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118 results for "rome"
1. Herodotus, Histories, 1.30.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, complex role in imperial greek literature Found in books: Kirkland (2022) 253
1.30.1. So for that reason, and to see the world, Solon went to visit Amasis in Egypt and then to Croesus in Sardis . When he got there, Croesus entertained him in the palace, and on the third or fourth day Croesus told his attendants to show Solon around his treasures, and they pointed out all those things that were great and blest.
2. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.60-2.4.71, 2.5.127 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 76, 77
3. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 92-94, 91 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
4. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 49, 81 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 33
81. I omit to mention, that even if they had committed the most countless iniquities, nevertheless the governor ought, out of respect for the season, to have delayed their punishment; for with all rulers, who govern any state on constitutional principles, and who do not seek to acquire a character for audacity, but who do really honour their benefactors, it is the custom to punish no one, even of those who have been lawfully condemned, until the famous festival and assembly, in honour of the birth-day of the illustrious emperor, has passed.
5. Ovid, Tristia, 2.219-2.220 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
2.219. scilicet imperii princeps statione relicta 2.220. imparibus legeres carmina facta modis?
6. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 5.39.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77
5.39.4.  Then for the first time the commonwealth, recovering from the defeat received at the hands of the Tyrrhenians, recovered its former spirit and dared as before to aim at the supremacy over its neighbours. The Romans decreed a triumph jointly to both the consuls, and, as a special gratification to one of them, Valerius, ordered that a site should be given him for his habitation on the best part of the Palatine Hill and that the cost of the building should be defrayed from the public treasury. The folding doors of this house, near which stands the brazen bull, are the only doors in Rome either of public or private buildings that open outwards.
7. Livy, History, 7.38.1-7.38.2, 32.27.1, 36.35, 43.6.5-43.6.6, 44.14.3, 45.25.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 73
43.6.5. Alabandenses templum Urbis Romae se fecisse commemoravere ludosque anniversarios ei divae instituisse; 43.6.6. et coronam auream quinquaginta pondo, quam in Capitolio ponerent donum Iovi optimo maximo, attulisse et scuta equestria trecenta; ea, cui iussissent, tradituros. donum ut in Capitolio ponere et sacrificare liceret, petebant. 44.14.3. secundum Gallos Pamphylii legati coronam auream ex viginti milibus Philippicorum factam in curiam intulerunt, petentibusque iis, ut id donum in cella Iovis optimi maximi ponere et sacrificare in Capitolio liceret, permissum; 45.25.7. itaque extemplo coronam viginti milium aureorum decreverunt; Theodotum, praefectum classis, in eam legationem miserunt. societatem ab Romanis ita volebant peti, ut nullum de ea re scitum populi fieret aut litteris mandaretur, quod, nisi impetrarent, maior a repulsa ignominia esset.
8. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 25-29, 31-33, 30 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams (2012) 53
9. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.94, 1.10.25 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 76
10. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 21.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 157
11. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.148 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 73
31.148.  Why, even Nero, who had so great a craving and enthusiasm in that business that he did not keep his hands off of even the treasures of Olympia or of Delphi — although he honoured those sanctuaries above all others — but went still farther and removed most of the statues on the Acropolis of Athens and many of those at Pergamum, although that precinct was his very own (for what need is there to speak of those in other places?), left undisturbed only those in your city and showed towards you such signal goodwill and honour that he esteemed your entire city more sacred than the foremost sanctuaries.
12. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 5.210-5.214, 7.132-7.135, 7.139-7.147, 7.219-7.243 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 339, 343; Rutledge (2012) 280
5.210. But that gate which was at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered with gold, as was its whole wall about it; it had also golden vines above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man’s height. 5.211. But then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen in breadth; 5.212. but before these doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple, and of a contexture that was truly wonderful. Nor was this mixture of colors without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind of image of the universe; 5.213. for by the scarlet there seemed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the fine flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by the purple the sea; two of them having their colors the foundation of this resemblance; but the fine flax and the purple have their own origin for that foundation, the earth producing the one, and the sea the other. 5.214. This curtain had also embroidered upon it all that was mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the [twelve] signs, representing living creatures. 7.132. 5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature; 7.133. for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piecemeal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans; 7.134. for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver, and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as a man may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed of the rarest purple hangings, and so carried along; and others accurately represented to the life what was embroidered by the arts of the Babylonians. 7.135. There were also precious stones that were transparent, some set in crowns of gold, and some in other ouches, as the workmen pleased; and of these such a vast number were brought, that we could not but thence learn how vainly we imagined any of them to be rarities. 7.139. But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude; 7.140. for many of them were so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above another. The magnificence also of their structure afforded one both pleasure and surprise; 7.141. for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all; 7.142. and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself. 7.143. For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, 7.144. and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners: 7.145. rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. 7.146. Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. 7.147. On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships; 7.219. 1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: 7.220. Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus (for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered), sent an epistle to Caesar, 7.221. and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; 7.222. that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. 7.223. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; 7.224. for Samosata, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception. 7.225. Petus was accordingly believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. 7.226. These kings also came to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa. 7.227. Nor was there any opposition made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. 7.228. When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately, with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him. 7.229. So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents. 7.230. 2. Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon Samosata, and by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army. 7.231. However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do anything in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent. 7.232. But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves to military force; 7.233. and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces; 7.234. yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds of his own soldiers. 7.235. Accordingly, they revolted, and went over to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate. 7.236. It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, 7.237. whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they were not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them as if they had retained their ancient prosperity. 7.238. 3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. 7.239. However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretense of this war. 7.240. Accordingly, he gave orders that they should take off his bonds, while he was still upon the road, and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live at Lacedemon; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not only live in plenty, but like a king also. 7.241. When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under. 7.242. He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire. 7.243. So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained.
13. Martial, Epigrams, 12.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77
14. Martial, Epigrams, 12.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77
15. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.93-2.94, 3.66, 5.85, 6.8, 9.116, 9.119-9.121, 12.20, 12.111, 14.11, 15.77-15.78, 16.200, 22.13, 25.5-25.8, 34.18, 34.29, 34.84, 35.25-35.26, 35.156, 36.37-36.38, 36.201 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial fora •senate of rome, imperial relations with •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Ando (2013) 152; Marek (2019) 326, 331; Rutledge (2012) 73, 74, 76, 77, 226, 227, 228
16. Plutarch, Galba, 24.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 152
24.4. εἰπὼν οὖν, ὅτι παλαιὰν ἐωνημένος οἰκίαν βούλεται τὰ ὕποπτα δεῖξαι τοῖς πωληταῖς, ἀπῆλθε, καὶ διὰ τῆς Τιβερίου καλουμένης οἰκίας καταβὰς ἐβάδιζεν εἰς ἀγοράν, οὗ χρυσοῦς εἱστήκει κίων, εἰς ὃν αἱ τετμημέναι τῆς Ἰταλίας ὁδοὶ πᾶσαι τελευτῶσιν. 24.4.
17. Plutarch, Otho, 3.1-3.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 33
3.1. οὕτω δὲ τῷ δήμῳ τὴν δικαιοτάτην ἡδονὴν ἀποδοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ, αὐτὸς ἰδίας ἔχθρας οὐδενὶ τοπαράπαν ἐμνησικάκησε, τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς χαριζόμενος οὐκ ἔφευγε τὸ πρῶτον ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις Νέρων προσαγορεύεσθαι· καί τινων εἰκόνας Νέρωνος εἰς τοὐμφανὲς προθεμένων οὐκ ἐκώλυσε. 3.2. Κλούβιος δὲ Ῥοῦφος εἰς Ἰβηρίαν φησὶ κομισθῆναι διπλώματα, οἷς ἐκπέμπουσι τοὺς γραμματηφόρους, τὸ τοῦ Νέρωνος θετὸν ὄνομα προσγεγραμμένον ἔχοντα τῷ τοῦ Ὄθωνος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοὺς πρώτους καί κρατίστους αἰσθόμενος ἐπὶ τούτῳ δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπαύσατο. τοιαύτην δὲ τῆς ἡγεμονίας κατάστασιν αὐτῷ λαμβανούσης, οἱ μισθοφόροι χαλεποὺς παρεῖχον ἑαυτούς, ἀπιστεῖν παρακελευόμενοι καί φυλάττεσθαι καί κολούειν τοὺς ἀξιολόγους, εἴτʼ ἀληθῶς φοβούμενοι διʼ εὔνοιαν, εἴτε προφάσει χρώμενοι ταύτῃ τοῦ ταράττειν καί πολεμοποιεῖν. 3.1. And now that the emperor had given the people this most righteous gratification, he did not remember his own private grievances against any man soever, and in his desire to please the multitude did not refuse at first to be hailed in the theatres by the name of Nero, and when statues of Nero were produced in public, he did not prevent it. 3.2. Moreover, Cluvius Rufus tells us that diplomas, Cf. Chap. viii 4. such as couriers are provided with, were sent to Spain, in which the cognomen of Nero was added to the name of Otho. However, perceiving that the men of highest birth and greatest influence were displeased at this, Otho gave up the practice. But while he was placing his government on this basis, the paid soldiers began to make themselves troublesome by urging him not to trust the influential citizens, but to be on his guard against them and restrict their power. It is uncertain whether their goodwill led them to be really apprehensive for him, or whether they used this pretext for raising disturbance and war.
18. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.40-12.42, 12.60-12.84, 12.248-12.255, 12.318, 18.139-18.140, 19.223-19.273, 20.145 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 153; Marek (2019) 330, 334, 339; Rutledge (2012) 280
12.40. 5. When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an epistle should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these matters; and that they should inform him of the release of the Jews that had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense quantity of precious stones. 12.41. He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses. 12.42. Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity on the occasion following: 12.60. 8. And first I will describe what belongs to the table. It was indeed in the king’s mind to make this table vastly large in its dimensions; but then he gave orders that they should learn what was the magnitude of the table which was already at Jerusalem, and how large it was, and whether there was a possibility of making one larger than it. 12.61. And when he was informed how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that should be five times as large as the present table; but his fear was, that it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred ministrations. 12.62. According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials. 12.63. And as he was sagacious in observing the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where there was no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which were delineated should be most accurately formed by a constant regard to their delineation. 12.64. 9. When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table, they framed it in length two cubits [and a half], in breadth one cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on its three parts; 12.65. for as they were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators; 12.66. for which reason it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute, and none of the angles, which we before told you were three, appeared less than another, when the table was turned about. Now into the cordwork thus turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them; 12.67. but the parts which were on the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encompassed the table round about. 12.68. But under these oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and that each in its proper color, they made them fast with gold round the whole table. 12.69. The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show the same appearance of variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different, although the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet; 12.70. for there was made a plate of gold four fingers broad, through the entire breadth of the table, into which they inserted the feet, and then fastened them to the table by buttons and button-holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that so on what side soever of the table one should stand, it might exhibit the very same view of the exquisite workmanship, and of the vast expenses bestowed upon it: 12.71. but upon the table itself they engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars, of various colors; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind. 12.72. Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw them. 12.73. The chapiters of the feet imitated the first buddings of lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives were seen standing upright within them. 12.74. Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. 12.75. Now they had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy and tendrils of the vine, sending forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one believe that they were the product of nature, and not the representation of art. 12.76. They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be threefold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit. 12.77. So that this gift, by the king’s great generosity, by the great value of the materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer’s skill in imitating nature with graying tools, was at length brought to perfection, while the king was very desirous, that though in largeness it were not to be different from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious than that was. 12.78. 10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones enchased in the spiral circles. 12.79. Next to which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was composed of stones of all sorts of colors. And next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin, 12.80. while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers’ depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner. 12.81. And this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins. But those which were of silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you might in them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the other. 12.82. The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially engraven. 12.83. And these were the vessels that were after an extraordinary manner brought to this perfection, partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work, but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king, 12.84. who not only supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation. And this was the cause why the workmen were so accurate in their performance, because they had regard to the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so the more indefatigably kept close to the work. 12.248. 4. Now it came to pass, after two years, in the hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians Apelleus, in the hundred and fifty-third olympiad, that the king came up to Jerusalem, and, pretending peace, he got possession of the city by treachery; 12.249. at which time he spared not so much as those that admitted him into it, on account of the riches that lay in the temple; but, led by his covetous inclination, (for he saw there was in it a great deal of gold, and many ornaments that had been dedicated to it of very great value,) and in order to plunder its wealth, he ventured to break the league he had made. 12.250. So he left the temple bare, and took away the golden candlesticks, and the golden altar [of incense], and table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of burnt-offering]; and did not abstain from even the veils, which were made of fine linen and scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret treasures, and left nothing at all remaining; and by this means cast the Jews into great lamentation, 12.251. for he forbade them to offer those daily sacrifices which they used to offer to God, according to the law. And when he had pillaged the whole city, some of the inhabitants he slew, and some he carried captive, together with their wives and children, so that the multitude of those captives that were taken alive amounted to about ten thousand. 12.252. He also burnt down the finest buildings; and when he had overthrown the city walls, he built a citadel in the lower part of the city, for the place was high, and overlooked the temple; on which account he fortified it with high walls and towers, and put into it a garrison of Macedonians. However, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked part of the [Jewish] multitude, from whom it proved that the citizens suffered many and sore calamities. 12.253. And when the king had built an idol altar upon God’s altar, he slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacrifice neither according to the law, nor the Jewish religious worship in that country. He also compelled them to forsake the worship which they paid their own God, and to adore those whom he took to be gods; and made them build temples, and raise idol altars in every city and village, and offer swine upon them every day. 12.254. He also commanded them not to circumcise their sons, and threatened to punish any that should be found to have transgressed his injunction. He also appointed overseers, who should compel them to do what he commanded. 12.255. And indeed many Jews there were who complied with the king’s commands, either voluntarily, or out of fear of the penalty that was denounced. But the best men, and those of the noblest souls, did not regard him, but did pay a greater respect to the customs of their country than concern as to the punishment which he threatened to the disobedient; on which account they every day underwent great miseries and bitter torments; 12.318. o he chose out some of his soldiers, and gave them order to fight against those guards that were in the citadel, until he should have purified the temple. When therefore he had carefully purged it, and had brought in new vessels, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of incense], which were made of gold, he hung up the veils at the gates, and added doors to them. He also took down the altar [of burnt-offering], and built a new one of stones that he gathered together, and not of such as were hewn with iron tools. 18.139. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; 18.140. Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. 19.223. But when they were come into the large court of the palace, (which, as the report goes about it, was inhabited first of all the parts of the city of Rome,) and had just reached the public treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as glad to see Claudius’s face, and thought it exceeding right to make him emperor, on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left behind him a vast reputation among all that were acquainted with him. 19.224. They reflected also on the covetous temper of the leading men of the senate, and what great errors they had been guilty of when the senate had the government formerly; 19.225. they also considered the impossibility of such an undertaking, as also what dangers they should be in, if the government should come to a single person, and that such a one should possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and not to Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by their good-will to him, and would remember the favors they had done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the same. 19.226. 3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to them. Now those that inquired about this matter willingly embraced the invitation that was made them to join with the rest; so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding another, that their vehement endeavors might not be hindered. 19.227. But as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their opinions. The latter were very desirous to recover their former dignity, and were zealous to get clear of the slavery that had been brought on them by the injurious treatment of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded them; 19.228. but for the people, who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a refuge from them, they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon, and brought to them, and thought that if Claudius were made emperor, he would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days of Pompey. 19.229. But when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into the camp by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their body which had the best character for their virtues, that they might inform him that he ought to do nothing by violence, in order to gain the government; 19.230. that he who was a single person, one either already or hereafter to be a member of their body, ought to yield to the senate, which consisted of so great a number; that he ought to let the law take place in the disposal of all that related to the public order, and to remember how greatly the former tyrants had afflicted their city, and what dangers both he and they had escaped under Caius; and that he ought not to hate the heavy burden of tyranny, when the injury is done by others, while he did himself willfully treat his country after a mad and insolent manner; 19.231. that if he would comply with them, and demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live quietly and virtuously, he would have the greatest honors decreed to him that a free people could bestow; and by subjecting himself to the law, would obtain this branch of commendation, that he acted like a man of virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; 19.232. but that if he would act foolishly, and learn no wisdom by Caius’s death, they would not permit him to go on; that a great part of the army was got together for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves, which they could make use of; 19.233. that good hope was a great matter in such cases, as was also good fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others but those that undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than such as fight for the liberty of their country. 19.234. 4. Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of them tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and falling down upon their knees, they begged of him that he would not throw the city into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of soldiers encompassed and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were with the consuls were, in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable, 19.235. they added, that if he did desire the government, he should accept of it as given by the senate; that he would prosper better, and be happier, if he came to it, not by the injustice, but by the good-will of those that would bestow it upon him. 19.236. 1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their advice, behave himself for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could not recover himself out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim the government] partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his hands, when it came thus to him of its own accord. 19.237. Now this Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did what became one that had been so much honored by him; for he embraced Caius’s body after he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could, and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was still alive; but he said that they should call for physicians, since he was very ill of his wounds. 19.238. But when he had learned that Claudius was carried away violently by the soldiers, he rushed through the crowd to him, and when he found that he was in disorder, and ready to resign up the government to the senate, he encouraged him, and desired him to keep the government; 19.239. but when he had said this to Claudius, he retired home. And upon the senate’s sending for him, he anointed his head with ointment, as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius did; 19.240. who told him the present state of affairs, and then asked his opinion about the settlement of the public. He told them in words that he was ready to lose his life for the honor of the senate, but desired them to consider what was for their advantage, without any regard to what was most agreeable to them; 19.241. for that those who grasp at government will stand in need of weapons and soldiers to guard them, unless they will set up without any preparation for it, and so fall into danger. 19.242. And when the senate replied that they would bring in weapons in abundance, and money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already collected together for them, and they would raise a larger one by giving the slaves their liberty,—Agrippa made answer, “O senators! may you be able to compass what you have a mind to; yet will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend to your preservation. 19.243. Take notice, then, that the army which will fight for Claudius hath been long exercised in warlike affairs; but our army will be no better than a rude multitude of raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly made free from slavery, and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that are skillful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their swords. 19.244. So that my opinion is, that we should send some persons to Claudius, to persuade him to lay down the government; and I am ready to be one of your ambassadors.” 19.245. 2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied with him, and he was sent among others, and privately informed Claudius of the disorder the senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer them in a somewhat commanding strain, and as one invested with dignity and authority. 19.246. Accordingly, Claudius said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder the senate had no mind to have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by the barbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their affairs; but that they should taste of an equitable government under him, and moderate times, while he should only be their ruler in name, but the authority should be equally common to them all; and since he had passed through many and various scenes of life before their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust him. 19.247. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer, were dismissed. But Claudius discoursed with the army which was there gathered together, who took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him; Upon which he gave the guards every man five thousand drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable quantity to their captains, and promised to give the same to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were. 19.248. 3. And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple of Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night; but some of those senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain what to do, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going, and despairing of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own safety. 19.249. However, a hundred and no more were gotten together; and as they were in consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them an emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude of rulers. 19.250. So they fully declared themselves to be for the giving the government not to all, but to one; but they gave the senate leave to look out for a person worthy to be set over them, insomuch that now the affairs of the senate were much worse than before, because they had not only failed in the recovery of their liberty, which they boasted themselves of, but were in dread of Claudius also. 19.251. Yet were there those that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of their families and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his having married Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to claim the government, although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay after another in proposing it: 19.252. that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius’s murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. 19.253. There were also a considerable number of gladiators besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who all ran into the camp; insomuch that, of those who put in for the government, some left off their pretensions in order to spare the city, and others out of fear for their own persons. 19.254. 4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were with him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to the soldiers. However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that they were making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays: 19.255. but the senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should themselves be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them to govern, and the murderers of Caius would not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. 19.256. When they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had, and promised, that if they desired an emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the watchword from Eutychus. 19.257. Now this Eutychus was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, who used to harass the soldiery with building stables for the horses, and spent his time in ignominious labors, 19.258. which occasioned Cherea to reproach them with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous language; and told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that it was an amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they should commit their government to a fool. 19.259. Yet were not they moved with his words, but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left without any body to defend them, and the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. 19.260. They were also under consternation and sorrow, men not knowing what would become of them, because Claudius was very angry at them; so they fell a reproaching one another, and repented of what they had done. 19.261. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius’s murderers, threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well, while he who was the first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thin to live, when, even by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they found it impossible to do it. 19.262. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon him about killing himself; that yet he would first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it. 19.263. 5. These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius; and the other consul, Quintus Pomponius, was reproached by the soldiery, as having rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty; whereupon they drew their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it, if Claudius had not hindered them, 19.264. who snatched the consul out of the danger he was in, and set him by him. But he did not receive that part of the senate which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay, some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius; nay, Aponius went away wounded, and they were all in danger. 19.265. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others over whom to rule. 19.266. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was to the great vexation of the multitude; 19.267. for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius’s murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open manner, while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. 19.268. Then did Claudius, upon his coming to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they accused him the he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountece such actions for the time to come. 19.269. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behavior under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears; 19.270. for when Lupus had laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold he said, that cold was never hurtful to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked the soldier who was to be their executioner, whether this office was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time of his using his sword in that manner, and desired him to bring him that very sword with which he himself slew Caius. So he was happily killed at one stroke. 19.271. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows leveled at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have done]. 19.272. 6. Now, a few days after this, as the Parental solemnities were just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of Cherea, and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against them for their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came to. 19.273. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his fellowconfederates; so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself, the wound reaching up to the very hilt of the sword. 20.145. 3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false;
19. Arrian, Periplus, 17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 348
20. Ptolemy, Geography, 5.6.17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 329
21. Suetonius, Domitianus, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77
22. Suetonius, Claudius, 38.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
23. Suetonius, Augustus, 28.2, 31.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 32; Rutledge (2012) 77
24. Tacitus, Histories, 1.27.2, 1.47.1, 1.76.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 152, 156, 160
25. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams (2012) 53
26. Suetonius, Iulius, 47 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial fora Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 228
27. Suetonius, Nero, 24.1-24.2, 38.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 74
28. Suetonius, Otho, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 152
29. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.68, 2.102 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial fora Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 227, 228
30. Suetonius, Tiberius, 6.3, 17.2, 37.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 33; Marek (2019) 326; Rutledge (2012) 73
31. Tacitus, Agricola, 40.1, 42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 153, 155
32. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 8.7, 16.1-16.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Marek (2019) 341; Rutledge (2012) 77
33. Tacitus, Annals, 2.42.2, 2.46, 2.56, 3.52.2, 4.4.2-4.4.3, 4.5.1, 4.36, 6.31, 6.41, 12.45, 12.49-12.50, 12.49.2, 13.19, 13.35, 13.37.3, 14.7, 14.59, 14.61, 15.22, 15.22.1, 15.24, 15.45, 16.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •senate of rome, imperial relations with •domus augusta (imperial family), and people of rome •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Ando (2013) 152, 154, 159; Fertik (2019) 57; Marek (2019) 326, 328, 329, 332, 333, 336; Rutledge (2012) 73, 74
2.46. Neque Maroboduus iactantia sui aut probris in hostem abstinebat, sed Inguiomerum tenens illo in cor- pore decus omne Cheruscorum, illius consiliis gesta quae prospere ceciderint testabatur: vaecordem Arminium et rerum nescium alienam gloriam in se trahere, quoniam tres vagas legiones et ducem fraudis ignarum perfidia deceperit, magna cum clade Germaniae et ignominia sua, cum coniunx, cum filius eius servitium adhuc tolerent. at se duodecim legionibus petitum duce Tiberio inlibatam Germanorum gloriam servavisse, mox condicionibus aequis discessum; neque paenitere quod ipsorum in manu sit, integrum adversum Romanos bellum an pacem incruentam malint. his vocibus instinctos exercitus propriae quoque causae stimulabant, cum a Cheruscis Langobardisque pro antiquo decore aut recenti libertate et contra augendae dominationi certaretur. non alias maiore mole concursum neque ambiguo magis eventu, fusis utrimque dextris cornibus; sperabaturque rursum pugna, ni Maroboduus castra in collis subduxisset. id signum perculsi fuit; et transfugiis paulatim nudatus in Marcomanos concessit misitque legatos ad Tiberium oraturos auxilia. responsum est non iure eum adversus Cheruscos arma Romana invocare, qui pugtis in eundem hostem Romanos nulla ope iuvisset. missus tamen Drusus, ut rettulimus, paci firmator. 2.56. Ambigua gens ea antiquitus hominum ingeniis et situ terrarum, quoniam nostris provinciis late praetenta penitus ad Medos porrigitur; maximisque imperiis interiecti et saepius discordes sunt, adversus Romanos odio et in Parthum invidia. regem illa tempestate non habebant, amoto Vonone: sed favor nationis inclinabat in Zenonem, Polemonis regis Pontici filium, quod is prima ab infantia instituta et cultum Armeniorum aemulatus, venatu epulis et quae alia barbari celebrant, proceres plebemque iuxta devinxerat. igitur Germanicus in urbe Artaxata adprobantibus nobilibus, circumfusa multitudine, insigne regium capiti eius imposuit. ceteri venerantes regem Artaxiam consalutavere, quod illi vocabulum indiderant ex nomine urbis. at Cappadoces in formam provinciae redacti Q. Veranium legatum accepere; et quaedam ex regiis tributis deminuta quo mitius Romanum imperium speraretur. Commagenis Q. Servaeus praeponitur, tum primum ad ius praetoris translatis. 4.36. Ceterum postulandis reis tam continuus annus fuit ut feriarum Latinarum diebus praefectum urbis Drusum, auspicandi gratia tribunal ingressum, adierit Calpurnius Salvianus in Sextum Marium: quod a Caesare palam increpitum causa exilii Salviano fuit. obiecta publice Cyzicenis incuria caerimoniarum divi Augusti, additis violentiae criminibus adversum civis Romanos. et amisere libertatem, quam bello Mithridatis meruerant, circumsessi nec minus sua constantia quam praesidio Luculli pulso rege. at Fonteius Capito, qui pro consule Asiam curaverat, absolvitur, comperto ficta in eum crimina per Vibium Serenum. neque tamen id Sereno noxae fuit, quem odium publicum tutiorem faciebat. nam ut quis destrictior accusator, velut sacrosanctus erat: leves ignobiles poenis adficiebantur. 6.31. C. Cestio M. Servilio consulibus nobiles Parthi in urbem venere, ignaro rege Artabano. is metu Germanici fidus Romanis, aequabilis in suos, mox superbiam in nos, saevitiam in popularis sumpsit, fretus bellis quae secunda adversum circumiectas nationes exercuerat, et senectutem Tiberii ut inermem despiciens avidusque Armeniae, cui defuncto rege Artaxia Arsacen liberorum suorum veterrimum imposuit, addita contumelia et missis qui gazam a Vonone relictam in Syria Ciliciaque reposcerent; simul veteres Persarum ac Macedonum terminos seque invasurum possessa Cyro et post Alexandro per vaniloquentiam ac minas iacie- bat. sed Parthis mittendi secretos nuntios validissimus auctor fuit Sinnaces, insigni familia ac perinde opibus, et proximus huic Abdus ademptae virilitatis. non despectum id apud barbaros ultroque potentiam habet. ii adscitis et aliis primoribus, quia neminem gentis Arsacidarum summae rei imponere poterant, interfectis ab Artabano plerisque aut nondum adultis, Phraaten regis Phraatis filium Roma poscebant: nomine tantum et auctore opus ut sponte Caesaris ut genus Arsacis ripam apud Euphratis cerneretur. 6.41. Per idem tempus Clitarum natio Cappadoci Archelao subiecta, quia nostrum in modum deferre census, pati tributa adigebatur, in iuga Tauri montis abscessit locorumque ingenio sese contra imbellis regis copias tutabatur, donec M. Trebellius legatus, a Vitellio praeside Syriae cum quattuor milibus legionariorum et delectis auxiliis missus, duos collis quos barbari insederant (minori Cadra, alteri Davara nomen est) operibus circumdedit et erumpere ausos ferro, ceteros siti ad deditionem coegit. At Tiridates volentibus Parthis Nicephorium et Anthemusiada ceterasque urbes, quae Macedonibus sitae Graeca vocabula usurpant, Halumque et Artemitam Parthica oppida recepit, certantibus gaudio qui Artabanum Scythas inter eductum ob saevitiam execrati come Tiridatis ingenium Romanas per artes sperabant. 12.45. Reconciliationis specie adsumpta regressusque ad patrem, quae fraude confici potuerint, prompta nuntiat, cetera armis exequenda. interim Pharasmanes belli causas confingit: proelianti sibi adversus regem Albanorum et Romanos auxilio vocanti fratrem adversatum, eamque iniuriam excidio ipsius ultum iturum; simul magnas copias filio tradidit. ille inruptione subita territum exutumque campis Mithridaten compulit in castellum Gorneas, tutum loco ac praesidio militum, quis Caelius Pollio praefectus, centurio Casperius praeerat. nihil tam ignarum barbaris quam machinamenta et astus oppugnationum: at nobis ea pars militiae maxime gnara est. ita Radamistus frustra vel cum damno temptatis munitionibus obsidium incipit; et cum vis neglegeretur, avaritiam praefecti emercatur, obtestante Casperio, ne socius rex, ne Armenia donum populi Romani scelere et pecunia verterentur. postremo quia multitudinem hostium Pollio, iussa patris Radamistus obtendebant, pactus indutias abscedit, ut, nisi Pharasmanen bello absterruisset, Vmmidium Quadratum praesidem Syriae doceret quo in statu Armenia foret. 12.49. Erat Cappadociae procurator Iulius Paelignus, ignavia animi et deridiculo corporis iuxta despiciendus, sed Claudio perquam familiaris, cum privatus olim conversatione scurrarum iners otium oblectaret. is Paelignus auxiliis provincialium contractis tamquam reciperaturus Armeniam, dum socios magis quam hostis praedatur, abscessu suorum et incursantibus barbaris praesidii egens ad Radamistum venit; donisque eius evictus ultro regium insigne sumere cohortatur sumentique adest auctor et satelles. quod ubi turpi fama divulgatum, ne ceteri quoque ex Paeligno coniectarentur, Helvidius Priscus legatus cum legione mittitur rebus turbidis pro tempore ut consuleret. igitur propere montem Taurum transgressus moderatione plura quam vi composuerat, cum rediret in Syriam iubetur ne initium belli adversus Parthos existeret. 13.19. Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac fluxum est quam fama potentiae non sua vi nixae. statim relictum Agrippinae limen: nemo solari, nemo adire praeter paucas feminas, amore an odio incertas. ex quibus erat Iunia Silana, quam matrimonio C. Sili a Messalina depulsam supra rettuli, insignis genere forma lascivia, et Agrippinae diu percara, mox occultis inter eas offensionibus, quia Sextium Africanum nobilem iuvenem a nuptiis Silanae deterruerat Agrippina, impudicam et vergentem annis dictitans, non ut Africanum sibi seponeret, sed ne opibus et orbitate Silanae maritus poteretur. illa spe ultionis oblata parat accusatores ex clientibus suis, Iturium et Calvisium, non vetera et saepius iam audita deferens, quod Britannici mortem lugeret aut Octaviae iniurias evulgaret, sed destinavisse eam Rubellium Plautum, per maternam originem pari ac Nero gradu a divo Augusto, ad res novas extollere coniugioque eius et imperio rem publicam rursus invadere. haec Iturius et Calvisius Atimeto, Domitiae Neronis amitae liberto, aperiunt—qui laetus oblatis (quippe inter Agrippinam et Domitiam infensa aemulatio exercebatur) Paridem histrionem, libertum et ipsum Domitiae, impulit ire propere crimenque atrociter deferre. 13.35. Sed Corbuloni plus molis adversus ignaviam militum quam contra perfidiam hostium erat: quippe Syria transmotae legiones, pace longa segnes, munia castrorum aegerrime tolerabant. satis constitit fuisse in eo exercitu veteranos qui non stationem, non vigilias inissent, vallum fossamque quasi nova et mira viserent, sine galeis, sine loricis, nitidi et quaestuosi, militia per oppida expleta. igitur dimissis quibus senectus aut valetudo adversa erat supplementum petivit. et habiti per Galatiam Cappadociamque dilectus, adiectaque ex Germania legio cum equitibus alariis et peditatu cohortium. retentusque omnis exercitus sub pellibus, quamvis hieme saeva adeo ut obducta glacie nisi effossa humus tentoriis locum non praeberet. ambusti multorum artus vi frigoris et quidam inter excubias exanimati sunt. adnotatusque miles qui fascem lignorum gestabat ita praeriguisse manus, ut oneri adhaerentes truncis brachiis deciderent. ipse cultu levi, capite intecto, in agmine, in laboribus frequens adesse, laudem strenuis, solacium invalidis, exemplum omnibus ostendere. dehinc quia duritia caeli militiaeque multi abnuebant deserebantque, remedium severitate quaesitum est. nec enim, ut in aliis exercitibus, primum alterumque delictum venia prosequebatur, sed qui signa reliquerat, statim capite poenas luebat. idque usu salubre et misericordia melius adparuit: quippe pauciores illa castra deseruere quam ea in quibus ignoscebatur. 14.7. At Neroni nuntios patrati facinoris opperienti adfertur evasisse ictu levi sauciam et hactenus adito discrimine ne auctor dubitaretur. tum pavore exanimis et iam iamque adfore obtestans vindictae properam, sive servitia armaret vel militem accenderet, sive ad senatum et populum pervaderet, naufragium et vulnus et interfectos amicos obiciendo: quod contra subsidium sibi? nisi quid Burrus et Seneca; quos expergens statim acciverat, incertum an et ante gnaros. igitur longum utriusque silentium, ne inriti dissuaderent, an eo descensum credebant ut, nisi praeveniretur Agrippina, pereundum Neroni esset. post Seneca hactenus promptius ut respiceret Burrum ac sciscitaretur an militi imperanda caedes esset. ille praetorianos toti Caesarum domui obstrictos memoresque Germanici nihil adversus progeniem eius atrox ausuros respondit: perpetraret Anicetus promissa. qui nihil cunctatus poscit summam sceleris. ad eam vocem Nero illo sibi die dari imperium auctoremque tanti muneris libertum profitetur: iret propere duceretque promptissimos ad iussa. ipse audito venisse missu Agrippinae nuntium Agerinum, scaenam ultro criminis parat gladiumque, dum mandata perfert, abicit inter pedes eius, tum quasi deprehenso vincla inici iubet, ut exitium principis molitam matrem et pudore deprehensi sceleris sponte mortem sumpsisse confingeret. 14.59. Sed Plautum ea non movere, sive nullam opem providebat inermis atque exul, seu taedio ambiguae spei, an amore coniugis et liberorum, quibus placabiliorem fore principem rebatur nulla sollicitudine turbatum. sunt qui alios a socero nuntios venisse ferant, tamquam nihil atrox immineret; doctoresque sapientiae, Coeranum Graeci, Musonium Tusci generis, constantiam opperiendae mortis pro incerta et trepida vita suasisse. repertus est certe per medium diei nudus exercitando corpori. talem eum centurio trucidavit coram Pelagone spadone quem Nero centurioni et manipulo, quasi satellitibus ministrum regium, praeposuerat. caput interfecti relatum; cuius aspectu (ipsa principis verba referam) 'cur', inquit, 'Nero' et posito metu nuptias Poppaeae ob eius modi terrores dilatas maturare parat Octaviamque coniugem amoliri, quamvis modeste ageret, nomine patris et studiis populi gravem. sed ad senatum litteras misit de caede Sullae Plautique haud confessus, verum utriusque turbidum ingenium esse et sibi incolumitatem rei publicae magna cura haberi. decretae eo nomine supplicationes utque Sulla et Plautus senatu moverentur, gravioribus iam ludibriis quam malis. 14.61. Exim laeti Capitolium scandunt deosque tandem venerantur. effigies Poppaeae proruunt, Octaviae imagines gestant umeris, spargunt floribus foroque ac templis statuunt. †itur etiam in principis laudes repetitum venerantium†. iamque et Palatium multitudine et clamoribus complebant, cum emissi militum globi verberibus et intento ferro turbatos disiecere. mutataque quae per seditionem verterant et Poppaeae honos repositus est. quae semper odio, tum et metu atrox ne aut vulgi acrior vis ingrueret aut Nero inclinatione populi mutaretur, provoluta genibus eius, non eo loci res suas agi ut de matrimonio certet, quamquam id sibi vita potius, sed vitam ipsam in extremum adductam a clientelis et servitiis Octaviae quae plebis sibi nomen indiderint, ea in pace ausi quae vix bello evenirent. arma illa adversus principem sumpta; ducem tantum defuisse qui motis rebus facile reperiretur, omitteret modo Campaniam et in urbem ipsa pergeret ad cuius nutum absentis tumultus cierentur. quod alioquin suum delictum? quam cuiusquam offensionem? an quia veram progeniem penatibus Caesarum datura sit? malle populum Romanum tibicinis Aegyptii subolem imperatorio fastigio induci? denique, si id rebus conducat, libens quam coactus acciret dominam, vel consuleret securitati. iusta ultione et modicis remediis primos motus consedisse: at si desperent uxorem Neronis fore Octaviam, illi maritum daturos. 15.22. Magno adsensu celebrata sententia. non tamen senatus consultum perfici potuit, abnuentibus consulibus ea de re relatum. mox auctore principe sanxere ne quis ad concilium sociorum referret agendas apud senatum pro praetoribus prove consulibus grates, neu quis ea legatione fungeretur. Isdem consulibus gymnasium ictu fulminis conflagravit effigiesque in eo Neronis ad informe aes liquefacta. et motu terrae celebre Campaniae oppidum Pompei magna ex parte proruit; defunctaque virgo Vestalis Laelia, in cuius locum Cornelia ex familia Cossorum capta est. 15.24. Inter quae veris principio legati Parthorum mandata regis Vologesis litterasque in eandem formam attulere: se priora et toties iactata super optinenda Armenia nunc omit- tere, quoniam dii, quamvis potentium populorum arbitri, possessionem Parthis non sine ignominia Romana tradidissent. nuper clausum Tigranen; post Paetum legionesque, cum opprimere posset, incolumis dimisisse. satis adprobatam vim; datum et lenitatis experimentum. nec recusaturum Tiridaten accipiendo diademati in urbem venire nisi sacerdotii religione attineretur. iturum ad signa et effigies principis ubi legionibus coram regnum auspicaretur. 15.45. Interea conferendis pecuniis pervastata Italia, provinciae eversae sociique populi et quae civitatium liberae vocantur. inque eam praedam etiam dii cessere, spoliatis in urbe templis egestoque auro quod triumphis, quod votis omnis populi Romani aetas prospere aut in metu sacraverat. enimvero per Asiam atque Achaiam non dona tantum sed simulacra numinum abripiebantur, missis in eas provincias Acrato ac Secundo Carrinate. ille libertus cuicumque flagitio promptus, hic Graeca doctrina ore tenus exercitus animum bonis artibus non induerat. ferebatur Seneca quo invidiam sacrilegii a semet averteret longinqui ruris secessum oravisse et, postquam non concedebatur, ficta valetudine quasi aeger nervis cubiculum non egressus. tradidere quidam venenum ei per libertum ipsius, cui nomen Cleonicus, paratum iussu Neronis vitatumque a Seneca proditione liberti seu propria formidine, dum persimplici victu et agrestibus pomis ac, si sitis admoneret, profluente aqua vitam tolerat. 16.23. At Baream Soranum iam sibi Ostorius Sabinus eques Romanus poposcerat reum ex proconsulatu Asiae, in quo offensiones principis auxit iustitia atque industria, et quia portui Ephesiorum aperiendo curam insumpserat vimque civitatis Pergamenae prohibentis Acratum, Caesaris libertum, statuas et picturas evehere inultam omiserat. sed crimini dabatur amicitia Plauti et ambitio conciliandae provinciae ad spes novas. tempus damnationi delectum, quo Tiridates accipiendo Armeniae regno adventabat, ut ad externa rumoribus intestinum scelus obscuraretur, an ut magnitudinem imperatoriam caede insignium virorum quasi regio facinore ostentaret. 2.46.  Nor could Maroboduus refrain from a panegyric upon himself and an invective against the enemy, but holding Inguiomarus by the hand, "There was but one person," he declared, "in whom resided the whole glory of the Cherusci — by whose counsels had been won whatsoever success they had achieved! Arminius was a fool, a novice in affairs, who usurped another man's fame, because by an act of perfidy he had entrapped three straggling legions and a commander who feared no fraud: a feat disastrous to Germany and disgraceful to its author, whose wife and child were even yet supporting their bondage. For himself, when he was attacked by twelve legions, with Tiberius at their head, he had kept the German honour unstained, and soon afterwards the combatants had parted on equal terms: nor could he regret that it was now in their power to choose with Rome either a war uncompromised or a bloodless peace!" Fired by the oratory, the armies were stimulated also by motives of their own, as the Cherusci and Langobardi were striking for ancient fame or recent liberty; their adversaries for the extension of a realm. No field ever witnessed a fiercer onset or a more ambiguous event; for on both sides the right wing was routed. A renewal of the conflict was expected, when Maroboduus shifted his camp to the hills. It was the sign of a beaten man; and stripped gradually of his forces by desertions, he fell back upon the Marcomani and sent a deputation to Tiberius asking assistance. The reply ran that "to invoke the Roman arms against the Cherusci was not the part of a man who had brought no help to Rome when she was herself engaged against the same enemy." Drusus, however, as we have mentioned, was sent out to consolidate a peace. 2.56.  That country, from the earliest period, has owned a national character and a geographical situation of equal ambiguity, since with a wide extent of frontier conterminous with our own provinces, it stretches inland right up to Media; so that the Armenians lie interposed between two vast empires, with which, as they detest Rome and envy the Parthian, they are too frequently at variance. At the moment they lacked a king, owing to the removal of Vonones, but the national sentiment leaned to Zeno, a son of the Pontic sovereign Polemo: for the prince, an imitator from earliest infancy of Armenian institutions and dress, had endeared himself equally to the higher and the lower orders by his affection for the chase, the banquet, and the other favourite pastimes of barbarians. Accordingly, in the town of Artaxata, before the consenting nobles and a great concourse of the people, Germanicus placed on his head the emblem of royalty. All save the Romans did homage and acclaimed King Artaxias — an appellation suggested by the name of the city. On the other hand, Cappadocia, reduced to the rank of a province, received Quintus Veranius as governor; and, to encourage hope in the mildness of Roman sway, a certain number of the royal tributes were diminished. Quintus Servaeus was appointed to Commagene, now for the first time transferred to praetorian jurisdiction. 4.36.  For the rest, the year was so continuous a chain of impeachments that in the days of the Latin Festival, when Drusus, as urban prefect, mounted the tribunal to inaugurate his office, he was approached by Calpurnius Salvianus with a suit against Sextus Marius: an action which drew a public reprimand from the Caesar and occasioned the banishment of Salvianus. The community of Cyzicus were charged with neglecting the cult of the deified Augustus; allegations were added of violence to Roman citizens; and they forfeited the freedom earned during the Mithridatic War, when the town was invested and they beat off the king as much by their own firmness as by the protection of Lucullus. On the other hand, Fonteius Capito, who had administered Asia as proconsul, was acquitted upon proof that the accusations against him were the invention of Vibius Serenus. The reverse, however, did no harm to Serenus, who was rendered doubly secure by the public hatred. For the informer whose weapon never rested became quasi-sacrosanct: it was on the insignificant and unknown that punishments descended. 6.31.  In the consulate of Gaius Cestius and Marcus Servilius, a number of Parthian nobles made their way to the capital without the knowledge of King Artabanus. That prince, loyal to Rome and temperate towards his subjects while he had Germanicus to fear, soon adopted an attitude of arrogance to ourselves and of cruelty to his countrymen. For he was emboldened by the campaigns he had successfully prosecuted against the surrounding nations; he disdained the old age of Tiberius as no longer fit for arms; and he coveted Armenia, on the throne of which (after the death of Artaxias) he installed his eldest son Arsaces, adding insult to injury by sending envoys to reclaim the treasure left by Vonones in Syria and Cilicia. At the same time, he referred in boastful and menacing terms to the old boundaries of the Persian and Macedonian empires, and to his intention of seizing the territories held first by Cyrus and afterwards by Alexander. The most influential advocate, however, for the despatch of the secret legation by the Parthians was Sinnaces, a man of noted family and corresponding wealth; and, next to him, the eunuch Abdus: for among barbarians that condition brings with it not contempt but actual power. Other magnates also were admitted into their counsels; then, as they were unable to bestow the crown on a scion of the Arsacidae, many of whom had been killed by Artabanus while others were under age, they demanded from Rome Phraates, the son of King Phraates:— "Only a name and a warrant were necessary — only that, with the Caesar's permission, a descendant of Arsaces should be seen upon the bank of Euphrates!" 6.41.  About this date, the Cietae, a tribe subject to Archelaus of Cappadocia, pressed to conform with Roman usage by making a return of their property and submitting to a tribute, migrated to the heights of the Tauric range, and, favoured by the nature of the country, held their own against the unwarlike forces of the king; until the legate Marcus Trebellius, despatched by Vitellius from his province of Syria with four thousand legionaries and a picked force of auxiliaries, drew his lines round the two hills which the barbarians had occupied (the smaller is known as Cadra, the other as Davara) and reduced them to surrender — those who ventured to make a sally, by the sword, the others by thirst. Meanwhile, with the acquiescence of the Parthians, Tiridates took over Nicephorium, Anthemusias, and the other cities of Macedonian foundation, carrying Greek names, together with the Parthic towns of Halus and Artemita; enthusiasm running high, as Artabanus, with his Scythian training, had been execrated for his cruelty and it was hoped that Roman culture had mellowed the character of Tiridates. 12.45.  Assuming the character of a reconciled son, he returned to his father, and announced that all which it had been possible to effect by fraud was ready: what remained must be achieved by arms. Meanwhile, Pharasmanes fabricated pretexts for war:— "During his conflict with the king of Albania, his appeal for Roman help had been opposed by his brother, and he would now avenge that injury by his destruction." At the same time, he entrusted a large force to his son; who, by a sudden incursion, unnerved Mithridates, beat him out of the plains, and forced him into Gorneae, a fort protected by the nature of the ground and a garrison under the command of the prefect Caelius Pollio and the centurion Casperius. Nothing is so completely unknown to barbarians as the appliances and refinements of siege operations — a branch of warfare perfectly familiar to ourselves. Hence, after several attacks, fruitless or worse, upon the fortifications, Radamistus began a blockade: then, as force was ignored, he bribed the avarice of the prefect, though Casperius protested against the subversion, by guilt and gold, of an allied monarch and of Armenia, his gift from the Roman people. At last, as Pollio continued to plead the numbers of the enemy and Radamistus the orders of his father, he stipulated for a truce, and left with the intention of either deterring Pharasmanes from his campaign or acquainting the governor of Syria, Ummidius Quadratus, with the state of matters in Armenia. 12.49.  The procurator of Cappadocia was Julius Paelignus, a person made doubly contemptible by hebetude of mind and grotesqueness of body, yet on terms of the greatest intimacy with Claudius during the years of retirement when he amused his sluggish leisure with the society of buffoons. The Paelignus had mustered the provincial militia, with the avowed intention of recovering Armenia; but, while he was plundering our subjects in preference to the enemy, the secession of his troops left him defenceless against the barbarian incursions, and he made his way to Radamistus, by whose liberality he was so overpowered that he voluntarily advised him to assume the kingly emblem, and assisted at its assumption in the quality of sponsor and satellite. Ugly reports of the incident spread; and, to make it clear that not all Romans were to be judged by the standard of Paelignus, the legate Helvidius Priscus was sent with a legion to deal with the disturbed situation as the circumstances might require. Accordingly, after crossing Mount Taurus in haste, he had settled more points by moderation than by force, when he was ordered back to Syria, lest he should give occasion for a Parthian war. 12.50.  For Vologaeses, convinced that the chance was come for an attack on Armenia, once the property of his ancestors, now usurped by a foreign monarch in virtue of a crime, collected a force, and prepared to settle his brother Tiridates on the throne; so that no branch of his family should lack its kingdom. The Parthian invasion forced back the Iberians without a formal battle, and the Armenian towns of Artaxata and Tigranocerta accepted the yoke. Then a severe winter, the inadequate provision of supplies, and an epidemic due to both of these causes, forced Vologaeses to abandon the scene of action; and Armenia, masterless once again, was occupied by Radamistus, more truculent than ever towards a nation of traitors whom he regarded as certain to rebel when opportunity offered. They were a people inured to bondage; but patience broke, and they surrounded the palace in arms. 13.19.  Nothing in the list of mortal things is so unstable and so fleeting as the fame attached to a power not based on its own strength. Immediately Agrippina's threshold was forsaken: condolences there were none; visits there were none, except from a few women, whether out of love or hatred is uncertain. Among them was Junia Silana, driven by Messalina from her husband Silanus, as I related above. Eminent equally in blood, beauty, and voluptuousness, she was long the bosom friend of Agrippina. Then came a private quarrel between the pair: for Agrippina had deterred the young noble Sextius Africanus from marriage with Silana by describing her as a woman of no morals and uncertain age; not with the intention of reserving Africanus for herself, but to keep a wealthy and childless widow from passing into the possession of a husband. With the prospect of revenge presenting itself, Silana now suborned two of her clients, Iturius and Calvisius, to undertake the accusation; her charge being not the old, oft-heard tale that Agrippina was mourning the death of Britannicus or publishing the wrongs of Octavia, but that she had determined to encourage Rubellius Plautus into revolution — on the maternal side he was a descendant of the deified Augustus in the same degree as Nero — and as the partner of his couch and then of his throne to make her way once more into the conduct of affairs. The charges were communicated by Iturius and Calvisius to Atimetus, a freedman of Nero's aunt Domitia. Overjoyed at this windfall — for competition was bitter between Agrippina and Domitia — Atimetus incited the actor Paris, also a freedman of Domitia, to go on the instant and present the charge in the darkest colours. 14.7.  Meanwhile, as Nero was waiting for the messengers who should announce the doing of the deed, there came the news that she had escaped with a wound from a light blow, after running just sufficient risk to leave no doubt as to its author. Half-dead with terror, he protested that any moment she would be here, hot for vengeance. And whether she armed her slaves or inflamed the troops, or made her way to the senate and the people, and charged him with the wreck, her wound, and the slaying of her friends, what counter-resource was at his own disposal? Unless there was hope in Seneca and Burrus! He had summoned them immediately: whether to test their feeling, or as cognizant already of the secret, is questionable. — There followed, then, a long silence on the part of both: either they were reluctant to dissuade in vain, or they believed matters to have reached a point at which Agrippina must be forestalled or Nero perish. After a time, Seneca so far took the lead as to glance at Burrus and inquire if the fatal order should be given to the military. His answer was that the guards, pledged as they were to the Caesarian house as a whole, and attached to the memory of Germanicus, would flinch from drastic measures against his issue: Anicetus must redeem his promise. He, without any hesitation, asked to be given full charge of the crime. The words brought from Nero a declaration that that day presented him with an empire, and that he had a freedman to thank for so great a boon: Anicetus must go with speed and take an escort of men distinguished for implicit obedience to orders. He himself, on hearing that Agermus had come with a message from Agrippina, anticipated it by setting the stage for a charge of treason, threw a sword at his feet while he was doing his errand, then ordered his arrest as an assassin caught in the act; his intention being to concoct a tale that his mother had practised against the imperial life and taken refuge in suicide from the shame of detection. 14.59.  All this, however, left Plautus unmoved. Either, exiled and unarmed, he foresaw no help; or he had wearied of hope and its incertitudes; or possibly the cause was affection for his wife and children, to whom he supposed the emperor would prove more placable if no alarms had disturbed his equanimity. There are those who state that fresh couriers had arrived from his father-in‑law with news that no drastic measures were pending, while his teachers of philosophy — Coeranus and Musonius, Greek and Tuscan respectively by origin — had advised him to have the courage to await death, in preference to an uncertain and harassed life. At all events, he was found in the early afternoon, stripped for bodily exercise. In that condition he was cut down by the centurion, under the eyes of the eunuch Pelago, placed by Nero in charge of the centurion and his detachment like a king's minion over his satellites. The head of the victim was carried back to Rome; and at sight of it the prince exclaimed (I shall give the imperial words exactly):— "Nero, <why did you fear a man with such a nose?>" And laying aside his anxieties, he prepared to accelerate the marriage with Poppaea — till then postponed through suchlike terrors — and also to remove his wife Octavia; who, unassuming as her behaviour might be, was intolerable as the daughter of her father and the favourite of the people. Yet he sent a letter to the Senate, not confessing the execution of Sulla and Plautus, but observing that both were turbulent spirits and that he was watching with extreme care over the safety of the commonwealth. On that grand, a national thanksgiving was voted, together with the expulsion of Sulla and Plautus from the senate — an insulting mockery now more deadly than the evils inflicted on them. 14.61.  At once exulting crowds scaled the Capitol, and Heaven at last found itself blessed. They hurled down the effigies of Poppaea, they carried the statues of Octavia shoulder-high, strewed them with flowers, upraised them in the forum and the temples. Even the emperor's praises were essayed with vociferous loyalty. Already they were filling the Palace itself with their numbers and their cheers, when bands of soldiers emerged and scattered them in disorder with whipcuts and levelled weapons. All the changes effected by the outbreak were rectified, and the honours of Poppaea were reinstated. She herself, always cruel in her hatreds, and now rendered more so by her fear that either the violence of the multitude might break out in a fiercer storm or Nero follow the trend of popular feeling, threw herself at his knees:— "Her affairs," she said, "were not in a position in which she could fight for her marriage, though it was dearer to her than life: that life itself had been brought to the verge of destruction by those retainers and slaves of Octavia who had conferred on themselves the name of the people and dared in peace what would scarcely happen in war. Those arms had been lifted against the sovereign; only a leader had been lacking, and, once the movement had begun, a leader was easily come by, — the one thing necessary was an excursion from Campania, a personal visit to the capital by her whose distant nod evoked the storm! And apart from this, what was Poppaea's transgression? in what had she offended anyone? Or was the reason that she was on the point of giving an authentic heir to the hearth of the Caesars? Did the Roman nation prefer the progeny of an Egyptian flute-player to be introduced to the imperial throne? — In brief, if policy so demanded, then as an act of grace, but not of compulsion, let him send for the lady who owned him — or else take thought for his security! A deserved castigation and lenient remedies had allayed the first commotion; but let the mob once lose hope of seeing Octavia Nero's wife and they would soon provide her with a husband!" 15.22.  The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. 15.24.  Meanwhile, at the beginning of spring, a Parthian legation brought a message from King Vologeses and a letter to the same purport:— "He was now dropping his earlier and often-vented claims to the possession of Armenia, since the gods, arbiters of the fate of nations however powerful, had transferred the ownership to Parthia, not without some humiliation to Rome. Only recently he had besieged Tigranes: a little later, when he might have crushed them, he had released Paetus and the legions with their lives. He had sufficiently demonstrated his power; he had also given an example of his clemency. Nor would Tiridates have declined to come to Rome and receive his diadem, were he not detained by the scruples attaching to his priesthood; he would visit the standards and the effigies of the emperor, there to inaugurate his reign in the presence of the legions." 15.45.  Meanwhile, Italy had been laid waste for contributions of money; the provinces, the federate communities, and the so‑called free states, were ruined. The gods themselves formed part of the plunder, as the ravaged temples of the capital were drained of the gold dedicated in the triumphs or the vows, the prosperity or the fears, of the Roman nation at every epoch. But in Asia and Achaia, not offerings alone but the images of deity were being swept away, since Acratus and Carrinas Secundus had been despatched into the two provinces. The former was a freedman prepared for any enormity; the latter, as far as words went, was a master of Greek philosophy, but his character remained untinctured by the virtues. Seneca, it was rumoured, to divert the odium of sacrilege from himself, had asked leave to retire to a distant estate in the country, and, when it was not accorded, had feigned illness — a neuralgic affection, he said — and declined to leave his bedroom. Some have put it on record that, by the orders of Nero, poison had been prepared for him by one of his freedmen, Cleonicus by name; and that, owing either to the man's revelations or to his own alarms, it was avoided by Seneca, who supported life upon an extremely simple diet of field fruits and, if thirst was insistent, spring water. 16.23.  As to Barea Soranus, the Roman knight, Ostorius Sabinus, had already claimed him for his own, in a case arising from Soranus' proconsulate of Asia; during which he increased the emperor's malignity by his fairness and his energy, by the care he had spent upon clearing the harbour of Ephesus, and by his failure to punish the city of Pergamum for employing force to prevent the loot of its statues and paintings by the Caesarian freedman, Acratus. But the charges preferred were friendship with Plautus and popularity-hunting in his province with a view of the winning it for the cause of revolution. The time chosen for the condemnation was the moment when Tiridates was on the point of arriving to be invested with the crown of Armenia; the object being that, with public curiosity diverted to foreign affairs, domestic crime might be thrown into shadow, or, possibly, that the imperial greatness might be advertised by the royal feat of slaughtering illustrious men.
34. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 17.3, 36.2, 40.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32, 153
35. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 154
36. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 6.3 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
6.3. τοιαῦτα διαλεγόμενος καὶ ξυμβούλους τῶν διαλέξεων, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, ποιούμενος τοὺς καιροὺς ἐχώρει ἐπὶ Μέμνονος, ἡγεῖτο δ' αὐτοῖς μειράκιον Αἰγύπτιον, ὑπὲρ οὗ τάδε ἀναγράφει Δάμις: Τιμασίων μὲν τῷ μειρακίῳ τούτῳ ὄνομα ἦν, ἐφήβου δὲ ἄρτι ὑπαπῄει καὶ τὴν ὥραν ἔτι ἔρρωτο. σωφρονοῦντι δὲ αὐτῷ μητρυιὰ ἐρῶσα ἐνέκειτο καὶ χαλεπὸν τὸν πατέρα ἐποίει, ξυντιθεῖσα μὲν οὐδὲν ὧνπερ ἡ Φαίδρα, διαβάλλουσα δ' αὐτὸν ὡς θῆλυν καὶ ἐρασταῖς μᾶλλον ἢ γυναίοις χαίροντα. ὁ δ' ἐκλιπὼν Ναύκρατιν, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ταῦτα ἐγίγνετο, περὶ Μέμφιν διῃτᾶτο, καὶ ναῦν δὲ ἰδιόστολον ἐκέκτητο καὶ ἐναυκλήρει ἐν τῷ Νείλῳ. ἰδὼν οὖν ἀναπλέοντα τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον καταπλέων αὐτὸς ξυνῆκέ τε, ὡς ἀνδρῶν σοφῶν εἴη τὸ πλήρωμα ξυμβαλλόμενος τοῖς τρίβωσι καὶ τοῖς βιβλίοις, οἷς προσεσπούδαζον, καὶ ἱκέτευε προσδοῦναί οἱ τῆς τοῦ πλοῦ κοινωνίας ἐρῶντι σοφίας, ὁ δ' ̓Απολλώνιος “σώφρων” ἔφη “ὁ νεανίσκος, ὦ ἄνδρες, καὶ ἀξιούσθω ὧν δεῖται,” καὶ διῆλθε τὸν περὶ τῆς μητρυιᾶς λόγον πρὸς τοὺς ἐγγὺς τῶν ἑταίρων ὑφειμένῳ τῷ τόνῳ προσπλέοντος τοῦ μειρακίου ἔτι. ὡς δὲ ξυνῄεσαν αἱ νῆες, μεταβὰς ὁ Τιμασίων καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ κυβερνήτην εἰπών τι ὑπὲρ τοῦ φόρτου προσεῖπε τοὺς ἄνδρας. κελεύσας οὖν αὐτὸν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος κατ' ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ ἱζῆσαι “μειράκιον” ἔφη “Αἰγύπτιον, ἔοικας γὰρ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων εἶναί τις, τί σοι φαῦλον ἢ τί χρηστὸν εἴργασται, λέξον, ὡς τῶν μὲν λύσις παρ' ἐμοῦ γένοιτό σοι δι' ἡλικίαν, τῶν δ' αὖ ἐπαινεθεὶς ἐμοί τε ξυμφιλοσοφοίης καὶ τοῖσδε.” ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Τιμασίωνα ἐρυθριῶντα καὶ μεταβάλλοντα τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ στόματος ἐς τὸ λέξαι τι ἢ μή, θαμὰ ἤρειδε τὴν ἐρώτησιν, ὥσπερ οὐδεμιᾷ προγνώσει ἐς αὐτὸν κεχρημένος, ἀναθαρσήσας δὲ ὁ Τιμασίων “ὦ θεοί,” ἔφη “τίνα ἐμαυτὸν εἴπω; κακὸς μὲν γὰρ οὐκ εἰμί, ἀγαθὸν δὲ εἰ χρὴ νομίζεσθαί με, οὐκ οἶδα, τὸ γὰρ μὴ ἀδικεῖν οὔπω ἔπαινος.” καὶ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “βαβαί,” ἔφη “μειράκιον, ὡς ἀπὸ ̓Ινδῶν μοι διαλέγῃ, ταυτὶ γὰρ καὶ ̓Ιάρχᾳ δοκεῖ τῷ θείῳ. ἀλλ' ̔εἰπὲ̓ ὅπως ταῦτα δοξάζεις, κἀξ ὅτου; φυλαξομένῳ γάρ τι ἁμαρτεῖν ἔοικας.” ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀρξαμένου λέγειν, ὡς ἡ μητρυιὰ μὲν ἐπ' αὐτὸν φέροιτο, αὐτὸς δ' ἐρώσῃ ἐκσταίη, βοὴ ἐγένετο, ὡς δαιμονίως αὐτὰ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου προειπόντος, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Τιμασίων “ὦ λῷστοι,” ἔφη “τί πεπόνθατε; τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἀπέχει τὰ εἰρημένα θαύματος, ὅσον, οἶμαι, γέλωτος.” καὶ ὁ Δάμις “ἕτερόν τι” ἔφη “ἐθαυμάσαμεν, ὃ μήπω γιγνώσκεις. καὶ σὲ δέ, μειράκιον, ἐπαινοῦμεν, ὅτι μηδὲν οἴει λαμπρὸν εἰργάσθαι.” “̓Αφροδίτῃ δὲ θύεις, ὦ μειράκιον;” ἤρετο ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, καὶ ὁ Τιμασίων, “νὴ Δί',” εἶπεν, “ὁσημέραι γε, πολλὴν γὰρ ἡγοῦμαι τὴν θεὸν ̔ἐν' ἀνθρωπείοις τε καὶ θείοις πράγμασιν.” ὑπερησθεὶς οὖν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, “ψηφισώμεθα,” ἔφη “ὦ ἄνδρες, ἐστεφανῶσθαι αὐτὸν ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ καὶ πρὸ ̔Ιππολύτου τοῦ Θησέως, ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐς τὴν ̓Αφροδίτην ὕβρισε καὶ διὰ τουτὶ ἴσως οὐδὲ ἀφροδισίων ἥττητο, οὐδὲ ἔρως ἐπ' αὐτὸν οὐδεὶς ἐκώμαζεν, ἀλλ' ἦν τῆς ἀγροικοτέρας τε καὶ ἀτέγκτου μοίρας, οὑτοσὶ δὲ ἡττᾶσθαι τῆς θεοῦ φάσκων οὐδὲν πρὸς τὴν ἐρῶσαν ἔπαθεν, ἀλλ' ἀπῆλθεν αὐτὴν δείσας τὴν θεόν, εἰ τὸ κακῶς ἐρᾶσθαι μὴ φυλάξοιτο, καὶ αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ διαβεβλῆσθαι πρὸς ὁντιναδὴ τῶν θεῶν, ὥσπερ πρὸς τὴν ̓Αφροδίτην ὁ ̔Ιππόλυτος, οὐκ ἀξιῶ σωφροσύνης, σωφρονέστερον γὰρ τὸ περὶ πάντων θεῶν εὖ λέγειν καὶ ταῦτα ̓Αθήνησιν, οὗ καὶ ἀγνώστων δαιμόνων βωμοὶ ἵδρυνται.” τοσαῦτα ἐς τὸν Τιμασίωνα αὐτῷ ἐσπουδάσθη. πλὴν ἀλλὰ ̔Ιππόλυτόν γε ἐκάλει αὐτὸν διὰ τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, οἷς τὴν μητρυιὰν εἶδεν. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἐπιμεληθῆναι καὶ γυμναστικῆς ἐπαφροδίτως ἅψασθαι. 6.3. With such conversations, the occasions providing as usual the topics he talked about, he turned his steps towards Memnon; an Egyptian showed them the way, of whom Damis gives the following account: Timasion was the name of this stripling, who was just emerging from boyhood, and was now in the prime of life and strength. He had a stepmother who had fallen in love with him; and when he rejected her overtures, she set upon him and by way of spiting him had poisoned his father's mind against him, condescending to a lower intrigue than ever Phaedra had done, for she accused him of being effeminate, and of finding his pleasure in pederasts rather than in women. He had accordingly abandoned Naucratis, for it was there that all this happened, and was living in the neighborhood of Memphis; and he had acquired and manned a boat of his own and was plying as a waterman on the Nile. He then, was going down the river when he saw Apollonius sailing up it; and he concluded that the crew consisted of wise men, because he judged them by the cloaks they wore and the books they were hard at work studying. So he asked them whether they would allow one who was so passionately fond of wisdom as himself to share their voyage; and Apollonius said: This youth is wise, my friends, so let him be granted his request. And he further related the story about his stepmother to those of his companions who were nearest to him in a low tone while the stripling was still sailing towards them. But when the ships were alongside of one another, Timasion stepped out of his boat, and after addressing a word or two to his pilot, about the cargo in his own boat, he greeted the company. Apollonius then ordered him to sit down under his eyes, and said: You stripling of Egypt, for you seem to be one of the natives, tell me what you have done of evil or what of good; for in the one case you shall be forgiven by me, in consideration of your youth; but in the other you shall reap my commendation and become a fellow-student of philosophy with me and with these gentlemen. Then noticing that Timasion blushed and checked his impulse to speak, and hesitated whether to say or not what he had been going to say, he pressed his question and repeated it, just as if he had no foreknowledge of the youth at his command. Then Timasion plucked up courage and said: O Heavens, how shall I describe myself? for I am not a bad boy, and yet I do not know whether I ought to be considered a good one, for there is no particular merit in having abstained from wrong. But Apollonius cried: Bravo, my boy, you answer me just as if you were a sage from India; for this was just the sentiment of the divine Iarchas. But tell me how you came to form these opinions, and how long ago; for it strikes me that you have been on your guard against some sin. The youth then began to tell them of his stepmother's infatuation for himself, and of how he had rejected her advances; and when he did so, there was a shout in recognition of the divine inspiration under which Apollonius had foretold these details. Timasion, however, caught them up and said: Most excellent people, what is the matter with you? for my story is one which calls as little for your admiration, I think, as for your ridicule. But Damis said: It was not that we were admiring, but something else which you don't know about yet. As for you, my boy, we praise you because you think that you did nothing very remarkable. And Apollonius said: Do you sacrifice to Aphrodite, my boy? And Timasion answered: Yes, by Zeus, every day; for I consider that this goddess has great influence in human and divine affairs. Thereat Apollonius was delighted beyond measure, and cried: Let us, gentlemen, vote a crown to him for his continence rather than to Hippolytus the son of Theseus, for the latter insulted Aphrodite; and that perhaps is why he never fell a victim to the tender passion, and why love never ran riot in his soul; but he was allotted an austere and unbending nature. But our friend here admits that he is devoted to the goddess, and yet did not respond to his stepmother's guilty overtures, but went away in terror of the goddess herself, in case he were not on his guard against another's evil passions; and the mere aversion to any one of the gods, such as Hippolytus entertained in regard to Aphrodite, I do not class as a form of sobriety; for it is a much greater proof of wisdom and sobriety to speak well of the gods, especially at Athens, where altars are set up in honor even of unknown gods. So great was the interest which he took in Timasion. Nevertheless he called him Hippolytus for the eyes with which he looked at his stepmother. It seemed also that he was a young man who was particular about his person and enhanced its charms by attention to athletic exercises.
37. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.4.4, 6.19.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 159
38. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.22.526, 1.25.539, 2.4.568, 2.26.613 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 68; Marek (2019) 352
39. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.4.4, 6.19.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 159
40. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 7.3, 8.6, 86.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
41. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.20.4, 1.20.7, 10.7.1, 10.19.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, complex role in imperial greek literature •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Kirkland (2022) 282, 283; Rutledge (2012) 73
1.20.4. ἔστι δὲ πλησίον τοῦ τε ἱεροῦ τοῦ Διονύσου καὶ τοῦ θεάτρου κατασκεύασμα, ποιηθῆναι δὲ τῆς σκηνῆς αὐτὸ ἐς μίμησιν τῆς Ξέρξου λέγεται· ἐποιήθη δὲ καὶ δεύτερον, τὸ γὰρ ἀρχαῖον στρατηγὸς Ῥωμαίων ἐνέπρησε Σύλλας Ἀθήνας ἑλών. αἰτία δὲ ἥδε τοῦ πολέμου. Μιθριδάτης ἐβασίλευε βαρβάρων τῶν περὶ τὸν Πόντον τὸν Εὔξεινον. πρόφασις μὲν δὴ διʼ ἥντινα Ῥωμαίοις ἐπολέμησε καὶ ὃν τρόπον ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν διέβη καὶ ὅσας ἢ πολέμῳ βιασάμενος πόλεις ἔσχεν ἢ φίλας ἐποιήσατο, τάδε μὲν τοῖς ἐπίστασθαι τὰ Μιθριδάτου θέλουσι μελέτω· ἐγὼ δὲ ὅσον ἐς τὴν ἅλωσιν τὴν Ἀθηναίων ἔχει δηλώσω. 1.20.7. Σύλλου δὲ οὐκ ἀνιέντος ἐς Ἀθηναίους τοῦ θυμοῦ λαθόντες ἐκδιδράσκουσιν ἄνδρες ἐς Δελφοὺς· ἐρομένοις δέ σφισιν, εἰ καταλαμβάνοι τὸ χρεὼν ἤδη καὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐρημωθῆναι, τούτοις ἔχρησεν ἡ Πυθία τὰ ἐς τὸν ἀσκὸν ἔχοντα. Σύλλᾳ δὲ ὕστερον τούτων ἐνέπεσεν ἡ νόσος, ᾗ καὶ τὸν Σύριον Φερεκύδην ἁλῶναι πυνθάνομαι. Σύλλᾳ δὲ ἔστι μὲν καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς Ἀθηναίων ἀγριώτερα ἢ ὡς ἄνδρα εἰκὸς ἦν ἐργάσασθαι Ῥωμαῖον· ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐ ταῦτα δὴ αἰτίαν γενέσθαι οἱ δοκῶ τῆς συμφορᾶς, Ἱκεσίου δὲ μήνιμα, ὅτι καταφυγόντα ἐς τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν ἀπέκτεινεν ἀποσπάσας Ἀριστίωνα. Ἀθῆναι μὲν οὕτως ὑπὸ τοῦ πολέμου κακωθεῖσαι τοῦ Ῥωμαίων αὖθις Ἀδριανοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἤνθησαν· 10.7.1. ἔοικε δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι πλείστων ἤδη. οὗτός τε ὁ Εὐβοεὺς λῃστὴς καὶ ἔτεσιν ὕστερον τὸ ἔθνος τὸ Φλεγυῶν, ἔτι δὲ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῷ, καὶ δυνάμεως μοῖρα τῆς Ξέρξου, καὶ οἱ χρόνον τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐν Φωκεῦσι δυνάσται, καὶ ἡ Γαλατῶν στρατιά. ἔμελλε δὲ ἄρα οὐδὲ τῆς Νέρωνος ἐς πάντα ὀλιγωρίας ἀπειράτως ἕξειν, ὃς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα πεντακοσίας θεῶν τε ἀναμὶξ ἀφείλετο καὶ ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς. 10.19.2. οὗτοι περὶ τὸ ὄρος τὸ Πήλιον ἐπιπεσόντος ναυτικῷ τῷ Ξέρξου βιαίου χειμῶνος προσεξειργάσαντό σφισιν ἀπώλειαν, τάς τε ἀγκύρας καὶ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο ἔρυμα ταῖς τριήρεσιν ἦν ὑφέλκοντες. ἀντὶ τούτου μὲν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες καὶ αὐτὸν Σκύλλιν καὶ τὴν παῖδα ἀνέθεσαν· ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσιν ὁπόσους Νέρων ἔλαβεν ἐκ Δελφῶν, ἐν τούτοις τὸν ἀριθμὸν καὶ τῆς Ὕδνης ἀπεπλήρωσεν ἡ εἰκών. καταδύονται δὲ ἐς θάλασσαν γένους τοῦ θήλεος αἱ καθαρῶς ἔτι παρθένοι. 1.20.4. Near the sanctuary of Dionysus and the theater is a structure, which is said to be a copy of Xerxes' tent. It has been rebuilt, for the old building was burnt by the Roman general Sulla when he took Athens 86 B.C. . The cause of the war was this. Mithridates was king over the foreigners around the Euxine. Now the grounds on which he made war against the Romans, how he crossed into Asia , and the cities he took by force of arms or made his friends, I must leave for those to find out who wish to know the history of Mithridates, and I shall confine my narrative to the capture of Athens . 1.20.7. Sulla abated nothing of his wrath against the Athenians, and so a few effected an escape to Delphi , and asked if the time were now come when it was fated for Athens also to be made desolate, receiving from the Pythia the response about the wine skin. Afterwards Sulla was smitten with the disease which I learn attacked Pherecydes the Syrian. Although Sulla's treatment of the Athenian people was so savage as to be unworthy of a Roman, I do not think that this was the cause of his calamity, but rather the vengeance of the suppliants' Protector, for he had dragged Aristion from the sanctuary of Athena, where he had taken refuge, and killed him. Such wise was Athens sorely afflicted by the war with Rome , but she flourished again when Hadrian was emperor. 10.7.1. It seems that from the beginning the sanctuary at Delphi has been plotted against by a vast number of men. Attacks were made against it by this Euboean pirate, and years afterwards by the Phlegyan nation; furthermore by Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, by a portion of the army of Xerxes, by the Phocian chieftains, whose attacks on the wealth of the god were the longest and fiercest, and by the Gallic invaders. It was fated too that Delphi was to suffer from the universal irreverence of Nero, who robbed Apollo of five hundred bronze statues, some of gods, some of men. 10.19.2. When the fleet of Xerxes was attacked by a violent storm off Mount Pelion, father and daughter completed its destruction by dragging away under the sea the anchors and any other security the triremes had. In return for this deed the Amphictyons dedicated statues of Scyllis and his daughter. The statue of Hydna completed the number of the statues that Nero carried off from Delphi . Only those of the female sex who are pure virgins may dive into the sea. This sentence is probably a marginal note which has crept into the text.
42. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.4-1.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 154, 155
43. Gellius, Attic Nights, 9.11.10, 12.10, 15.7.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32; Rutledge (2012) 74, 77
44. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 96 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial ideology Found in books: Hayes (2022) 44
45. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 3.2, 3.9, 4.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 352, 353, 354
46. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 13.5 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial ideology Found in books: Hayes (2022) 344
13.5. אָמַר רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן כָּל הַנְּבִיאִים רָאוּ הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת בְּעִסּוּקָן, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית ב, י): וְנָהָר יֹצֵא מֵעֵדֶן לְהַשְׁקוֹת וגו', רַבִּי תַּנְחוּמָא וְאַמְרֵי לָהּ רַבִּי מְנַחֲמָא בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בֶּן לֵוִי אָמַר עָתִיד הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְהַשְׁקוֹת כּוֹס הַתַּרְעֵלָה לְאֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב: וְנָהָר יֹצֵא מֵעֵדֶן, מָקוֹם שֶׁהַדִּין יוֹצֵא, (בראשית ב, י): וּמִשָּׁם יִפָּרֵד וְהָיָה לְאַרְבָּעָה רָאשִׁים, אֵלּוּ אַרְבָּעָה נְהָרוֹת, (בראשית ב, יא): שֵׁם הָאֶחָד פִּישׁוֹן, זֶה בָּבֶל, עַל שֵׁם (חבקוק א, ח): וּפָשׁוּ פָּרָשָׁיו. (בראשית ב, יא): הוּא הַסֹּבֵב אֵת כָּל אֶרֶץ הַחֲוִילָה, נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר הָרָשָׁע שֶׁעָלָה וְהִקִּיף אֶת כָּל אֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל שֶׁמְּיַחֶלֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (תהלים מב, ו): הוֹחִלִי לֵאלֹהִים. (בראשית ב, יא): אֲשֶׁר שָׁם הַזָּהָב, אֵלּוּ דִּבְרֵי תוֹרָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים יט, יא): הַנֶּחֱמָדִים מִזָּהָב וּמִפָּז רָב. (בראשית ב, יב): וּזֲהַב הָאָרֶץ הַהִוא טוֹב, מְלַמֵּד שֶׁאֵין תּוֹרָה כְּתוֹרַת אֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאֵין חָכְמָה כְּחָכְמַת אֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל, (בראשית ב, יב): שָׁם הַבְּדֹלַח וְאֶבֶן הַשֹּׁהַם, מִקְרָא מִשְׁנָה תַּלְמוּד הֲלָכוֹת וְאַגָּדוֹת. (בראשית ב, יג): וְשֵׁם הַנָּהָר הַשֵּׁנִי גִיחוֹן, זֶה מָדַי, שֶׁהֶעֱמִידָה אֶת הָמָן הָרָשָׁע שֶׁמָּשַׁךְ עִסָּה כַּנָּחָשׁ, עַל שׁוּם (בראשית ג, יד): עַל גְּחֹנְךָ תֵלֵךְ. (בראשית ב, יג): הוּא הַסּוֹבֵב אֶת כָּל אֶרֶץ כּוּשׁ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (אסתר א, א): מֵהוֹדוּ וְעַד כּוּשׁ. (בראשית ב, יד): וְשֵׁם הַנָּהָר הַשְּׁלִישִׁי חִדֶּקֶל, זוֹ יָוָן, שֶׁהִיא חַדָּה וְקַלָּה בִּגְזֵרוֹתֶיהָ עַל יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאוֹמֵר לָהֶם כִּתְבוּ עַל קֶרֶן הַשּׁוֹר שֶׁאֵין לְיִשְׂרָאֵל חֵלֶק בֵּאלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל. (בראשית ב, יד): הַהֹלֵךְ קִדְמַת אַשּׁוּר, אָמַר רַב הוּנָא כָּל הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת נִקְרְאוּ עַל שֵׁם אַשּׁוּר, שֶׁהָיוּ מְאַשְׁרִין עַצְמָן מִיִּשְׂרָאֵל. אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹסֵי בְּרַבִּי חֲנִינָא, כָּל הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת נִקְרְאוּ עַל שֵׁם מִצְרַיִם, עַל שֵׁם שֶׁהָיוּ מְצֵירִין לְיִשְׂרָאֵל. (בראשית ב, יד): וְהַנָּהָר הָרְבִיעִי הוּא פְרָת, הוּא אֱדוֹם שֶׁפָּרָת וְרָבָת בִּתְפִלָּתוֹ שֶׁל זָקֵן. דָּבָר אַחֵר, שֶׁפָּרָת וְרָבָת וְהֵצֵירָה לְעוֹלָמוֹ שֶׁל יִשְׂרָאֵל. דָּבָר אַחֵר, שֶׁפָּרָת וְרָבָת וְהֵצֵירָה לִבְנוֹ. דָּבָר אַחֵר, שֶׁפָּרָת וְרָבָת וְהֵצֵירָה לְבֵיתוֹ. דָּבָר אַחֵר, פָּרָת עַל שׁוּם סוֹפָהּ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה סג, ג): פּוּרָה דָרַכְתִּי לְבַדִּי. אַבְרָהָם רָאָה הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת בְּעִסּוּקָן (בראשית טו, יב): וְהִנֵּה אֵימָה, זוֹ בָּבֶל עַל שֵׁם (דניאל ג, יט): נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר הִתְמְלִי חֱמָא. (בראשית טו, יב): חֲשֵׁכָה, זוֹ מָדַי, שֶׁהֶחֱשִׁיכָה בִּגְזֵרוֹתֶיהָ אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (אסתר ג, יג): לְהַשְׁמִיד לַהֲרֹג וּלְאַבֵּד. (בראשית טו, יב): גְּדֹלָה, זוֹ יָוָן, אָמַר רַב נַחְמָן מְלַמֵּד שֶׁהָיְתָה מַלְכוּת יָוָן מַעֲמֶדֶת מֵאָה וְשִׁבְעִים וְאֶחָד אִפַּרְכִין, מֵאָה וְעֶשְׂרִים וְשִׁבְעָה אִסְטְרָטָלִיטוּן, וְרַבָּנָן אָמְרִין שִׁשִּׁים שִׁשִׁים, וְרַבִּי בֶּרֶכְיָה וְרַבִּי חָנִין עַל הֲדָא דְרַבָּנָן (דברים ח, טו): הַמּוֹלִיכְךָ בַּמִּדְבָּר הַגָּדֹל וְהַנּוֹרָא נָחָשׁ שָׂרָף וְעַקְרָב, נָחָשׁ זֶה בָּבֶל. שָׂרָף, זֶה מָדַי. עַקְרָב, זֶה יָוָן, מָה עַקְרָב זֶה מַשְׁרֶצֶת שִׁשִּׁים שִׁשִּׁים, כָּךְ הָיְתָה מַלְכוּת יָוָן מַעֲמֶדֶת שִׁשִּׁים שִׁשִּׁים. (בראשית טו, יב): נֹפֶלֶת, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, עַל שֵׁם (ירמיה מט, כא): מִקּוֹל נִפְלָם רָעֲשָׁה הָאָרֶץ. וְיֵשׁ אוֹמְרִים אֵימָה, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, עַל שֵׁם (דניאל ז, ז): דְּחִילָה וְאֵימְתָנִי. חֲשֵׁכָה, זוֹ יָוָן. גְּדֹלָה, זוֹ מָדַי, עַל שֵׁם (אסתר ג, א): גִּדַּל הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ. נֹפֶלֶת, זוֹ בָּבֶל, עַל שֵׁם (ישעיה כא, ט): נָפְלָה נָפְלָה בָּבֶל. רָאָה דָּנִיֵּאל אֶת הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת בְּעִסּוּקָן, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (דניאל ז, ב ג): חָזֵה הֲוֵית בְּחֶזְוִי עִם לֵילְיָא וַאֲרוּ אַרְבַּע רוּחֵי שְׁמַיָא מְגִיחָן לְיַמָּא רַבָּא, וְאַרְבַּע חֵיוָן רַבְרְבָן סָלְקָן מִן יַמָּא, אִם זְכִיתֶם מִן יַמָּא וְאִם לָאו מִן חוֹרְשָׁא, הֲדָא חֵיוְתָא דְיַמָּא כִּי סָלְקָא מִן יַמָּא הִיא מִמַּכְיָא, סָלְקָא מִן חוֹרְשָׁא לֵית הִיא מִמַּכְיָא, דְכַוָּותָא (תהלים פ, יד): יְכַרְסְמֶנָּה חֲזִיר מִיָּעַר, עַיִ"ן תְּלוּיָה, אִם זְכִיתֶם מִן הַיְאוֹר וְאִם לָאו מִן הַיַּעַר, הֲדָא חֵיוְתָא כִּי סָלְקָא מִן נַהֲרָא הִיא מִמַּכְיָא, סָלְקָא מִן חוֹרְשָׁא לֵית הִיא מִמַּכְיָא, (דניאל ז, ג): שָׁנְיָן דָּא מִן דָּא, אַל תִּקְרֵי שָׁנְיָן אֶלָּא סָנְיָן דָּא מִן דָּא, מְלַמֵּד שֶׁכָּל אֻמָּה שֶׁשּׁוֹלֶטֶת בָּעוֹלָם הִיא שׂוֹנְאָה לְיִשְׂרָאֵל וּמְשַׁעְבְּדָא בָּהֶן. (דניאל ז, ד): קַדְמָיְתָא כְאַרְיֵה, זוֹ בָּבֶל, יִרְמְיָה רָאָה אוֹתָהּ אֲרִי וְרָאָה אוֹתָהּ נֶשֶׁר, דִּכְתִיב (ירמיה ד, ז): עָלָה אַרְיֵה מִסֻּבְּכוֹ (ירמיה מט, כב): הִנֵּה כַנֶּשֶׁר יַעֲלֶה וְיִדְאֶה, אָמְרִין לְדָנִיֵּאל אַתּ מָה חָמֵית לְהוֹן, אָמַר לְהוֹן חָמֵיתִי אַפִּין כְּאַרְיֵה וְגַפִּין דִּי נְשַׁר, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (דניאל ז, ד): קַדְמָיְתָא כְאַרְיֵה וְגַפִּין דִּי נְשַׁר לַהּ חָזֵה הֲוֵית עַד דִּי מְּרִיטוּ גַּפֵּיהּ וּנְטִילַת מִן אַרְעָא. רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר וְרַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן, רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר אוֹמֵר כָּל אוֹתוֹ אֲרִי לָקָה וְלִבּוֹ לֹא לָקָה, דִּכְתִיב (דניאל ז, ד): וּלְבַב אֱנָשׁ יְהִיב לַהּ. וְרַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן אָמַר אַף לִבּוֹ לָקָה, דִּכְתִיב (דניאל ד, יג): לִבְבֵהּ מִן אֲנָשָׁא יְשַׁנּוֹן. חָזֵה הֲוֵית (דניאל ז, ה): וַאֲרוּ חֵיוָה אָחֳרֵי תִנְיָנָא דָמְיָא לְדֹב, לְדב כְּתִיב זֶה מָדַי, הוּא דַעְתֵּיהּ דְּרַבִּי יוֹחָנָן דְּאָמַר רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן (ירמיה ה, ו): עַל כֵּן הִכָּם אַרְיֵה מִיַּעַר, זוֹ בָּבֶל. (ירמיה ה, ו): זְאֵב עֲרָבוֹת יְשָׁדְדֵם, זוֹ מָדַי. (ירמיה ה, ו): נָמֵר שֹׁקֵד עַל עָרֵיהֶם, זוֹ יָוָן. (ירמיה ה, ו): כָּל הַיּוֹצֵא מֵהֵנָּה יִטָּרֵף, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, לָמָּה, (ירמיה ה, ו): כִּי רַבּוּ פִּשְׁעֵיהֶם עָצְמוּ מְשֻׁבוֹתֵיהֶם. (דניאל ז, ו): חָזֵה הֲוֵית וַאֲרוּ אָחֳרִי כִּנְמַר, זוֹ יָוָן, שֶׁהָיְתָה מַעֲמֶדֶת בִּגְזֵרוֹתֶיהָ וְאוֹמֶרֶת לְיִשְׂרָאֵל כִּתְבוּ עַל קֶרֶן הַשּׁוֹר שֶׁאֵין לָכֶם חֵלֶק לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא. (דניאל ז, ז): בָּאתַר דְּנָא חָזֵה הֲוֵית בְּחֶזְוֵי לֵילְיָא וַאֲרוּ חֵיוָה רְבִיעָאָה דְּחִילָה וְאֵימְתָנִי וְתַקִּיפָא יַתִּירָה, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, דָּנִיֵּאל רָאָה שְׁלָשְׁתָּן בְּלַיְלָה אֶחָד וְלָזוֹ בְּלַיְלָה אֶחָד, לָמָּה, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן וְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אָמַר שֶׁשְּׁקוּלָה כְּנֶגֶד שְׁלָשְׁתָּן, רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ אָמַר יַתִּירָה. מָתִיב רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן לְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ (יחזקאל כא, יט): בֶּן אָדָם הִנָּבֵא וְהַךְ כַּף אֶל כָּף, דָּא מָה עָבַד לָהּ רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ (יחזקאל כא, יט): וְתִכָּפֵל. משֶׁה רָאָה אֶת הַמַּלְכֻיּוֹת בְּעִסּוּקָן, (ויקרא יא, ד): אֶת הַגָּמָל, זוֹ בָּבֶל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים קלז, ח): אַשְׁרֵי שֶׁיְשַׁלֶּם לָךְ אֶת גְּמוּלֵךְ שֶׁגָּמַלְתְּ לָנוּ. (ויקרא יא, ה): אֶת הַשָּׁפָן, זוֹ מָדַי. רַבָּנָן וְרַבִּי יְהוּדָה בְּרַבִּי סִימוֹן, רַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי מַה הַשָּׁפָן הַזֶּה יֵשׁ בּוֹ סִימָנֵי טֻמְאָה וְסִימָנֵי טָהֳרָה, כָּךְ הָיְתָה מַלְכוּת מָדַי מַעֲמֶדֶת צַדִּיק וְרָשָׁע. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה בְּרַבִּי סִימוֹן דָּרְיָוֶשׁ הָאַחֲרוֹן בְּנָהּ שֶׁל אֶסְתֵּר הָיָה, טָהוֹר מֵאִמּוֹ וְטָמֵא מֵאָבִיו. (ויקרא יא, ו): וְאֶת הָאַרְנֶבֶת, זוֹ יָוָן, אִמּוֹ שֶׁל תַּלְמַי אַרְנֶבֶת שְׁמָהּ. (ויקרא יא, ז): וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר, זוֹ פָּרַס, משֶׁה נָתַן שְׁלָשְׁתָּם בְּפָסוּק אֶחָד, וְלָזוֹ בְּפָסוּק אֶחָד, וְלָמָּה, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן וְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אָמַר שֶׁשְּׁקוּלָה כְּנֶגֶד שְׁלָשְׁתָּן, רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ אָמַר (דניאל ז, ז): יַתִּירָה. מָתִיב רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן לְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ בֶּן אָדָם הִנָּבֵא וְהַךְ כַּף אֶל כָּף, דָּא מָה עָבַד לֵיהּ רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ וְתִכָּפֵל. רַבִּי פִּנְחָס וְרַבִּי חִלְקִיָּה בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי סִימוֹן מִכָּל הַנְּבִיאִים לֹא פִּרְסְמוּהָ אֶלָּא שְׁנַיִם אָסָף וּמשֶׁה, אָסָף אָמַר (תהלים פ, יד): יְכַרְסְמֶנָּה חֲזִיר מִיָּעַר. משֶׁה אָמַר (ויקרא יא, ז): וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר כִּי מַפְרִיס פַּרְסָה, לָמָּה נִמְשְׁלָה לַחֲזִיר, לוֹמַר לָךְ מָה חֲזִיר בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁהוּא רוֹבֵץ מוֹצִיא טְלָפָיו וְאוֹמֵר רְאוּ שֶׁאֲנִי טָהוֹר, כָּךְ מַלְכוּת אֱדוֹם מִתְגָּאָה וְחוֹמֶסֶת וְגוֹזֶלֶת וְנִרְאֵית כְּאִלּוּ מַצַּעַת בִּימָה. מַעֲשֶׂה בְּשִׁלְטוֹן אֶחָד שֶׁהָיָה הוֹרֵג הַגַּנָּבִים וְהַמְנָאֲפִים וְהַמְכַשְּׁפִים, גָּחִין וְאָמַר לַסַּנְקְלִיטִין, שְׁלָשְׁתָּן עָשִׂיתִי בְּלַיְלָה אֶחָד. דָּבָר אַחֵר, (ויקרא יא, ד): אֶת הַגָּמָל, זוֹ בָּבֶל, (ויקרא יא, ד): כִּי מַעֲלֶה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁמְקַלֶּסֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא. רַבִּי בֶּרֶכְיָה וְרַבִּי חֶלְבּוֹ בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יִשְׁמָעֵאל בַּר נַחְמָן, כָּל מַה שֶּׁפָּרַט דָּוִד כָּלַל אוֹתוֹ רָשָׁע בְּפָסוּק אֶחָד, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דניאל ד, לד): כְּעַן אֲנָה נְבֻכַדְנֶצַּר מְשַׁבַּח וּמְרוֹמֵם וּמְהַדַּר לְמֶלֶךְ שְׁמַיָא. מְשַׁבַּח (תהלים קמז, יב): שַׁבְּחִי יְרוּשָׁלַיִם אֶת ה'. וּמְרוֹמֵם (תהלים ל, ב): אֲרוֹמִמְךָ ה'. וּמְהַדַּר (תהלים קד, א): ה' אֱלֹהַי גָדַלְתָּ מְאֹד הוֹד וְהָדָר לָבָשְׁתָּ. (דניאל ד, לד): דִּי כָל מַעֲבָדוֹהִי קְשֹׁט (תהלים קלח, ב): עַל חַסְדְּךָ וְעַל אֲמִתֶּךָ. (דניאל ד, לד): וְאֹרְחָתֵהּ דִּין (תהלים צו, י): יָדִין עַמִּים בְּמֵישָׁרִים. (דניאל ד, לד): וְדִי מַהְלְכִין בְּגֵוָה (תהלים צג, א): ה' מָלָךְ גֵּאוּת לָבֵשׁ. (דניאל ד, לד): יָכִל לְהַשְׁפָּלָה (תהלים עה, יא): וְכָל קַרְנֵי רְשָׁעִים אֲגַדֵּעַ. (ויקרא יא, ה): וְאֶת הַשָּׁפָן, זוֹ מָדַי, (ויקרא יא, ה): כִּי מַעֲלֵה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁמְקַלֶּסֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (עזרא א, ב): כֹּה אָמַר כֹּרֶשׁ מֶלֶךְ פָּרַס. (ויקרא יא, ו): וְאֶת הָאַרְנֶבֶת, זוֹ יָוָן, (ויקרא יא, ו): כִּי מַעֲלַת גֵּרָה הִוא, שֶׁמְּקַלֶּסֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא. אֲלֶכְּסַנְדְּרוֹס מוֹקְדוֹן כַּד הֲוָה חָמֵי לְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק, אוֹמֵר בָּרוּךְ ה' אֱלֹהֵי שֶׁל שִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק. (ויקרא יא, ז): וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר, זֶה אֱדוֹם, (ויקרא יא, ז): וְהוּא גֵרָה לֹא יִגָּר, שֶׁאֵינָהּ מְקַלֶּסֶת לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, וְלֹא דַּיָּן שֶׁאֵינָהּ מְקַלֶּסֶת אֶלָּא מְחָרֶפֶת וּמְגַדֶּפֶת וְאוֹמֶרֶת (תהלים עג, כה): מִי לִי בַשָּׁמָיִם. דָּבָר אַחֵר, אֶת הַגָּמָל, זוֹ בָּבֶל, כִּי מַעֲלֶה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁמְגַדֶּלֶת אֶת דָּנִיֵּאל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דניאל ב, מט): וְדָנִיֵּאל בִּתְרַע מַלְכָּא. וְאֶת הַשָּׁפָן, זוֹ מָדַי, כִּי מַעֲלֵה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁמְגַדֶּלֶת אֶת מָרְדְּכַי, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (אסתר ב, יט): וּמָרְדֳּכַי ישֵׁב בְּשַׁעַר הַמֶּלֶךְ. וְאֶת הָאַרְנֶבֶת, זוֹ יָוָן, כִּי מַעֲלַת גֵּרָה הִוא, שֶׁמְגַדֶּלֶת הַצַּדִּיקִים. אֲלֶכְּסַנְדְּרוֹס כַּד הֲוָה חָמֵי לְשִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק הֲוָה קָאֵים עַל רַגְלֵיהּ, אָמְרִין לֵיהּ מִינָאֵי, מִן קֳדָם יְהוּדָאי אַתְּ קָאֵים, אָמַר לָהֶם בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁאֲנִי יוֹצֵא לְמִלְחָמָה דְּמוּתוֹ אֲנִי רוֹאֶה וְנוֹצֵחַ. וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, וְהוּא גֵרָה לֹא יִגָּר, שֶׁאֵינָה מְגַדֶּלֶת הַצַּדִּיקִים, וְלֹא דַי שֶׁאֵינָה מְגַדֶּלֶת אֶלָּא שֶׁהוֹרֶגֶת אוֹתָם. הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (ישעיה מז, ו): קָצַפְתִּי עַל עַמִּי חִלַּלְתִּי נַחֲלָתִי וגו', נַחֲלָתִי רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא וַחֲבֵרָיו. דָּבָר אַחֵר, אֶת הַגָּמָל, זוֹ בָּבֶל, כִּי מַעֲלֶה גֵרָה, שֶׁגָּרְרָה מַלְכוּת אַחֲרֶיהָ. וְאֶת הַשָּׁפָן, זוֹ מָדַי כִּי מַעֲלֵה גֵרָה הוּא, שֶׁגָּרְרָה מַלְכוּת אַחֲרֶיהָ, וְאֶת הָאַרְנֶבֶת, זוֹ יָוָן, כִּי מַעֲלַת גֵרָה הִוא, שֶׁגָּרְרָה מַלְכוּת אַחֲרֶיהָ. וְאֶת הַחֲזִיר, זוֹ אֱדוֹם, וְהוּא גֵרָה לֹא יִגָּר, שֶׁאֵינָה גוֹרֶרֶת מַלְכוּת אַחֲרֶיהָ, וְלָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמָהּ חֲזִיר, שֶׁמַּחֲזֶרֶת עֲטָרָה לִבְעָלֶיהָ, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (עובדיה א, כא): וְעָלוּ מוֹשִׁיעִים בְּהַר צִיּוֹן לִשְׁפֹּט אֶת הַר עֵשָׂו וְהָיְתָה לַה' הַמְּלוּכָה.
47. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Yishmael, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial ideology Found in books: Hayes (2022) 344
48. Lucian, Alexander The False Prophet, 27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350
49. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 19.1, 33.6, 42.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 351, 352
50. Pomponius Sextus, Digesta, 1.2.9, 1.2.12, 43.12.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 154
51. Lucian, Athletics, 10-11, 17, 34, 12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022) 253
52. Tertullian, Apology, 11.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
53. Papinian, Digesta, 1.1.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 154
54. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, 57 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 76
55. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.2.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 346
4.2.3. In the first attack it happened that they were victorious over the Greeks, who fled to Alexandria and imprisoned and slew the Jews that were in the city. But the Jews of Cyrene, although deprived of their aid, continued to plunder the land of Egypt and to devastate its districts, under the leadership of Lucuas. Against them the emperor sent Marcius Turbo with a foot and naval force and also with a force of cavalry.
56. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 2.6.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 347
57. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, in imperial rome period Found in books: Nikolsky and Ilan (2014) 314
29a. אנת צבית לחרובי ביתא ידך אשלימת ליה,בתשעה באב נגזר על אבותינו שלא יכנסו לארץ מנלן דכתיב (שמות מ, יז) ויהי בחדש הראשון בשנה השנית באחד לחדש הוקם המשכן ואמר מר שנה ראשונה עשה משה את המשכן שניה הקים משה את המשכן ושלח מרגלים וכתיב (במדבר י, יא) ויהי בשנה השנית בחדש השני בעשרים בחדש נעלה הענן מעל משכן העדות,וכתיב (במדבר י, לג) ויסעו מהר ה' דרך שלשת ימים אמר רבי חמא בר חנינא אותו היום סרו מאחרי ה' וכתיב (במדבר יא, ד) והאספסוף אשר בקרבו התאוו תאוה וישובו ויבכו גם בני ישראל וגו' וכתיב (במדבר יא, כ) עד חדש ימים וגו' דהוו להו עשרין ותרתין בסיון,וכתיב (במדבר יב, טו) ותסגר מרים שבעת ימים דהוו להו עשרין ותשעה בסיון וכתיב (במדבר יג, ב) שלח לך אנשים,ותניא בעשרים ותשעה בסיון שלח משה מרגלים וכתיב (במדבר יג, כה) וישובו מתור הארץ מקץ ארבעים יום הני ארבעים יום נכי חד הוו,אמר אביי תמוז דההיא שתא מלויי מליוה דכתיב (איכה א, טו) קרא עלי מועד לשבור בחורי,וכתיב (במדבר יד, א) ותשא כל העדה ויתנו את קולם ויבכו העם בלילה ההוא אמר רבה אמר ר' יוחנן (אותו היום ערב) תשעה באב היה אמר להם הקב"ה אתם בכיתם בכיה של חנם ואני קובע לכם בכיה לדורות,חרב הבית בראשונה דכתיב (מלכים ב כה, ח) ובחדש החמישי בשבעה לחדש היא שנת תשע עשרה [שנה] למלך נבוכדנצר מלך בבל בא נבוזראדן רב טבחים עבד מלך בבל ירושלם וישרוף את בית ה' וגו' וכתיב (ירמיהו נב, יב) ובחדש החמישי בעשור לחדש היא שנת תשע עשרה [שנה] למלך נבוכדנצר מלך בבל בא נבוזראדן רב טבחים עמד לפני מלך בבל בירושלם וגו',ותניא אי אפשר לומר בשבעה שהרי כבר נאמר בעשור ואי אפשר לומר בעשור שהרי כבר נאמר בשבעה הא כיצד בשבעה נכנסו נכרים להיכל ואכלו וקלקלו בו שביעי שמיני,ותשיעי סמוך לחשכה הציתו בו את האור והיה דולק והולך כל היום כולו שנאמר (ירמיהו ו, ד) אוי לנו כי פנה היום כי ינטו צללי ערב והיינו דאמר רבי יוחנן אלמלי הייתי באותו הדור לא קבעתיו אלא בעשירי מפני שרובו של היכל בו נשרף ורבנן אתחלתא דפורענותא עדיפא,ובשניה מנלן דתניא מגלגלין זכות ליום זכאי וחובה ליום חייב,אמרו כשחרב בית המקדש בראשונה אותו היום ערב תשעה באב היה ומוצאי שבת היה ומוצאי שביעית היתה ומשמרתה של יהויריב היתה והלוים היו אומרי' שירה ועומדין על דוכנם ומה שירה היו אומרים (תהלים צד, כג) וישב עליהם את אונם וברעתם יצמיתם ולא הספיקו לומר יצמיתם ה' אלהינו עד שבאו נכרים וכבשום וכן בשניה,נלכדה ביתר גמרא,נחרשה העיר תניא כשחרב טורנוסרופוס הרשע את ההיכל נגזרה גזרה על רבן גמליאל להריגה בא אדון אחד ועמד בבית המדרש ואמר בעל החוטם מתבקש בעל החוטם מתבקש שמע רבן גמליאל אזל טשא מינייהו,אזל לגביה בצנעא א"ל אי מצילנא לך מייתית לי לעלמא דאתי א"ל הן א"ל אשתבע לי אשתבע ליה סליק לאיגרא נפיל ומית וגמירי דכי גזרי גזירתא ומית חד מינייהו מבטלי לגזרתייהו יצתה בת קול ואמרה אדון זה מזומן לחיי העולם הבא,תנו רבנן משחרב הבית בראשונה נתקבצו כיתות כיתות של פרחי כהונה ומפתחות ההיכל בידן ועלו לגג ההיכל ואמרו לפניו רבונו של עולם הואיל ולא זכינו להיות גזברין נאמנים יהיו מפתחות מסורות לך וזרקום כלפי מעלה ויצתה כעין פיסת יד וקיבלתן מהם והם קפצו ונפלו לתוך האור,ועליהן קונן ישעיהו הנביא (ישעיהו כב, א) משא גיא חזיון מה לך איפוא כי עלית כולך לגגות תשואות מלאה עיר הומיה קריה עליזה חלליך לא חללי חרב ולא מתי מלחמה אף בהקב"ה נאמר (ישעיהו כב, ה) מקרקר קיר ושוע אל ההר:,משנכנס אב ממעטין בשמחה כו' אמר רב יהודה בריה דרב שמואל בר שילת משמיה דרב כשם שמשנכנס אב ממעטין בשמחה כך משנכנס אדר מרבין בשמחה 29a. b You want to destroy the Temple; I have given you your hand. /b It is as though one idol said to the other: You are seeking to destroy the Temple by causing Israel to pray to you; I, too, give you a hand to assist you.,§ The mishna taught: b On the Ninth of Av, it was decreed upon our ancestors that they would not enter Eretz /b Yisrael. The Gemara asks: b From where do we /b derive this? b As it is written: “And it came to pass in the first month in the second year, on the first day of the month, that the Tabernacle was erected” /b (Exodus 40:17). b And the Master said: /b In the b first year /b after leaving Egypt, b Moses built the Tabernacle. /b At the beginning of the b second /b year, b Moses erected the Tabernacle and sent /b the b spies. And it is written: “And it came to pass in the second year in the second month, on the twentieth day of the month, that the cloud was taken up from the Tabernacle of the Testimony” /b (Numbers 10:11)., b And it is /b further b written: “And they set forward from the mount of the Lord three days’ journey” /b (Numbers 10:33). b Rabbi Ḥama bar Ḥanina said: That /b very b day, they turned away from God /b by displaying their anxiety about leaving Mount Sinai. b And it is written: “And the mixed multitude that was among them fell a lusting, and the children of Israel also wept on their part, /b and said: Would that we were given flesh to eat” (Numbers 11:4). b And it is written /b that the Jews ate the meat b “for an entire month” /b (Numbers 11:20). If one adds to the first twenty days an additional three days’ journey, b these are /b twenty-three days. Consequently, the subsequent month of twenty-nine days of eating meat ended b on the twenty-second of Sivan. /b ,After this, the Jews traveled to Hazeroth, where Miriam was afflicted with leprosy, b and it is written: “And Miriam was shut out of the camp for seven days, /b and the people did not journey until Miriam was brought in again” (Numbers 12:15). Including b these /b seven days, they remained in Hazeroth until b the twenty-ninth of Sivan /b before traveling on to Paran, b and it is written /b immediately afterward: b “Send you men, that they may spy out the land of Canaan” /b (Numbers 13:2)., b And /b this calculation b is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b On the twenty-ninth of Sivan, Moses sent /b the b spies. And it is written: “And they returned from spying out the land at the end of forty days” /b (Numbers 13:25), which means that they came back on the Ninth of Av. The Gemara asks: b These are forty days minus one. /b The remaining days of the days of Sivan, the entire month of Tammuz, and eight days of Av add up to a total of thirty-nine days, not forty., b Abaye said: The month of Tammuz of that year was a full /b month of thirty days. Accordingly, there are exactly forty days until the Ninth of Av. b And /b this is alluded to in the following verse, b as it is written: “He has called an appointed time against me to crush my young men” /b (Lamentations 1:15). This indicates that an additional appointed day, i.e., a New Moon, was added so that this calamity would fall specifically on the Ninth of Av., b And it is /b further b written: “And all the congregation lifted up their voice and cried and the people wept that night” /b (Numbers 14:1). b Rabba said /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said: That night was the night of the Ninth of Av. The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to them: You wept needlessly /b that night, b and I /b will therefore b establish for you /b a true tragedy over which there will be b weeping in /b future b generations. /b ,§ The mishna further taught that on the Ninth of Av b the Temple was destroyed the first time. /b The Gemara explains that this is b as it is written: “And in the fifth month, on the seventh day of the month, which was the nineteenth year of King Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, Nebuzaradan, captain of the guard, a servant of the King of Babylon, came to Jerusalem. And he burnt the house of the Lord” /b (II Kings 25:8–9). b And it is /b also b written: “And in the fifth month, on the tenth day of the month, which was the nineteenth year of King Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, Nebuzaradan, captain of the guard, who served the king of Babylon, came into Jerusalem. /b And he burnt the house of the Lord” (Jeremiah 52:12–13)., b And it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b It is impossible to say /b that the Temple was burned b on the seventh /b of Av, b as it has already been stated, /b in Jeremiah, that it was destroyed b on the tenth. And it is /b also b impossible to say /b that the Temple was burned b on the tenth /b of Av, b as it has already been stated /b that it was destroyed b on the seventh, /b in II Kings 25:8–9. b How so; /b what actually occurred? b On the seventh /b of Av, b gentiles entered the Sanctuary, and on the seventh and the eighth they ate /b there b and desecrated it, /b by engaging in acts of fornication., b And /b on b the ninth, adjacent to nightfall, they set fire to it, and it continuously burned the entire day, as it is stated: “Woe unto us, for the day has declined, for the shadows of the evening are stretched out” /b (Jeremiah 4:6). This verse is interpreted as a prophecy about the evening when the Temple was burned. b And this is /b what b Rabbi Yoḥa /b meant when he b said: Had I been /b alive b in that generation, I would have established /b the fast b only on the tenth /b of Av b because most of the Sanctuary was burned on that /b day. b And the Sages, /b who established the fast on the ninth, how do they respond to that comment? They maintain that it is b preferable /b to mark b the beginning of the tragedy. /b , b And /b the mishna further taught that the Temple was destroyed b for the second time /b also on the Ninth of Av. The Gemara asks: b From where do we /b derive that the Second Temple was destroyed on this date? b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b A meritorious /b matter b is brought about on an auspicious day, and a deleterious /b matter b on an inauspicious day, /b e.g., the Ninth of Av, on which several tragedies had already occurred.,The Sages b said: When the Temple was destroyed for the first time, that day was the Ninth of Av; and it was the conclusion of Shabbat; and it was the year after a Sabbatical Year; and it was the week of the priestly watch of Jehoiarib; and the Levites were singing /b the b song and standing on their platform. And what song were they singing? /b They were singing the verse: b “And He brought upon them their own iniquity, and He will cut them off in their own evil” /b (Psalms 94:23). b And they did not manage to recite /b the end of the verse: b “The Lord our God will cut them off,” before gentiles came and conquered them. And likewise, /b the same happened b when the Second /b Temple was destroyed.,The mishna teaches that b Beitar was captured /b on the Ninth of Av. The Gemara explains that this is known by b tradition. /b ,§ The mishna taught that on the Ninth of Av b the city /b of Jerusalem b was plowed. It is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b When the wicked Turnus Rufus plowed the Sanctuary, a decree was issued against Rabban Gamliel for execution. A certain Roman officer came and stood in the study hall and said /b surreptitiously: b The man with the nose is wanted; the man with the nose is wanted. /b This was a hint that Rabban Gamliel, who stood out in his generation like a nose protruding from a face, was sought by the government. Rabban Gamliel b heard and went into hiding. /b ,The Roman officer b went to him in private, and said to him: If I save you /b from death, will b you bring me into the World-to-Come? /b Rabban Gamliel b said to him: Yes. /b The officer b said to /b Rabban Gamliel: b Swear to me. He swore to him. /b The officer b ascended to the roof, fell, and died. And /b the Romans had b a tradition that when they issued a decree and one /b of their advisors b died, they would cancel the decree. /b The officer’s sacrifice saved Rabban Gamliel’s life. b A Divine Voice emerged and said: That officer is designated for /b the b life of the World-to-Come. /b , b The Sages taught: When the Temple was destroyed for the first time, many groups of young priests gathered together with the Temple keys in their hands. And they ascended to the roof of the Sanctuary and said before /b God: b Master of the Universe, since we did not merit to be faithful treasurers, /b and the Temple is being destroyed, b let /b the Temple b keys be handed to You. And they threw them upward, and a kind of palm of a hand emerged and received /b the keys b from them. And the young priests jumped /b from the roof b and fell into the fire /b of the burning Temple., b And the prophet Isaiah lamented over them: “The burden of the Valley of Vision. What ails you now that you have all gone up to the roofs? You that were full of uproar, a tumultuous city, a joyous town, your slain are not slain with the sword, nor dead in battle” /b (Isaiah 22:1–2). This is referring to the young priests who died by throwing themselves off the roof into the fire. b And even with regard to the Holy One, Blessed be He, it is stated: /b “For it is a day of trouble, and of trampling, and of confusion for the Lord of hosts, in the Valley of Vision; b a shouting over walls and a cry to the mountain” /b (Isaiah 22:5). This verse indicates that even God shouts over the destruction of the Temple.,§ The mishna teaches that b from when /b the month of b Av begins, one decreases /b acts of b rejoicing. Rav Yehuda, son of Rav Shmuel bar Sheilat, said in the name of Rav: Just as when Av begins one decreases rejoicing, so too when /b the month of b Adar begins, one increases rejoicing. /b
58. Athanasius, Against The Pagans, 9.43 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 347
59. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Probus, 15.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 73
60. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, a b c\n0 5 5 5\n1 8 8 8\n2 6-7.1 6 6\n3 6 6 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 354
61. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Clodius Albinus, 2.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
62. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Gallieni Duo, 6.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 356
63. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pescennius Niger, 3, 5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 352
64. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 1.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
65. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 8.6, 9.4, 26.4, 26.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350, 352
66. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 8.1, 25.9, 26.4, 26.8, 28.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Ando (2013) 33, 156; Rutledge (2012) 77
67. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 1.726, 6.230, 9.645 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 74, 77
68. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 1.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
69. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.17.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial fora Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 228
70. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.17.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial fora Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 228
71. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 294.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 155
72. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 15.8.14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
15.8.14. Therefore, urged by the great crisis, go forth, yourself a brave man, ready to lead men equally brave. We shall stand by each other in turn with firm and steadfast affection, we shall campaign at the same time, and together we shall rule over a pacified world, provided only God grants our prayers, with equal moderation and conscientiousness. You will seem to be present with me everywhere, and I shall not fail you in whatever you undertake. In fine, go, hasten, with the united prayers of all, to defend with sleepless care the post assigned you, as it were, by your country herself.
73. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.12.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 346
74. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 6, 8, 15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 353
75. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 13.8, 21.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 333, 347
76. Zosimus, New History, 2.91.2, 2.103, 2.124.2, 2.131.1-2.131.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
77. Procopius, De Bellis, 4.9.5-4.9.8 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 280
78. Epigraphy, Ms, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 345, 356
79. Papyri, P.Lond., 6.1912  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 33
80. Aurelius Victor, Aurelius Victor, 20.14  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 353
81. Sha, Ver., 7.7  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350
82. Augustus, Syll.3, 798  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 329, 330
83. Dexippos Fr., Fgrh 100, 29  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 356
84. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 1.21-1.26  Tagged with subjects: •rome, palatine hill, and the imperial collection Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77
85. Augustus, Seg, 16.781  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 342
86. Strabo, Geography, 6.4.2, 16.1.28  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 343
6.4.2. Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, and, later on, by destroying Viriathus and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Augustus Caesar, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians and Iberians, they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution — as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus and the Nomads, for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father. 16.1.28. The Euphrates and its eastern banks are the boundaries of the Parthian empire. The Romans and the chiefs of the Arabian tribes occupy the parts on this side the Euphrates as far as Babylonia. Some of the chiefs attach themselves in preference to the Parthians, others to the Romans, to whom they adjoin. The Scenitae nomads, who live near the river, are less friendly to the Romans than those tribes who are situated at a distance near Arabia Felix. The Parthians were once solicitous of conciliating the friendship of the Romans, but having repulsed Crassus, who began the war with them, they suffered reprisals, when they themselves commenced hostilities, and sent Pacorus into Asia. But Antony, following the advice of the Armenian, was betrayed, and was unsuccessful (against them). Phraates, his successor, was so anxious to obtain the friendship of Augustus Caesar, that he even sent the trophies, which the Parthians had set up as memorials of the defeat of the Romans. He also invited Titius to a conference, who was at that time prefect of Syria, and delivered into his hands, as hostages, four of his legitimate sons, Seraspadanes, Rhodaspes, Phraates, and Bonones, with two of their wives and four of their sons; for he was apprehensive of conspiracy and attempts on his life. He knew that no one could prevail against him, unless he was opposed by one of the Arsacian family, to which race the Parthians were strongly attached. He therefore removed the sons out of his way, with a view of annihilating the hopes of the disaffected.The surviving sons, who live at Rome, are entertained as princes at the public expense. The other kings (his successors) have continued to send ambassadors (to Rome), and to hold conferences (with the Roman prefects).
87. Epigraphy, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, 709  Tagged with subjects: •chair, imperial, rome Found in books: Borg (2008) 68
88. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
89. Babylonian Talmud, Shab, None  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial ideology Found in books: Hayes (2022) 44
90. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.89.3, 2.91.2, 2.103, 2.124.2, 2.131.1-2.131.2  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 154
91. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.278-1.279  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial ideology Found in books: Hayes (2022) 344, 345
1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care,
92. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Antoninus Pius, 9.6  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350
93. Numismatics, Rib, 91  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 33
94. Epigraphy, Ae, 1905.175, 1968.510  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 345, 348
95. Epigraphy, Cil, 3.7086, 5.5262  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Ando (2013) 159; Marek (2019) 344
96. Epigraphy, Ephesos, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 351
98. Didymus of Alexandria, Expos, In Ps., a b c d\n0 9 9 9 None\n1 ) ) ) None\n2 6 6 6 None\n3 1 1 1 None\n4 4 4 4 None\n5 - None\n6 5 5 5 None\n7 2 2 2 None\n8 . .  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 158
99. Didymus, Fr.Ac., 69  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 156
100. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Epistula Ad Ammaeum I-Ii, 33, 367, 135  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 33
101. Domitius Ulpianus, Ad Edictum Bk., 73  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 159
102. Domitius Ulpianus, De officio Proconsulis, 49  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
103. Epigraphy, Abercius Monument, 4.336, 4.584  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 33, 159
104. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 276-278  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fertik (2019) 57
105. Epigraphy, Griechische Dialekt Inschriften, 128-130, 162-163, 172-173  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 159
106. Epigraphy, Iboubon, 68  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 33
107. Epigraphy, Ils, 1041, 1102, 1338, 2288, 244, 2927, 8795, 241  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 156
108. Nossis, Ap, 2.611  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 157
109. Olymp., Chron., 236  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 157
110. Origen, Ap. Eus. He, 37, 39  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 156, 158
111. Pacatus, Panegyrici Latini, 212  Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 33
112. Epigraphy, Ogis, 517  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 354
113. Ulpianus Domitius, Digesta, 1.3.9  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 33, 154, 155, 158
114. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 8.3.1-8.3.2, 9.27.1  Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando (2013) 32; Marek (2019) 344, 345
115. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 18, 6  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 32
116. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, 7.11  Tagged with subjects: •rome, imperial ideology Found in books: Hayes (2022) 352
117. Plutarch, De Herod. Malig., None  Tagged with subjects: •rome, complex role in imperial greek literature Found in books: Kirkland (2022) 143
118. Epigraphy, Cbp, 1955, 192  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 157