciate, b he would wrap it in his shawl and bring /b it b to her. Rav said to him: Doesn’t she /b constantly b aggravate you? /b Why do you bring her things? Rabbi Ḥiyya b said to him: It is enough for us /b that our wives b raise our children and save us /b |
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135. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.2.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 346 | 4.2.3. In the first attack it happened that they were victorious over the Greeks, who fled to Alexandria and imprisoned and slew the Jews that were in the city. But the Jews of Cyrene, although deprived of their aid, continued to plunder the land of Egypt and to devastate its districts, under the leadership of Lucuas. Against them the emperor sent Marcius Turbo with a foot and naval force and also with a force of cavalry. |
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| 136. Athanasius, Against The Pagans, 9.43 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 347 |
137. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 112, 113| 7a. נימרינהו לתרוייהו אל ההודאות ורוב ההודאות,אמר ר' אבהו גדול יום הגשמים מתחיית המתים דאילו תחיית המתים לצדיקים ואילו גשמים בין לצדיקים בין לרשעים ופליגא דרב יוסף דאמר רב יוסף מתוך שהיא שקולה כתחיית המתים קבעוה בתחיית המתים,אמר רב יהודה גדול יום הגשמים כיום שניתנה בו תורה שנא' (דברים לב, ב) יערף כמטר לקחי ואין לקח אלא תורה שנא' (משלי ד, ב) כי לקח טוב נתתי לכם תורתי אל תעזובו רבא אמר יותר מיום שניתנה בו תורה שנאמר יערף כמטר לקחי מי נתלה במי הוי אומר קטן נתלה בגדול,רבא רמי כתיב יערף כמטר לקחי וכתיב תזל כטל אמרתי אם תלמיד חכם הגון הוא כטל ואם לאו עורפהו כמטר,תניא היה ר' בנאה אומר כל העוסק בתורה לשמה תורתו נעשית לו סם חיים שנאמר (משלי ג, יח) עץ חיים היא למחזיקים בה ואומר (משלי ג, ח) רפאות תהי לשרך ואומר (משלי ח, לה) כי מוצאי מצא חיים וכל העוסק בתורה שלא לשמה נעשית לו סם המות שנאמר יערף כמטר לקחי ואין עריפה אלא הריגה שנאמר (דברים כא, ד) וערפו שם את העגלה בנחל,א"ל ר' ירמיה לר' זירא ליתי מר ליתני א"ל חלש לבאי ולא יכילנא לימא מר מילתא דאגדתא א"ל הכי אמר ר' יוחנן מאי דכתיב (דברים כ, יט) כי האדם עץ השדה וכי אדם עץ שדה הוא,אלא משום דכתיב (דברים כ, יט) כי ממנו תאכל ואותו לא תכרת וכתיב אותו תשחית וכרת הא כיצד אם ת"ח הגון הוא ממנו תאכל ואותו לא תכרת ואם לאו אותו תשחית וכרת,אמר רבי חמא (אמר רבי) חנינא מאי דכתיב (משלי כז, יז) ברזל בברזל יחד לומר לך מה ברזל זה אחד מחדד את חבירו אף שני תלמידי חכמים מחדדין זה את זה בהלכה,אמר רבה בר בר חנה למה נמשלו דברי תורה כאש שנאמר (ירמיהו כג, כט) הלא כה דברי כאש נאם ה' לומר לך מה אש אינו דולק יחידי אף דברי תורה אין מתקיימין ביחידי,והיינו דאמר רבי יוסי בר חנינא מאי דכתיב (ירמיהו נ, לו) חרב אל הבדים ונואלו חרב על שונאיהן של תלמידי חכמים שעוסקין בד בבד בתורה ולא עוד אלא שמטפשין שנאמר ונואלו,ולא עוד אלא שחוטאין כתיב הכא ונואלו וכתיב התם (במדבר יב, יא) אשר נואלנו ואשר חטאנו ואיבעית אימא מהכא (ישעיהו יט, יג) נואלו שרי צוען [וגו'] והתעו את מצרים,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק למה נמשלו דברי תורה כעץ שנאמר (משלי ג, יח) עץ חיים היא למחזיקים בה לומר לך מה עץ קטן מדליק את הגדול אף תלמידי חכמים קטנים מחדדים את הגדולים והיינו דאמר ר' חנינא הרבה למדתי מרבותי ומחבירי יותר מרבותי ומתלמידי יותר מכולן,רבי חנינא בר פפא רמי כתיב (ישעיהו כא, יד) לקראת צמא התיו מים וכתיב (ישעיהו נה, א) הוי כל צמא לכו למים אם תלמיד הגון הוא לקראת צמא התיו מים ואי לא הוי כל צמא לכו למים,רבי חנינא בר חמא רמי כתיב (משלי ה, טז) יפוצו מעינותיך חוצה וכתיב (משלי ה, יז) יהיו לך לבדך אם תלמיד הגון הוא יפוצו מעינותיך חוצה ואם לאו יהיו לך לבדך,(ואמר) רבי חנינא בר אידי למה נמשלו דברי תורה למים דכתיב הוי כל צמא לכו למים לומר לך מה מים מניחין מקום גבוה והולכין למקום נמוך אף דברי תורה אין מתקיימין אלא במי שדעתו שפלה,ואמר רבי אושעיא למה נמשלו דברי תורה לשלשה משקין הללו במים וביין ובחלב דכתיב הוי כל צמא לכו למים וכתיב (ישעיהו נה, א) לכו שברו ואכלו ולכו שברו בלא כסף ובלא מחיר יין וחלב לומר לך מה שלשה משקין הללו אין מתקיימין אלא בפחות שבכלים אף דברי תורה אין מתקיימין אלא במי שדעתו שפלה,כדאמרה ליה ברתיה דקיסר לר' יהושע בן חנניה אי חכמה מפוארה בכלי מכוער אמר לה אביך רמי חמרא במני דפחרא אמרה ליה אלא במאי נירמי אמר לה אתון דחשביתו רמו במאני דהבא וכספא,אזלה ואמרה ליה לאבוה רמייא לחמרא במני דהבא וכספא ותקיף אתו ואמרו ליה אמר לה לברתיה מאן אמר לך הכי אמרה ליה רבי יהושע בן חנניה קריוהו אמר ליה אמאי אמרת לה הכי אמר ליה כי היכי דאמרה לי אמרי לה והא איכא שפירי דגמירי | 7a. b we will recite them both: God of thanksgivings, and: Abundant thanksgivings. /b ,§ The Gemara cites statements in praise of rainfall. b Rabbi Abbahu said: The day of rain is greater than the resurrection of the dead. /b The reason is that b while the resurrection of the dead /b benefits only b the righteous, rain /b benefits b both the righteous and the wicked. /b The Gemara comments: b And /b this statement b disagrees with /b the opinion of b Rav Yosef, as Rav Yosef said: Since /b rainfall b is equivalent to the resurrection of the dead, /b the Sages b established /b its recitation b in /b the second blessing of the i Amida /i , the blessing of b the resurrection of the dead. /b According to Rav Yosef, rainfall is the equivalent to, but not superior to, the resurrection of the dead.,Similarly, b Rav Yehuda said: The day of the rains is as great as the day /b on which b the Torah was given, as it is stated: “My doctrine [ i likḥi /i ] shall drop as the rain” /b (Deuteronomy 32:2), b and i lekaḥ /i means nothing other /b than b Torah, as it is stated: “For I give you good doctrine [ i lekaḥ /i ]; do not forsake My Torah” /b (Proverbs 4:2). b Rava said: /b Rainfall is even b greater than the day on which the Torah was given, as it is stated: “My doctrine shall drop as the rain,” /b and when one makes a comparison, b which /b object b is /b made b dependent upon which? You must say /b that b the lesser /b object b is dependent upon the greater /b one. If Torah is compared to rain, it follows that rain is greater than Torah.,The Gemara cites another interpretation of the verse from Deuteronomy. b Rava raised a contradiction: /b At the beginning of the verse b it is written: “My doctrine shall drop [ i ya’arof /i ] as the rain,” /b in a harsh manner, b and /b yet later in the verse, b it is written: “My speech shall distill as the dew,” /b in a gentle tone. He resolves this apparent contradiction as follows: b If he is a worthy Torah scholar, /b the Torah flows through him b like the dew, but if /b he is b not /b worthy, b it snaps his neck [ i orfehu /i ] like the /b powerful b rain. /b , b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Bena’a would say: Anyone who engages in Torah for its own sake, his Torah /b study b will be an elixir of life for him, as it is stated: “It is a tree of life to them who lay hold upon it” /b (Proverbs 3:18), b and it says: “It shall be health to your navel” /b (Proverbs 3:8), b and it says: “For whoever finds Me finds life” /b (Proverbs 8:35). b And anyone who engages in Torah not for its own sake, /b e.g., for self-aggrandizement, his Torah b will be an elixir of death for him, as it is stated: “My doctrine shall drop [ i ya’arof /i ] as the rain,” and i arifa /i /b means b nothing other /b than b killing, as it is stated: “And they shall break the heifer’s neck [ i arefu /i ] there in the valley” /b (Deuteronomy 21:4)., b Rabbi Yirmeya /b once b said to Rabbi Zeira: Let the Master come and teach /b a halakhic discourse. Rabbi Zeira b said to him: My heart is weak and I cannot /b strain myself over a halakhic discourse. Rabbi Yirmeya replied to him: In that case, b let the Master tell us a matter of i aggada /i , /b which does not require as much effort. Rabbi Zeira b said to him /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said as follows: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “For man is a tree of the field” /b (Deuteronomy 20:19)? b And is man /b actually b a tree of the field? /b , b Rather, /b it is b because it is written /b earlier in the same verse: b “You may eat of them but you may not cut them down,” and it is written /b in the next verse: b “Them you may destroy and cut down” /b (Deuteronomy 20:20). This indicates that there are certain trees which may be cut down, while others may not be destroyed. b How so? If a Torah scholar is worthy: “You may eat of them but you may not cut them down,” but if /b he is b not /b worthy: b “He you may destroy and cut down.” /b ,The Gemara cites other expositions that deal with Torah study. b Rabbi Ḥama, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “Iron sharpens iron, /b so a man sharpens the countece of his friend” (Proverbs 27:17)? This verse comes b to tell you /b that b just as /b with b these iron implements, one sharpens the other /b when they are rubbed against each other, b so too, /b when b Torah scholars /b study together, they b sharpen one another in i halakha /i . /b , b Rabba bar bar Ḥana said: Why are matters of Torah compared to fire, as it is stated: “Is not My word like fire, says the Lord” /b (Jeremiah 23:29)? b To tell you: Just as fire does not ignite /b in b a lone /b stick of wood but in a pile of kindling, b so too, matters of Torah are not retained /b and understood properly by b a lone /b scholar who studies by himself, but by a group of Sages., b And this is what Rabbi Yosei bar Ḥanina said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “A sword is upon the boasters [ i habaddim /i ], and they shall become fools [ i noalu /i ]” /b (Jeremiah 50:36)? This verse can be interpreted homiletically: There is a b sword upon the enemies of Torah scholars, /b a euphemism for Torah scholars themselves, b who sit alone [ i bad bevad /i ] and study Torah. And not only that, but /b those who study by themselves b grow foolish /b from their solitary Torah study, b as it is stated: “And they shall become fools.” /b , b And not only that, but they sin, as it is written here: “And they shall become fools,” and it is written there: “For that we have done foolishly [ i noalnu /i ] and for that we have sinned” /b (Numbers 12:11). b And if you wish, say /b instead that it is derived b from here: “The princes of Zoan have become fools [ i noalu /i ]…they have caused Egypt to go astray” /b (Isaiah 19:13)., b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: Why are Torah matters likened to a tree, as it is stated: “It is a tree of life to them who lay hold upon it” /b (Proverbs 3:18)? This verse comes b to tell you /b that b just as a small /b piece of b wood can ignite a large piece, so too, minor Torah scholars can sharpen great /b Torah scholars and enable them to advance in their studies. b And this is what Rabbi Ḥanina said: I have learned much from my teachers and even more from my friends, but from my students /b I have learned b more than /b from b all of them. /b , b Rabbi Ḥanina bar Pappa raised a contradiction. /b In one verse b it is written: “To him who is thirsty bring water” /b (Isaiah 21:14), which indicates that the one who has water must bring it to the thirsty person, b and it is written /b elsewhere: b “Ho, everyone who thirsts, come for water” /b (Isaiah 55:1), from which it may be inferred that the thirsty person must seek out water himself. Rabbi Ḥanina bar Pappa resolves this apparent contradiction by explaining that b if he is a worthy student /b the teacher must seek him out, as in b “to him who is thirsty bring water,” but if /b the student is b not /b worthy, then b “Ho, everyone who thirsts, come for water,” /b i.e., this student must seek out a teacher himself., b Rabbi Ḥanina bar Ḥama raised /b another b contradiction. /b In one verse b it is written: “Let your springs be dispersed abroad” /b (Proverbs 5:16), whereas in the next verse b it is written: “Let them be your own” /b (Proverbs 5:17). Rabbi Ḥanina bar Ḥama explains: b If the student /b sitting before you b is worthy, /b then b “Let your springs be dispersed abroad,” /b as you should teach him, but b if /b he is b not /b worthy, then b “Let them be your own.” /b , b And Rabbi Ḥanina bar Idi said: Why are matters of Torah likened to water, as it is written: “Ho, everyone who thirsts, come for water” /b (Isaiah 55:1)? This verse comes b to tell you: Just as water leaves a high place and flows to a low place, so too, Torah matters are retained only by one whose spirit is lowly, /b i.e., a humble person., b And Rabbi Oshaya said: Why are matters of Torah likened to these three liquids: To water, wine and milk? As it is written /b with regard to water: b “Ho, everyone who thirsts, come for water,” and it is written /b in the same verse: b “Come, buy and eat; yea, come, buy wine and milk without money and without price.” /b This verse comes b to tell you: Just as these three liquids can be retained only in the least of vessels, /b e.g., clay pots, but not vessels of silver and gold, as they will spoil, b so too, matters of Torah are retained only by one whose spirit is lowly. /b ,The Gemara cites a related incident: This b is as the daughter of the /b Roman b emperor said to Rabbi Yehoshua ben Ḥaya, /b who was an ugly man: b Woe to glorious wisdom /b such as yours, which is contained b in an ugly vessel. /b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Ḥaya b said to her, /b in a seemingly unrelated response: Does b your father keep his wine in /b simple b clay vessels? /b The emperor’s daughter b said to him: Rather, in what, /b then, b should he keep it? /b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Ḥaya b said to her: You, who are so important, /b should b put it in vessels of gold and silver. /b ,The emperor’s daughter b went and said /b this b to her father. He put the wine in vessels of gold and silver and it turned sour. /b When his advisors b came and told the emperor /b that the wine had turned sour, b he said to /b his daughter: b Who told you /b to do b this? /b His daughter b responded: Rabbi Yehoshua ben Ḥaya. /b The emperor b summoned him /b and b said to him: Why did you say this to her? /b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Ḥaya b said to him: Just as she said to me, so I said say to her, /b to demonstrate to her that fine material is best preserved in the least of vessels. The emperor said to him: b But there are handsome people who are learned. /b |
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138. Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al (2015) 74| 40a. נושאי קיסר שמרוני כל הלילה אמרו ליה שמא דבר ערוה בא לידך וניצלת הימנו דתנינא כל הבא דבר ערוה לידו וניצל הימנו עושין לו נס (תהלים קג, כ) גבורי כח עושי דברו לשמוע בקול דברו כגון רבי צדוק וחביריו,ר' צדוק תבעתיה ההיא מטרוניתא אמר לה חלש לי ליבאי ולא מצינא איכא מידי למיכל אמרה ליה איכא דבר טמא אמר לה מאי נפקא מינה דעביד הא אכול הא שגרת תנורא קא מנחא ליה סליק ויתיב בגויה אמרה ליה מאי האי אמר לה דעביד הא נפיל בהא אמרה ליה אי ידעי כולי האי לא צערתיך,רב כהנא הוה קמזבין דיקולי תבעתיה ההיא מטרוניתא אמר לה איזיל איקשיט נפשאי סליק וקנפיל מאיגרא לארעא אתא אליהו קבליה אמר ליה אטרחתן ארבע מאה פרסי א"ל מי גרם לי לאו עניותא יהב ליה שיפא דדינרי,רמי ליה רבא לרב נחמן תנן אלו דברים שאדם עושה אותן ואוכל פירותיהן בעולם הזה והקרן קיימת לו לעולם הבא אלו הן כיבוד אב ואם וגמילות חסדים והבאת שלום שבין אדם לחבירו ותלמוד תורה כנגד כולם,בכיבוד אב ואם כתיב (דברים ה, טו) למען יאריכון ימיך ולמען ייטב לך בגמילות חסדים כתיב (משלי כא, כא) רודף צדקה וחסד ימצא חיים צדקה וכבוד,ובהבאת שלום כתיב (תהלים לד, טו) בקש שלום ורדפהו וא"ר אבהו אתיא רדיפה רדיפה כתיב הכא בקש שלום ורדפהו וכתיב התם רודף צדקה וחסד בתלמוד תורה כתיב (דברים ל, כ) כי הוא חייך ואורך ימיך,בשילוח הקן נמי כתיב (דברים כב, ז) למען ייטב לך והארכת ימים ליתני נמי הא תנא ושייר תני תנא אלו דברים ואת אמרת תנא ושייר,אמר רבא רב אידי אסברא לי (ישעיהו ג, י) אמרו צדיק כי טוב כי פרי מעלליהם יאכלו וכי יש צדיק טוב ויש צדיק שאינו טוב אלא טוב לשמים ולבריות זהו צדיק טוב טוב לשמים ורע לבריות זהו צדיק שאינו טוב,כיוצא בדבר אתה אומר (ישעיהו ג, יא) אוי לרשע רע כי גמול ידיו יעשה לו וכי יש רשע רע ויש שאינו רע אלא רע לשמים ורע לבריות הוא רשע רע רע לשמים ואינו רע לבריות זהו רשע שאינו רע,הזכות יש לה קרן ויש לה פירות שנאמר אמרו צדיק כי טוב וגו' עבירה יש לה קרן ואין לה פירות שנאמר אוי לרשע רע וגו',ואלא מה אני מקיים (משלי א, לא) ויאכלו מפרי דרכם וממועצותיהם ישבעו עבירה שעושה פירות יש לה פירות ושאין עושה פירות אין לה פירות,מחשבה טובה מצרפה למעשה שנאמר (מלאכי ג, טז) אז נדברו יראי ה' איש אל רעהו ויקשב ה' וישמע ויכתב ספר זכרון לפניו ליראי ה' ולחושבי שמו מאי ולחושבי שמו אמר רב אסי אפילו חשב אדם לעשות מצוה ונאנס ולא עשאה מעלה עליו הכתוב כאילו עשאה,מחשבה רעה אין הקדוש ברוך הוא מצרפה למעשה שנאמר (תהלים סו, יח) און אם ראיתי בלבי לא ישמע ה' ואלא מה אני מקים (ירמיהו ו, יט) הנני מביא אל העם הזה רעה פרי מחשבותם מחשבה שעושה פרי הקב"ה מצרפה למעשה מחשבה שאין בה פרי אין הקב"ה מצרפה למעשה,ואלא הא דכתיב (יחזקאל יד, ה) למען תפוש את [בית] ישראל בלבם אמר רב אחא בר יעקב ההוא בעבודת כוכבים הוא דכתיב דאמר מר חמורה עבודת כוכבים שכל הכופר בה כמודה בכל התורה כולה,עולא אמר כדרב הונא דאמר רב הונא כיון שעבר אדם עבירה ושנה בה הותרה לו הותרה לו סלקא דעתך אלא נעשית לו כהיתר,אמר רבי אבהו משום רבי חנינא נוח לו לאדם שיעבור עבירה בסתר ואל יחלל שם שמים בפרהסיא שנאמר (יחזקאל כ, לט) ואתם בית ישראל כה אמר ה' איש גילוליו לכו עבדו [ואחר] אם אינכם שומעים אלי ואת שם קדשי לא תחללו,אמר רבי אלעאי הזקן אם רואה אדם שיצרו מתגבר עליו ילך למקום שאין מכירין אותו וילבש שחורים ויתכסה שחורים ויעשה כמו שלבו חפץ ואל יחלל שם שמים בפרהסיא,איני והתניא כל שלא חס על כבוד קונו ראוי לו שלא בא לעולם מה היא רבה אומר זה המסתכל בקשת רב יוסף אומר זה העובר עבירה בסתר,לא קשיא הא דמצי כייף ליצריה והא דלא מצי כייף ליצריה,תנן התם אין מקיפין בחילול השם אחד שוגג ואחד מזיד מאי אין מקיפין אמר מר זוטרא שאין עושים כחנווני מר בריה דרבנא אמר לומר שאם היתה שקולה מכרעת,ת"ר לעולם | 40a. b soldiers [ i nosei keisar /i ] /b who b guarded me all night. They said to him: Perhaps a matter of forbidden intercourse presented itself to you and you were saved from it, /b which is why a miracle occurred for you. b As we learned: /b With regard to b anyone /b to b whom a matter of forbidden intercourse presented itself to him and he was saved from it, a miracle is performed for him. /b As it says: b “Mighty in strength who fulfill His word, hearkening to the voice of His word” /b (Psalms 103:20). This is referring to one b such as Rabbi Tzadok and his colleagues. /b ,To what is this referring? b Rabbi Tzadok was enticed by a certain noblewoman /b to engage in sexual intercourse with her. b He said to her: My heart is weak and I am incapable /b at present; is b there something to eat /b that can strengthen me? b She said to him: There is something non-kosher. He said to her: What difference is there? /b One b who performs such /b an act b eats such /b food as well. b She lit the oven /b and b placed /b the non-kosher food b in it /b to roast. b He climbed and sat in /b the oven. b She said to him: What /b is the meaning of b this? He said to her: /b One who b performs this /b act b falls into this, /b i.e., the fires of Gehenna. b She said to him: If I had known /b that the matter was b so /b serious for you, b I would not have /b caused b you /b such b anguish. /b ,The Gemara further relates: b Rav Kahana would sell /b baskets woven from b palm leaves /b to women. b He was enticed by a certain noblewoman /b to engage in intercourse with her. b He said to her: /b Let me b go and adorn myself /b beforehand. b He ascended /b to the roof b and fell from the roof toward the ground. Elijah /b the prophet b came /b and b caught him. /b Elijah the prophet b said to /b Rav Kahana: b You have troubled me /b to travel b four hundred parasangs [ i parsei /i ] /b to save you. Rav Kahana b said to him: What caused me /b to be in this situation of temptation? Was it b not poverty, /b as I am forced to engage in a trade that leads me to come into contact with women? Elijah b gave him a basket [ i shifa /i ] /b full b of dinars, /b to spare him from having to work as a salesman.,§ b Rava raises a contradiction to Rav Naḥman /b and asks: b We learned /b in a mishna ( i Pe’a /i 1:1): b These /b are the b matters that a person engages in and enjoys their profits in this world, and the principal /b reward b remains for him for the World-to-Come, /b and b they are: Honoring one’s father and mother, acts of loving kindness, and bringing peace between one person and another; and Torah study is equal to all of them. /b ,Rava cites the source for each of these assertions. b With regard to honoring one’s father and mother, it is written: “That your days may be long, and that it may go well with you” /b (Deuteronomy 5:16), which indicates that one is rewarded in this world. b With regard to acts of loving kindness it is written: “He who pursues righteousness and kindness shall find life, prosperity, and honor” /b (Proverbs 21:21), all of which apply in this world., b And with regard to bringing peace it is written: “Seek peace and pursue it” /b (Psalms 34:15). b And Rabbi Abbahu says: /b This b is derived /b through a verbal analogy between the term b pursuing /b written with regard to pursuing peace and the term b pursuing /b written in another verse. b It is written here: “Seek peace and pursue it,” and it is written there, /b with regard to acts of kindness: b “Pursues righteousness and kindness.” /b This teaches that one who pursues peace will also merit life, prosperity, and honor. b With regard to Torah study it is written: “For that is your life and the length of your days” /b (Deuteronomy 30:20).,Rava asked: b With regard to /b the b dispatch /b of the mother bird from b the nest it is also written: “That it may be well with you, and that you may prolong your days” /b (Deuteronomy 22:7), so b let him also teach this /b mitzva. Rav Naḥman answered: He b taught /b some cases b and omitted /b others, i.e., the i tanna /i did not list everything. Rava said to him: b The i tanna /i taught: These /b are the b matters, /b which indicates that only these mitzvot are included, b and /b yet b you say /b that b he taught /b some b and omitted /b others?,Rather, b Rava said: Rav Idi explained /b the matter b to me. /b The verse states: b “Say you of the righteous who is good, that they shall eat the fruit of their actions” /b (Isaiah 3:10). b And /b this verse is difficult, as b is there a righteous person who is good and is there a righteous person who is not good? Rather, /b this verse should be understood as follows: One who is b good /b both b toward Heaven and toward people is a good righteous person; /b one who is b good toward Heaven but bad toward people is a righteous person who is not good. /b ,Rava continues: b On a similar note, /b it is written: b “Woe to the evil wicked one, for the work of his hands shall be done to him” /b (Isaiah 3:11). b And is there a wicked man /b who is b evil and is there /b one b who is not evil? Rather, /b one who is b evil toward Heaven and evil toward people is an evil wicked person; /b and one who is b evil toward Heaven and not evil toward people is a wicked person who is not evil. /b With regard to the issue at hand, only one who performs mitzvot that benefit others receives the profits of his mitzvot in this world. This does not apply to dispatching the mother bird, which is an act that does not benefit other people.,§ With regard to the mishna in i Pe’a /i , the Gemara states: An act of b merit has a principal /b reward b and it has profits, /b i.e., one receives additional reward beyond that which is granted for the mitzva itself, parallel to a principal sum and profits, b as it is stated: “Say you of the righteous who is good, /b that they shall eat the fruit of their actions” (Isaiah 3:10). b A sin has a principal /b penalty b but it has no profits, /b i.e., no punishment beyond that, b as it is stated: “Woe to the evil wicked one, /b for the work of his hands shall be done to him” (Isaiah 3:11), but no more than the work of his hands., b But how do I realize /b the meaning of the following verse that deals with sinners: b “Therefore they shall eat of the fruit of their own way, and be filled with their own devices” /b (Proverbs 1:31)? This verse indicates that the penalty for sin goes beyond its principal, and the wicked receive additional punishments. The Gemara answers that this applies to b a sin that produces profits, /b i.e., a case where there are practical consequences to one’s sin. For example, if others learn to act in a similar manner, one’s actions b have profits /b with regard to punishment as well. Conversely, a sin b that does not produce profits does not have profits /b as a punishment either.,The Gemara further teaches: The Holy One, Blessed be He, b links a good thought to an action, as it is stated: “Then they that feared the Lord spoke one with the other, and the Lord listened, and heard, and a book of remembrance was written before Him, for them that fear the Lord, and that think upon His name” /b (Malachi 3:16). The Gemara explains: b What /b is the meaning of the phrase b “and that think upon His name”? Rav Asi said: Even /b if b a person intended to perform a mitzva but due to /b circumstances b beyond /b his b control he did not perform it, the verse ascribes him /b credit b as if he performed /b the mitzva, as he is among those that think upon His name.,But b the Holy One, Blessed be He, does not link an evil thought to an action, as it is stated: “If I had regarded iniquity in my heart, the Lord would not hear” /b (Psalms 66:18). b But how do I realize /b the meaning of the verse: b “Behold I will bring upon these people evil, even the fruit of their thoughts” /b (Jeremiah 6:19)? In the case of an evil b thought that produces fruit, /b i.e., that leads to an action, b the Holy One, Blessed be He, links it to /b the b action /b and one is punished for the thought as well. If it is b a thought that does not produce fruit, the Holy One, Blessed be He, does not link it to /b the b action. /b ,The Gemara asks: b But /b with regard to b that which is written: “So I may take the house of Israel in their own heart” /b (Ezekiel 14:5), which indicates that one can be punished for thoughts alone, to what is this verse referring? b Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov said: That is written with regard to idol worship, as the Master says: Idol worship is /b very b severe, as anyone who denies it is like one who admits /b the truth of b the entire Torah. /b Conversely, one who embraces idolatry is considered to have rejected the entire Torah. Due to the severity of idol worship, one is punished even for contemplating this transgression., b Ulla said: /b This should be explained b in accordance with /b a statement b of Rav Huna, as Rav Huna says: When a person transgresses and repeats /b his transgression, b it is permitted to him. /b The Gemara questions this statement: b Can it enter your mind that /b the transgression b is permitted to him /b because he has sinned twice? b Rather, it becomes as if /b it were b permitted to him, /b as he becomes accustomed to this behavior and no longer senses that it is a sin., b Rabbi Abbahu says in the name of Rabbi Ḥanina: It is preferable for a person to transgress in secret and not to desecrate the name of Heaven in public [ i befarhesya /i ], as it is stated: “As for you, house of Israel, so says the Lord /b God: b Go you, serve everyone his idols, even because you will not hearken to Me, but My sacred name you shall not profane” /b (Ezekiel 20:39)., b Rabbi Ilai the Elder says: If a person sees that his /b evil b inclination is overcoming him, he should go to a place where he is not known, and wear black /b clothes, b and he should cover himself in /b simple b black /b garments, b and he should do as his heart desires, but he should not desecrate the name of Heaven in public. /b ,The Gemara asks: b Is that so? But isn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b anyone who does not care about his Creator’s honor, it is fitting for him not to have come into the world. What is this? /b Who is considered to be one who does not care about his Creator’s honor? b Rabba says: This is one who gazes at a rainbow, /b which is described as: “The likeness of the glory of the Lord” (Ezekiel 1:28). b Rav Yosef says: This is one who transgresses in secret, /b which shows that he fears other people but does not care about the honor of his Creator.,The Gemara answers: This is b not difficult, /b as b this /b source, which says that one who transgresses in secret does not care about his Creator’s honor, is referring b to one who can overcome his /b evil b inclination /b but nevertheless chooses to transgress in secret. b And that /b source, which states that it is preferable for him to transgress in secret, is referring b to one who cannot overcome his /b evil b inclination. /b , b We learned /b in a mishna b there /b (see i Avot /i 4:5): b Credit is not given with regard to the desecration of /b God’s b name, whether /b one sinned b unintentionally or intentionally. /b The Gemara asks: b What /b is the meaning of the phrase: b Credit is not given [ i makkifin /i ]? Mar Zutra says: /b This means b that /b God b does not act like a storekeeper /b and provide credit. Rather, one is punished without delay. b Mar, son of Rabbana, says: /b This means b to say that if /b one’s merit and sins b were equal, /b the sin of the desecration of God’s name b tilts /b the balance of the scales toward the side of his sins. In other words, if his sins include the transgression of desecrating God’s name, God does not wait for this individual to perform a mitzva to balance out the sin., b The Sages taught: Always /b |
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139. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, destruction of temple by Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 246| 58b. איפכא מסתברא אמר ליה איסמיה,אמר ליה לא הכי קאמר קדשים שחייב באחריותן חייב דאיתרבו מבה' וכחש ושאינו חייב באחריותן פטור דאמעיט מבעמיתו וכחש:,רבי יהודה אומר אף המוכר ספר תורה מרגלית ובהמה אין להם אונאה: תניא רבי יהודה אומר אף המוכר ספר תורה אין לה אונאה לפי שאין קץ לדמיה בהמה ומרגלית אין להם אונאה מפני שאדם רוצה לזווגן,אמרו לו והלא הכל אדם רוצה לזווגן ורבי יהודה הני חשיבי ליה והני לא חשיבי ליה ועד כמה אמר אמימר עד כדי דמיהם,תניא ר' יהודה בן בתירא אומר אף המוכר סוס וסייף וחטיטום במלחמה אין להם אונאה מפני שיש בהן חיי נפש:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big כשם שאונאה במקח וממכר כך אונאה בדברים לא יאמר לו בכמה חפץ זה והוא אינו רוצה ליקח אם היה בעל תשובה לא יאמר לו זכור מעשיך הראשונים אם הוא בן גרים לא יאמר לו זכור מעשה אבותיך שנאמר (שמות כב, כ) וגר לא תונה ולא תלחצנו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר (ויקרא כה, יז) לא תונו איש את עמיתו באונאת דברים הכתוב מדבר אתה אומר באונאת דברים או אינו אלא באונאת ממון כשהוא אומר (ויקרא כה, יד) וכי תמכרו ממכר לעמיתך או קנה מיד עמיתך הרי אונאת ממון אמור הא מה אני מקיים (ויקרא כה, יז) לא תונו איש את עמיתו באונאת דברים,הא כיצד אם היה בעל תשובה אל יאמר לו זכור מעשיך הראשונים אם היה בן גרים אל יאמר לו זכור מעשה אבותיך אם היה גר ובא ללמוד תורה אל יאמר לו פה שאכל נבילות וטריפות שקצים ורמשים בא ללמוד תורה שנאמרה מפי הגבורה,אם היו יסורין באין עליו אם היו חלאים באין עליו או שהיה מקבר את בניו אל יאמר לו כדרך שאמרו לו חביריו לאיוב (איוב ד, ו) הלא יראתך כסלתך תקותך ותום דרכיך זכר נא מי הוא נקי אבד,אם היו חמרים מבקשין תבואה ממנו לא יאמר להם לכו אצל פלוני שהוא מוכר תבואה ויודע בו שלא מכר מעולם ר"י אומר אף לא יתלה עיניו על המקח בשעה שאין לו דמים שהרי הדבר מסור ללב וכל דבר המסור ללב נאמר בו ויראת מאלהיך,א"ר יוחנן משום ר"ש בן יוחאי גדול אונאת דברים מאונאת ממון שזה נאמר בו (ויקרא כה, יז) ויראת מאלהיך וזה לא נאמר בו ויראת מאלהיך ור' אלעזר אומר זה בגופו וזה בממונו רבי שמואל בר נחמני אמר זה ניתן להישבון וזה לא ניתן להישבון,תני תנא קמיה דרב נחמן בר יצחק כל המלבין פני חבירו ברבים כאילו שופך דמים א"ל שפיר קא אמרת דחזינא ליה דאזיל סומקא ואתי חוורא אמר ליה אביי לרב דימי במערבא במאי זהירי א"ל באחוורי אפי דאמר רבי חנינא הכל יורדין לגיהנם חוץ משלשה,הכל ס"ד אלא אימא כל היורדין לגיהנם עולים חוץ משלשה שיורדין ואין עולין ואלו הן הבא על אשת איש והמלבין פני חבירו ברבים והמכנה שם רע לחבירו מכנה היינו מלבין אע"ג דדש ביה בשמיה,אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר רבי יוחנן | 58b. b The opposite is reasonable. /b An oath concerning sacrificial animals for which one does not bear responsibility is considered to be a matter related to the Lord even more than an oath concerning a sacrificial animal for which one bears responsibility, as in the latter case it is owned by the person in some respects. The i tanna /i b said to him: Should I delete /b this i baraita /i because it is corrupted?,Rabbi Yitzḥak bar Abba b said to him: No, this is what /b the i baraita /i is b saying: /b For an oath taken concerning b sacrificial /b animals b for which one bears responsibility, /b one is b liable /b to bring an offering for a false oath, b as it is included /b due to the phrase b “against the Lord, and deals falsely.” /b It is derived from this that one is liable for taking a false oath even with regard to an item which belongs, to a certain degree, to the Lord. b And /b with regard to b sacrificial /b animals b for which one does not bear responsibility, /b one is b exempt, as it is excluded /b by the phrase: b With his neighbor and deals falsely. /b It is derived from this that one is liable to bring an offering for a false oath only if it pertained to property that belongs to a layman, i.e., his neighbor, but not for an item that belongs completely to God, as is the case with regard to sacrificial animals for which one does not bear responsibility.,§ The mishna teaches: b Rabbi Yehuda says: Even /b in the case of b one who sells a Torah scroll, a pearl, or an animal, /b those items b are not /b subject to the i halakhot /i of b exploitation. It is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yehuda says: Even /b in the case of b one who sells a Torah scroll, /b it b is not /b subject to the i halakhot /i of b exploitation, as there is no limit to its value. /b It is the Torah of God, which is priceless. b An animal and a pearl are not /b subject to the i halakhot /i of b exploitation because a person seeks to pair them. /b An animal is paired with an animal of similar strength so that they can be yoked together to work in the field. A pearl is paired with a similar pearl to fashion jewelry. Since there is a need to obtain a specific variant of these items, one is not particular about the price.,The i baraita /i continues: The Rabbis b said to him: But isn’t /b it the case that with regard to b every item, a person seeks to pair /b them with similar items under certain circumstances? According to your explanation, the i halakhot /i of exploitation would never apply. The Gemara asks: b And /b what does b Rabbi Yehuda /b respond to that question? He claims that b these are significant to /b a person, b but those are not significant to him. /b In other words, it is particularly important to find a precise match for an animal and a pearl. The Gemara continues to analyze Rabbi Yehuda’s opinion. b And up to how much /b can one deviate from the value of items for which exploitation does not apply, as Rabbi Yehuda is clearly not saying that any deviation is acceptable? b Ameimar said: /b One can deviate b up to /b double b their value. /b , b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira says: Even /b in the case b one who sells a horse, or a sword, or a helmet [ i veḥatitom /i ] during wartime, /b these items b are not /b subject to the i halakhot /i of b exploitation, because they /b then b have /b the capacity to preserve b life, /b and a person is willing to pay any price for them., strong MISHNA: /strong b Just as /b there is a prohibition against b exploitation [ i ona’a /i ] in buying and selling, so is there i ona’a /i in statements, /b i.e., verbal mistreatment. The mishna proceeds to cite examples of verbal mistreatment. b One may not say to /b a seller: b For how much /b are you selling b this item, if he does not wish to purchase /b it. He thereby upsets the seller when the deal fails to materialize. The mishna lists other examples: b If one is a penitent, /b another b may not say to him: Remember your earlier deeds. If one is the child of converts, /b another b may not say to him: Remember the deeds of your ancestors, as it is stated: “And a convert shall you neither mistreat, nor shall you oppress him” /b (Exodus 22:20)., strong GEMARA: /strong b The Sages taught: /b It is written: b “And you shall not mistreat [ i tonu /i ] one man his colleague; /b and you shall fear your God, for I am the Lord your God” (Leviticus 25:17). The i tanna /i explains: b The verse is speaking with regard to verbal mistreatment. /b The i baraita /i proceeds: Do b you say /b that it is speaking of b verbal mistreatment [ i be’ona’at devarim /i ], or /b perhaps b it is /b speaking b only with regard to monetary exploitation [ i be’ona’at mammon /i ]? When it says /b in a previous verse: b “And if you sell to your colleague an item that is sold, or acquire from your colleague’s hand, /b you shall not exploit [ i tonu /i ] his brother” (Leviticus 25:14), b monetary exploitation is /b explicitly b stated. How /b then b do I realize /b the meaning of the verse: b “And you shall not mistreat one man his colleague”? /b It is b with regard to verbal mistreatment. /b , b How so? If one is a penitent, /b another b may not say to him: Remember your earlier deeds. If one is the child of converts, /b another b may not say to him: Remember the deed of your ancestors. If one is a convert and /b he b came to study Torah, /b one b may not say to him: /b Does the b mouth that ate unslaughtered carcasses and animals that had wounds that would have caused them to die within twelve months [ i tereifot /i ], /b and b repugt creatures, and creeping animals, comes to study Torah that was stated from the mouth of the Almighty? /b , b If torments are afflicting /b a person, b if illnesses are afflicting him, or if he is burying his children, /b one b may not speak to him in the manner that /b the b friends of Job spoke to him: “Is not your fear of God your confidence, and your hope the integrity of your ways? Remember, I beseech you, whoever perished, being innocent?” /b (Job 4:6–7). Certainly you sinned, as otherwise you would not have suffered misfortune.,Likewise, b if donkey drivers are asking /b to purchase b grain from /b someone, and he has none, b he may not say to them: Go to so-and-so, as he sells grain, if he knows about him that he never sold /b grain at all. He thereby causes the donkey drivers and the would-be seller anguish. b Rabbi Yehuda says: One may not even cast his eyes on the merchandise /b for sale, creating the impression that he is interested, b at a time when he does not have money /b to purchase it. Verbal mistreatment is not typically obvious, and it is difficult to ascertain the intent of the offender, b as the matter is given to the heart /b of each individual, as only he knows what his intention was when he spoke. b And with regard to any matter given to the heart, it is stated: “And you shall fear your God” /b (Leviticus 25:17), as God is privy to the intent of the heart., b Rabbi Yoḥa says in the name of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai: Greater is /b the transgression of b verbal mistreatment than /b the transgression of b monetary exploitation, as with regard to this, /b verbal mistreatment, b it is stated: “And you shall fear your God.” But with regard to that, /b monetary exploitation, b it is not stated: “And you shall fear your God.” And Rabbi Elazar said /b this explanation: b This, /b verbal mistreatment, affects b one’s body; but that, /b monetary exploitation, affects b one’s money. Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani says: This, /b monetary exploitation, b is given to restitution; but that, /b verbal mistreatment, b is not given to restitution. /b ,The Gemara relates that b the i tanna /i /b who recited i mishnayot /i and i baraitot /i in the study hall b taught /b a i baraita /i b before Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak: Anyone who humiliates another in public, it is as though he were spilling blood. /b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak b said to him: You have spoken well, as we see that /b after the humiliated person blushes, b the red leaves /b his face b and pallor comes /b in its place, which is tantamount to spilling his blood. b Abaye said to Rav Dimi: In the West, /b i.e., Eretz Yisrael, b with regard to what /b mitzva b are they /b particularly b vigilant? /b Rav Dimi b said to him: /b They are vigilant b in /b refraining from b humiliating /b others, b as Rabbi Ḥanina says: Everyone descends to Gehenna except for three. /b ,The Gemara asks: b Does it enter your mind /b that b everyone /b descends to Gehenna? b Rather, say: Anyone who descends to Gehenna /b ultimately b ascends, except for three who descend and do not ascend, and these are they: One who engages in intercourse with a married woman, /b as this transgression is a serious offense against both God and a person; b and one who humiliates another in public; and one who calls /b another b a derogatory name. /b The Gemara asks with regard to b one who calls /b another a derogatory name: b That is /b identical to b one who shames /b him; why are they listed separately? The Gemara answers: b Although /b the victim b grew accustomed to /b being called that name b in /b place of b his name, /b and he is no longer humiliated by being called that name, since the intent was to insult him, the perpetrator’s punishment is severe., b Rabba bar bar Ḥana says /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b |
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| 140. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 236 |
141. Babylonian Talmud, Nedarim, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, empire of Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 61| 66b. תנא שן תותבת היתה לה ועשה לה רבי ישמעאל שן של זהב משלו כי שכיב רבי ישמעאל פתח עליה ההוא ספדנא הכי בנות ישראל על ר' ישמעאל בכינה המלבישכן וכו',ההוא דאמר לה לדביתהו קונם שאי את נהנית לי עד שתטעימי תבשילך לרבי יהודה ולר"ש ר' יהודה טעים אמר ק"ו ומה לעשות שלום בין איש לאשתו אמרה תורה שמי שנכתב בקדושה ימחה על המים המאררים בספק ואני על אחת כמה וכמה,ר"ש לא טעים אמר ימותו כל בני אלמנה ואל יזוז שמעון ממקומו ועוד כי היכי דלא לתרגלי למינדר,ההוא דאמר לדביתהו קונם שאי את נהנית לי עד שתרוקי בו ברשב"ג אתת ורקק אלבושיה א"ל רב אחא מדפתי לרבינא והא האי לזילותא קא מיכוין א"ל מירק על מני דרשב"ג זילותא רבתא היא,ההוא דאמר לה לדביתהו קונם שאי את נהנית לי עד שתראי מום יפה שביך לר' ישמעאל בר' יוסי,אמר להם שמא ראשה נאה אמרו לו סגלגל שמא שערה נאה דומה לאניצי פשתן שמא עיניה נאות טרוטות הן שמא אזניה נאות כפולות הן שמא חוטמה נאה בלום הוא שמא שפתותיה נאות עבות הן שמא צוארה נאה שקוט הוא שמא כריסה נאה צבה הוא שמא רגליה נאות רחבות כשל אווזא שמא שמה נאה לכלוכית שמה אמר להן יפה קורין אותה לכלוכית שהיא מלוכלכת במומין ושרייה,ההוא בר בבל דסליק לארעא דישראל נסיב איתתא אמר לה בשילי לי תרי טלפי בשילה ליה תרי טלפי רתח עלה למחר אמר לה בשילי לי גריוא בשילה ליה גריוא אמר לה זילי אייתי לי תרי בוציני אזלת ואייתי ליה תרי שרגי,אמר לה זילי תברי יתהון על רישא דבבא הוה יתיב בבא בן בוטא אבבא וקא דאין דינא אזלת ותברת יתהון על רישיה אמר לה מה הדין דעבדת אמרה ליה כך ציוני בעלי אמר את עשית רצון בעליך המקום יוציא ממך שני בנים כבבא בן בוטא, br br big strongהדרן עלך רבי אליעזר /strong /big br br,מתני׳ big strongנערה /strong /big המאורסה אביה ובעלה מפירין נדריה | 66b. It was b taught: She had a false tooth [ i shen totevet /i ], /b which disfigured her, b and Rabbi Yishmael made her a gold tooth from his own /b money, thereby beautifying her. b When Rabbi Yishmael died, a certain eulogizer began /b his eulogy b about him like this: Daughters of Israel, weep for Rabbi Yishmael, who clothed you. /b ,§ The Gemara relates: There was b a certain /b person b who said to his wife: Benefiting from me is i konam /i /b for b you until you have given Rabbi Yehuda and Rabbi Shimon your cooked food to taste, /b so they can see for themselves what a bad cook you are. She brought the food to them, and b Rabbi Yehuda tasted /b it, without concern for his honor. b He said: /b This is an b i a fortiori /i /b inference: b And what /b can be seen, b that /b in order b to make peace between a man and his wife, the Torah said: My name, that is written in sanctity, shall be blotted out in the waters that curse, /b as the words written on a scroll, including the name of God, were blotted out during the ceremony of preparing the water that a i sota /i would drink. And this is so even b in /b a case of where it is b uncertain /b if this will bring peace between them, as she may or not be guilty of adultery. b I, all the more so, /b should waive my honor in order to bring peace to this couple.,Conversely, b Rabbi Shimon did not taste. He said: Let all the children of the widow die, and Shimon will not budge from his place. /b In other words, the husband can die and leave his wife a widow and his children orphans, and let them die too, rather than have people belittle the dignity of Torah scholars by taking such vows. b And furthermore, /b there is another reason for my refusal: b So that they should not become used to taking vows. /b ,The Gemara relates: There was b a certain /b person b who said to his wife: Benefiting from me is i konam /i /b for b you until you have spat on Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel. She came /b to Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel b and spat on his clothing. Rav Aḥa of Difti said to Ravina: But this /b man b intended the humiliation /b of Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel, which is not achieved by spitting on his clothing. Ravina b said to him: Spittle on the clothing of Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel is a great humiliation /b for him, and she has thereby fulfilled the vow.,The Gemara relates: There was b a certain /b person b who said to his wife: Benefiting from me is i konam /i /b for b you until you show some beautiful [ i yafeh /i ] part of you to Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei. /b Rabbi Yishmael attempted to find something beautiful about the woman., b He said to /b his students: b Perhaps her head is beautiful? They said to him: /b It is b round [ i segalgal /i ]. Perhaps her hair is beautiful? /b They replied: Her hair b resembles stalks of flax. Perhaps her eyes are beautiful? They are narrow [ i terutot /i ]. Perhaps her ears are beautiful? They are double /b in size. b Perhaps her nose is beautiful? It is stubby. Perhaps her lips are beautiful? They are thick. Perhaps her neck is beautiful? It is low /b and short. b Perhaps her stomach is beautiful? It is swollen. Perhaps her feet are beautiful? /b They are b as wide as a goose’s. Perhaps her name is beautiful? Her name is Likhlukhit. He said to them: It is fitting [ i yafeh /i ] /b that b she is called /b by the name b Likhlukhit, as she is dirty [ i melukhlekhet /i ] with blemishes, and he permitted her /b to benefit from her husband, because she did have one beautiful feature, her fitting name.,The Gemara cites another incident: There was b a certain Babylonian who went up to Eretz Yisrael /b and b married a woman /b there. b He said to her: Cook two lentils, /b i.e., some lentils, b for me. She cooked /b exactly b two lentils for him. He grew angry with her. On the following day, /b so that she would not repeat what she had done, b he said to her: Cook a i se’a /i [ i geriva /i ] for me, /b intending: A large amount. b She cooked an /b actual b i se’a /i for him, /b far more than what one person could eat. b He said to her: Go and bring me two i butzinei /i , /b intending small gourds, as i butzinei /i are small gourds in the Aramaic dialect spoken in Babylonia. b She went and brought him two lamps [ i sheraggei /i ], /b called i butzinei /i in the Aramaic dialect spoken in Eretz Yisrael.,In anger, b he said to her: Go and break them on the head of the i bava /i , /b intending the gate, as i bava /i means a gate in the Aramaic dialect spoken in Babylonia. She did not recognize this word. At that time, the Sage b Bava ben Buta was sitting as a judge at the gate. She went and broke them on his head, /b as his name was Bava. b He said to her: What is this you have done? She said to him: This is what my husband commanded me /b to do. b He said: You fulfilled your husband’s desire, may the Omnipresent bring forth from you two sons, /b corresponding to the two candles, b like Bava ben Buta. /b ,, strong MISHNA: /strong With regard to b a betrothed young woman, her father and her husband /b together b nullify her vows. /b |
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| 142. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, a b c d\n0 2. 2. 2 \n1 8.14 8.14 8 14 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 142, 144 |
| 143. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.12.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 346 |
| 144. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 6, 8, 15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 353 |
| 145. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 8.6, 9.4, 26.4, 26.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350, 352 |
| 146. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 1.273, 3.167, 7.207 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and arcadia •rome and romans, and trojan origins •rome and romans, foundation legends Found in books: Gruen (2011) 245, 247 |
| 147. Chromatius, Tractatus Singularis Seu Sermo De Octo Beatitudinibus, 4.1.30 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 109 |
| 148. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, a b c\n0 5 5 5\n1 8 8 8\n2 6-7.1 6 6\n3 6 6 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 354 |
| 149. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 23.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 213 |
| 150. Julian (Emperor), Misopogon (Sc.), 40 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julian the apostate, declares rome and the romans to be greek Found in books: Isaac (2004) 402 |
| 151. Julian (Emperor), Ad Heraclium Cynicum, 42 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 111 |
| 152. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pescennius Niger, 3, 5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 352 |
| 153. John Chrysostom, Carit., 20.1.14-20.1.15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and trojan origins •rome and romans, foundation legends Found in books: Gruen (2011) 248 |
| 154. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 13.8, 21.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 333, 347 |
155. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 17.9.3, 23.5.3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julian the apostate, declares rome and the romans to be greek •rome/romans, crisis and transition Found in books: Isaac (2004) 402; Marek (2019) 358 | 17.9.3. But it turned out far otherwise; for the crops were not yet even ripe, and the soldiers, after using up what they carried, could find no food anywhere; and resorting to outrageous threats, they assailed Julian with foul names and opprobrious language, calling him an Asiatic, Cf. Quint. xii. 10, 17, Asiana gens tumidior alioqui atque iactantior, vaniore etiam dicendi gloria inflata est. a Greekling Cf. Juvenal, iii. 78 ff. and a deceiver, and a fool with a show of wisdom. And as some are usually to be found among the soldiers who are noteworthy for their volubility, they kept bawling out such words as these and many others to the same purport: 23.5.3. For once upon a time at Antioch, amid deep silence, Or perhaps, in a time of profound peace. an actor of mimes, who with his wife had been presented in stage-plays, was presenting some scenes from everyday life. And while all the people were amazed at the charm of the performance, the wife suddenly cried: Is it a dream, or are the Persians here? Whereupon all the people turned their heads about and then fled in all directions, to avoid the arrows that were showered upon them from the citadel. Thus the city was set on fire, and many people who were carelessly wandering about, as in time of peace, were butchered; neighbouring places were burned and devastated, and the enemy, laden with plunder, returned home without the loss of a single man. Mareades, who had inconsiderately brought the Persians there to the destruction of his own people, was burned alive. This took place in the time of Gallienus. 260-268; according to others, it was in the time of his father Valerian. |
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| 156. Libanius, Orations, 15.25 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julian the apostate, declares rome and the romans to be greek Found in books: Isaac (2004) 402 |
| 157. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Gallieni Duo, 6.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, crisis and transition •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 356 |
| 158. Justinian, Digest, 1.2.2.4 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 351 |
| 159. Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 58.8 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 100 |
| 160. Zosimus, New History, 1.18, 1.44, 1.63 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, crisis and transition Found in books: Marek (2019) 357, 359 |
| 161. Zonaras, Epitome, 12.18 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, crisis and transition Found in books: Marek (2019) 357 |
| 162. Epigraphy, Ephesos, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 351 |
| 163. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.20.2, 2.4.4, 2.15.1-2.15.2, 2.16.2, 2.16.4, 2.128 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and social war •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and samnites •rome/romans, and sabines Found in books: Gruen (2020) 99, 100, 101, 102, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111 |
| 164. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 100 |
165. Strabo, Geography, 1.1.17, 1.3.2, 1.4.9, 2.1.16, 2.3.7, 3.2.15, 3.3.7, 3.4.5, 3.4.8, 3.4.19-3.4.20, 4.1.5, 4.1.12, 4.4.2, 4.5.3, 5.1.8, 5.1.10, 5.2.2, 5.3.1, 5.3.3, 5.3.12, 5.4.2, 5.4.12, 5.24, 6.1.2, 6.2.2-6.2.3, 6.3.2, 6.4.2, 7.3.7-7.3.9, 7.3.18, 7.4.3-7.4.4, 7.5.1, 7.7.1, 8.1.1, 8.6.6, 9.2.3, 10.3.9, 11.13.10, 12.8.4, 13.1.1, 13.1.53, 13.1.58, 13.4.17, 14.1.25, 14.5.25, 15.3.23, 16.1.28, 16.2.38, 16.4.24, 17.1.12, 17.1.19, 17.3.2 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and gauls •rome/romans, and barbarians •rome/romans, and spaniards •rome/romans, and campanians •rome and romans, and gauls •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and sabines •rome/romans, and social war •rome and romans, and arcadia •rome and romans, foundation legends •rome/romans, and carthage •rome/romans, and citizenship •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •rome and romans, and trojan origins •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 107, 146, 246, 247, 351; Gruen (2020) 28, 30, 31, 76, 93, 97, 99, 107, 110; Marek (2019) 343 | 1.1.17. Even if we descend to the consideration of such trivial matters as hunting, the case is still the same; for he will be most successful in the chase who is acquainted with the size and nature of the wood, and one familiar with the locality will be the most competent to superintend an encampment, an ambush, or a march. But it is in great undertakings that the truth shines out in all its brilliancy, for here, while the success resulting from knowledge is grand, the consequences of ignorance are disastrous. The fleet of Agamemnon, for instance, ravaging Mysia, as if it had been the Trojan territory, was compelled to a shameful retreat. Likewise the Persians and Libyans, supposing certain straits to be impassable, were very near falling into great perils, and have left behind them memorials of their ignorance; the former a monument to Salganeus on the Euripus, near Chalcis, whom the Persians slew, for, as they thought, falsely conducting their fleet from the Gulf of Malea to the Euripus; and the latter to the memory of Pelorus, who was executed on a like occasion. At the time of the expedition of Xerxes, the coasts of Greece were covered with wrecks, and the emigrations from Aeolia and Ionia furnish numerous instances of the same calamity. On the other hand, matters have come to a prosperous termination, when judiciously directed by a knowledge of the locality. Thus it was at the pass of Thermopylae that Ephialtes is reported to have pointed out to the Persians a pathway over the mountains, and so placed the band of Leonidas at their mercy, and opened to the Barbarians a passage into Pylae. But passing over ancient occurrences, we think that the late expeditions of the Romans against the Parthians furnish an excellent example, where, as in those against the Germans and Kelts, the Barbarians, taking advantage of their situation, [carried on the war] in marshes, woods, and pathless deserts, deceiving the ignorant enemy as to the position of different places, and concealing the roads, and the means of obtaining food and necessaries. 1.3.2. However, this is not all we have to say against him. of many places he tells us that nothing is known, when in fact they have every one been accurately described. Then he warns us to be very cautious in believing what we are told on such matters, and endeavours by long and tedious arguments to show the value of his advice; swallowing at the same time the most ridiculous absurdities himself concerning the Euxine and Adriatic. Thus he believed the Gulf of Issos to be the most easterly point of the Mediterranean, though Dioscurias, which is nearly at the bottom of the Pontus Euxinus, is, according to his own calculations, farther east by a distance of 3000 stadia. In describing the northern and farther parts of the Adriatic he cannot refrain from similar romancing, and gives credit to many strange narrations concerning what lies beyond the Pillars of Hercules, informing us of an Isle of Kerne there, and other places now nowhere to be found, which we shall speak of presently. Having remarked that the ancients, whether out on piratical excursions, or for the purposes of commerce, never ventured into the high seas, but crept along the coast, and instancing Jason, who leaving his vessels at Colchis penetrated into Armenia and Media on foot, he proceeds to tell us that formerly no one dared to navigate either the Euxine or the seas by Libya, Syria, and Cilicia. If by formerly he means periods so long past that we possess no record of them, it is of little consequence to us whether they navigated those seas or not, but if [he speaks] of times of which we know any thing, and if we are to place any trust in the accounts which have come down to us, every one will admit that the ancients appear to have made longer journeys both by sea and land than their successors; witness Bacchus, Hercules, nay Jason himself, and again Ulysses and Menelaus, of whom Homer tells us. It seems most probable that Theseus and Pirithous are indebted to some long voyages for the credit they afterwards obtained of having visited the infernal regions; and in like manner the Dioscuri gained the appellation of guardians of the sea, and the deliverers of sailors. The sovereignty of the seas exercised by Minos, and the navigation carried on by the Phoenicians, is well known. A little after the period of the Trojan war they had penetrated beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and founded cities as well there as to the midst of the African coast. Is it not correct to number amongst the ancients Aeneas, Antenor, the Heneti, and all the crowd of warriors, who, after the destruction of Troy, wandered over the face of the whole earth? For at the conclusion of the war both the Greeks and Barbarians found themselves deprived, the one of their livelihood at home, the other of the fruits of their expedition; so that when Troy was overthrown, the victors, and still more the vanquished, who had survived the conflict, were compelled by want to a life of piracy; and we learn that they became the founders of many cities along the sea-coast beyond Greece, besides several inland settlements. 1.4.9. At the close of the book Eratosthenes blames the system of those who would divide all mankind into Greeks and Barbarians, and likewise those who recommended Alexander to treat the Greeks as friends, but the Barbarians as enemies. He suggests, as a better course, to distinguish them according to their virtues and their vices, since amongst the Greeks there are many worthless characters, and many highly civilized are to be found amongst the Barbarians; witness the Indians and Ariani, or still better the Romans and Carthaginians, whose political system is so beautifully perfect. Alexander, considering this, disregarded the advice which had been offered him, and patronized without distinction any man he considered to be deserving. But we would inquire whether those men who thus divided the human race, abandoning one portion to contempt, and exalting to dignity the other, were not actuated to this because they found that on one side justice, knowledge, and the force of reason reigned supreme, but their contraries on the other. Alexander did not disregard the advice tendered him, but gladly embraced and followed it, respecting the wisdom of those who gave it; and so far from taking the opposite course, he closely pursued that which they pointed out. 2.1.16. Can one find any fertility to compare with this near to the Dnieper, or that part of Keltica next the ocean, where the vine either does not grow at all, or attains no maturity. However, in the more southerly portions of these districts, close to the sea, and those next the Bosphorus, the vine brings its fruit to maturity, although the grapes are exceedingly small, and the vines are covered up all the winter. And in the parts near the mouth of the Palus Maeotis, the frost is so strong that a general of Mithridates defeated the barbarians here in a cavalry engagement during the winter, and on the very same spot in a naval fight in summer, when the ice was thawed. Eratosthenes furnishes us with the following inscription, which he found in the sanctuary of Aesculapius at Panticapaion, on a brazen vase which had been broken by the frost: — If any one doubts the intensity of our winter's cold, let him believe when he sees this vase. The priest Stratius placed it here, not because he considered it a worthy offering to the god, but as a proof of the severity of our winter. Since therefore the provinces we have just enumerated [are so superior in climate, that they] cannot be compared with the countries surrounding the Bosphorus, nor even the regions of Amisus and Sinope, (for every one will admit that they are much superior to these latter,) it would be idle to compare them with the districts near the Borysthenes and the north of Keltica; for we have shown that their temperature is not so low as Amisus, Sinope, Byzantium, and Marseilles, which are universally acknowledged to be 3700 stadia south of the Dnieper and Keltica. 2.3.7. Next he undertakes to find fault with those who gave to the continents their present division, instead of marking them out by lines drawn parallel to the equator, by which means the different animals, plants, and temperatures would have been distinguished, according as they approached the frigid or the torrid zones; so that each continent would have formed a kind of zone. Afterwards, however, he overturns and gives up altogether this view, bestowing every commendation on the existing system, and thus making his argument altogether worthless and of no avail. In fact, the various arrangements [of a country] are not the result of premeditation, any more than the diversities of nations or languages; they all depend on circumstances and chance. Arts, forms of government, and modes of life, arising from certain [internal] springs, flourish under whatever climate they may be situated; climate, however, has its influence, and therefore while some peculiarites are due to the nature of the country, others are the result of institutions and education. It is not owing to the nature of the country, but rather to their education, that the Athenians cultivate eloquence, while the Lacedemonians do not; nor yet the Thebans, who are nearer still. Neither are the Babylonians and Egyptians philosophers by nature, but by reason of their institutions and education. In like manner the excellence of horses, oxen, and other animals, results not alone from the places where they dwell, but also, from their breeding. Posidonius confounds all these distinctions. In praising the division of the continents as it now stands, he advances as an argument the difference between the Indians and the Ethiopians of Libya, the former being more robust, and less dried by the heat of the climate. It is on this account that Homer, who includes them all under the title of Ethiopians, describes them as being separated into two divisions, These eastward situate, those toward the west. [Od. i, 23. [Crates], to support his hypothesis, supposes another inhabited earth, of which Homer certainly knew nothing; and says that the passage ought to be read thus, towards the descending sun, viz. when having passed the meridian, it begins to decline. 3.2.15. The Turdetani not only enjoy a salubrious climate, but their manners are polished and urbane, as also are those of the people of Keltica, by reason of their vicinity [to the Turdetani], or, according to Polybius, on account of their being of the same stock, but not to so great a degree, for they live for the most part scattered in villages. The Turdetani, on the other hand, especially those who dwell about the Baetis, have so entirely adopted the Roman mode of life, as even to have forgotten their own language. They have for the most part become Latins, and received Roman colonists; so that a short time only is wanted before they will be all Romans. The very names of many of the towns at present, such as Pax Augusta amongst the Keltici, Augusta-Emerita amongst the Turduli, Caesaraugusta amongst the Keltiberians and certain other colonies, are proof of the change of manners I have spoken of. Those of the Iberians who adopt these new modes of life are styled togati. Amongst their number are the Keltiberians, who formerly were regarded as the most uncivilized of them all. So much for these. 3.3.7. All the mountaineers are frugal, their beverage is water, they sleep on the ground, and wear a profuse quantity of long hair after the fashion of women, which they bind around the forehead when they go to battle. They subsist principally on the flesh of the goat, which animal they sacrifice to Mars, as also prisoners taken in war, and horses. They likewise offer hecatombs of each kind after the manner of the Greeks, described by Pindar, To sacrifice a hundred of every [species]. They practise gymnastic exercises, both as heavy-armed soldiers, and cavalry, also boxing, running, skirmishing, and fighting in bands. For two-thirds of the year the mountaineers feed on the acorn, which they dry, bruise, and afterwards grind and make into a kind of bread, which may be stored up for a long period. They also use beer; wine is very scarce, and what is made they speedily consume in feasting with their relatives. In place of oil they use butter. Their meals they take sitting, on seats put up round the walls, and they take place on these according to their age and rank. The supper is carried round, and whilst drinking they dance to the sound of the flute and trumpet, springing up and sinking upon the knees. In Bastetania the women dance promiscuously with the men, each holding the other's hand. They all dress in black, the majority of them in cloaks called saga, in which they sleep on beds of straw. They make use of wooden vessels like the Kelts. The women wear dresses and embroidered garments. Instead of money, those who dwell far in the interior exchange merchandise, or give pieces of silver cut off from plates of that metal. Those condemned to death are executed by stoning; parricides are put to death without the frontiers or the cities. They marry according to the customs of the Greeks. Their sick they expose upon the highways, in the same way as the Egyptians did anciently, in the hope that some one who has experienced the malady may be able to give them advice. Up to the time of [the expedition of] Brutus they made use of vessels constructed of skins for crossing the lagoons formed by the tides; they now have them formed out of the single trunk of a tree, but these are scarce. Their salt is purple, but becomes white by pounding. The life of the mountaineers is such as I have described, I mean those bordering the northern side of Iberia, the Gallicians, the Asturians, and the Cantabrians, as far as the Vascons and the Pyrenees. The mode of life amongst all these is similar. But I am reluctant to fill my page with their names, and would fain escape the disagreeable task of writing them, unless perchance the Pleutauri, the Bardyetae, the Allotriges, and other names still worse and more out of the way than these might be grateful to the ear of some one. 3.4.5. The settlement of the Grecians amongst these barbarous nations may be regarded as the result of the division of these latter into small tribes and sovereignties, having on account of their moroseness no union amongst themselves, and therefore powerless against attacks from without. This moroseness is remarkably prevalent amongst the Iberians, who are besides crafty in their manner, devoid of sincerity, insidious, and predatory in their mode of life; they are bold in little adventures, but never undertake any thing of magnitude, inasmuch as they have never formed any extended power or confederacy. If they had had but the will to assist each other, neither could the Carthaginians by making an incursion have so easily deprived them of the greater part of their country, nor before them the Tyrians, then the Kelts, now called the Keltiberians and Berones, nor after these the brigand Viriathus, and Sertorius, nor any others who desired power. On this account the Romans, having carried the war into Iberia, lost much time by reason of the number of different sovereignties, having to conquer first one, then another; in fact, it occupied nearly two centuries, or even longer, before they had subdued the whole. — I return to my description. 3.4.8. The whole coast from the Pillars up to this place wants harbours, but all the way from here to Emporium, the countries of the Leetani, the Lartolaeetae, and others, are both furnished with excellent harbours and fertile. Emporium was founded by the people of Marseilles, and is about 4000 stadia distant from the Pyrenees, and the confines of Iberia and Keltica. This is a very fine region, and possesses good ports. Here also is Rhode, a small town of the Emporitae, but some say it was founded by the Rhodians. Both here and in Emporium they reverence the Ephesian Diana. The cause of this we will explain when we come to speak of Massalia. in former times the Emporitae dwelt on a small island opposite, now called the old city, but at the present day they inhabit the mainland. The city is double, being divided by a wall, for in past times some of the Indiceti dwelt close by, who, although they had a separate polity to themselves, desired, for the sake of safety, to be shut in by a common enclosure with the Greeks; but at the same time that this enclosure should be two-fold, being divided through its middle by a wall. In time, however, they came to have but one government, a mixture of Barbarian and Greek laws; a result which has taken place in many other [states]. 3.4.19. Some, as I have said, state that this country is separated into four divisions; others, into five. It is not easy to state any thing precisely on these points, both on account of the changes which the places have undergone, and by reason of their obscurity. In well-known and notable countries both the migrations are known, and the divisions of the land, and the changes of their names, and every thing else of the same kind. Such matters being the common topics with everybody, and especially with the Greeks, who are more talkative than any other people. But in barbarous and out-of-the-way countries, and such as are cut up into small divisions, and lie scattered, the remembrance of such occurrences is not nearly so certain, nor yet so full. If these countries are far removed from the Greeks [our] ignorance is increased. For although the Roman historians imitate the Greeks, they fall far short of them. What they relate is taken from the Greeks, very little being the result of their own ardour in acquiring information. So that whenever any thing has been omitted by the former there is not much supplied by the latter. Add to this, that the names most celebrated are generally Grecian. Formerly the name of Iberia was given to the whole country between the Rhone and the isthmus formed by the two Galatic gulfs; whereas now they make the Pyrenees its boundary, and call it indifferently Iberia or Hispania; others have restricted Iberia to the country on this side the Ebro. Still earlier it bore the name of the Igletes, who inhabited but a small district, according to Asclepiades the Myrlean. The Romans call the whole indifferently Iberia and Hispania, but designate one portion of it Ulterior, and the other Citerior. However, at different periods they have divided it differently, according to its political aspect at various times. 3.4.20. At the present time some of the provinces having been assigned to the people and senate of the Romans, and the others to the emperor, Baetica appertains to the people, and a praetor has been sent into the country, having under him a quaestor and a lieutet. Its eastern boundary has been fixed near to Castlon. The remainder belongs to the emperor, who deputes two lieutets, a praetor, and a consul. The praetor with a lieutet administers justice amongst the Lusitanians, who are situated next Baetica, and extend as far as the outlets of the river Douro, for at the present time this district is called Lusitania by the inhabitants. Here is [the city of] Augusta Emerita. What remains, which is [indeed] the greater part of Iberia, is governed by the consul, who has under him a respectable force, consisting of about three legions, with three lieutets, one of whom with two legions guards the whole country north of the Douro, the inhabitants of which formerly were styled Lusitanians, but are now called Gallicians. The northern mountains, together with the Asturian and Cantabrian, border on these. The river Melsus flows through the country of the Asturians, and at a little distance is the city of Nougat, close to an estuary formed by the ocean, which separates the Asturians from the Cantabrians. The second lieutet with the remaining legion governs the adjoining district as far as the Pyrenees. The third oversees the midland district, and governs the cities inhabited by the togati, whom we have before alluded to as inclined to peace, and who have adopted the refined manners and mode of life of the Italians, together with the toga. These are the Keltiberians, and those who dwell on either side of the Ebro, as far as the sea-coast. The consul passes the winter in the maritime districts, mostly administering justice either in [the city of] Carthage, or Tarraco. During the summer he travels through the country, observing whatever may need reform. There are also the procurators of the emperor, men of the equestrian rank, who distribute the pay to the soldiers for their maintece. 4.1.5. The Massilians live under a well-regulated aristocracy. They have a council composed of 600 persons called timouchi, who enjoy this dignity for life. Fifteen of these preside over the council, and have the management of current affairs; these fifteen are in their turn presided over by three of their number, in whom rests the principal authority; and these again by one. No one can become a timouchus who has not children, and who has not been a citizen for three generations. Their laws, which are the same as those of the Ionians, they expound in public. Their country abounds in olives and vines, but on account of its ruggedness the wheat is poor. Consequently they trust more to the resources of the sea than of the land, and avail themselves in preference of their excellent position for commerce. Nevertheless they have been enabled by the power of perseverance to take in some of the surrounding plains, and also to found cities: of this number are the cities they founded in Iberia as a rampart against the Iberians, in which they introduced the worship of Diana of Ephesus, as practised in their father-land, with the Grecian mode of sacrifice. In this number too are Rhoa [and] Agatha, [built for defence] against the barbarians dwelling around the river Rhone; also Tauroentium, Olbia, Antipolis and Nicaea, [built as a rampart] against the nation of the Salyes and the Ligurians who inhabit the Alps. They possess likewise dry docks and armouries. Formerly they had an abundance of vessels, arms, and machines, both for the purposes of navigation and for besieging towns; by means of which they defended themselves against the barbarians, and likewise obtained the alliance of the Romans, to whom they rendered many important services; the Romans in their turn assisting in their aggrandizement. Sextius, who defeated the Salyes, founded, not far from Marseilles, a city which was named after him and the hot waters, some of which they say have lost their heat. Here he established a Roman garrison, and drove from the sea-coast which leads from Marseilles to Italy the barbarians, whom the Massilians were not able to keep back entirely. However, all he accomplished by this was to compel the barbarians to keep at a distance of twelve stadia from those parts of the coast which possessed good harbours, and at a distance of eight stadia where it was rugged. The land which they thus abandoned, he presented to the Massilians. In their city are laid up heaps of booty taken in naval engagements against those who disputed the sea unjustly. Formerly they enjoyed singular good fortune, as well in other matters as also in their amity with the Romans. of this [amity] we find numerous signs, amongst others the statue of Diana which the Romans dedicated on the Aventine mount, of the same figure as that of the Massilians. Their prosperity has in a great measure decayed since the war of Pompey against Caesar, in which they sided with the vanquished party. Nevertheless some traces of their ancient industry may still be seen amongst the inhabitants, especially the making of engines of war and ship-building. Still as the surrounding barbarians, now that they are under the dominion of the Romans, become daily more civilized, and leave the occupation of war for the business of towns and agriculture, there is no longer the same attention paid by the inhabitants of Marseilles to these objects. The aspect of the city at the present day is a proof of this. For all those who profess to be men of taste, turn to the study of elocution and philosophy. Thus this city for some little time back has become a school for the barbarians, and has communicated to the Galatae such a taste for Greek literature, that they even draw contracts on the Grecian model. While at the present day it so entices the noblest of the Romans, that those desirous of studying resort thither in preference to Athens. These the Galatae observing, and being at leisure on account of the peace, readily devote themselves to similar pursuits, and that not merely individuals, but the public generally; professors of the arts and sciences, and likewise of medicine, being employed not only by private persons, but by towns for common instruction. of the wisdom of the Massilians and the simplicity of their life, the following will not be thought an insignificant proof. The largest dowry amongst them consists of one hundred gold pieces, with five for dress, and five more for golden ornaments. More than this is not lawful. Caesar and his successors treated with moderation the offences of which they were guilty during the war, in consideration of their former friendship; and have preserved to the state the right of governing according to its ancient laws. So that neither Marseilles nor the cities dependent on it are under submission to the governors sent [into the Narbonnaise]. So much for Marseilles. 4.1.12. The main part of the country on the other side of the Rhone is inhabited by the Volcae, surnamed Arecomisci. Their naval station is Narbonne, which may justly be called the emporium of all Gaul, as it far surpasses every other in the multitude of those who resort to it. The Volcae border on the Rhone, the Salyes and Cavari being opposite to them on the other side of the river. However, the name of the Cavari has so obtained, that all the barbarians inhabiting near now go by that designation; nay, even those who are no longer barbarians, but follow the Roman customs, both in their speech and mode of life, and some of those even who have adopted the Roman polity. Between the Arecomisci and the Pyrenees there are some other small and insignificant nations. Nemausus is the metropolis of the Arecomisci; though far inferior to Narbonne both as to its commerce, and the number of foreigners attracted thither, it surpasses that city in the number of its citizens; for it has under its dominion four and twenty different villages all well inhabited, and by the same people, who pay tribute; it likewise enjoys the rights of the Latin towns, so that in Nemausus you meet with Roman citizens who have obtained the honours of the aedile and quaestorship, wherefore this nation is not subject to the orders issued by the praetors from Rome. The city is situated on the road from Iberia to Italy; this road is very good in the summer, but muddy and overflowed by the rivers during winter and spring. Some of these streams are crossed in ferry-boats, and others by means of bridges constructed either of wood or stone. The inundations which destroy the roads are caused by the winter torrents, which sometimes pour down from the Alps even in summer-time after the melting of the snows. To perform the route before mentioned, the shortest way is, as we have said, across the territory of the Vocontii direct to the Alps; the other, along the coast of Marseilles and Liguria, is longer, although it offers an easier passage into Italy, as the mountains are lower. Nemausus is about 100 stadia distant from the Rhone, situated opposite to the small town of Tarascon, and about 720 stadia from Narbonne. The Tectosages, and certain others whom we shall mention afterwards, border on the range of the Cevennes, and inhabit its southern side as far as the promontory of the Volcae. Respecting all the others we will speak hereafter. 4.4.2. The entire race which now goes by the name of Gallic, or Galatic, is warlike, passionate, and always ready for fighting, but otherwise simple and not malicious. If irritated, they rush in crowds to the conflict, openly and without any circumspection; and thus are easily vanquished by those who employ stratagem. For any one may exasperate them when, where, and under whatever pretext he pleases; he will always find them ready for danger, with nothing to support them except their violence and daring. Nevertheless they may be easily persuaded to devote themselves to any thing useful, and have thus engaged both in science and letters. Their power consists both in the size of their bodies and also in their numbers. Their frankness and simplicity lead then easily to assemble in masses, each one feeling indigt at what appears injustice to his neighbour. At the present time indeed they are all at peace, being in subjection and living under the command of the Romans, who have subdued them; but we have described their customs as we understand they existed in former times, and as they still exist amongst the Germans. These two nations, both by nature and in their form of government, are similar and related to each other. Their countries border on each other, being separated by the river Rhine, and are for the most part similar. Germany, however, is more to the north, if we compare together the southern and northern parts of the two countries respectively. Thus it is that they can so easily change their abode. They march in crowds in one collected army, or rather remove with all their families, whenever they are ejected by a more powerful force. They were subdued by the Romans much more easily than the Iberians; for they began to wage war with these latter first, and ceased last, having in the mean time conquered the whole of the nations situated between the Rhine and the mountains of the Pyrenees. For these fighting in crowds and vast numbers, were overthrown in crowds, whereas the Iberians kept themselves in reserve, and broke up the war into a series of petty engagements, showing themselves in different bands, sometimes here, sometimes there, like banditti. All the Gauls are warriors by nature, but they fight better on horseback than on foot, and the flower of the Roman cavalry is drawn from their number. The most valiant of them dwell towards the north and next the ocean. 4.5.3. Divus Caesar twice passed over to the island, but quickly returned, having effected nothing of consequence, nor proceeded far into the country, as well on account of some commotions in Keltica, both among his own soldiers and among the barbarians, as because of the loss of many of his ships at the time of the full moon, when both the ebb and flow of the tides were greatly increased. Nevertheless he gained two or three victories over the Britons, although he had transported thither only two legions of his army, and brought away hostages and slaves and much other booty. At the present time, however, some of the princes there have, by their embassies and solicitations, obtained the friendship of Augustus Caesar, dedicated their offerings in the Capitol, and brought the whole island into intimate union with the Romans. They pay but moderate duties both on the imports and exports from Keltica; which are ivory bracelets and necklaces, amber, vessels of glass, and small wares; so that the island scarcely needs a garrison, for at the least it would require one legion and some cavalry to enforce tribute from them; and the total expenditure for the army would be equal to the revenue collected; for if a tribute were levied, of necessity the imposts must be diminished, and at the same time some danger would be incurred if force were to be employed. 5.1.8. Opitergium, Concordia, Atria, Vicetia, as well as some smaller cities, are less annoyed by the marshes: they communicate by small navigable canals with the sea. They say that Atria was formerly a famous city, from which the Adriatic Gulf, with a slight variation, received its name. Aquileia, which is the nearest to the head [of the gulf], was founded by the Romans, to keep in check the barbarians dwelling higher up. You may navigate transport ships to it up the river Natisone for more than sixty stadia. This is the trading city with the nations of Illyrians who dwell round the Danube. Some deal in marine merchandise, and carry in waggons wine in wooden casks and oil, and others exchange slaves, cattle, and hides. Aquileia is without the limits of the Heneti, their country being bounded by a river which flows from the mountains of the Alps, and is navigable for a distance of 1200 stadia, as far as the city of Noreia, near to where Cnaeus Carbo was defeated in his attack upon the Kimbrians. This place contains fine stations for gold washing and iron-works. At the very head of the Adriatic is the Timavum, a sanctuary consecrated to Diomedes, worthy of notice. For it contains a harbour and a fine grove, with seven springs of fresh water, which fall into the sea in a broad, deep river. Polybius, however, says that, with the exception of one, they are all salt springs, and that it is on this account the place is called by the inhabitants — the source and mother of the sea. Posidonius, on the other hand, tells us that the river Timavo, after flowing from the mountains, precipitates itself into a chasm, and after flowing under ground about 130 stadia, discharges itself into the sea. 5.1.10. Cispadana comprehends all that country enclosed between the Apennines and the Alps as far as Genoa and the Vada-Sabbatorum. The greater part was inhabited by the Boii, the Ligurians, the Senones, and Gaesatae; but after the depopulation of the Boii, and the destruction of the Gaesatae and Senones, the Ligurian tribes and the Roman colonies alone remained. The nation of the Ombrici and certain of the Tyrrheni are also mixed amongst the Romans. These two nations, before the aggrandizement of the Romans, had some disputes with each other concerning precedence. Having only the river Tiber between, it was easy to commence war upon each other; and if the one sent out an expedition against any nation, it was the ambition of the other to enter the same country with an equal force. Thus, the Tyrrheni, having organized a successful expedition against the barbarians [dwelling in the countries] about the Po, but having speedily lost again through their luxury [all they had acquired], the Ombrici made war upon those who had driven them out. Disputes arose between the Tyrrheni and Ombrici concerning the right of possessing these places, and both nations founded many colonies; those, however, of the Ombrici were most numerous, as they were nearest to the spot. When the Romans gained the dominion, they sent out colonies to different parts, but preserved those which had been formerly planted by their predecessors. And although now they are all Romans, they are not the less distinguished, some by the names of Ombri and Tyrrheni, others by those of Heneti, Ligurians, and Insubri. 5.2.2. The Tyrrheni have now received from the Romans the surname of Etrusci and Tusci. The Greeks thus named them from Tyrrhenus the son of Atys, as they say, who sent hither a colony from Lydia. Atys, who was one of the descendants of Hercules and Omphale, and had two sons, in a time of famine and scarcity determined by lot that Lydus should remain in the country, but that Tyrrhenus, with the greater part of the people, should depart. Arriving here, he named the country after himself, Tyrrhenia, and founded twelve cities, having appointed as their governor Tarcon, from whom the city of Tarquinia [received its name], and who, on account of the sagacity which he had displayed from childhood, was feigned to have been born with hoary hair. Placed originally under one authority, they became flourishing; but it seems that in after-times, their confederation being broken up and each city separated, they yielded to the violence of the neighbouring tribes. Otherwise they would never have abandoned a fertile country for a life of piracy on the sea. roving from one ocean to another; since, when united they were able not only to repel those who assailed them, but to act on the offensive, and undertake long campaigns. After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived here, bringing with him people from Corinth. He was received at Tarquinia, where he had a son, named Lucumo, by a woman of that country. Lucumo becoming the friend of Ancus Marcius, king of the Romans, succeeded him on the throne, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. Both he and his father did much for the embellishment of Tyrrhenia, the one by means of the numerous artists who had followed him from their native country; the other having the resources of Rome. It is said that the triumphal costume of the consuls, as well as that of the other magistrates, was introduced from the Tarquinii, with the fasces, axes, trumpets, sacrifices, divination, and music employed by the Romans in their public ceremonies. His son, the second Tarquin, named Superbus, who was driven from his throne, was the last king [of Rome ]. Porsena, king of Clusium, a city of Tyrrhenia, endeavoured to replace him on the throne by force of arms, but not being able he made peace with the Romans, and departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts. 5.3.1. The Sabini occupy a narrow country, its length from the Tiber and the small city of Nomentum to the Vestini being 1000 stadia. They have but few cities, and these have suffered severely in their continual wars [with the Romans]. Such are Amiternum and Reate, which is near to the village of Interocrea and the cold waters at Cotyliae, which are taken by patients, both as drink and as baths, for the cure of various maladies. The rocks of Foruli, likewise, belong to the Sabini; fitted rather for rebellion than peaceable habitation. Cures is now a small village, although formerly a famous city: whence came Titus Tatius and Numa Pompilius, kings of Rome. From this place is derived the name of Quirites, which the orators give to the Romans when they address the people. Trebula, Eretum, and other similar places, must be looked upon rather as villages than cities. The whole land [of Sabina] is singularly fertile in olive-trees and vines, it produces also many acorns, and besides has excellent cattle: the mules bred at Reate are much celebrated. In one word, the whole of Italy is rich both in cattle and vegetable productions; although certain articles may be finer in some districts than in others. The race of the Sabini is extremely ancient, they are Autochthones. The Picentini and Samnitae descend from them, as do the Leucani from these latter, and the Bruttii again from these. A proof of their antiquity may be found in the bravery and valour which they have maintained till the present time. Fabius, the historian, says that the Romans first knew what wealth was when they became masters of this nation. The Via Salaria, which however does not extend far, runs through their country: the Via Nomentana, which commences likewise at the Porta Collina, falls in with the Via Salaria near to Eretum, a village of Sabina lying above the Tiber. 5.3.3. However, there also exists another more ancient and mythical account, to the effect that Rome was an Arcadian colony planted by Evander. He entertained Hercules when driving the oxen of Geryon, and being informed by his mother Nicostrata, (who was skilled in the art of prophecy,) that when Hercules should have completed his labours it was fore-ordained that he should be enrolled amongst the gods; he informed him of the matter, consecrated to him a grove, and offered sacrifice to him after the Grecian mode; a sacrifice which is continued in honour of Hercules to this day. The Roman historian Coelius is of opinion that this is a proof that Rome is a Grecian colony, the sacrifice to Hercules after the Grecian mode having been brought over from their fatherland. The Romans also worship the mother of Evander under the name of Carmentis, considering her one of the nymphs. 5.3.12. But within-side the chain of mountains, [where these cities are situated, ] there is another ridge, leaving a valley between it and Mount Algidus; it is lofty, and extends as far as Mount Albanus. It is on this ridge that Tusculum is situated, a city which is not wanting in adornment, being entirely surrounded by ornamental plantations and edifices, particularly that part of it which looks towards Rome. For on this side Tusculum presents a fertile hill, well irrigated, and with numerous gentle slopes embellished with majestic palaces. Contiguous are the undulating slopes of Mount Albanus, which are equally fertile and ornamented. Beyond are plains which extend some of them to Rome and its environs, others to the sea; these latter are unhealthy, but the others are salubrious and well cultivated. Next after Albanum is the city Aricia, on the Appian Way. It is 160 stadia from Rome. This place is situated in a hollow, and has a strong citadel. Beyond it on one side of the way is Lanuvium, a Roman city on the right of the Via Appia, and from which both the sea and Antium may be viewed. On the other side is the Artemisium, which is called Nemus, on the left side of the way, leading from Aricia to the sanctuary. They say that it is consecrated to Diana Taurica, and certainly the rites performed in this sanctuary are something barbarous and Scythic. They appoint as priest a fugitive who has murdered the preceding priest with his own hand. Apprehensive of an attack upon himself, the priest is always armed with a sword, ready for resistance. The sanctuary is in a grove, and before it is a lake of considerable size. The sanctuary and water are surrounded by abrupt and lofty precipices, so that they seem to be situated in a deep and hollow ravine. The springs by which the lake is filled are visible. One of these is denominated Egeria, after the name of a certain divinity; however, their course on leaving the lake is subterraneous, but they may be observed at some distance, when they rise to the surface of the ground. 5.4.2. After the cities of the Ombrici, which are comprised between Ariminum and Ancona, comes Picenum. The Picentini proceeded originally from the land of the Sabini. A woodpecker led the way for their chieftains, and from this bird they have taken their name, it being called in their language Picus, and is regarded as sacred to Mars. They inhabit the plains extending from the mountains to the sea; the length of their country considerably exceeds its breadth; the soil is every where good, but better fitted for the cultivation of fruits than grain. Its breadth, from the mountains to the sea varies in different parts. But its length; from the river Aesis to Castrum, sailing round the coast, is 800 stadia. of its cities, Ancona is of Grecian origin, having been founded by the Syracusans who fled from the tyranny of Dionysius. It is situated upon a cape, which bending round towards the north forms a harbour; and it abounds in wine and wheat. Near to it is the city of Auxumon, at a little distance from the sea. After it are Septempeda, Truentia, Potentia, and Firmum Picenum, with its port of Castellum. Beyond, is the sanctuary of Cupra, built and dedicated by the Tyrrheni to Juno, who is named by them Cupra; and after it the river Tronto, with a city of the same name. Beyond this is Castrum Novum, and the river Piomba, flowing from the city of Adria, and having [at its mouth] the naval station of Adria, which bears the same name as itself. In the interior is [the city of Adria] itself and Asculum Picenum, a very strong position, upon which is built a wall: the mountains which surround it are not accessible to armies. Above Picenum are the Vestini, the Marsi, the Peligni, the Marucini, and the Frentani, a Samnitic nation possessing the hill-country, and extending almost to the sea. All these nations are small, but extremely brave, and have frequently given the Romans proofs of their valour, first as enemies, afterwards as allies; and finally, having demanded the liberty and rights of citizens, and being denied, they revolted and kindled the Marsian war. They decreed that Corfinium, the metropolis of the Peligni, should be the capital for all the Italians instead of Rome: made it their place d'armes, and new-named it Italica. Then, having convoked deputies from all the people friendly to their design, they created consuls and pretors, and maintained the war for two years, until they had obtained the rights for which they struggled. The war was named the Marsian war, because that nation commenced the insurrection, and particularly on account of Pompaedius. These nations live generally in villages, nevertheless they are possessed of certain cities, some of which are at some little distance from the sea, as Corfinium, Sulmo, Maruvium, and Teatea the metropolis of the Marrucini. Others are on the coast, as Aternum on the Picentine boundary, so named from the river [Aternus], which separates the Vestini from the Marrucini. This river flows from the territory of Amiternum and through the Vestini, leaving on its right the Marrucini, who lie above the Peligni, [at the place where the river] is crossed by a bridge. The city, which bears the same name, (viz. Aternum,) belongs to the Vestini, but its port is used in common both by the Peligni and the Marrucini. The bridge I have mentioned is about 24 stadia from Corfinium. After Aternum is Orton, a naval arsenal of the Frentani, and Buca, which belongs to the same people, and is conterminous with the Apulian Teanum. † Ortonium is situated in the territory of the Frentani. It is rocky, and inhabited by banditti, who construct their dwellings of the wrecks of ships, and lead otherwise a savage life. † Between Orton and Aternum is the river Sagrus, which separates the Frentani from the Peligni. From Picenum to the Apuli, named by the Greeks the Daunii, sailing round the coast, is a distance of about 490 stadia. 5.4.12. Concerning the Samnitae there is another story current to this effect: The Sabini, since they had long been at war with the Ombrici, vowed (just as some of the Greeks do) to dedicate everything that was produced that year; and, on winning the victory, they partly sacrificed and partly dedicated all that was produced; then a dearth ensued, and some one said that they ought to have dedicated the babies too; this they did, and devoted to Mars all the children born that year; and these children, when grown to manhood, they sent away as colonists, and a bull led the way; and when the bull lay down to rest in the land of the Opici (who, as it chanced, were living only in villages), the Sabini ejected them and settled on the spot, and, in accordance with the utterance of their seers, slaughtered the bull as a sacrifice to Mars who had given it for a guide. It is reasonable to suppose therefore that their name Sabelli is a nickname derived from the name of their forefathers, while their name Samnitae (the Greeks say Saunitai) is due to a different cause. Some say, moreover, that a colony of Laconians joined the Samnitae, and that for this reason the Samnitae actually became philhellenes, and that some of them were even called Pitanatae. But it is thought that the Tarantini simply fabricated this, to flatter, and at the same time to win the friendship of, a powerful people on their borders; because, on a time, the Samnitae were wont to send forth an army of as many as eighty thousand infantry and eight thousand cavalry. And they say that among the Samnitae there is a law which is indeed honourable and conducive to noble qualities; for they are not permitted to give their daughters in marriage to whom they wish, but every year ten virgins and ten young men, the noblest of each sex, are selected, and, of these, the first choice of the virgins is given to the first choice of the young men, and the second to the second, and so on to the end; but if the young man who wins the meed of honour changes and turns out bad, they disgrace him and take away from him the woman given him. Next after the Samnitae come the Hirpini, and they too are Samnitae; they got their name from the wolf that led the way for their colony (for hirpus is what the Samnitae call the wolf); and their territory adjoins that of those Leucani who live in the interior. So much, then, for the Samnitae. 6.1.2. These, then, are the places on the Tyrrhenian seaboard that belong to the Leucani. As for the other sea, they could not reach it at first; in fact, the Greeks who held the Gulf of Tarentum were in control there. Before the Greeks came, however, the Leucani were as yet not even in existence, and the regions were occupied by the Chones and the Oinotri. But after the Samnitae had grown considerably in power, and had ejected the Chones and the Oinotri, and had settled a colony of Leucani in this portion of Italy, while at the same time the Greeks were holding possession of both seaboards as far as the Strait, the Greeks and the barbarians carried on war with one another for a long time. Then the tyrants of Sicily, and afterwards the Carthaginians, at one time at war with the Romans for the possession of Sicily and at another for the possession of Italy itself, maltreated all the peoples in this part of the world, but especially the Greeks. Later on, beginning from the time of the Trojan war, the Greeks had taken away from the earlier inhabitants much of the interior country also, and indeed had increased in power to such an extent that they called this part of Italy, together with Sicily, Magna Graecia. But today all parts of it, except Taras, Rhegium, and Neapolis, have become completely barbarized, and some parts have been taken and are held by the Leucani and the Brettii, and others by the Campani — that is, nominally by the Campani but in truth by the Romans, since the Campani themselves have become Romans. However, the man who busies himself with the description of the earth must needs speak, not only of the facts of the present, but also sometimes of the facts of the past, especially when they are notable. As for the Leucani, I have already spoken of those whose territory borders on the Tyrrhenian sea, while those who hold the interior are the people who live above the Gulf of Tarentum. But the latter, and the Brettii, and the Samnitae themselves (the progenitors of these peoples) have so utterly deteriorated that it is difficult even to distinguish their several settlements; and the reason is that no common organization longer endures in any one of the separate tribes; and their characteristic differences in language, armor, dress, and the like, have completely disappeared; and, besides, their settlements, severally and in detail, are wholly without repute. 6.2.2. The cities along the side that forms the Strait are, first, Messene, and then Tauromenium, Catana, and Syracuse; but those that were between Catana and Syracuse have disappeared — Naxus and Megara; and on this coast are the outlets of the Symaethus and all rivers that flow down from Aetna and have good harbors at their mouths; and here too is the promontory of Xiphonia. According to Ephorus these were the earliest Greek cities to be founded in Sicily, that is, in the tenth generation after the Trojan war; for before that time men were so afraid of the bands of Tyrrhenian pirates and the savagery of the barbarians in this region that they would not so much as sail thither for trafficking; but though Theocles, the Athenian, borne out of his course by the winds to Sicily, clearly perceived both the weakness of the peoples and the excellence of the soil, yet, when he went back, he could not persuade the Athenians, and hence took as partners a considerable number of Euboean Chalcidians and some Ionians and also some Dorians (most of whom were Megarians) and made the voyage; so the Chalcidians founded Naxos, whereas the Dorians founded Megara, which in earlier times had been called Hybla. The cities no longer exist, it is true, but the name of Hybla still endures, because of the excellence of the Hyblaean honey. 6.2.3. As for the cities that still endure along the aforementioned side: Messene is situated in a gulf of Pelorias, which bends considerably towards the east and forms an armpit, so to speak; but though the distance across to Messene from Rhegium is only sixty stadia, it is much less from Columna. Messene was founded by the Messenians of the Peloponnesus, who named it after themselves, changing its name; for formerly it was called Zancle, on account of the crookedness of the coast (anything crooked was called zanclion), having been founded formerly by the Naxians who lived near Catana. But the Mamertini, a tribe of the Campani, joined the colony later on. Now the Romans used it as a base of operations for their Sicilian war against the Carthaginians; and afterwards Pompeius Sextus, when at war with Augustus Caesar, kept his fleet together there, and when ejected from the island also made his escape thence. And in the ship-channel, only a short distance off the city, is to be seem Charybdis, a monstrous deep, into which the ships are easily drawn by the refluent currents of the strait and plunged prow-foremost along with a mighty eddying of the whirlpool; and when the ships are gulped down and broken to pieces, the wreckage is swept along to the Tauromenian shore, which, from this occurrence, is called Copria. The Mamertini prevailed to such an extent among the Messenii that they got control of the city; and the people are by all called mamertini rather than Messenii; and further, since the country is exceedingly productive of wine, the wine is called, not Messenian, but Mamertine, and it rivals the best of the Italian wines. The city is fairly populous, though Catana is still more so, and in fact has received Romans as inhabitants; but Tauromenium is less populous than either. Catana, moreover, was founded by the same Naxians, whereas Tauromenium was founded by the Zanclaeans of Hybla; but Catana lost its original inhabitants when Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, established a different set of colonists there and called it Aetna instead of Catana. And Pindar too calls him the founder of Aetna when he say: Attend to what I say to thee, O Father, whose name is that of the holy sacrifices, founder of Aetna. But at the death of Hiero the Catanaeans came back, ejected the inhabitants, and demolished the tomb of the tyrant. And the Aetnaeans, on withdrawing, took up their abode in a hilly district of Aetna called Innesa, and called the place, which is eighty stadia from Catana, Aetna, and declared Hiero its founder. Now the city of Aetna is situated in the interior about over Catana, and shares most in the devastation caused by the action of the craters; in fact the streams of lava rush down very nearly as far as the territory of Catana; and here is the scene of the act of filial piety, so often recounted, of Amphinomus and Anapias, who lifted their parents on their shoulders and saved them from the doom that was rushing upon them. According to Poseidonius, when the mountain is in action, the fields of the Catanaeans are covered with ash-dust to a great depth. Now although the ash is an affliction at the time, it benefits the country in later times, for it renders it fertile and suited to the vine, the rest of the country not being equally productive of good wine; further, the roots produced by the fields that have been covered with ash-dust make the sheep so fat, it is said, that they choke; and this is why blood is drawn from their ears every four or five days — a thing of which I have spoken before as occurring near Erytheia. But when the lava changes to a solid, it turns the surface of the earth into stone to a considerable depth, so that quarrying is necessary on the part of any who wish to uncover the original surface; for when the mass of rock in the craters melts and then is thrown up, the liquid that is poured out over the top is black mud and flows down the mountain, and then, solidifying, becomes millstone, keeping the same color it had when in a liquid state. And ash is also produced when the stones are burnt, as from wood; therefore, just as wood-ashes nourish rue, so the ashes of Aetna, it is reasonable to suppose, have some quality that is peculiarly suited to the vine. 6.3.2. In speaking of the founding of Taras, Antiochus says: After the Messenian war broke out, those of the Lacedemonians who did not take part in the expedition were adjudged slaves and were named Helots, and all children who were born in the time of the expedition were called Partheniae and judicially deprived of the rights of citizenship, but they would not tolerate this, and since they were numerous formed a plot against the free citizens; and when the latter learned of the plot they sent secretly certain men who, through a pretence of friendship, were to report what manner of plot it was; among these was Phalanthus, who was reputed to be their champion, but he was not pleased, in general, with those who had been named to take part in the council. It was agreed, however, that the attack should be made at the Hyacinthian festival in the Amyclaion when the games were being celebrated, at the moment when Phalanthus should put on his leather cap (the free citizens were recognizable by their hair ); but when Phalanthus and his men had secretly reported the agreement, and when the games were in progress, the herald came forward and forbade Phalanthus to put on a leather cap; and when the plotters perceived that the plot had been revealed, some of them began to run away and others to beg for mercy; but they were bidden to be of good cheer and were given over to custody; Phalanthus, however, was sent to the sanctuary of the god to consult with reference to founding a colony; and the god responded, I give to thee Satyrium, both to take up thine abode in the rich land of Taras and to become a bane to the Iapygians. Accordingly, the Partheniae went thither with Phalanthus, and they were welcomed by both the barbarians and the Cretans who had previously taken possession of the place. These latter, it is said, are the people who sailed with Minos to Sicily, and, after his death, which occurred at the home of Cocalus in Camici, set sail from Sicily; but on the voyage back they were driven out of their course to Taras, although later some of them went afoot around the Adrias as far as Macedonia and were called Bottiaeans. But all the people as far as Daunia, it is said, were called Iapyges, after Iapyx, who is said to have been the son of Daedalus by a Cretan woman and to have been the leader of the Cretans. The city of Taras, however, was named after some hero. 6.4.2. Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, and, later on, by destroying Viriathus and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Augustus Caesar, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians and Iberians, they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution — as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus and the Nomads, for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father. 7.3.7. Just now I was discussing the Thracians, and the Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters, and the proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just, because I wished to make a comparison between the statements made by Poseidonius and myself and those made by the two men in question. Take first the fact that the argument which they have attempted is contrary to the proposition which they set out to prove; for although they set out to prove that the men of earlier times were more ignorant of regions remote from Greece than the men of more recent times, they showed the reverse, not only in regard to regions remote, but also in regard to places in Greece itself. However, as I was saying, let me put off everything else and look to what is now before me: they say that the poet through ignorance fails to mention the Scythians, or their savage dealings with strangers, in that they sacrifice them, eat their flesh, and use their skulls as drinking-cups, although it was on account of the Scythians that the Pontus was called Axine, but that he invents certain proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just — people that exist nowhere on earth, How, then, could they call the sea Axine if they did not know about the ferocity or about the people who were most ferocious? And these, of course, are the Scythians. And were the people who lived beyond the Mysians and Thracians and Getae not also Hippemolgi, not also Galactophagi and Abii? In fact, even now there are Wagon-dwellers and Nomads, so called, who live off their herds, and on milk and cheese, and particularly on cheese made from mare's milk, and know nothing about storing up food or about peddling merchandise either, except the exchange of wares for wares. How, then, could the poet be ignorant of the Scythians if he called certain people Hippemolgi and Galactophagi? For that the people of his time were wont to call the Scythians Hippemolgi, Hesiod, too, is witness in the words cited by Eratosthenes: The Ethiopians, the Ligurians, and also the Scythians, Hippemolgi. Now wherein is it to be wondered at that, because of the widespread injustice connected with contracts in our country, Homer called most just and proud those who by no means spend their lives on contracts and money-getting but actually possess all things in common except sword and drinking-cup, and above all things have their wives and their children in common, in the Platonic way? Aeschylus, too, is clearly pleading the cause of the poet when he says about the Scythians: But the Scythians, law-abiding, eaters of cheese made of mare's milk. And this assumption even now still persists among the Greeks; for we regard the Scythians the most straightforward of men and the least prone to mischief, as also far more frugal and independent of others than we are. And yet our mode of life has spread its change for the worse to almost all peoples, introducing amongst them luxury and sensual pleasures and, to satisfy these vices, base artifices that lead to innumerable acts of greed. So then, much wickedness of this sort has fallen on the barbarian peoples also, on the Nomads as well as the rest; for as the result of taking up a seafaring life they not only have become morally worse, indulging in the practice of piracy and of slaying strangers, but also, because of their intercourse with many peoples, have partaken of the luxury and the peddling habits of those peoples. But though these things seem to conduce strongly to gentleness of manner, they corrupt morals and introduce cunning instead of the straightforwardness which I just now mentioned. 7.3.8. Those, however, who lived before our times, and particularly those who lived near the time of Homer, were — and among the Greeks were assumed to be — some such people as Homer describes. And see what Herodotus says concerning that king of the Scythians against whom Dareius made his expedition, and the message which the king sent back to him. See also what Chrysippus says concerning the kings of the Bosporus, the house of Leuco. And not only the Persian letters are full of references to that straightforwardness of which I am speaking but also the memoirs written by the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Indians. And it was on this account that Anacharsis, Abaris, and other men of the sort were in fair repute among the Greeks, because they displayed a nature characterized by complacency, frugality, and justice. But why should I speak of the men of olden times? For when Alexander, the son of Philip, on his expedition against the Thracians beyond the Haemus, invaded the country of the Triballians and saw that it extended as far as the Ister and the island of Peuce in the Ister, and that the parts on the far side were held by the Getae, he went as far as that, it is said, but could not disembark upon the island because of scarcity of boats (for Syrmus, the king of the Triballi had taken refuge there and resisted his attempts); he did, however, cross over to the country of the Getae, took their city, and returned with all speed to his home-land, after receiving gifts from the tribes in question and from Syrmus. And Ptolemaeus, the son of Lagus, says that on this expedition the Celti who lived about the Adriatic joined Alexander for the sake of establishing friendship and hospitality, and that the king received them kindly and asked them when drinking what it was that they most feared, thinking they would say himself, but that they replied they feared no one, unless it were that Heaven might fall on them, although indeed they added that they put above everything else the friendship of such a man as he. And the following are signs of the straightforwardness of the barbarians: first, the fact that Syrmus refused to consent to the debarkation upon the island and yet sent gifts and made a compact of friendship; and, secondly, that the Celti said that they feared no one, and yet valued above everything else the friendship of great men. Again, Dromichaetes was king of the Getae in the time of the successors of Alexander. Now he, when he captured Lysimachus alive, who had made an expedition against him, first pointed out the poverty both of himself and of his tribe and likewise their independence of others, and then bade him not to carry on war with people of that sort but rather to deal with them as friends; and after saying this he first entertained him as a guest, and made a compact of friendship, and then released him. Moreover, Plato in his Republic thinks that those who would have a well-governed city should flee as far as possible from the sea, as being a thing that teaches wickedness, and should not live near it. 7.3.9. Ephorus, in the fourth book of his history, the book entitled Europe (for he made the circuit of Europe as far as the Scythians), says towards the end that the modes of life both of the Sauromatae and of the other Scythians are unlike, for, whereas some are so cruel that they even eat human beings, others abstain from eating any living creature whatever. Now the other writers, he says, tell only about their savagery, because they know that the terrible and the marvellous are startling, but one should tell the opposite facts too and make them patterns of conduct, and he himself, therefore, will tell only about those who follow most just habits, for there are some of the Scythian Nomads who feed only on mare's milk, and excel all men in justice; and they are mentioned by the poets: by Homer, when he says that Zeus espies the land of the Galactophagi and Abii, men most just, and by Hesiod, in what is called his Circuit of the Earth, when he says that Phineus is carried by the Storm Winds to the land of the Galactophagi, who have their dwellings in wagons. Then Ephorus reasons out the cause as follows: since they are frugal in their ways of living and not money-getters, they not only are orderly towards one another, because they have all things in common, their wives, children, the whole of their kin and everything, but also remain invincible and unconquered by outsiders, because they have nothing to be enslaved for. And he cites Choerilus also, who, in his The Crossing of the Pontoon-Bridge which was constructed by Dareius, says, the sheep-tending Sacae, of Scythian stock; but they used to live in wheat-producing Asia; however, they were colonists from the Nomads, law-abiding people. And when he calls Anacharsis wise, Ephorus says that he belongs to this race, and that he was considered also one of Seven Wise Men because of his perfect self-control and good sense. And he goes on to tell the inventions of Anacharsis — the bellows, the two-fluked anchor and the potter's wheel. These things I tell knowing full well that Ephorus himself does not tell the whole truth about everything; and particularly in his account of Anacharsis (for how could the wheel be his invention, if Homer, who lived in earlier times, knew of it? As when a potter his wheel that fits in his hands, and so on); but as for those other things, I tell them because I wish to make my point clear that there actually was a common report, which was believed by the men of both early and of later times, that a part of the Nomads, I mean those who had settled the farthest away from the rest of mankind, were galactophagi, abii, and most just, and that they were not an invention of Homer. 7.3.18. The whole of the country has severe winters as far as the regions by the sea that are between the Borysthenes and the mouth of Lake Maeotis; but of the regions themselves that are by the sea the most northerly are the mouth of the Maeotis and, still more northerly, the mouth of the Borysthenes, and the recess of the Gulf of Tamyraces, or Carcinites, which is the isthmus of the Great Chersonesus. The coldness of these regions, albeit the people live in plains, is evident, for they do not breed asses, an animal that is very sensitive to cold; and as for their cattle, some are born without horns, while the horns of others are filed off, for this part of the animal is sensitive to cold; and the horses are small, whereas the sheep are large; and bronze water-jars burst and their contents freeze solid. But the severity of the frosts is most clearly evidenced by what takes place in the region of the mouth of Lake Maeotis: the waterway from Panticapaion across to Phanagoria is traversed by wagons, so that it is both ice and roadway. And fish that become caught in the ice are obtained by digging with an implement called the gangame, and particularly the antacaei, which are about the size of dolphins. It is said of Neoptolemus, the general of Mithridates, that in the same strait he overcame the barbarians in a naval engagement in summer and in a cavalry engagement in winter. And it is further said that the vine in the Bosporus region is buried during the winter, the people heaping quantities of earth upon it. And it is said that the heat too becomes severe, perhaps because the bodies of the people are unaccustomed to it, or perhaps because no winds blow on the plains at that time, or else because the air, by reason of its density, becomes superheated (like the effect of the parhelia in the clouds). It appears that Ateas, who waged war with Philip the son of Amyntas, ruled over most of the barbarians in this part of the world. 7.4.3. This city was at first self-governing, but when it was sacked by the barbarians it was forced to choose Mithridates Eupator as protector. He was then leading an army against the barbarians who lived beyond the isthmus as far as the Borysthenes and the Adrias; this, however, was preparatory to a campaign against the Romans. So, then, in accordance with these hopes of his he gladly sent an army to Chersonesus, and at the same time carried on war against the Scythians, not only against Scilurus, but also the sons of Scilurus — Palacus and the rest — who, according to Poseidonius were fifty in number, but according to Apollonides were eighty. At the same time, also, he not only subdued all these by force, but also established himself as lord of the Bosporus, receiving the country as a voluntary gift from Parisades who held sway over it. So from that time on down to the present the city of the Chersonesites has been subject to the potentates of the Bosporus. Again, Ctenus Limen is equidistant from the city of the Chersonesites and Symbolon Limen. And after Symbolon Limen, as far as the city Theodosia, lies the Tauric seaboard, which is about one thousand stadia in length. It is rugged and mountainous, and is subject to furious storms from the north. And in front of it lies a promontory which extends far out towards the high sea and the south in the direction of Paphlagonia and the city Amastris; it is called Criumetopon. And opposite it lies that promontory of the Paphlagonians, Carambis, which, by means of the strait, which is contracted on both sides, divides the Euxine Pontus into two seas. Now the distance from Carambis to the city of the Chersonesites is two thousand five hundred stadia, but the number to Criumetopon is much less; at any rate, many who have sailed across the strait say that they have seen both promontories, on either side, at the same time. In the mountainous district of the Taurians is also the mountain, which has the same name as the city in the neighborhood of Tibarania and Colchis. And near the same mountainous district is also another mountain, Cimmerius, so called because the Cimmerians once held sway in the Bosporus; and it is because of this fact that the whole of the strait which extends to the mouth of Lake Maeotis is called the Cimmerian Bosporus. 7.4.4. After the aforesaid mountainous district is the city Theodosia. It is situated in a fertile plain and has a harbor that can accommodate as many as a hundred ships; this harbor in earlier times was a boundary between the countries of the Bosporians and the Taurians. And the country that comes next after that of Theodosia is also fertile, as far as Panticapaion. Panticapaion is the metropolis of the Bosporians and is situated at the mouth of Lake Maeotis. The distance between Theodosia and Panticapaion is about five hundred and thirty stadia; the district is everywhere productive of grain, and it contains villages, as well as a city called Nymphaion, which possesses a good harbor. Panticapaion is a hill inhabited on all sides in a circuit of twenty stadia. To the east it has a harbor, and docks for about thirty ships; and it also has an acropolis. It is a colony of the Milesians. For a long time it was ruled as a monarchy by the dynasty of Leuco, Satyrus, and Parisades, as were also all the neighboring settlements near the south of Lake Maeotis on both sides, until Parisades gave over the sovereignty to Mithridates. They were called tyrants, although most of them, beginning with Parisades and Leuco, proved to be equitable rulers. And Parisades was actually held in honor as god. The last of these monarchs also bore the name Parisades, but he was unable to hold out against the barbarians, who kept exacting greater tribute than before, and he therefore gave over the sovereignty to Mithridates Eupator. But since the time of Mithridates the kingdom has been subject to the Romans. The greater part of it is situated in Europe, although a part of it is situated in Asia. 7.5.1. The remainder of Europe consists of the country which is between the Ister and the encircling sea, beginning at the recess of the Adriatic and extending as far as the Sacred Mouth of the Ister. In this country are Greece and the tribes of the Macedonians and of the Epeirotes, and all those tribes above them whose countries reach to the Ister and to the seas on either side, both the Adriatic and the Pontic — to the Adriatic, the Illyrian tribes, and to the other sea as far as the Propontis and the Hellespont, the Thracian tribes and whatever Scythian or Celtic tribes are intermingled with them. But I must make my beginning at the Ister, speaking of the parts that come next in order after the regions which I have already encompassed in my description. These are the parts that border on Italy, on the Alps, and on the counties of the Germans, Dacians, and Getans. This country also might be divided into two parts, for, in a way, the Illyrian, Paeonian, and Thracian mountains are parallel to the Ister, thus completing what is almost a straight line that reaches from the Adrias as far as the Pontus; and to the north of this line are the parts that are between the Ister and the mountains, whereas to the south are Greece and the barbarian country which borders thereon and extends as far as the mountainous country. Now the mountain called Haemus is near the Pontus; it is the largest and highest of all mountains in that part of the world, and cleaves Thrace almost in the center. Polybius says that both seas are visible from the mountain, but this is untrue, for the distance to the Adrias is great and the things that obscure the view are many. On the other hand, almost the whole of Ardia is near the Adrias. But Paeonia is in the middle, and the whole of it too is high country. Paeonia is bounded on either side, first, towards the Thracian parts, by Rhodope, a mountain next in height to the Haemus, and secondly, on the other side, towards the north, by the Illyrian parts, both the country of the Autariatae and that of the Dardanians. So then, let me speak first of the Illyrian parts, which join the Ister and that part of the Alps which lies between Italy and Germany and begins at the lake which is near the country of the Vindelici, Rhaeti, and Toenii. 7.7.1. EpirusThese alone, then, of all the tribes that are marked off by the Ister and by the Illyrian and Thracian mountains, deserve to be mentioned, occupying as they do the whole of the Adriatic seaboard beginning at the recess, and also the sea-board that is called the left parts of the Pontus, and extends from the Ister River as far as Byzantium. But there remain to be described the southerly parts of the aforesaid mountainous country and next thereafter the districts that are situated below them, among which are both Greece and the adjacent barbarian country as far as the mountains. Now Hecataeus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus that before the time of the Greeks it was inhabited by barbarians. Yet one might say that in the ancient times the whole of Greece was a settlement of barbarians, if one reasons from the traditions themselves: Pelops brought over peoples from Phrygia to the Peloponnesus that received its name from him; and Danaus from Egypt; whereas the Dryopes, the Caucones, the Pelasgi, the Leleges, and other such peoples, apportioned among themselves the parts that are inside the isthmus — and also the parts outside, for Attica was once held by the Thracians who came with Eumolpus, Daulis in Phocis by Tereus, Cadmeia by the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and Boeotia itself by the Aones and Temmices and Hyantes. According to Pindar, there was a time when the Boeotian tribe was called Syes. Moreover, the barbarian origin of some is indicated by their names — Cecrops, Godrus, Aiclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus. And even to the present day the Thracians, Illyrians, and Epeirotes live on the flanks of the Greeks (though this was still more the case formerly than now); indeed most of the country that at the present time is indisputably Greece is held by the barbarians — Macedonia and certain parts of Thessaly by the Thracians, and the parts above Acaria and Aitolia by the Thesproti, the Cassopaei, the Amphilochi, the Molossi, and the Athamanes — Epeirotic tribes. 8.1.1. Acaria I began my description by going over all the western parts of Europe comprised between the inner and the outer sea; and now that I have encompassed in my survey all the barbarian tribes in Europe as far as the Tanais and also a small part of Greece, Macedonia, I now shall give an account of the remainder of the geography of Greece. This subject was first treated by Homer; and then, after him, by several others, some of whom have written special treatises entitled Harbours, or Coasting Voyages, or General Descriptions of the Earth, or the like; and in these is comprised also the description of Greece. Others have set forth the topography of the continents in separate parts of their general histories, for instance, Ephorus and Polybius. Still others have inserted certain things on this subject in their treatises on physics and mathematics, for instance, Poseidonius and Hipparchus. Now although the statements of the others are easy to pass judgment upon, yet those of Homer require critical inquiry, since he speaks poetically, and not of things as they now are, but of things as they were in antiquity, which for the most part have been obscured by time. Be this as it may, as far as I can I must undertake the inquiry; and I shall begin where I left off. My account ended, on the west and the north, with the tribes of the Epeirotes and of the Illyrians, and, on the east, with those of the Macedonians as far as Byzantium. After the Epeirotes and the Illyrians, then, come the following peoples of the Greeks: the Acarians, the Aitolians, and the Ozolian Locrians; and, next, the Phocians and Boeotians; and opposite these, across the arm of the sea, is the Peloponnesus, which with these encloses the Corinthian Gulf, and not only shapes the gulf but also is shaped by it; and after Macedonia, the Thessalians (extending as far as the Malians) and the countries of the rest of the peoples outside the Isthmus, 3 as also of those inside. 8.6.6. But critics are in dispute in regard to the terms Hellas, Hellenes, and Panhellenes. For Thucydides says that the poet nowhere speaks of barbarians, because the Hellenes had not as yet been designated by a common distinctive name opposed to that of the barbarians. And Apollodorus says that only the Greeks in Thessaly were called Hellenes: and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes. He says, however, that Hesiod and Archilochus already knew that all the Greeks were called, not only Hellenes, but also Panhellenes, for Hesiod, in speaking of the daughters of Proteus, says that the Panhellenes wooed them, and Archilochus says that the woes of the Panhellenes centered upon Thasos. But others oppose this view, saying that the poet also speaks of barbarians, since he speaks of the Carians as men of barbarous speech, and of all the Greeks as Hellenes, the man whose fame is wide throughout Hellas and mid-Agros, and again, If thou wishest to journey throughout Hellas and mid-Agros. 9.2.3. Be that as it may, Boeotia in earlier times was inhabited by barbarians, the Aones and the Temmices, who wandered thither from Sounion, and by the Leleges and the Hyantes. Then the Phoenicians occupied it, I mean the Phoenicians with Cadmus, the man who fortified the Cadmeia and left the dominion to his descendants. Those Phoenicians founded Thebes in addition to the Cadmeia, and preserved their dominion, commanding most of the Boeotians until the expedition of the Epigoni. On this occasion they left Thebes for a short time, but came back again. And, in the same way, when they were ejected by the Thracians and the Pelasgians, they established their government in Thessaly along with the Arnaei for a long time, so that they were all called Boeotians. Then they returned to the homeland, at the time when the Aeolian fleet, near Aulis in Boeotia, was now ready to set sail, I mean the fleet which the sons of Orestes were despatching to Asia. After adding the Orchomenian country to Boeotia (for in earlier times the Orchomenians were not a part of the Boeotian community, nor did Homer enumerate them with the Boeotians, but as a separate people, for he called them Minyae), they, with the Orchomenians, drove out the Pelasgians to Athens (it was after these that a part of the city was named Pelasgicon, though they took up their abode below Hymettus), and the Thracians to Parnassus; and the Hyantes founded a city Hyas in Phocis. 10.3.9. But I must now investigate how it comes about that so many names have been used of one and the same thing, and the theological element contained in their history. Now this is common both to the Greeks and to the barbarians, to perform their sacred rites in connection with the relaxation of a festival, these rites being performed sometimes with religious frenzy, sometimes without it; sometimes with music, sometimes not; and sometimes in secret, sometimes openly. And it is in accordance with the dictates of nature that this should be so, for, in the first place, the relaxation draws the mind away from human occupations and turns the real mind towards that which is divine; and, secondly, the religious frenzy seems to afford a kind of divine inspiration and to be very like that of the soothsayer; and, thirdly, the secrecy with which the sacred rites are concealed induces reverence for the divine, since it imitates the nature of the divine, which is to avoid being perceived by our human senses; and, fourthly, music, which includes dancing as well as rhythm and melody, at the same time, by the delight it affords and by its artistic beauty, brings us in touch with the divine, and this for the following reason; for although it has been well said that human beings then act most like the gods when they are doing good to others, yet one might better say, when they are happy; and such happiness consists of rejoicing, celebrating festivals, pursuing philosophy, and engaging in music; for, if music is perverted when musicians turn their art to sensual delights at symposiums and in orchestric and scenic performances and the like, we should not lay the blame upon music itself, but should rather examine the nature of our system of education, since this is based on music. 11.13.10. Some say that Medeia introduced this kind of dress when she, along with Jason, held dominion in this region, even concealing her face whenever she went out in public in place of the king; and that the Jasonian hero-chapels, which are much revered by the barbarians, are memorials of Jason (and above the Caspian Gates on the left is a large mountain called Jasonium), whereas the dress and the name of the country are memorials of Medeia. It is said also that Medus her son succeeded to the empire and left his own name to the country. In agreement with this are the Jasonia of Armenia and the name of that country and several other things which I shall discuss. 12.8.4. Contributing to the creation of myths of this kind are the confusion of the tribes there and the fertility of the country this side the Halys River, particularly that of the seaboard, on account of which attacks were made against it from numerous places and continually by peoples from the opposite mainland, or else the people near by would attack one another. Now it was particularly in the time of the Trojan War and after that time that invasions and migrations took place, since at the same time both the barbarians and the Greeks felt an impulse to acquire possession of the countries of others; but this was also the case before the Trojan War, for the tribe of the Pelasgians was then in existence, as also that of the Cauconians and Leleges. And, as I have said before, they wandered in ancient times over many regions of Europe. These tribes the poet makes the allies of the Trojans, but not as coming from the opposite mainland. The accounts both of the Phrygians and of the Mysians go back to earlier times than the Trojan War. The existence of two groups of Lycians arouses suspicion that they were of the same tribe, whether it was the Trojan Lycians or those near Caria that colonized the country of the other of the two. And perhaps the same was also true in the case of the Cilicians, for these, too, were two-fold; however, we are unable to get the same kind of evidence that the present tribe of Cilicians was already in existence before the Trojan War. Telephus might be thought to have come from Arcadia with his mother; and having become related to Teuthras, to whom he was a welcome guest, by the marriage of his mother to that ruler, was regarded as his son and also succeeded to the rulership of the Mysians. 13.1.1. TROADLet this, then, mark the boundary of Phrygia. I shall now return again to the Propontis and the coast that comes next after the Aesepus River, and follow the same order of description as before. The first country on this seaboard is the Troad, the fame of which, although it is left in ruins and in desolation, nevertheless prompts in writers no ordinary prolixity. With this fact in view, I should ask the pardon of my readers and appeal to them not to fasten the blame for the length of my discussion upon me rather than upon those who strongly yearn for knowledge of the things that are famous and ancient. And my discussion is further prolonged by the number of the peoples who have colonized the country, both Greeks and barbarians, and by the historians, who do not write the same things on the same subjects, nor always clearly either; among the first of these is Homer, who leaves us to guess about most things. And it is necessary for me to arbitrate between his statements and those of the others, after I shall first have described in a summary way the nature of the region in question. 13.1.53. Demetrius thinks that Scepsis was also the royal residence of Aeneias, since it lies midway between the territory subject to Aeneias and Lyrnessus, to which latter he fled, according to Homer's statement, when he was being pursued by Achilles. At any rate, Achilles says: Dost thou not remember how from the kine, when thou wast all alone, I made thee run down the Idaean mountains with swift feet? And thence thou didst escape to Lyrnessus, but I rushed in pursuit of thee and sacked it. However, the oft-repeated stories of Aeneias are not in agreement with the account which I have just given of the founders of Scepsis. For according to these stories he survived the war because of his enmity to Priam: For always he was wroth against goodly Priam, because, although he was brave amid warriors, Priam would not honor him at all; and his fellow-rulers, the sons of Antenor and Antenor himself, survived because of the hospitality shown Menelaus at Antenor's house. At any rate, Sophocles says that at the capture of Troy a leopard's skin was put before the doors of Antenor as a sign that his house was to be left unpillaged; and Antenor and his children safely escaped to Thrace with the survivors of the Heneti, and from there got across to the Adriatic Henetice, as it is called, whereas Aeneias collected a host of followers and set sail with his father Anchises and his son Ascanius; and some say that he took up his abode near the Macedonian Olympus, others that he founded Capyae near Mantineia in Arcadia, deriving the name he gave the settlement from Capys, and others say that he landed at Aegesta in Sicily with Elymus the Trojan and took possession of Eryx and Lilybaion, and gave the names Scamander and Simoeis to rivers near Aegesta, and that thence he went into the Latin country and made it his abode, in accordance with an oracle which bade him abide where he should eat up his table, and that this took place in the Latin country in the neighborhood of Lavinium, where a large loaf of bread was put down for a table, for want of a better table, and eaten up along with the meats upon it. Homer, however, appears not to be in agreement with either of the two stories, nor yet with the above account of the founders of Scepsis; for he clearly indicates that Aeneias remained in Troy and succeeded to the empire and bequeathed the succession thereto to his sons' sons, the family of the Priamidae having been wiped out: For already the race of Priam was hated, by the son of Cronus; and now verily the mighty Aeneias will rule over the Trojans, and his sons' sons that are hereafter to be born. And in this case one cannot even save from rejection the succession of Scamandrius. And Homer is in far greater disagreement with those who speak of Aeneias as having wandered even as far as Italy and make him die there. Some write,the family of Aeneias will rule over all, and his sons' sons, meaning the Romans. 13.1.58. Myrsilus says that Assus was founded by the Methymnaeans; and Hellanicus too calls it an Aeolian city, just as also Gargara and Lamponia belonged to the Aeolians. For Gargara was founded by the Assians; but it was not well peopled, for the kings brought into it colonists from Miletopolis when they devastated that city, so that instead of Aeolians, according to Demetrius of Scepsis, the inhabitants of Gargara became semi-barbarians. According to Homer, however, all these places belonged to the Leleges, who by some are represented to be Carians, although by Homer they are mentioned apart: Towards the sea are the Carians and the Paeonians of the curved bow and the Leleges and the Cauconians. They were therefore a different people from the Carians; and they lived between the people subject to Aeneias and the people whom the poet called Cilicians, but when they were pillaged by Achilles they migrated to Caria and took possession of the district round the present Halicarnassus. 13.4.17. It is said that the Cibyratae are descendants of the Lydians who took possession of Cabalis, and later of the neighboring Pisidians, who settled there and transferred the city to another site, a site very strongly fortified and about one hundred stadia in circuit. It grew strong through its good laws; and its villages extended alongside it from Pisidia and the neighboring Milyas as far as Lycia and the Peraea of the Rhodians. Three bordering cities were added to it, Bubon, Balbura, and Oenoandon, and the union was called Tetrapolis, each of the three having one vote, but Cibyra two; for Cibyra could send forth thirty thousand foot-soldiers and two thousand horse. It was always ruled by tyrants; but still they ruled it with moderation. However, the tyranny ended in the time of Moagetes, when Murena overthrew it and included Balbura and Bubon within the territory of the Lycians. But none the less the jurisdiction of Cibyra is rated among the greatest in Asia. The Cibyratae used four languages, the Pisidian, that of the Solymi, Greek, and that of the Lydians; but there is not even a trace of the language of the Lydians in Lydia. The easy embossing of iron is a peculiar thing at Cibyra. Milya is the mountain range extending from the narrows at Termessus and from the pass that leads over through them to the region inside the Taurus towards Isinda, as far as Sagalassus and the country of the Apameians. 14.1.25. Notable men have been born in this city: in ancient times, Heracleitus the Obscure, as he is called; and Hermodorus, concerning whom Heracleitus himself says: It were right for the Ephesians from youth upwards to be hanged, who banished their most useful man, saying: 'Let no man of us be most useful; otherwise, let him be elsewhere and with other people.'Hermodorus is reputed to have written certain laws for the Romans. And Hipponax the poet was from Ephesus; and so were Parrhasius the painter and Apelles, and more recently Alexander the orator, surnamed Lychnus, who was a statesman, and wrote history, and left behind him poems in which he describes the position of the heavenly bodies and gives a geographic description of the continents, each forming the subject of a poem. 14.5.25. And who are the mixed tribes? For we would be unable to say that, as compared with the aforesaid places, others were either named or omitted by him which we shall assign to the mixed tribes; neither can we call mixed any of these peoples themselves whom he has mentioned or omitted; for, even if they had become mixed, still the predomit element has made them either Hellenes or barbarians; and I know nothing of a third tribe of people that is mixed. 15.3.23. of the barbarians the Persians were the best known to the Greeks, for none of the other barbarians who governed Asia governed Greece. The barbarians were not acquainted with the Greeks, and the Greeks were but slightly acquainted, and by distant report only, with the barbarians. As an instance, Homer was not acquainted with the empire of the Syrians nor of the Medes, for otherwise as he mentions the wealth of Egyptian Thebes and of Phoenicia, he would not have passed over in silence the wealth of Babylon, of Ninus, and of Ecbatana.The Persians were the first people that brought Greeks under their dominion; the Lydians (before them) did the same, they were not however masters of the whole, but of a small portion only of Asia, that within the river Halys; their empire lasted for a short time, during the reigns of Croesus and Alyattes; and they were deprived of what little glory they had acquired, when conquered by the Persians.The Persians, (on the contrary, increased in power and,)as soon as they had destroyed the Median empire, subdued the Lydians and brought the Greeks of Asia under their dominion. At a later period they even passed over into Greece and were worsted in many great battles, but still they continued to keep possession of Asia, as far as the places on the sea-coast, until they were completely subdued by the Macedonians. 16.1.28. The Euphrates and its eastern banks are the boundaries of the Parthian empire. The Romans and the chiefs of the Arabian tribes occupy the parts on this side the Euphrates as far as Babylonia. Some of the chiefs attach themselves in preference to the Parthians, others to the Romans, to whom they adjoin. The Scenitae nomads, who live near the river, are less friendly to the Romans than those tribes who are situated at a distance near Arabia Felix. The Parthians were once solicitous of conciliating the friendship of the Romans, but having repulsed Crassus, who began the war with them, they suffered reprisals, when they themselves commenced hostilities, and sent Pacorus into Asia. But Antony, following the advice of the Armenian, was betrayed, and was unsuccessful (against them). Phraates, his successor, was so anxious to obtain the friendship of Augustus Caesar, that he even sent the trophies, which the Parthians had set up as memorials of the defeat of the Romans. He also invited Titius to a conference, who was at that time prefect of Syria, and delivered into his hands, as hostages, four of his legitimate sons, Seraspadanes, Rhodaspes, Phraates, and Bonones, with two of their wives and four of their sons; for he was apprehensive of conspiracy and attempts on his life. He knew that no one could prevail against him, unless he was opposed by one of the Arsacian family, to which race the Parthians were strongly attached. He therefore removed the sons out of his way, with a view of annihilating the hopes of the disaffected.The surviving sons, who live at Rome, are entertained as princes at the public expense. The other kings (his successors) have continued to send ambassadors (to Rome), and to hold conferences (with the Roman prefects). 16.2.38. This is according to nature, and common both to Greeks and barbarians. For, as members of a civil community, they live according to a common law; otherwise it would be impossible for the mass to execute any one thing in concert (in which consists a civil state), or to live in a social state at all. Law is twofold, divine and human. The ancients regarded and respected divine, in preference to human, law; in those times, therefore, the number of persons was very great who consulted oracles, and, being desirous of obtaining the advice of Jupiter, hurried to Dodona, to hear the answer of Jove from the lofty oak.The parent went to Delphi, anxious to learn whether the child which had been exposed (to die) was still living;while the child itself was gone to the temple of Apollo, with the hope of discovering its parents.And Minos among the Cretans, the king who in the ninth year enjoyed converse with Great Jupiter, every nine years, as Plato says, ascended to the cave of Jupiter, received ordices from him, and conveyed them to men. Lycurgus, his imitator, acted in a similar manner; for he was often accustomed, as it seemed, to leave his own country to inquire of the Pythian goddess what ordices he was to promulgate to the Lacedaemonians. 16.4.24. Another cause of the failure of the expedition was the fact of king Obodas not paying much attention to public affairs, and especially to those relative to war (as is the custom with all Arabian kings), but placed everything in the power of Syllaeus the minister. His whole conduct in command of the army was perfidious, and his object was, as I suppose, to examine as a spy the state of the country, and to destroy, in concert with the Romans, certain cities and tribes; and when the Romans should be consumed by famine, fatigue, and disease, and by all the evils which he had treacherously contrived, to declare himself master of the whole country.Gallus however arrived at Leuce Come, with the army labouring under stomacacce and scelotyrbe, diseases of the country, the former affecting the mouth, the other the legs, with a kind of paralysis, caused by the water and the plants [which the soldiers had used in their food]. He was therefore compelled to pass the summer and the winter there, for the recovery of the sick.Merchandise is conveyed from Leuce-Come to Petra, thence to Rhinocolura in Phoenicia, near Egypt, and thence to other nations. But at present the greater part is transported by the Nile to Alexandreia. It is brought down from Arabia and India to Myus Hormus, it is then conveyed on camels to Coptus of the Thebais, situated on a canal of the Nile, and to Alexandreia. Gallus, setting out again from Leuce-Come on his return with his army, and through the treachery of his guide, traversed such tracts of country, that the army was obliged to carry water with them upon camels. After a march of many days, therefore, he came to the territory of Aretas, who was related to Obodas. Aretas received him in a friendly manner, and offered presents. But by the treachery of Syllaeus, Gallus was conducted by a difficult road through the country ; for he occupied thirty days in passing through it. It afforded barley, a few palm trees, and butter instead of oil.The next country to which he came belonged to Nomades, and was in great part a complete desert. It was called Ararene. The king of the country was Sabos. Gallus spent fifty days in passing through this territory, for want of roads, and came to a city of the Negrani, and to a fertile country peacefully disposed. The king had fled, and the city was taken at the first onset. After a march of six days from thence, he came to the river. Here the barbarians attacked the Romans, and lost about ten thousand men; the Romans lost only two men. For the barbarians were entirely inexperienced in war, and used their weapons unskilfully, which were bows, spears, swords, and slings; but the greater part of them wielded a double-edged axe. Immediately afterwards he took the city called Asca, which had been abandoned by the king. He thence came to a city Athrula, and took it without resistance; having placed a garrison there, and collected provisions for the march, consisting of corn and dates, he proceeded to a city Marsiaba, belonging to the nation of the Rhammanitae, who were subjects of Ilasarus. He assaulted and besieged it for six days, but raised the siege in consequence of a scarcity of water. He was two days' march from the aromatic region, as he was informed by his prisoners. He occupied in his marches a period of six months, in consequence of the treachery of his guides. This he discovered when he was returning; and although he was late in discovering the design against him, he had time to take another road back; for he arrived in nine days at Negrana, where the battle was fought, and thence in eleven days he came to the 'Seven Wells,' as the place is called from the fact of their existing there. Thence he marched through a desert country, and came to Chaalla a village, and then to another called Malothas, situated on a river. His road then lay through a desert country, which had only a few watering-places, as far as Egra a village. It belongs to the territory of Obodas, and is situated upon the sea. He accomplished on his return the whole distance in sixty days, in which, on his first journey, he had consumed six months. From there he conducted his army in eleven days to Myus Hormus; thence across the country to Coptus, and arrived at Alexandreia with so much of his army as could be saved. The remainder he lost, not by the enemy, but by disease, fatigue, famine, and marches through bad roads ; for seven men only perished in battle. For these reasons this expedition contributed little in extending our knowledge of the country. It was however of some small service.Syllaeus, the author of these disasters, was punished for his treachery at Rome. He affected friendship, but he was convicted of other offences, besides perfidy in this instance, and was beheaded. 17.1.12. At present Egypt is a (Roman) province, pays considerable tribute, and is well governed by prudent persons, who are sent there in succession. The governor thus sent out has the rank of king. Subordinate to him is the administrator of justice, who is the supreme judge in many causes. There is another officer, who is called Idiologus, whose business it is to inquire into property for which there is no claimant, and which of right falls to Caesar. These are accompanied by Caesar's freedmen and stewards, who are entrusted with affairs of more or less importance.Three legions are stationed in Egypt, one in the city, the rest in the country. Besides these there are also nine Roman cohorts, three quartered in the city, three on the borders of Ethiopia in Syene, as a guard to that tract, and three in other parts of the country. There are also three bodies of cavalry distributed in convenient posts.of the native magistrates in the cities, the first is the expounder of the law, who is dressed in scarlet; he receives the customary honours of the country, and has the care of providing what is necessary for the city. The second is the writer of records, the third is the chief judge. The fourth is the commander of the night guard. These magistrates existed in the time of the kings, but in consequence of the bad administration of affairs by the latter, the prosperity of the city was ruined by licentiousness. Polybius expresses his indignation at the state of things when lie was there: he describes the inhabitants of the city to be composed of three classes; the (first) Egyptians and natives, acute but indifferent citizens, and meddling with civil affairs. Tile second, the mercenaries, a numerous and undisciplined body ; for it was an ancient custom to maintain foreign soldiers, who, from the worthlessness of their sovereigns, knew better how to govern than to obey. The third were the Alexandrines, who, for the same reason, were not orderly citizens; but still they were better than the mercenaries, for although they were a mixed race, yet being of Greek origin, they retained the customs common to the Greeks. But this class was extinct nearly about the time of Euergetes Physcon, in whose reign Polybius came to Alexandreia. For Physcon, being distressed by factions, frequently exposed the multitude to the attacks of the soldiery, and thus destroyed them. By such a state of things in the city the words of the poet (says Polybius) were verified: The way to Egypt is long and vexatious. 17.1.19. In the interior above the Sebennytic and Phatnitic mouths is Xois, both an island and a city in the Sebennytic Nome. There are also Hermopolis, Lycopolis, and Mendes, where Pan is worshipped, and of animals a goat. Here, according to Pindar, goats have intercourse with women.Near Mendes are Diospolis, and the lakes about it, and Leontopolis; then further on, the city Busiris, in the Busirite Nome, and Cynospolis.Eratosthenes says, 'That to repel strangers is a practice common to all barbarians, but that this charge against the Egyptians is derived from fabulous stories related of (one) Busiris and his people in the Busirite Nome, as some persons in later times were disposed to charge the inhabitants of this place with inhospitality, although in truth there was neither king nor tyrant of the name of Busiris: that besides there was a common saying, The way to Egypt is long and vexatious, which originated in the want of harbours, and in the state of the harbour at Pharos, which was not of free access, but watched and guarded by herdsmen, who were robbers, and attacked those who attempted to sail into it. The Carthaginians drown [he says] any strangers who sail past, on their voyage to Sardinia or to the Pillars. Hence much of what is related of the parts towards the west is discredited. The Persians also were treacherous guides, and conducted the ambassadors along circuitous and difficult ways.' 17.3.2. Here dwell a people called by the Greeks Maurusii, and by the Romans and the natives Mauri, a populous and flourishing African nation, situated opposite to Spain, on the other side of the strait, at the Pillars of Hercules, which we have frequently mentioned before. On proceeding beyond the strait at the Pillars, with Africa on the left hand, we come to a mountain which the Greeks call Atlas, and the barbarians Dyris. Thence projects into the sea a point formed by the foot of the mountain towards the west of Mauretania, and called the Coteis. Near it is a small town, a little above the sea, which the barbarians call Trinx; Artemidorus, Lynx; and Eratosthenes, Lixus. It lies on the side of the strait opposite to Gadeira, from which it is separated by a passage of 800 stadia, the width of the strait at the Pillars between both places. To the south, near Lixus and the Coteis, is a bay called Emporicus, having upon it Phoenician mercantile settlements. The whole coast continuous with this bay abounds with them. Subtracting these bays, and the projections of land in the triangular figure which I have described, the continent may rather be considered as increasing in magnitude in the direction of south and east. The mountain which extends through the middle of Mauretania, from the Coteis to the Syrtes, is itself inhabited, as well as others running parallel to it, first by the Maurusii, but deep in the interior of the country by the largest of the African tribes, called Gaetuli. |
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| 166. Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, a b c d\n0 2. 2. 2 Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and arcadia •rome and romans, and trojan origins •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation •rome and romans, foundation legends Found in books: Gruen (2011) 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351 |
167. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.661, 3.94-3.96, 3.167-3.171, 6.853, 7.205-7.211, 7.240-7.242, 8.505-8.506, 8.688 Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians •rome/romans, and italy •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 108, 129, 132; Gruen (2020) 93 | 1.661. on Trojan corn or Xanthus ' cooling stream. 3.94. in cypress dark and purple pall of woe. 3.95. Our Ilian women wailed with loosened hair; 3.96. new milk was sprinkled from a foaming cup, 3.167. the brazen Corybantic cymbals clang, 3.168. or sacred silence guards her mystery, 3.169. and lions yoked her royal chariot draw. 3.170. Up, then, and follow the behests divine! 3.171. Pour offering to the winds, and point your keels 6.853. Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests 7.205. course with swift steeds, or steer through dusty cloud 7.206. the whirling chariot, or stretch stout bows, 7.207. or hurl the seasoned javelin, or strive 7.208. in boxing-bout and foot-race: one of these 7.209. made haste on horseback to the aged King, 7.210. with tidings of a stranger company 7.211. in foreign garb approaching. The good King 7.240. girt in scant shift, and bearing on his left 7.241. the sacred oval shield, appeared enthroned 7.242. Picus, breaker of horses, whom his bride, 8.505. and oft to see Aeneas burdened sore 8.506. I could but weep. But now by will of Jove 8.688. pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee |
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| 168. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Antoninus Pius, 9.6 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350 |
| 169. Anon., Semahot, 2.15 Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, philosophy of Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 51 |
| 170. Anon., Avot Drabbi Natan, 16.2 Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome, governor of Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 138, 139 |
| 172. [Pseudo-Aristotle], De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus, 135 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and carthage Found in books: Gruen (2020) 61 |
| 173. Babylonian Talmud, Zevahim, 37.20, 39.17-39.21 Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 344 |
| 174. Epigraphy, Ae, 1905.175, 1968.510 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 345, 348 |
| 175. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 18 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 344 |
| 176. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.6, 2.6.1-2.6.6 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and greek culture •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 100, 101, 103, 110 |
| 177. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 5.3, 8.3.1-8.3.2 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and social war •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Gruen (2020) 110; Marek (2019) 344, 345 |
| 179. Epigraphy, Ogis, 517 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 354 |
| 180. Pliny The Elder, Essay On The Life And Poetry of Homer, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 108 |
| 181. Papyri, P.Lond.Herm,, 1.10.50 Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation Found in books: Gruen (2011) 343 |
| 183. Epigraphy, Ils, 1041, 1338, 2927, 8795, 1102 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 350 |
| 184. Epigraphy, Sm, None Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and arcadia •rome and romans, foundation legends Found in books: Gruen (2011) 246 |
| 185. Augustus, Commentarii De Vita Sua Fr.6 [Malcovati], 24 Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 108 |
| 186. Abercius, Papyrus Bodmer Xli, 4.66 Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and carthaginians Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132 |
| 187. Targum, Targum Neof. Num., 2.5.1 Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and egypt Found in books: Gruen (2011) 107 |
| 188. Anon., Epistle To Diognetus, 1 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and christians Found in books: Gruen (2020) 204 |
| 190. Alcimus, In Festus, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020) 93 |
| 191. Sha, Tac., 13, 2-5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 357 |
| 192. Sha, Gord., a b c\n0 26 26 26\n1 6-27.3 6 6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 357 |
| 193. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Ep. Can. §, 5-7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 357 |
| 194. Dexippos Fr., Fgrh 100, 29 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, crisis and transition •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 356 |
| 195. Augustus, Syll.3, 798 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 329, 330 |
| 196. Sha, Ver., 7.7 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350 |
| 197. Aurelius Victor, Aurelius Victor, 20.14 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 353 |
| 198. Aulius Gellius, Na, 4.4.3, 11.1.5, 17.17.1 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and social war •rome/romans, and italy •rome/romans, and sabines •rome/romans, and greek culture Found in books: Gruen (2020) 99, 103, 110 |
| 199. Epigraphy, Ms, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 345, 356 |
| 200. Anon., Midrash On Song of Songs, 2.16 Tagged with subjects: •romans and rome Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 75 |
| 201. Anon., Yalqut Shimoni, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein (2018) 243 |
| 202. Epigraphy, Cil, 5.5262 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 344 |
| 203. Papyri, Derveni Papyrus, 37 Tagged with subjects: •rome and romans, and jewish customs Found in books: Gruen (2011) 184 |
| 204. Cassius Dio, Fr., 9.40.8, 98.3 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and campanians •rome/romans, and carthage •rome/romans, and citizenship •rome/romans, and social war Found in books: Gruen (2020) 97, 108 |
| 207. Augustus, Seg, 16.781 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 342 |
| 208. Epigraphy, Syll. , 543 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, and citizenship Found in books: Gruen (2020) 88 |
