The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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98 results for "roman"

1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 15.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 361

15.20. And Miriam the prophetess, the sister of Aaron, took a timbrel in her hand; and all the women went out after her with timbrels and with dances.

2. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, "94" (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 272

3. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 22.14 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 361

22.14. וַיֵּלֶךְ חִלְקִיָּהוּ הַכֹּהֵן וַאֲחִיקָם וְעַכְבּוֹר וְשָׁפָן וַעֲשָׂיָה אֶל־חֻלְדָּה הַנְּבִיאָה אֵשֶׁת שַׁלֻּם בֶּן־תִּקְוָה בֶּן־חַרְחַס שֹׁמֵר הַבְּגָדִים וְהִיא יֹשֶׁבֶת בִּירוּשָׁלִַם בַּמִּשְׁנֶה וַיְדַבְּרוּ אֵלֶיהָ׃

22.14. So Hilkiah the priest, and Ahikam, and Achbor, and Shaphan, and Asaiah, went unto Huldah the prophetess, the wife of Shallum the son of Tikvah, the son of Harhas, keeper of the wardrobe—now she dwelt in Jerusalem in the second quarter—and they spoke with her.

4. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 4.4, 10.5 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 173, 361

4.4. וּדְבוֹרָה אִשָּׁה נְבִיאָה אֵשֶׁת לַפִּידוֹת הִיא שֹׁפְטָה אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל בָּעֵת הַהִיא׃

4.4. And Devora, a prophetess, the wife of Lappidot, she judged Yisra᾽el at that time.

5. Plato, Laws, 718b-723d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145

6. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 6.14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 361

6.14. זָכְרָה אֱלֹהַי לְטוֹבִיָּה וּלְסַנְבַלַּט כְּמַעֲשָׂיו אֵלֶּה וְגַם לְנוֹעַדְיָה הַנְּבִיאָה וּלְיֶתֶר הַנְּבִיאִים אֲשֶׁר הָיוּ מְיָרְאִים אוֹתִי׃

6.14. Remember, O my God, Tobiah and Sanballat according to these their works, and also the prophetess Noadiah, and the rest of the prophets, that would have me put in fear.

7. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.129 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 226

2.4.129. But how great do you suppose was the honour paid to Jupiter Imperator in his own temple? You may collect it from this consideration, if you recollect how great was the religious reverence attached to that statue of the same appearance and form which Flaminius brought out of Macedonia, and placed in the Capitol. In truth, there were said to be in the whole world three statues of Jupiter Imperator, of the same class, all beautifully made: one was that one from Macedonia, which we have seen in the Capitol; a second was the one at the narrow straits, which are the mouth of the Euxine Sea; the third was that which was at Syracuse, till Verres came as praetor. Flaminius removed the first from its habitation, but only to place it in the Capitol, that is to say, in the house of Jupiter upon earth.

8. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145

9. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 143 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28

10. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28

24. [50] You see, then, that this fellow, when, as far as his own efforts went, he had been long since overthrown and crushed, was aroused again by the mischievous discords of the nobles; and the first beginnings of his fury were upheld by those who at that time appeared alienated from you. It is by these detractors and enemies that the remainder of the acts of his tribuneship have been defended, even since that tribuneship was over. They are the men who resisted that pest being removed from the republic; they prevented his being prosecuted; they resisted his being reduced to the condition of a private citizen. Is it possible that any virtuous men could have cherished in their bosom and have taken pleasure in, that poisonous and deadly viper? By what bribe were they cajoled? I wish, say they, that there should be some one in the assembly to disparage Pompeius. Can he disparage him by his abuse? I wish that that great man, who has contributed so greatly to my safety, may receive what I say in the same spirit as I say it. At all events, I will say what I feel. I declare to God, that there was no time that fellow appeared to be detracting so much from his exceeding dignity as when he was extolling him with the most extravagant praises. [51] Was Caius Marius, I pray you, more illustrious when Caius Glaucia was praising him, or when he became angry afterwards and abused him? Or, was this madman, who has been so long rushing headlong on punishment and destruction, more foul-mouthed and shameless when accusing Pompeius than he had been when reviling the whole senate? But I do marvel that though the former conduct may have been pleasing to angry men, the other course should not have been odious to such good citizens. But, lest this should any longer please excellent men, let them just read this harangue of his, of which I speak: in which, shall I say, he extols, or rather debases Pompeius? Undoubtedly he extols him, and says, that he is the only man in the city worthy of the glory of this empire; and hints that he is an exceedingly great friend of his, and that they are entirely reconciled. [52] And although I do not exactly know what he means yet I am sure that, if he were a friend to Pompeius, he would not praise him. For, if he were his greatest enemy, what could he do more to diminish his credit? Let those, who were glad that he was an enemy to Cnaeus Pompeius, and who, on that account winked at his numerous and enormous crimes, and who sometimes even accompanied his unbridled and furious acts of frenzy with their applause, observe how quickly he has turned round. For now he is praising him; he is inveighing against those men to whom he previously sold himself. What do you suppose he will do if a door to reconciliation with him should become really open to him, when he is so eager to spread a belief in such a reconciliation?

11. Cicero, On Laws, 2.5, 2.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 60; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28

2.15. QUINTUS: What, do you venture to cite Zaleucus, when Timaeus denies that he ever existed? MARCUS: But Theophrastus, an author quite as respectable, and many think more so, corroborates my opinion. His fellow-citizens too, my clients, the Locrians, commemorate him; but whether he was or was not, is of no great consequence to our argument: we only speak from tradition. Let this, therefore, be a fundamental principle in all societies, that the gods are the supreme lords and governors of all things, -- that all events are directed by their influence and wisdom, and that they are loving and benevolent to mankind. They likewise know what every person really is; they observe his actions, whether good or bad; they discern whether our religious professions are sincere and heart-felt, and are sure to make a difference between good men and the wicked.

12. Cicero, On Duties, 1.124 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 9

1.124. Ac ne illud quidem alienum est, de magistratuum, de privatorum, de civium, de peregrinorum officiis dicere. Est igitur proprium munus magistratus intellegere se gerere personam civitatis debereque eius dignitatem et decus sustinere, servare leges, iura discribere, ea fidei suae commissa meminisse. Privatum autem oportet aequo et pari cum civibus iure vivere neque summissum et abiectum neque se efferentem, tum in re publica ea velle, quae tranquilla et honesta sint; talem enim solemus et sentire bonum civem et dicere.

1.124. At this point it is not at all irrelevant to discuss the duties of magistrates, of private individuals, [of native citizens,] and of foreigners. It is, then, peculiarly the place of a magistrate to bear in mind that he represents the state and that it is his duty to uphold its honour and its dignity, to enforce the law, to dispense to all their constitutional rights, and to remember that all this has been committed to him as a sacred trust. The private individual ought first, in private relations, to live on fair and equal terms with his fellow-citizens, with a spirit neither servile and grovelling nor yet domineering; and second, in matters pertaining to the state, to labour for her peace and honour; for such a man we are accustomed to esteem and call a good citizen. <

13. Cicero, Republic, 1.39.1, 6.13.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 9

14. Cicero, Letters, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145

15. Cicero, Letters, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145

16. Cicero, Letters, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145

17. Cicero, Pro Archia, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145

21. Mithridaticum vero bellum magnum atque difficile et in multa varietate terra marique mari terraque G versatum totum ab hoc expressum est; qui libri non modo L. Lucullum, fortissimum et clarissimum virum, verum etiam populi Romani nomen inlustrant. populus enim Romanus aperuit Lucullo imperante Pontum et regiis quondam opibus et ipsa natura et natura et Mommsen : naturae (-ra eb χς ) codd. regione regionis b χς vallatum, populi Romani exercitus eodem duce non maxima manu innumerabilis Armeniorum copias fudit, populi Romani laus est urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum eiusdem consilio ex omni impetu regio atque atque GEeb : ac cett. : atque e Halm totius belli ore ac faucibus ereptam esse atque servatam; nostra semper feretur et praedicabitur L. Lucullo dimicante, cum interfectis ducibus depressa hostium classis est est Heumann : et codd. , incredibilis apud Tenedum pugna illa navalis, nostra sunt tropaea, nostra monumenta, nostri triumphi. quae quae G1Ee : quia cett. ( G2 ) quorum ingeniis efferuntur efferuntur Görenz : haec (hec a ς bg ) feruntur codd. : ecferuntur Stürenberg , ab eis populi Romani fama celebratur.

18. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 146 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 9

19. Polybius, Histories, 5.70.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 173

20. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, a b c d\n0 "9.20.3" "9.20.3" "9 20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 271

21. Anon., Jubilees, 25.11-25.23, 50.12-50.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 361

25.13. And, despite all that he hath commanded me, these two and twenty years my brother hath striven with me, and spoken frequently to me and said: 'My brother, take to wife a sister of my two wives'; 25.14. but I refuse to do as he hath done. I swear before thee, mother, that all the days of my life I will not take me a wife from the daughters of the seed of Canaan, and I will not act wickedly as my brother hath done. 50.12. and a holy day: and a day of the holy kingdom for all Israel is this day among their days for ever. 50.13. For great is the honour which the Lord hath given to Israel that they should eat and drink and be satisfied on this festival day, and rest thereon from all labour which belongeth to the labour of the children of men, save burning frankincense and bringing oblations and sacrifices before the Lord for days and for Sabbaths.

22. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.39-2.41, 3.13-3.24, 7.39-7.50 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 39, 173, 361

2.39. When Mattathias and his friends learned of it, they mourned for them deeply. 2.40. And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth." 41 So they made this decision that day: "Let us fight against every man who comes to attack us on the sabbath day; let us not all die as our brethren died in their hiding places." 42 Then there united with them a company of Hasideans, mighty warriors of Israel, every one who offered himself willingly for the law. 43 And all who became fugitives to escape their troubles joined them and reinforced them. 44 They organized an army, and struck down sinners in their anger and lawless men in their wrath; the survivors fled to the Gentiles for safety. 45 And Mattathias and his friends went about and tore down the altars; 46 they forcibly circumcised all the uncircumcised boys that they found within the borders of Israel. 47 They hunted down the arrogant men, and the work prospered in their hands. 48 They rescued the law out of the hands of the Gentiles and kings, and they never let the sinner gain the upper hand. 49 Now the days drew near for Mattathias to die, and he said to his sons: "Arrogance and reproach have now become strong; it is a time of ruin and furious anger. 2.40. And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth." 2.41. So they made this decision that day: "Let us fight against every man who comes to attack us on the sabbath day; let us not all die as our brethren died in their hiding places." 3.13. Now when Seron, the commander of the Syrian army, heard that Judas had gathered a large company, including a body of faithful men who stayed with him and went out to battle, 3.14. he said, "I will make a name for myself and win honor in the kingdom. I will make war on Judas and his companions, who scorn the kings command." 3.15. And again a strong army of ungodly men went up with him to help him, to take vengeance on the sons of Israel. 3.16. When he approached the ascent of Beth-horon, Judas went out to meet him with a small company. 3.17. But when they saw the army coming to meet them, they said to Judas, "How can we, few as we are, fight against so great and strong a multitude? And we are faint, for we have eaten nothing today." 3.18. Judas replied, "It is easy for many to be hemmed in by few, for in the sight of Heaven there is no difference between saving by many or by few. 3.19. It is not on the size of the army that victory in battle depends, but strength comes from Heaven. 3.20. They come against us in great pride and lawlessness to destroy us and our wives and our children, and to despoil us; 21 but we fight for our lives and our laws. 22 He himself will crush them before us; as for you, do not be afraid of them." 23 When he finished speaking, he rushed suddenly against Seron and his army, and they were crushed before him. 24 They pursued them down the descent of Beth-horon to the plain; eight hundred of them fell, and the rest fled into the land of the Philistines. 25 Then Judas and his brothers began to be feared, and terror fell upon the Gentiles round about them. 26 His fame reached the king, and the Gentiles talked of the battles of Judas. 27 When king Antiochus heard these reports, he was greatly angered; and he sent and gathered all the forces of his kingdom, a very strong army. 28 And he opened his coffers and gave a year's pay to his forces, and ordered them to be ready for any need. 29 Then he saw that the money in the treasury was exhausted, and that the revenues from the country were small because of the dissension and disaster which he had caused in the land by abolishing the laws that had existed from the earliest days. 3.20. They come against us in great pride and lawlessness to destroy us and our wives and our children, and to despoil us; 3.21. but we fight for our lives and our laws. 3.22. He himself will crush them before us; as for you, do not be afraid of them." 3.23. When he finished speaking, he rushed suddenly against Seron and his army, and they were crushed before him. 3.24. They pursued them down the descent of Beth-horon to the plain; eight hundred of them fell, and the rest fled into the land of the Philistines. 7.39. Now Nicanor went out from Jerusalem and encamped in Beth-horon, and the Syrian army joined him. 7.40. And Judas encamped in Adasa with three thousand men. Then Judas prayed and said, 41 "When the messengers from the king spoke blasphemy, thy angel went forth and struck down one hundred and eighty-five thousand of the Assyrians. 42 So also crush this army before us today; let the rest learn that Nicanor has spoken wickedly against the sanctuary, and judge him according to this wickedness." 43 So the armies met in battle on the thirteenth day of the month of Adar. The army of Nicanor was crushed, and he himself was the first to fall in the battle. 44 When his army saw that Nicanor had fallen, they threw down their arms and fled. 45 The Jews pursued them a day's journey, from Adasa as far as Gazara, and as they followed kept sounding the battle call on the trumpets. 46 And men came out of all the villages of Judea round about, and they out-flanked the enemy and drove them back to their pursuers, so that they all fell by the sword; not even one of them was left. 47 Then the Jews seized the spoils and the plunder, and they cut off Nicanor's head and the right hand which he so arrogantly stretched out, and brought them and displayed them just outside Jerusalem. 48 The people rejoiced greatly and celebrated that day as a day of great gladness. 49 And they decreed that this day should be celebrated each year on the thirteenth day of Adar. 50 So the land of Judah had rest for a few days. 7.40. And Judas encamped in Adasa with three thousand men. Then Judas prayed and said, 7.41. "When the messengers from the king spoke blasphemy, thy angel went forth and struck down one hundred and eighty-five thousand of the Assyrians. 7.42. So also crush this army before us today; let the rest learn that Nicanor has spoken wickedly against the sanctuary, and judge him according to this wickedness." 7.43. So the armies met in battle on the thirteenth day of the month of Adar. The army of Nicanor was crushed, and he himself was the first to fall in the battle. 7.44. When his army saw that Nicanor had fallen, they threw down their arms and fled. 7.45. The Jews pursued them a days journey, from Adasa as far as Gazara, and as they followed kept sounding the battle call on the trumpets. 7.46. And men came out of all the villages of Judea round about, and they out-flanked the enemy and drove them back to their pursuers, so that they all fell by the sword; not even one of them was left. 7.47. Then the Jews seized the spoils and the plunder, and they cut off Nicanors head and the right hand which he so arrogantly stretched out, and brought them and displayed them just outside Jerusalem. 7.48. The people rejoiced greatly and celebrated that day as a day of great gladness. 7.49. And they decreed that this day should be celebrated each year on the thirteenth day of Adar. 7.50. So the land of Judah had rest for a few days.

23. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 2.28-2.29, 4.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 140, 141

2.28. "None of those who do not sacrifice shall enter their sanctuaries, and all Jews shall be subjected to a registration involving poll tax and to the status of slaves. Those who object to this are to be taken by force and put to death; 2.29. those who are registered are also to be branded on their bodies by fire with the ivy-leaf symbol of Dionysus, and they shall also be reduced to their former limited status." 4.11. When these men had been brought to the place called Schedia, and the voyage was concluded as the king had decreed, he commanded that they should be enclosed in the hippodrome which had been built with a monstrous perimeter wall in front of the city, and which was well suited to make them an obvious spectacle to all coming back into the city and to those from the city going out into the country, so that they could neither communicate with the king's forces nor in any way claim to be inside the circuit of the city.

24. Septuagint, Judith, 3.8, 4.13, 6.2, 7.3, 8.3, 8.6, 8.8, 8.31, 9.1-9.14, 13.4-13.5, 13.7, 14.1, 15.4, 16.1-16.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 39, 173, 361

3.8. And he demolished all their shrines and cut down their sacred groves; for it had been given to him to destroy all the gods of the land, so that all nations should worship Nebuchadnezzar only, and all their tongues and tribes should call upon him as god. 4.13. So the Lord heard their prayers and looked upon their affliction; for the people fasted many days throughout Judea and in Jerusalem before the sanctuary of the Lord Almighty. 7.3. They encamped in the valley near Bethulia, beside the spring, and they spread out in breadth over Dothan as far as Balbaim and in length from Bethulia to Cyamon, which faces Esdraelon. 8.3. For as he stood overseeing the men who were binding sheaves in the field, he was overcome by the burning heat, and took to his bed and died in Bethulia his city. So they buried him with his fathers in the field between Dothan and Balamon. 8.6. She fasted all the days of her widowhood, except the day before the sabbath and the sabbath itself, the day before the new moon and the day of the new moon, and the feasts and days of rejoicing of the house of Israel. 8.8. No one spoke ill of her, for she feared God with great devotion. 8.31. So pray for us, since you are a devout woman, and the Lord will send us rain to fill our cisterns and we will no longer be faint." 9.1. Then Judith fell upon her face, and put ashes on her head, and uncovered the sackcloth she was wearing; and at the very time when that evening's incense was being offered in the house of God in Jerusalem, Judith cried out to the Lord with a loud voice, and said, 9.2. "O Lord God of my father Simeon, to whom thou gavest a sword to take revenge on the strangers who had loosed the girdle of a virgin to defile her, and uncovered her thigh to put her to shame, and polluted her womb to disgrace her; for thou hast said, `It shall not be done' -- yet they did it. 9.3. So thou gavest up their rulers to be slain, and their bed, which was ashamed of the deceit they had practiced, to be stained with blood, and thou didst strike down slaves along with princes, and princes on their thrones; 9.4. and thou gavest their wives for a prey and their daughters to captivity, and all their booty to be divided among thy beloved sons, who were zealous for thee, and abhorred the pollution of their blood, and called on thee for help -- O God, my God, hear me also, a widow. 9.5. "For thou hast done these things and those that went before and those that followed; thou hast designed the things that are now, and those that are to come. Yea, the things thou didst intend came to pass, 9.6. and the things thou didst will presented themselves and said, `Lo, we are here'; for all they ways are prepared in advance, and thy judgment is with foreknowledge. 9.7. "Behold now, the Assyrians are increased in their might; they are exalted, with their horses and riders; they glory in the strength of their foot soldiers; they trust in shield and spear, in bow and sling, and know not that thou art the Lord who crushest wars; the Lord is thy name. 9.8. Break their strength by thy might, and bring down their power in thy anger; for they intend to defile thy sanctuary, and to pollute the tabernacle where thy glorious name rests, and to cast down the horn of thy altar with the sword. 9.9. Behold their pride, and send thy wrath upon their heads; give to me, a widow, the strength to do what I plan. 9.10. By the deceit of my lips strike down the slave with the prince and the prince with his servant; crush their arrogance by the hand of a woman. 9.11. "For thy power depends not upon numbers, nor thy might upon men of strength; for thou art God of the lowly, helper of the oppressed, upholder of the weak, protector of the forlorn, savior of those without hope. 9.12. Hear, O hear me, God of my father, God of the inheritance of Israel, Lord of heaven and earth, Creator of the waters, King of all thy creation, hear my prayer! 9.13. Make my deceitful words to be their wound and stripe, for they have planned cruel things against thy covet, and against thy consecrated house, and against the top of Zion, and against the house possessed by thy children. 9.14. And cause thy whole nation and every tribe to know and understand that thou art God, the God of all power and might, and that there is no other who protects the people of Israel but thou alone!" 13.4. So every one went out, and no one, either small or great, was left in the bedchamber. Then Judith, standing beside his bed, said in her heart, "O Lord God of all might, look in this hour upon the work of my hands for the exaltation of Jerusalem. 13.5. For now is the time to help thy inheritance, and to carry out my undertaking for the destruction of the enemies who have risen up against us." 13.7. She came close to his bed and took hold of the hair of his head, and said, "Give me strength this day, O Lord God of Israel!" 14.1. Then Judith said to them, "Listen to me, my brethren, and take this head and hang it upon the parapet of your wall. 15.4. And Uzziah sent men to Betomasthaim and Bebai and Choba and Kola, and to all the frontiers of Israel, to tell what had taken place and to urge all to rush out upon their enemies to destroy them. 16.1. Then Judith began this thanksgiving before all Israel, and all the people loudly sang this song of praise. 16.2. And Judith said, Begin a song to my God with tambourines, sing to my Lord with cymbals. Raise to him a new psalm; exalt him, and call upon his name. 16.3. For God is the Lord who crushes wars; for he has delivered me out of the hands of my pursuers, and brought me to his camp, in the midst of the people. 16.4. The Assyrian came down from the mountains of the north; he came with myriads of his warriors; their multitude blocked up the valleys, their cavalry covered the hills. 16.5. He boasted that he would burn up my territory, and kill my young men with the sword, and dash my infants to the ground and seize my children as prey, and take my virgins as booty. 16.6. But the Lord Almighty has foiled them by the hand of a woman. 16.7. For their mighty one did not fall by the hands of the young men, nor did the sons of the Titans smite him, nor did tall giants set upon him; but Judith the daughter of Merari undid him with the beauty of her countece. 16.8. For she took off her widow's mourning to exalt the oppressed in Israel. She anointed her face with ointment and fastened her hair with a tiara and put on a linen gown to deceive him. 16.9. Her sandal ravished his eyes, her beauty captivated his mind, and the sword severed his neck. 16.10. The Persians trembled at her boldness, the Medes were daunted at her daring. 16.11. Then my oppressed people shouted for joy; my weak people shouted and the enemy trembled; they lifted up their voices, and the enemy were turned back. 16.12. The sons of maidservants have pierced them through; they were wounded like the children of fugitives, they perished before the army of my Lord. 16.13. I will sing to my God a new song: O Lord, thou are great and glorious, wonderful in strength, invincible. 16.14. Let all thy creatures serve thee, for thou didst speak, and they were made. Thou didst send forth thy Spirit, and it formed them; there is none that can resist thy voice. 16.15. For the mountains shall be shaken to their foundations with the waters; at thy presence the rocks shall melt like wax, but to those who fear thee thou wilt continue to show mercy. 16.16. For every sacrifice as a fragrant offering is a small thing, and all fat for burnt offerings to thee is a very little thing, but he who fears the Lord shall be great for ever. 16.17. Woe to the nations that rise up against my people! The Lord Almighty will take vengeance on them in the day of judgment; fire and worms he will give to their flesh; they shall weep in pain for ever.

25. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 41, 70 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28

26. Cicero, Letters, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145

27. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 40.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 139

28. Horace, Letters, 1.2.30-1.2.37 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 272

29. Livy, History, 8.13.16, 22.9.10, 23.31.9, 38.43.5, 39.2.8, 39.2.11, 40.34.4, 40.40.10, 42.7.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 226

22.9.10. et Iovi ludos magnos et aedes Veneri Erycinae ac Menti vovendas esse, et supplicationem lectisterniumque habendum, et ver sacrum vovendum, si bellatum prospere esset resque publica in eodem, quo ante bellum fuisset, statu permansisset. 23.31.9. interea duumviri creati sunt Q. Fabius Maximus et T. Otacilius Crassus aedibus dedicandis, Menti Otacilius, Fabius Veneri Erucinae; utraque in Capitolio est, canali uno discretae. 38.43.5. et, quod se ante omnia moveat, templa tota urbe spoliata ornamentis; simulacra deum, deos immo ipsos, convulsos ex sedibus suis ablatos esse; parietes postesque nudatos, quos adorent, ad quos precentur et supplicent, Ambraciensibus superesse — 39.2.11. proelio ultimo, quo cum Liguribus signis collatis conflixit, aedem Iunoni reginae vovit. haec in Liguribus eo anno gesta. 40.34.4. aedes duae eo anno dedicatae sunt, una Veneris Erycinae ad portam Collinam: dedicavit L. Porcius L. f. Licinus duumvir, vota erat a consule L. Porcio Ligustino bello, altera in foro holitorio Pietatis. 40.40.10. tunc vero Celtiberi omnes in fugam effunduntur, et imperator Romanus aversos hostes contemplatus aedem Fortunae equestri Iovique optimo maximo ludos vovit.

30. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.8.61-2.8.62, 4.9.31-4.9.32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 226

31. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 41, 56 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 141

56. and by reason of their numbers they were dispersed over the sea-shore, and desert places, and among the tombs, being deprived of all their property; while the populace, overrunning their desolate houses, turned to plunder, and divided the booty among themselves as if they had obtained it in war. And as no one hindered them, they broke open even the workshops of the Jews, which were all shut up because of their mourning for Drusilla, and carried off all that they found there, and bore it openly through the middle of the market-place as if they had only been making use of their own property.

32. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 355 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 138

355. And while he was triumphing in these super-human appellations, the sycophant Isidorus, seeing the temper in which he was, said, "O master, you will hate with still juster vehemence these men whom you see before you and their fellow countrymen, if you are made acquainted with their disaffection and disloyalty towards yourself; for when all other men were offering up sacrifices of thanksgiving for your safety, these men alone refused to offer any sacrifice at all; and when I say, 'these men,' I comprehend all the rest of the Jews."

33. Sallust, Iugurtha, 102.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 144, 145

34. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 3.105 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28

3.105. On Caesar's arrival in Asia he found that T. Ampius had attempted to remove sums of money from Ephesus from the temple of Diana, and that with this object he had summoned all the senators from the province, that he might employ them as witnesses in reference to the amount of the sum, but that he had fled when interrupted by Caesar's arrival. So on two occasions Caesar saved the Ephesian funds. Also it was established, by going back and calculating the dates, that at Elis in the temple of Minerva, on the very day on which Caesar had fought his successful battle, the image of Victory, which had been placed in front of Minerva herself and had previously looked towards the image of Minerva, had turned itself towards the folding-doors and threshold of the temple. And on the same day at Antioch in Syria so great a clamour of a host and a noise of trumpetings had twice been heard that the body of citizens rushed about in arms on the walls. The same thing happened at Ptolomais. At Pergamum in the secret and concealed parts of the temple, whither no one but the priests is allowed to approach, which the Greeks call ἄδυτα, there was a sound of drums. Also at Tralles in the temple of Victory, where they had dedicated a statue of Caesar, a palm was pointed out as having grown up during those days from the pavement between the joints of the stones.

35. Strabo, Geography, 5.3.8, 17.3.25 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers •herod antipas, territory of, coming under roman rule Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 328; Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 207

5.3.8. These advantages accrued to the city from the nature of the country; but the foresight of the Romans added others besides. The Grecian cities are thought to have flourished mainly on account of the felicitous choice made by their founders, in regard to the beauty and strength of their sites, their proximity to some port, and the fineness of the country. But the Roman prudence was more particularly employed on matters which had received but little attention from the Greeks, such as paving their roads, constructing aqueducts, and sewers, to convey the sewage of the city into the Tiber. In fact, they have paved the roads, cut through hills, and filled up valleys, so that the merchandise may be conveyed by carriage from the ports. The sewers, arched over with hewn stones, are large enough in some parts for waggons loaded with hay to pass through; while so plentiful is the supply of water from the aqueducts, that rivers may be said to flow through the city and the sewers, and almost every house is furnished with water-pipes and copious fountains. To effect which Marcus Agrippa directed his special attention; he likewise bestowed upon the city numerous ornaments. We may remark, that the ancients, occupied with greater and more necessary concerns, paid but little attention to the beautifying of Rome. But their successors, and especially those of our own day, without neglecting these things, have at the same time embellished the city with numerous and splendid objects. Pompey, divus Caesar, and Augustus, with his children, friends, wife, and sister, have surpassed all others in their zeal and munificence in these decorations. The greater number of these may be seen in the Campus Martius, which to the beauties of nature adds those of art. The size of the plain is marvellous, permitting chariot-races and other feats of horsemanship without impediment, and multitudes to exercise themselves at ball, in the circus and the palaestra. The structures which surround it, the turf covered with herbage all the year round, the summits of the hills beyond the Tiber, extending from its banks with panoramic effect, present a spectacle which the eye abandons with regret. Near to this plain is another surrounded with columns, sacred groves, three theatres, an amphitheatre, and superb temples in close contiguity to each other; and so magnificent, that it would seem idle to describe the rest of the city after it. For this cause the Romans, esteeming it as the most sacred place, have there erected funeral monuments to the most illustrious persons of either sex. The most remarkable of these is that designated as the Mausoleum, which consists of a mound of earth raised upon a high foundation of white marble, situated near the river, and covered to the top with ever-green shrubs. Upon the summit is a bronze statue of Augustus Caesar, and beneath the mound are the ashes of himself, his relatives, and friends. Behind is a large grove containing charming promenades. In the centre of the plain, is the spot where this prince was reduced to ashes; it is surrounded with a double enclosure, one of marble, the other of iron, and planted within with poplars. If from hence you proceed to visit the ancient forum, which is equally filled with basilicas, porticos, and temples, you will there behold the Capitol, the Palatium, with the noble works which adorn them, and the promenade of Livia, each successive place causing you speedily to forget what you have before seen. Such is Rome. 17.3.25. The division into provinces has varied at different periods, but at present it is that established by Augustus Caesar; for after the sovereign power had been conferred upon him by his country for life, and he had become the arbiter of peace and war, he divided the whole empire into two parts, one of which he reserved to himself, the other he assigned to the (Roman) people. The former consisted of such parts as required military defence, and were barbarian, or bordered upon nations not as yet subdued, or were barren and uncultivated, which though ill provided with everything else, were yet well furnished with strongholds. and might thus dispose the inhabitants to throw off the yoke and rebel. All the rest, which were peaceable countries, and easily governed without the assistance of arms, were given over to the (Roman) people. Each of these parts was subdivided into several provinces, which received respectively the titles of 'provinces of Caesar' and 'provinces of the People.'To the former provinces Caesar appoints governors and administrators, and divides the (various) countries sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, directing his political conduct according to circumstances.But the people appoint commanders and consuls to their own provinces, which are also subject to divers divisions when expediency requires it.(Augustus Caesar) in his first organization of (the Empire) created two consular governments, namely, the whole of Africa in possession of the Romans, excepting that part which was under the authority, first of Juba, but now of his son Ptolemy; and Asia within the Halys and Taurus, except the Galatians and the nations under Amyntas, Bithynia, and the Propontis. He appointed also ten consular governments in Europe and in the adjacent islands. Iberia Ulterior (Further Spain) about the river Baetis and Celtica Narbonensis (composed the two first). The third was Sardinia, with Corsica; the fourth Sicily; the fifth and sixth Illyria, districts near Epirus, and Macedonia; the seventh Achaia, extending to Thessaly, the Aetolians, Acarians, and the Epirotic nations who border upon Macedonia; the eighth Crete, with Cyrenaea; the ninth Cyprus; the tenth Bithynia, with the Propontis and some parts of Pontus.Caesar possesses other provinces, to the government of which he appoints men of consular rank, commanders of armies, or knights; and in his (peculiar) portion (of the empire) there are and ever have been kings, princes, and (municipal) magistrates.

36. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 9.3.13 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 5

37. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.286-1.296, 6.791-6.807, 6.847-6.848 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 328

1.286. Nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar, 1.287. imperium oceano, famam qui terminet astris,— 1.288. Iulius, a magno demissum nomen Iulo. 1.289. Hunc tu olim caelo, spoliis Orientis onustum, 1.290. accipies secura; vocabitur hic quoque votis. 1.291. Aspera tum positis mitescent saecula bellis; 1.292. cana Fides, et Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus, 1.293. iura dabunt; dirae ferro et compagibus artis 1.294. claudentur Belli portae; Furor impius intus, 1.295. saeva sedens super arma, et centum vinctus aenis 1.296. post tergum nodis, fremet horridus ore cruento. 6.791. Hic vir, hic est, tibi quem promitti saepius audis, 6.792. Augustus Caesar, Divi genus, aurea condet 6.793. saecula qui rursus Latio regnata per arva 6.794. Saturno quondam, super et Garamantas et Indos 6.795. proferet imperium: iacet extra sidera tellus, 6.796. extra anni solisque vias, ubi caelifer Atlas 6.797. axem umero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum. 6.798. Huius in adventum iam nunc et Caspia regna 6.799. responsis horrent divom et Maeotia tellus, 6.800. et septemgemini turbant trepida ostia Nili. 6.801. Nec vero Alcides tantum telluris obivit, 6.802. fixerit aeripedem cervam licet, aut Erymanthi 6.803. pacarit nemora, et Lernam tremefecerit arcu; 6.804. nec, qui pampineis victor iuga flectit habenis, 6.805. Liber, agens celso Nysae de vertice tigres. 6.806. Et dubitamus adhuc virtute extendere vires, 6.807. aut metus Ausonia prohibet consistere terra? 6.847. Excudent alii spirantia mollius aera, 6.848. credo equidem, vivos ducent de marmore voltus,

1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.291. in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.294. or heed no more whatever voice may call? 1.295. Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, 1.296. Orontes brave and fallen Amycus, 6.791. What forms of woe they feel, what fateful shape 6.792. of retribution hath o'erwhelmed them there. 6.793. Some roll huge boulders up; some hang on wheels, 6.794. Lashed to the whirling spokes; in his sad seat 6.795. Theseus is sitting, nevermore to rise; 6.796. Unhappy Phlegyas uplifts his voice 6.797. In warning through the darkness, calling loud, 6.798. ‘0, ere too late, learn justice and fear God!’ 6.799. Yon traitor sold his country, and for gold 6.800. Enchained her to a tyrant, trafficking 6.801. In laws, for bribes enacted or made void; 6.802. Another did incestuously take 6.803. His daughter for a wife in lawless bonds. 6.804. All ventured some unclean, prodigious crime; 6.805. And what they dared, achieved. I could not tell, 6.806. Not with a hundred mouths, a hundred tongues, 6.807. Or iron voice, their divers shapes of sin, 6.847. Lo! on the left and right at feast reclined 6.848. Are other blessed souls, whose chorus sings

38. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 1.2-1.4, 6.1, 34.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145

39. New Testament, John, 21.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman, power of rulership Found in books: Hellholm et al., Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity (2010) 1765

21.17. λέγει αὐτῷ τὸ τρίτον Σίμων Ἰωάνου, φιλεῖς με; ἐλυπήθη ὁ Πέτρος ὅτι εἶπεν αὐτῷ τὸ τρίτον Φιλεῖς με; καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Κύριε, πάντα σὺ οἶδας, σὺ γινώσκεις ὅτι φιλῶ σε. λέγει αὐτῷ Ἰησοῦς Βόσκε τὰ προβάτιά μου.

21.17. He said to him the third time, "Simon, son of Jonah, do you have affection for me?"Peter was grieved because he asked him the third time, "Do you have affection for me?" He said to him, "Lord, you know everything. You know that I have affection for you."Jesus said to him, "Feed my sheep.

40. Tacitus, Histories, 4.74.3-4.74.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 66

41. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.275-12.277, 17.355, 18.1-18.2, 18.257 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine •herod antipas, territory of, coming under roman rule •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 361; Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 138; Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 207

12.275. ἀπέθανον μὲν οὖν σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἐμπνιγέντες τοῖς σπηλαίοις ὡσεὶ χίλιοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ διασωθέντες τῷ Ματταθίᾳ προσέθεντο κἀκεῖνον ἄρχοντα ἀπέδειξαν. 12.276. ὁ δὲ καὶ σαββάτοις αὐτοὺς ἐδίδαξε μάχεσθαι λέγων, ὡς εἰ μὴ ποιήσουσι τοῦτο φυλαττόμενοι τὸ νόμιμον, αὐτοῖς ἔσονται πολέμιοι, τῶν μὲν ἐχθρῶν κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτοῖς προσβαλλόντων, αὐτῶν δ' οὐκ ἀμυνομένων, κωλύσειν τε μηδὲν οὕτως ἀμαχητὶ πάντας ἀπολέσθαι. 12.277. ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ἔπεισεν αὐτούς, καὶ ἄχρι δεῦρο μένει παρ' ἡμῖν τὸ καὶ σαββάτοις, εἴ ποτε δεήσειεν, μάχεσθαι. 17.355. τῆς δ' ̓Αρχελάου χώρας ὑποτελοῦς προσνεμηθείσης τῇ Σύρων πέμπεται Κυρίνιος ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς ἀποτιμησόμενός τε τὰ ἐν Συρίᾳ καὶ τὸν ̓Αρχελάου ἀποδωσόμενος οἶκον. 18.1. Κυρίνιος δὲ τῶν εἰς τὴν βουλὴν συναγομένων ἀνὴρ τάς τε ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἐπιτετελεκὼς καὶ διὰ πασῶν ὁδεύσας ὕπατος γενέσθαι τά τε ἄλλα ἀξιώματι μέγας σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπὶ Συρίας παρῆν, ὑπὸ Καίσαρος δικαιοδότης τοῦ ἔθνους ἀπεσταλμένος καὶ τιμητὴς τῶν οὐσιῶν γενησόμενος, 18.1. περὶ ἧς ὀλίγα βούλομαι διελθεῖν, ἄλλως τε ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ κατ' αὐτῶν σπουδασθέντι τοῖς νεωτέροις ὁ φθόρος τοῖς πράγμασι συνέτυχε. 18.1. καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὁπόσον αὐτῷ καθαρῶς συνειστήκει καὶ τόδε ἤτοι ἐφθαρμένον ἐπὶ δόλῳ τὴν εὔνοιαν προσποιεῖσθαι ἢ πείρας αὐτῷ γενομένης μετατάξεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς προαφεστηκότας, εἴς τι τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἔσωζεν αὑτόν. καὶ πολλὴν μετὰ ταῦτα στρατιὰν ἀθροίσας Δαῶν τε καὶ Σακῶν καὶ πολεμήσας τοὺς ἀνθεστηκότας κατέσχε τὴν ἀρχήν. 18.2. Κωπώνιός τε αὐτῷ συγκαταπέμπεται τάγματος τῶν ἱππέων, ἡγησόμενος ̓Ιουδαίων τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξουσίᾳ. παρῆν δὲ καὶ Κυρίνιος εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν προσθήκην τῆς Συρίας γενομένην ἀποτιμησόμενός τε αὐτῶν τὰς οὐσίας καὶ ἀποδωσόμενος τὰ ̓Αρχελάου χρήματα. 18.2. ἄξιον δ' αὐτῶν θαυμάσαι παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένους τόδε διὰ τὸ μηδαμῶς ὑπάρξαν ̔Ελλήνων ἢ βαρβάρων τισίν, ἀλλὰ μηδ' εἰς ὀλίγον, ἐκείνοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ συνελθὸν ἐν τῷ ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι μὴ κεκωλῦσθαι: τὰ χρήματά τε κοινά ἐστιν αὐτοῖς, ἀπολαύει δὲ οὐδὲν ὁ πλούσιος τῶν οἰκείων μειζόνως ἢ ὁ μηδ' ὁτιοῦν κεκτημένος: καὶ τάδε πράσσουσιν ἄνδρες ὑπὲρ τετρακισχίλιοι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες. 18.2. οὐκ ἔσθ' ὅπως οὐκ εὐθέως ἀπαλλαγή τέ σοι τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν παρέσται καὶ πρόοδος ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἀξιώματός τε καὶ δυνάμεως, ζηλωτός τε ἂν γένοιο πᾶσιν, οἳ νῦν δι' οἴκτου τὰς τύχας σου λαμβάνουσιν, εὐδαίμονά τε ἂν ποιοῖο τὴν τελευτὴν παισίν, οἷς ἔσῃ τὸν βίον καταλειπόμενος. μνημονεύειν δέ, ὁπότε εἰσαῦθις τὸν ὄρνιν θεάσαιο τοῦτον, πέντε ἡμέραις σοι τὴν τελευτὴν ἐσομένην. 18.257. Καὶ δὴ στάσεως ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ γενομένης ̓Ιουδαίων τε οἳ ἐνοικοῦσι καὶ ̔Ελλήνων τρεῖς ἀφ' ἑκατέρας τῆς στάσεως πρεσβευταὶ αἱρεθέντες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν Γάιον. καὶ ἦν γὰρ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων πρέσβεων εἷς ̓Απίων, ὃς πολλὰ εἰς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἐβλασφήμησεν ἄλλα τε λέγων καὶ ὡς τῶν Καίσαρος τιμῶν περιορῷεν:

12.275. There were about a thousand, with their wives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves; but many of those that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be their ruler, 12.276. who taught them to fight, even on the Sabbath day; and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own enemies, by observing the law [so rigorously], while their adversaries would still assault them on this day, and they would not then defend themselves, and that nothing could then hinder but they must all perish without fighting. 12.277. This speech persuaded them. And this rule continues among us to this day, that if there be a necessity, we may fight on Sabbath days. 18.1. 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 18.257. 1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar;

42. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.117, 3.462-3.542, 5.562-5.566, 7.65-7.67 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herod antipas, territory of, coming under roman rule •roman rule •roman rule of palestine •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 25; Avery-Peck, Chilton, and Scott Green, A Legacy of Learning: Essays in Honor of Jacob Neusner (2014) 255; Gera, Judith (2014) 361; Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 207

2.117. Τῆς δὲ ̓Αρχελάου χώρας εἰς ἐπαρχίαν περιγραφείσης ἐπίτροπος τῆς ἱππικῆς παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίοις τάξεως Κωπώνιος πέμπεται μέχρι τοῦ κτείνειν λαβὼν παρὰ Καίσαρος ἐξουσίαν. 3.462. ̓́Επειτα προελθὼν αὐτῆς τε μεταξὺ καὶ Ταριχεῶν στρατοπεδεύεται, τειχίζει τε τὴν παρεμβολὴν ὀχυρωτέραν ὑφορώμενος ἐκεῖ πολέμου τριβὴν αὐτῷ γενησομένην: 3.463. συνέρρει γὰρ εἰς τὰς Ταριχέας πᾶν τὸ νεωτερίζον, τῇ τε τῆς πόλεως ὀχυρότητι καὶ τῇ λίμνῃ πεποιθότες, ἣ καλεῖται Γεννησὰρ πρὸς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων. 3.464. ἡ μὲν γὰρ πόλις, ὥσπερ ἡ Τιβεριὰς ὑπόρειος οὖσα, καθὰ μὴ τῇ λίμνῃ προσεκλύζετο πάντοθεν ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου τετείχιστο καρτερῶς, ἔλασσον μέντοι τῆς Τιβεριάδος: 3.465. τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἐκεῖ περίβολον ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἀποστάσεως δαψιλείᾳ χρημάτων καὶ δυνάμεως ἐκρατύνατο, Ταριχέαι δ' αὐτοῦ τὰ λείψανα τῆς φιλοτιμίας μετέλαβον. 3.466. σκάφη δ' ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς λίμνης παρεσκευασμένα πολλὰ πρός τε τὸ συμφεύγειν ἐπὶ γῆς ἡττωμένους, κἂν εἰ δέοι, διαναυμαχεῖν ἐξηρτυμένα. 3.467. περιβαλλομένων δὲ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων τὸ στρατόπεδον οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Ιησοῦν οὔτε πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος οὔτε πρὸς τὴν εὐταξίαν τῶν πολεμίων ὑποδείσαντες προθέουσιν, 3.468. καὶ πρὸς τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον τῶν τειχοποιῶν σκεδασθέντων ὀλίγα τῆς δομήσεως σπαράξαντες, ὡς ἑώρων τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἀθροιζομένους, πρίν τι παθεῖν εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους ἀνέφευγον: ἐπιδιώξαντες δὲ ̔Ρωμαῖοι συνελαύνουσιν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὰ σκάφη. 3.469. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀναχθέντες εἰς ὅσον ἐξικνεῖσθαι τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων βάλλοντες δύναιντο τάς τε ἀγκύρας ἔβαλλον καὶ πυκνώσαντες ὥσπερ φάλαγγα τὰς ναῦς ἐπαλλήλους τοῖς ἐπὶ γῆς πολεμίοις διεναυμάχουν: 3.471. ̔Ο δ' ὑπέρογκον εὑρὼν τὴν τῶν πολεμίων πληθὺν πρὸς μὲν τὸν πατέρα πέμπει πλείονος δυνάμεως αὐτῷ δεῖν λέγων. αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς μὲν πλείους τῶν ἱππέων ὡρμημένους ὁρῶν καὶ πρὶν ἀφικέσθαι βοήθειαν, ἔστιν δ' οὓς ἡσυχῆ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καταπεπληγότας, ἐν ἐπηκόῳ στὰς ἔλεξεν ὧδε: 3.472. “ἄνδρες, ἔφη, ̔Ρωμαῖοι, καλὸν γὰρ ἐν ἀρχῇ τῶν λόγων ὑπομνῆσαι τοῦ γένους ὑμᾶς, ἵν' εἰδῆτε, τίνες ὄντες πρὸς τίνας μάχεσθαι μέλλομεν. 3.473. τὰς μέν γε ἡμετέρας χεῖρας οὐδὲν εἰς τοῦτο τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης διαπέφευγεν, ̓Ιουδαῖοι δέ, ἵν' εἴπωμεν καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, μέχρι νῦν οὐ κοπιῶσιν ἡττώμενοι. καὶ δεινὸν ἐκείνων ἑστώτων ἐν ταῖς κακοπραγίαις ἡμᾶς τοῖς εὐτυχήμασιν ἐγκάμνειν. 3.474. προθυμίας μὲν εἰς τὸ φανερὸν ὑμᾶς εὖ ἔχοντας χαίρω βλέπων, δέδοικα δὲ μή τινι τῶν πολεμίων τὸ πλῆθος κατάπληξιν λεληθυῖαν ἐνεργάσηται. 3.475. λογισάσθω δὴ πάλιν οἷος πρὸς οἵους παρατάξεται, καὶ διότι ̓Ιουδαῖοι μέν, εἰ καὶ σφόδρα τολμηταὶ καὶ θανάτου καταφρονοῦντες, ἀλλ' ἀσύντακτοί τε καὶ πολέμων ἄπειροι καὶ ὄχλος ἂν ἄλλως, οὐ στρατιὰ λέγοιντο: τὰ δὲ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐμπειρίας καὶ τάξεως τί δεῖ καὶ λέγειν; ἐπὶ τοῦτο μέντοι γε μόνοι καὶ κατ' εἰρήνην ἀσκούμεθα τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἵν' ἐν πολέμῳ μὴ πρὸς τὸ ἀντίπαλον ἀριθμῶμεν ἑαυτούς. 3.476. ἐπεὶ τίς ὄνησις τῆς διηνεκοῦς στρατείας, ἂν ἴσοι πρὸς ἀστρατεύτους ἀντιτασσώμεθα; 3.477. λογίζεσθε δέ, ὅτι καὶ πρὸς γυμνῆτας ὁπλῖται καὶ ἱππεῖς πρὸς πεζοὺς καὶ στρατηγούμενοι πρὸς ἀστρατηγήτους διαγωνίζεσθε, καὶ ὡς ὑμᾶς μὲν ταῦτα πολλαπλασίους ποιεῖ τὰ πλεονεκτήματα, πολὺ δὲ τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων ἀριθμοῦ [παραιρεῖται τὰ ἐλαττώματα]. 3.478. κατορθοῖ δὲ τοὺς πολέμους οὐ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων, κἂν ᾖ μάχιμον, ἀνδρεία δέ, κἂν ἐν ὀλίγοις: οἱ μέν γε καὶ τάξασθαι ῥᾴδιοι καὶ προσαμύνειν ἑαυτοῖς, αἱ δ' ὑπέρογκοι δυνάμεις ὑφ' ἑαυτῶν βλάπτονται πλέον ἢ τῶν πολεμίων. 3.479. ̓Ιουδαίων μὲν οὖν τόλμα καὶ θράσος ἡγεῖται καὶ ἀπόνοια, πάθη κατὰ μὲν τὰς εὐπραγίας εὔτονα, σβεννύμενα δὲ ἐν ἐλαχίστοις σφάλμασιν: ἡμῶν δ' ἀρετὴ καὶ εὐπείθεια καὶ τὸ γενναῖον, ὃ κἀν τοῖς ἄλλοις εὐτυχήμασιν ἀκμάζει κἀν τοῖς πταίσμασιν οὐ μέχρι τέλους σφάλλεται. 3.481. σκεπτέον δ' ὅτι καὶ παθεῖν μὲν οὐδὲν ἀνήκεστον ἡμῖν φόβος: πολλοὶ γὰρ οἱ βοηθήσοντες καὶ πλησίον: ἁρπάσαι δὲ τὴν νίκην δυνάμεθα, καὶ χρὴ τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς πεμπομένους ἡμῖν συμμάχους φθάνειν, ἵν' ἀκοινώνητόν τε ᾖ τὸ κατόρθωμα καὶ μεῖζον. 3.482. νομίζω δ' ἔγωγε ἐπὶ τῆσδε τῆς ὥρας καὶ τὸν πατέρα τὸν ἐμὸν κρίνεσθαι κἀμὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς, εἰ τῶν μὲν προκατωρθωμένων ἄξιος ἐκεῖνος, ἐγὼ δ' ἐκείνου παῖς, στρατιῶται δ' ὑμεῖς ἐμοῦ: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνῳ τὸ νικᾶν ἔθος, κἀγὼ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑποστρέφειν οὐκ ἂν ὑπομείναιμι λειφθείς. 3.483. ὑμεῖς δὲ πῶς οὐκ ἂν αἰσχύνοισθε προκινδυνεύοντος ἡγεμόνος ἡττώμενοι; προκινδυνεύσω γάρ, εὖ ἴστε, καὶ πρῶτος εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐμβαλῶ. 3.484. μὴ λείπεσθε δ' ὑμεῖς ἐμοῦ πεπεισμένοι τὴν ἐμὴν ὁρμὴν παρακροτεῖσθαι θεῷ συμμάχῳ, καὶ προγινώσκετε σαφῶς, ὅτι τῆς ἔξω μάχης πλέον τι κατορθώσομεν.” 3.485. Ταῦτα τοῦ Τίτου διεξιόντος προθυμία δαιμόνιος ἐμπίπτει τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, καὶ προσγενομένου πρὶν συμβαλεῖν Τραϊανοῦ μετὰ τετρακοσίων ἱππέων ἤσχαλλον ὡς μειουμένης τῆς νίκης αὐτοῖς διὰ τὴν κοινωνίαν. 3.486. ἔπεμψεν δὲ Οὐεσπασιανὸς καὶ ̓Αντώνιον Σίλωνα σὺν δισχιλίοις τοξόταις κελεύσας καταλαβόντας τὸ ἀντικρὺ τῆς πόλεως ὄρος τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους ἀνείργειν. 3.487. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς προσετέτακτο τοὺς ταύτῃ πειρωμένους ἐκβοηθεῖν περιέσχον, ὁ δὲ Τίτος πρῶτος τὸν ἵππον ἤλαυνεν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ σὺν κραυγῇ μετ' αὐτὸν οἱ λοιποὶ παρεκτείναντες ἑαυτοὺς εἰς ὅσον ἐπεῖχον οἱ πολέμιοι τὸ πεδίον: παρὸ καὶ πολὺ πλείους ἔδοξαν. 3.488. οἱ δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι καίτοι τήν τε ὁρμὴν καὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν αὐτῶν καταπλαγέντες πρὸς ὀλίγον μὲν ἀντέσχον ταῖς ἐμβολαῖς, νυσσόμενοι δὲ τοῖς κοντοῖς καὶ τῷ ῥοίζῳ τῶν ἱππέων ἀνατρεπόμενοι συνεπατοῦντο. 3.489. πολλῶν δὲ πανταχοῦ φονευομένων διασκίδνανται καὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὡς ἕκαστος εἶχεν τάχους ἔφευγον. 3.491. πᾶσιν δὲ τὰς πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος φυγὰς ὑπετέμνετο καὶ πρὸς τὸ πεδίον ἀπέστρεφεν, ἕως τῷ πλήθει βιασάμενοι καὶ διεκπεσόντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν συνέφευγον. 3.492. ̓Εκδέχεται δὲ αὐτοὺς πάλιν στάσις ἔσω χαλεπή: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιχωρίοις διά τε τὰς κτήσεις καὶ τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἐδόκει πολεμεῖν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς καὶ τότε διὰ τὴν ἧτταν πλέον: 3.493. ὁ δ' ἔπηλυς πολὺς ὢν πλεῖον ἐβιάζετο, καὶ διωργισμένων ἐπ' ἀλλήλοις κραυγή τε ἦν καὶ θόρυβος ὡς ὅσον οὔπω φερομένων εἰς ὅπλα. 3.494. κατακούσας δὲ τῆς ταραχῆς Τίτος, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἄπωθεν τοῦ τείχους, “οὗτος ἦν ὁ καιρός, ἐκβοᾷ, καὶ τί, συστρατιῶται, μέλλομεν ἐκδιδόντος ἡμῖν ̓Ιουδαίους θεοῦ; δέξασθε τὴν νίκην. 3.495. οὐκ ἀκούετε βοῆς; στασιάζουσιν οἱ τὰς χεῖρας ἡμῶν διεκφυγόντες. ἔχομεν τὴν πόλιν, ἐὰν ταχύνωμεν: δεῖ δὲ πόνου πρὸς τῷ τάχει καὶ λήματος: οὐδὲν γὰρ τῶν μεγάλων φιλεῖ δίχα κινδύνου κατορθοῦσθαι. 3.496. φθάνειν δ' οὐ μόνον χρὴ τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ὁμόνοιαν, οὓς ἀνάγκη διαλλάξει ταχέως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν τῶν ἡμετέρων βοήθειαν, ἵνα πρὸς τῷ νικῆσαι τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ὀλίγοι καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἕλωμεν μόνοι.” 3.497. Ταῦθ' ἅμα λέγων ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον ἀνεπήδα καὶ καθηγεῖται πρὸς τὴν λίμνην, δι' ἧς ἐλάσας πρῶτος εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσέρχεται καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν οἱ λοιποί. 3.498. δέος δὲ πρὸς τὴν τόλμαν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν τειχῶν ἐνέπεσεν, καὶ μάχεσθαι μὲν ἢ διακωλύειν οὐδεὶς ὑπέμεινεν, λιπόντες δὲ τὴν φρουρὰν οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν ̓Ιησοῦν διὰ τῆς χώρας ἔφευγον, 3.499. οἱ δ' ἐπὶ τὴν λίμνην καταθέοντες ὑπαντιάζουσιν τοῖς πολεμίοις περιέπιπτον: ἐκτείνοντο δ' οἱ μὲν ἐπιβαίνοντες τῶν σκαφῶν, οἱ δὲ τοῖς ἀναχθεῖσιν προσπίπτειν πειρώμενοι. πολὺς δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἦν φόνος, 3.501. μέχρι Τίτος τοὺς μὲν αἰτίους ἀνελών, οἰκτείρας δὲ τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους ἀνεπαύσατο φόνου. 3.502. καὶ οἱ μὲν εἰς τὴν λίμνην καταφυγόντες ἐπεὶ τὴν πόλιν εἶδον ἑαλωκυῖαν, ὡς πορρωτάτω τῶν πολεμίων ἀνήχθησαν: 3.503. Τίτος δ' ἐκπέμψας τινὰ τῶν ἱππέων εὐαγγελίζεται τῷ πατρὶ τὸ ἔργον. 3.504. ὁ δ', ὡς εἰκός, ὑπερησθεὶς τῇ τε τοῦ παιδὸς ἀρετῇ καὶ τῷ κατορθώματι, μεγίστη γὰρ ἐδόκει καθῃρῆσθαι μοῖρα τοῦ πολέμου, τότε μὲν ἐλθὼν περισχόντας τὴν πόλιν φρουρεῖν ἐκέλευσεν, ὡς μὴ διαλάθοι τις ἐξ αὐτῆς, καὶ κτείνειν προσέταξεν * 3.505. τῇ δ' ὑστεραίᾳ πρὸς τὴν λίμνην καταβὰς σχεδίας ἐκέλευσεν πήσσειν ἐπὶ τοὺς καταπεφευγότας: αἱ δ' ἐγίνοντο ταχέως ἀφθονίᾳ τε ὕλης καὶ πλήθει τεχνιτῶν. 3.506. ̔Η δὲ λίμνη Γεννησὰρ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς προσεχοῦς χώρας καλεῖται, σταδίων δ' εὖρος οὖσα τεσσαράκοντα καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ἑτέρων ἑκατὸν τὸ μῆκος γλυκεῖά τε ὅμως ἐστὶ καὶ ποτιμωτάτη: 3.507. καὶ γὰρ τῆς ἑλώδους παχύτητος ἔχει τὸ νᾶμα λεπτότερον καθαρά τ' ἐστὶν πάντοθεν αἰγιαλοῖς ἐπιλήγουσα καὶ ψάμμῳ, πρὸς δὲ εὔκρατος ἀρύσασθαι, ποταμοῦ μὲν ἢ κρήνης προσηνεστέρα, ψυχροτέρα δὲ ἢ κατὰ λίμνης διάχυσιν ἀεὶ μένουσα. 3.508. τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὕδωρ οὐκ ἀπᾴδει χιόνος ἐξαιθριασθέν, ὅπερ θέρους νυκτὸς ποιεῖν ἔθος τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις, γένη δὲ ἰχθύων ἐν αὐτῇ διάφορα πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλαχοῦ γεῦσίν τε καὶ ἰδέαν. 3.509. μέση δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου τέμνεται. καὶ δοκεῖ μὲν ̓Ιορδάνου πηγὴ τὸ Πάνειον, φέρεται δ' ὑπὸ γῆν εἰς τοῦτο κρυπτῶς ἐκ τῆς καλουμένης Φιάλης: 3.511. ἐκ μὲν οὖν τῆς περιφερείας ἐτύμως Φιάλη καλεῖται τροχοειδὴς οὖσα λίμνη, μένει δ' ἐπὶ χείλους αὐτῆς ἀεὶ τὸ ὕδωρ μήθ' ὑπονοστοῦν μήθ' ὑπερχεόμενον. 3.512. ἀγνοούμενος δὲ τέως ὁ ̓Ιορδάνης ἐντεῦθεν ἄρχεσθαι διὰ τοῦ τετραρχήσαντος Τραχωνιτῶν ἠλέγχθη Φιλίππου: 3.513. βαλὼν γὰρ οὗτος εἰς τὴν Φιάλην ἄχυρα κατὰ τὸ Πάνειον, ἔνθεν ἐδόκουν οἱ παλαιοὶ γεννᾶσθαι τὸν ποταμόν, εὗρεν ἀνενεχθέντα. 3.514. τοῦ μὲν οὖν Πανείου τὸ φυσικὸν κάλλος ὑπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς προσεξήσκηται πολυτελείας τῷ ̓Αγρίππα πλούτῳ κεκοσμημένον: 3.515. ἀρχόμενος δὲ φανεροῦ ῥεύματος ὁ ̓Ιορδάνης ἀπὸ τοῦδε τοῦ ἄντρου κόπτει μὲν τὰ τῆς Σεμεχωνίτιδος λίμνης ἕλη καὶ τέλματα, διαμείψας δ' ἑτέρους ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι σταδίους μετὰ πόλιν ̓Ιουλιάδα διεκπαίει τὴν Γεννησὰρ μέσην, ἔπειτα πολλὴν ἀναμετρούμενος ἐρημίαν εἰς τὴν ̓Ασφαλτῖτιν ἔξεισι λίμνην. 3.516. Παρατείνει δὲ τὴν Γεννησὰρ ὁμώνυμος χώρα θαυμαστὴ φύσιν τε καὶ κάλλος: οὔτε γὰρ αὐτή τι φυτὸν ἀρνεῖται διὰ τὴν πιότητα, καὶ πᾶν πεφυτεύκασιν οἱ νεμόμενοι, τοῦ δ' ἀέρος τὸ εὔκρατον ἁρμόζει καὶ τοῖς διαφόροις. 3.517. καρύαι μέν γε φυτῶν τὸ χειμεριώτατον ἄπειροι τεθήλασιν ἔνθα φοίνικες, οἳ καύματι τρέφονται, συκαῖ δὲ καὶ ἐλαῖαι πλησίον τούτων, αἷς μαλθακώτερος ἀὴρ ἀποδέδεικται. 3.518. φιλοτιμίαν ἄν τις εἴποι τῆς φύσεως βιασαμένης εἰς ἓν συναγαγεῖν τὰ μάχιμα καὶ τῶν ὡρῶν ἀγαθὴν ἔριν ἑκάστης ὥσπερ ἀντιποιουμένης τοῦ χωρίου: καὶ γὰρ οὐ μόνον τρέφει παρὰ δόξαν τὰς διαφόρους ὀπώρας ἀλλὰ καὶ διαφυλάσσει. 3.519. τὰ μέν γε βασιλικώτατα σταφυλήν τε καὶ σῦκον δέκα μησὶν ἀδιαλείπτως χορηγεῖ, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς καρποὺς δι' ἔτους ὅλου περιγηράσκοντας ἑαυτοῖς: πρὸς γὰρ τῇ τῶν ἀέρων εὐκρασίᾳ καὶ πηγῇ διάρδεται γονιμωτάτῃ, Καφαρναοὺμ αὐτὴν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι καλοῦσιν. 3.521. μῆκος δὲ τοῦ χωρίου παρατείνει κατὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν τῆς ὁμωνύμου λίμνης ἐπὶ σταδίους τριάκοντα, καὶ εὖρος εἴκοσι. ταῦτα μὲν οὕτως φύσεως ἔχει. 3.522. Οὐεσπασιανὸς δέ, ἐπεὶ παρεσκευάσθησαν αἱ σχεδίαι, τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπιβήσας ὅσον ᾤετο τοῖς κατὰ τὴν λίμνην ἀνταρκέσειν ἐπανήγετο. τοῖς δὲ συνελαυνομένοις οὔτ' ἐπὶ γῆν διαφεύγειν ἦν ἐκπεπολεμωμένων πάντων οὔτ' ἐξ ἴσου διαναυμαχεῖν: 3.523. τά τε γὰρ σκάφη μικρὰ ὄντα καὶ λῃστρικὰ πρὸς τὰς σχεδίας ἦν ἀσθενῆ, καὶ καθ' ἕκαστον ἐμπλέοντες ὀλίγοι πρὸς ἀθρόους ἐφεστῶτας τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐγγίζειν ἐδεδοίκεισαν. 3.524. ὅμως δ' οὖν ἐκπεριπλέοντες τὰς σχεδίας, ἔστιν δ' ὅπου καὶ πλησιάζοντες, πόρρωθεν τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἔβαλλον λίθοις καὶ παραξύοντες ἐγγύθεν ἔπαιον. 3.525. ἐκακοῦντο δ' αὐτοὶ πλέον κατ' ἀμφότερα: ταῖς τε γὰρ χερμάσιν οὐδὲν δρῶντες ὅτι μὴ κτύπον ἐπάλληλον, εἰς γὰρ πεφραγμένους ἔβαλλον, ἐφικτοὶ τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίων ἐγίνοντο βέλεσιν, καὶ πλησιάζειν τολμῶντες πρὶν δρᾶσαί τι παθεῖν ἔφθανον καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς ἐβαπτίζοντο τοῖς σκάφεσιν. 3.526. τῶν δὲ διεκπαίειν πειρωμένων πολλοὺς μὲν ἐφικνούμενοι κοντοῖς διέπειρον, οὓς δὲ ξιφήρεις ἐπιπηδῶντες εἰς τὰ σκάφη, τινὰς δὲ συντρεχούσαις ταῖς σχεδίαις ἐναποληφθέντας μέσους εἷλον ἅμα ταῖς ἁλιάσιν. 3.527. τῶν δὲ βαπτισθέντων τοὺς ἀνανεύοντας ἢ βέλος ἔφθανεν ἢ σχεδία κατελάμβανεν, καὶ προσβαίνειν ὑπ' ἀμηχανίας εἰς τοὺς ἐχθροὺς πειρωμένων ἢ κεφαλὰς ἢ χεῖρας ἀπέκοπτον οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι. 3.528. πολλή τε ἦν αὐτῶν καὶ ποικίλη φθορὰ πανταχοῦ, μέχρι τραπέντες εἰς γῆν ἐξεώσθησαν οἱ λοιποὶ κεκυκλωμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἁλιάδων. 3.529. ἐκχεόμενοι δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ κατηκοντίζοντο τῇ λίμνῃ, πολλοὺς δ' ἐκπηδήσαντας οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι διέφθειραν ἐπὶ γῆς. ἦν δ' ἰδεῖν κεκερασμένην μὲν αἵματι, πεπληρωμένην δὲ νεκρῶν τὴν λίμνην ἅπασαν: διεσώθη γὰρ οὐδείς. 3.531. τοῦτο μὲν ἐκείνης τῆς ναυμαχίας τὸ τέλος, ἀπέθανον δὲ σὺν τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως πρότερον πεσοῦσιν ἑξακισχίλιοι ἑπτακόσιοι. 3.532. Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ μετὰ τὴν μάχην καθίζει μὲν ἐπὶ βήματος ἐν Ταριχέαις, διακρίνων δ' ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων τὸν ἔπηλυν λεώ, κατάρξαι γὰρ οὗτος ἐδόκει πολέμου, μετὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων εἰ χρὴ καὶ τούτους σώζειν ἐσκέπτετο. 3.533. φαμένων δὲ τούτων βλαβερὰν ἔσεσθαι τὴν ἄφεσιν αὐτῶν, οὐ γὰρ ἠρεμήσειν ἀπολυθέντας ἀνθρώπους ἐστερημένους μὲν τῶν πατρίδων, βιάζεσθαι δὲ καὶ πρὸς οὓς ἂν καταφύγωσιν πολεμεῖν δυναμένους, 3.534. Οὐεσπασιανὸς ὡς μὲν οὔτ' ἄξιοι σωτηρίας εἶεν καὶ διαφεύξονται κατὰ τῶν ἀφέντων ἐγίνωσκεν, τὸν δὲ τρόπον αὐτῶν τῆς ἀναιρέσεως διενοεῖτο. 3.535. καὶ γὰρ αὐτόθι κτείνων ἐκπολεμώσειν ὑφωρᾶτο τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους, οὐ γὰρ ἀνέξεσθαι φονευομένων ἱκετῶν τοσούτων παρ' αὐτοῖς, καὶ μετὰ πίστεις ἐπιθέσθαι προελθοῦσιν οὐχ ὑπέμενεν. 3.536. ἐξενίκων δ' οἱ φίλοι μηδὲν κατὰ ̓Ιουδαίων ἀσεβὲς εἶναι λέγοντες καὶ χρῆναι τὸ συμφέρον αἱρεῖσθαι πρὸ τοῦ πρέποντος, ὅταν ᾖ μὴ δυνατὸν ἄμφω. 3.537. κατανεύσας οὖν αὐτοῖς ἄδειαν ἀμφίβολον ἐπέτρεψεν ἐξιέναι διὰ μόνης τῆς ἐπὶ Τιβεριάδα φερούσης ὁδοῦ. 3.538. τῶν δὲ ταχέως πιστευσάντων οἷς ἤθελον καὶ μετὰ φανερῶν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ τῶν χρημάτων ᾗπερ ἐπετράπη χωρούντων, διαλαμβάνουσιν μὲν οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι τὴν μέχρι Τιβεριάδος πᾶσαν, ὡς μή τις ἀποκλίνειεν, συγκλείουσι δ' αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν. 3.539. καὶ Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐπελθὼν ἵστησι πάντας ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ, καὶ γηραιοὺς μὲν ἅμα τοῖς ἀχρήστοις διακοσίους ἐπὶ χιλίοις ὄντας ἀνελεῖν ἐκέλευσεν, 3.541. τοὺς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς τούτου βασιλείας ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ ποιεῖν εἴ τι βούλοιτο: πιπράσκει δὲ καὶ τούτους ὁ βασιλεύς. 3.542. ὁ μέντοι γε ἄλλος ὄχλος Τραχωνῖται καὶ Γαυλανῖται καὶ ̔Ιππηνοὶ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Γαδαρίτιδος τὸ πλέον ὡς στασιασταὶ καὶ φυγάδες καὶ οἷς τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης ὀνείδη τὸν πόλεμον προυξένει * ἑάλωσαν δὲ Γορπιαίου μηνὸς ὀγδόῃ. 5.562. ̓Ιωάννης δ' ὡς ἐπέλειπον αἱ ἁρπαγαὶ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου, πρὸς ἱεροσυλίαν ἐτρέπετο, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἐκ τῶν ἀναθημάτων κατεχώνευε τοῦ ναοῦ, πολλὰ δὲ τῶν πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας ἀναγκαίων σκεύη, κρατῆρας καὶ πίνακας καὶ τραπέζας: ἀπέσχετο δ' οὐδὲ τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ πεμφθέντων ἀκρατοφόρων. 5.566. οὐκ ἂν ὑποστειλαίμην εἰπεῖν ἅ μοι κελεύει τὸ πάθος: οἶμαι ̔Ρωμαίων βραδυνόντων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀλιτηρίους ἢ καταποθῆναι ἂν ὑπὸ χάσματος ἢ κατακλυσθῆναι τὴν πόλιν ἢ τοὺς τῆς Σοδομηνῆς μεταλαβεῖν κεραυνούς: πολὺ γὰρ τῶν ταῦτα παθόντων ἤνεγκε γενεὰν ἀθεωτέραν: τῇ γοῦν τούτων ἀπονοίᾳ πᾶς ὁ λαὸς συναπώλετο. 7.66. καὶ μὴν ὁ δῆμος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐμφυλίων κακῶν τετρυχωμένος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸν ἔσπευδε, τότε δὴ βεβαίως μὲν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῶν συμφορῶν ὑπολαμβάνων, ἀπολήψεσθαι δὲ τὴν ἄδειαν μετὰ τῆς εὐετηρίας πεπιστευκώς.

2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. 3.462. 1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp between this city and Taricheae, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war; 3.463. for all the innovators had gotten together at Taricheae, as relying upon the strength of the city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the country the Lake of Gennesareth. 3.464. The city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bottom of a mountain, and on those sides which are not washed by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as Tiberias; 3.465. for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the Jews’ revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Taricheae partook only the remains of that liberality. 3.466. Yet had they a great number of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they might retire to them; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a Sea-fight also. 3.467. But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesus and his party were neither affrighted at their number, nor at the good order they were in, but made a sally upon them; 3.468. and at the very first onset the builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together, and before they had suffered anything themselves, they retired to their own men. But then the Romans pursued them, and drove them into their ships, 3.469. where they launched out as far as might give them the opportunity of reaching the Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea, who were themselves at land. 3.470. But Vespasian hearing that a great multitude of them were gotten together in the plain that was before the city, he thereupon sent his son, with six hundred chosen horsemen, to disperse them. 3.471. 2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy was very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that before any succors could come to them, and that yet some of them were privately under a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place whence he might be heard, and said to them, 3.472. “My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to fight. 3.473. For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to grow weary under good success, when they bear up under their misfortunes. 3.474. As to the alacrity which you show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude of the enemy should bring a concealed fright upon some of you: 3.475. let such a one consider again, who we are that are to fight, and who those are against whom we are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of death, are but a disorderly body, and unskillful in war, and may rather be called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with our enemies: 3.476. for what advantage should we reap by our continual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war. 3.477. Consider further, that you are to have a conflict with men in effect unarmed, while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that have no good general, while you have one; and as these advantages make you in effect manifold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diminish their number. 3.478. Now it is not the multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that manages wars with success, but it is their bravery that does it, though they be but a few; for a few are easily set in battle-array, and can easily assist one another, while over-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their enemies. 3.479. It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct of the Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite extinguished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and obedience, and fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but still does not forever desert us in our ill fortune. 3.480. Nay, indeed, your fighting is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the hazard of war for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater motive to us than glory? and that it may never be said, that after we have got dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us. 3.481. We must also reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffering any incurable disaster in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation to us. 3.482. And I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father, and I, and you shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be really my soldiers; for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once taken by the enemy. 3.483. And how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon the enemy. 3.484. Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will be assisting to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance.” 3.485. 3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordinary fury fell upon the men; and as Trajan was already come before the fight began, with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of the victory would be diminished by being common to so many. 3.486. Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in charge to seize upon the mountain that was over against the city, and repel those that were upon the wall; 3.487. which archers did as they were commanded, and prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; And now Titus made his own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy which confronted them; by which means they appeared much more numerous than they really were. 3.488. Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but when they were pricked with their long poles, and overborne by the violent noise of the horsemen, they came to be trampled under their feet; 3.489. many also of them were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves, and run to the city, as fast as every one of them were able. 3.490. So Titus pressed upon the hindmost, and slew them; and of the rest, some he fell upon as they stood on heaps, and some he prevented, and met them in the mouth, and run them through; many also he leaped upon as they fell one upon another, and trod them down, 3.491. and cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and ran into the city. 3.492. 4. But now there fell out a terrible sedition among them within the city; for the inhabitants themselves, who had possessions there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to fight from the very beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten; 3.493. but the foreigners, which were very numerous, would force them to fight so much the more, insomuch that there was a clamor and a tumult among them, as all mutually angry one at another. 3.494. And when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from the wall, he cried out, “Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is given you: do not you hear what a noise they make? 3.495. Those that have escaped our hands are in an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste; but besides haste, we must undergo some labor, and use some courage; for no great thing uses to be accomplished without danger: 3.496. accordingly, we must not only prevent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do, but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as few as we are, we may conquer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take the city.” 3.497. 5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon after him. 3.498. Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at the boldness of the attempt, nor durst anyone venture to fight with him, or to hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about Jesus fled over the country, 3.499. while others of them ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into the ships, but others of them as they attempted to overtake those that were already gone abroad. 3.500. There was also a great slaughter made in the city, while those foreigners that had not fled away already made opposition; but the natural inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus’s giving them his right hand for their security, and out of a consciousness that they had not given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting, 3.501. till Titus had slain the authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of commiseration of these inhabitants of the place. 3.502. But for those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could from the enemy. 3.503. 6. Hereupon Titus sent one of his horsemen to his father, and let him know the good news of what he had done; 3.504. at which, as was natural, he was very joyful, both on account of the courage and glorious actions of his son; for he thought that now the greatest part of the war was over. He then came thither himself, and set men to guard the city, and gave them command to take care that nobody got privately out of it, but to kill such as attempted so to do. 3.505. And on the next day he went down to the lake, and commanded that vessels should be fitted up, in order to pursue those that had escaped in the ships. These vessels were quickly gotten ready accordingly, because there was great plenty of materials, and a great number of artificers also. 3.506. 7. Now this lake of Gennesareth is so called from the country adjoining it. Its breadth is forty furlongs, and its length one hundred and forty; its waters are sweet, and very agreeable for drinking, 3.507. for they are finer than the thick waters of other fens; the lake is also pure, and on every side ends directly at the shores, and at the sand; it is also of a temperate nature when you draw it up, and of a more gentle nature than river or fountain water, and yet always cooler than one could expect in so diffuse a place as this is. 3.508. Now when this water is kept in the open air, it is as cold as that snow which the country people are accustomed to make by night in summer. There are several kinds of fish in it, different both to the taste and the sight from those elsewhere. 3.509. It is divided into two parts by the river Jordan. Now Panium is thought to be the fountain of Jordan, but in reality it is carried thither after an occult manner from the place called Phiala: 3.510. this place lies as you go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and twenty furlongs from Caesarea, and is not far out of the road on the right hand; 3.511. and indeed it hath its name of Phiala [vial or bowl] very justly, from the roundness of its circumference, as being round like a wheel; its water continues always up to its edges, without either sinking or running over. 3.512. And as this origin of Jordan was formerly not known, it was discovered so to be when Philip was tetrarch of Trachonitis; 3.513. for he had chaff thrown into Phiala, and it was found at Panium, where the ancients thought the fountainhead of the river was, whither it had been therefore carried [by the waters]. 3.514. As for Panium itself, its natural beauty had been improved by the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorned at his expenses. 3.515. Now Jordan’s visible stream arises from this cavern, and divides the marshes and fens of the lake Semechonitis; when it hath run another hundred and twenty furlongs, it first passes by the city Julias, and then passes through the middle of the lake Gennesareth; after which it runs a long way over a desert, and then makes its exit into the lake Asphaltitis. 3.516. 8. The country also that lies over against this lake hath the same name of Gennesareth; its nature is wonderful as well as its beauty; its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can grow upon it, and the inhabitants accordingly plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper of the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very well with those several sorts, 3.517. particularly walnuts, which require the coldest air, flourish there in vast plenty; there are palm trees also, which grow best in hot air; fig trees also and olives grow near them, which yet require an air that is more temperate. 3.518. One may call this place the ambition of nature, where it forces those plants that are naturally enemies to one another to agree together; it is a happy contention of the seasons, as if every one of them laid claim to this country; 3.519. for it not only nourishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond men’s expectation, but preserves them a great while; it supplies men with the principal fruits, with grapes and figs continually, during ten months of the year and the rest of the fruits as they become ripe together through the whole year; for besides the good temperature of the air, it is also watered from a most fertile fountain. The people of the country call it Capharnaum. 3.520. Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as well as that lake does which is near to Alexandria. 3.521. The length of this country extends itself along the banks of this lake that bears the same name for thirty furlongs, and is in breadth twenty, And this is the nature of that place. 3.522. 9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon shipboard as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies’ hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea, 3.523. for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian’s vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. 3.524. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; 3.525. yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the other, and were drowned, they and their ships together. 3.526. As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. 3.527. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; 3.528. and indeed they were destroyed after various manners everywhere, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: 3.529. but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. 3.530. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. 3.531. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred. 3.532. 10. After this fight was over, Vespasian sat upon his tribunal at Taricheae, in order to distinguish the foreigners from the old inhabitants; for those foreigners appear to have begun the war. So he deliberated with the other commanders, whether he ought to save those old inhabitants or not. 3.533. And when those commanders alleged that the dismission of them would be to his own disadvantage, because, when they were once set at liberty, they would not be at rest, since they would be people destitute of proper habitations, and would be able to compel such as they fled toto fight against us, 3.534. Vespasian acknowledged that they did not deserve to be saved, and that if they had leave given them to fly away, they would make use of it against those that gave them that leave. But still he considered with himself after what manner they should be slain; 3.535. for if he had them slain there, he suspected the people of the country would thereby become his enemies; for that to be sure they would never bear it, that so many that had been supplicants to him should be killed; and to offer violence to them, after he had given them assurances of their lives, he could not himself bear to do it. 3.536. However, his friends were too hard for him, and pretended that nothing against Jews could be any impiety, and that he ought to prefer what was profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made consistent. 3.537. So he gave them an ambiguous liberty to do as they advised, and permitted the prisoners to go along no other road than that which led to Tiberias only. 3.538. So they readily believed what they desired to be true, and went along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them, while the Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go out of it, and shut them up in the city. 3.539. Then came Vespasian, and ordered them all to stand in the stadium, and commanded them to kill the old men, together with the others that were useless, which were in number a thousand and two hundred. 3.540. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa; 3.541. for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them; however, the king sold these also for slaves; 3.542. but for the rest of the multitude, who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos, and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious persons and fugitives, who were of such shameful characters, that they preferred war before peace. These prisoners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpiaeus [Elul]. 5.562. 6. But as for John, when he could no longer plunder the people, he betook himself to sacrilege, and melted down many of the sacred utensils, which had been given to the temple; as also many of those vessels which were necessary for such as ministered about holy things, the caldrons, the dishes, and the tables; nay, he did not abstain from those pouringvessels that were sent them by Augustus and his wife; 5.566. And here I cannot but speak my mind, and what the concern I am under dictates to me, and it is this: I suppose, that had the Romans made any longer delay in coming against these villains, the city would either have been swallowed up by the ground opening upon them, or been overflowed by water, or else been destroyed by such thunder as the country of Sodom perished by, for it had brought forth a generation of men much more atheistical than were those that suffered such punishments; for by their madness it was that all the people came to be destroyed. 7.66. Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity;

43. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.288-1.292, 1.305-1.311, 2.10-2.27 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 139

1.289. αὐτοῦ ̔Ραμεσσήν, φησὶν ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἡ ̓͂Ισις ἐφάνη τῷ ̓Αμενώφει μεμφομένη αὐτόν, ὅτι τὸ ἱερὸν αὐτῆς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ κατέσκαπται. Φριτιβαύτην δὲ ἱερογραμματέα φάναι, ἐὰν τῶν τοὺς μολυσμοὺς ἐχόντων ἀνδρῶν καθάρῃ τὴν Αἴγυπτον, παύσεσθαι τῆς πτοίας αὐτόν. 1.305. πλάσμασι, δῆλος συντεθεικὼς κατὰ πολλὴν ἀπέχθειαν: λέγει γὰρ ἐπὶ Βοχχόρεως τοῦ Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέως τὸν λαὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων λεπροὺς ὄντας καὶ ψωροὺς καὶ ἄλλα νοσήματά τινα ἐχόντων εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ καταφεύγοντας μεταιτεῖν τροφήν. παμπόλλων δὲ ἀνθρώπων νοσηλείᾳ περιπεσόντων ἀκαρπίαν ἐν τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ γενέσθαι. 1.306. Βόχχοριν δὲ τὸν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέα εἰς ̓́Αμμωνος πέμψαι περὶ τῆς ἀκαρπίας τοὺς μαντευσομένους, τὸν θεὸν δὲ ἐρεῖν τὰ ἱερὰ καθᾶραι ἀπ' ἀνθρώπων ἀνάγνων καὶ δυσσεβῶν ἐκβάλλοντα αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν εἰς τόπους ἐρήμους, τοὺς δὲ ψωροὺς καὶ λεπροὺς βυθίσαι, ὡς τοῦ ἡλίου ἀγανακτοῦντος ἐπὶ τῇ τούτων ζωῇ, 1.307. καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ἁγνίσαι καὶ οὕτω τὴν γῆν καρποφορήσειν. τὸν δὲ Βόκχοριν τοὺς χρησμοὺς λαβόντα τούς τε ἱερεῖς καὶ ἐπιβωμίτας προσκαλεσάμενον κελεῦσαι ἐπιλογὴν ποιησαμένους τῶν ἀκαθάρτων τοῖς στρατιώταις τούτους παραδοῦναι κατάξειν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν ἔρημον, τοὺς δὲ λεπροὺς εἰς μολιβδίνους χάρτας ἐνδήσαντας, ἵνα καθῶσιν 1.308. εἰς τὸ πέλαγος. βυθισθέντων δὲ τῶν λεπρῶν καὶ ψωρῶν τοὺς ἄλλους συναθροισθέντας εἰς τόπους ἐρήμους ἐκτεθῆναι ἐπ' ἀπωλείᾳ, συναχθέντας δὲ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ αὑτῶν, νυκτὸς δὲ ἐπιγενομένης πῦρ καὶ λύχνους καύσαντας φυλάττειν ἑαυτοὺς τήν τ' ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα νηστεύσαντας ἱλάσκεσθαι τοὺς θεοὺς περὶ τοῦ σῶσαι αὐτούς. 1.309. τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ ἡμέρᾳ Μωσῆν τινα συμβουλεῦσαι αὐτοῖς παραβαλλομένοις μίαν ὁδὸν τέμνειν ἄχρι ἂν ὅτου ἔλθωσιν εἰς τόπους οἰκουμένους, παρακελεύσασθαί τε αὐτοῖς μήτε ἀνθρώπων τινὶ εὐνοήσειν μήτε ἄριστα συμβουλεύσειν ἀλλὰ τὰ χείρονα 2.11. ἀντὶ δὲ ὀβελῶν ἔστησε κίονας, ὑφ' οἷς ἦν ἐκτύπωμα σκάφη, σκιὰ δ' ἀνδρὸς ἐπ' αὐτὴν διακειμένη, ὡς ὅτι ἐν αἰθέρι τοῦτον ἀεὶ τὸν 2.11. ετ σξιενς τεμπλι νοστρι πιετατεμ ηανξ θυιδεμ πραετερμισιτ, ηομινις αυτεμ γραεξι ξομπραεηενσιονεμ φινχιτ ετ παβυλυμ ινεφφαβιλε ετ ξιβορυμ οπυλεντισσιμαμ ξλαριτατεμ ετ σερυος ινγρεδιεντες υβι νεξ νοβιλισσιμος ιυδαεορυμ λιξετ ιντραρε, νισι φυεριντ σαξερδοτες. 2.12. δρόμον ἡλίῳ συμπεριπολεῖ.” τοιαύτη μέν τις ἡ θαυμαστὴ τοῦ γραμματικοῦ φράσις: τὸ δὲ ψεῦσμα λόγων οὐ δεόμενον, ἀλλ' ἐκ τῶν ἔργων περιφανές: οὔτε γὰρ αὐτὸς Μωσῆς, ὅτε τὴν πρώτην σκηνὴν τῷ θεῷ κατεσκεύασεν, οὐθὲν ἐκτύπωμα τοιοῦτον εἰς αὐτὴν ἐνέθηκεν οὐδὲ ποιεῖν τοῖς ἔπειτα προσέταξεν, ὅ τε μετὰ ταῦτα κατασκευάσας τὸν ναὸν τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις Σολομὼν πάσης ἀπέσχετο τοιαύτης περιεργίας οἵαν συμπέπλεκεν ̓Απίων. 2.12. ἡμέραν καὶ τὸ καταλιπεῖν ἠνοιγμένας ἦν ἀθέμιτον. ῥᾳδίως οὖν αὐτὰς ὁ λυχνοφόρος ἐκεῖνος ἀνοίξειν οἰόμενος καὶ τὴν τοῦ κάνθωνος ὡς ᾤετο κεφαλὴν ἔχων. πότερον οὖν αὐτὴν πάλιν ὡς ἡμᾶς ἀνέστρεψεν ἢ λαβὼν ἀπιὼν αὐτὴν εἰσεκόμισεν, ἵνα ̓Αντίοχος εὕρῃ 2.13. ἀκοῦσαι δέ φησι τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, ὅτι Μωσῆς ἦν ̔Ηλιοπολίτης, δῆλον ὅτι νεώτερος μὲν ὢν αὐτός, ἐκείνοις δὲ πιστεύσας τοῖς διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν 2.13. νομιζομένους θεοὺς κατασφάζοντες, οὐκ ἂν ὀνειδίσαιμι: μιμεῖσθαι γὰρ οὐ προσῆκεν τὴν ̓Απίωνος ἀπαιδευσίαν, ὃς οὔτε τὰς ̓Αθηναίων τύχας οὔτε τὰς Λακεδαιμονίων ἐνενόησεν, ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἀνδρειοτάτους 2.14. ἐπισταμένοις αὐτὸν καὶ συγγενομένοις. καὶ περὶ μὲν ̔Ομήρου τοῦ ποιητοῦ γραμματικὸς ὢν αὐτὸς οὐκ ἂν ἔχοι, τίς αὐτοῦ πατρίς ἐστι, διαβεβαιωσάμενος εἰπεῖν οὐδὲ περὶ Πυθαγόρου μόνον οὐκ ἐχθὲς καὶ πρῴην γεγονότος, περὶ δὲ Μωσέως τοσούτῳ πλήθει προάγοντος ἐκείνους ἐτῶν οὕτως ἀποφαίνεται ῥᾳδίως πιστεύων ἀκοῇ πρεσβυτέρων, ὡς δῆλός ἐστι καταψευσάμενος. 2.14. καὶ μὴν εἴ τις αὐτὸν ἤρετο, τῶν πάντων Αἰγυπτίων τίνας εἶναι καὶ σοφωτάτους καὶ θεοσεβεῖς νομίζει, πάντως ἂν ὡμολόγησε 2.15. τὰ δὲ δὴ τῶν χρόνων, ἐν οἷς φησι τὸν Μωσῆν ἐξαγαγεῖν τοὺς λεπρῶντας καὶ τυφλοὺς καὶ τὰς βάσεις πεπηρωμένους, σφόδρα δὴ τοῖς πρὸ αὐτοῦ συμπεφώνηκεν, 2.15. εἰ δ' ἄρα βιασθείην μνησθῆναι τῶν παρ' ἑτέροις ὑπεναντίως νενομισμένων, τούτου δίκαιοι τὴν αἰτίαν ἔχειν εἰσὶν οἱ τὰ παρ' ἡμῖν ὡς χείρω παραβάλλειν ἀξιοῦντες: οἷς οὐδέτερον ἀπολειφθήσεσθαι νομίζω λέγειν, οὔθ' ὡς οὐχὶ τούτους ἔχομεν τοὺς νόμους, ὧν ἐγὼ παραθήσομαι τοὺς κεφαλαιωδεστάτους, οὔθ' ὡς οὐχὶ μάλιστα πάντων ἐμμένομεν τοῖς ἑαυτῶν νόμοις. 2.16. ὡς οἶμαι, ὁ γραμματικὸς ὁ ἀκριβής. Μανεθὼς μὲν γὰρ κατὰ τὴν Τεθμώσιος βασιλείαν ἀπαλλαγῆναί φησιν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους πρὸ ἐτῶν τριακοσίων ἐνενηκοντατριῶν τῆς εἰς ̓́Αργος Δαναοῦ φυγῆς, Λυσίμαχος δὲ κατὰ Βόκχοριν τὸν βασιλέα, τουτέστι πρὸ ἐτῶν χιλίων ἑπτακοσίων, Μόλων δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς ὡς αὐτοῖς ἔδοξεν. 2.16. καλῆς οὖν αὐτῷ προαιρέσεως καὶ πράξεων μεγάλων ἐπιτυγχανομένων εἰκότως ἐνόμιζεν ἡγεμόνα τε καὶ σύμβουλον θεὸν ἔχειν, καὶ πείσας πρότερον ἑαυτὸν ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνου βούλησιν ἅπαντα πράττει καὶ διανοεῖται, ταύτην ᾤετο δεῖν πρὸ παντὸς ἐμποιῆσαι τὴν ὑπόληψιν τοῖς πλήθεσιν: οἱ γὰρ πιστεύσαντες ἐπισκοπεῖν θεὸν τοὺς ἑαυτῶν βίους 2.17. ὁ δέ γε πάντων πιστότατος ̓Απίων ὡρίσατο τὴν ἔξοδον ἀκριβῶς κατὰ τὴν ἑβδόμην ὀλυμπιάδα καὶ ταύτης ἔτος εἶναι πρῶτον, ἐν ᾧ, φησί, Καρχηδόνα Φοίνικες ἔκτισαν. τοῦτο δὲ πάντως προσέθηκε τὸ Καρχηδόνα τεκμήριον οἰόμενος αὑτῷ γενέσθαι τῆς ἀληθείας ἐναργέστατον, οὐ συνῆκε δὲ καθ' ἑαυτοῦ τὸν ἔλεγχον ἐπισπώμενος. 2.17. τὴν περὶ θεοῦ πίστιν ἐνέφυσεν ἀμετακίνητον. αἴτιον δ' ὅτι καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ τῆς νομοθεσίας πρὸς τὸ χρήσιμον πάντων ἀεὶ πολὺ διήνεγκεν: οὐ γὰρ μέρος ἀρετῆς ἐποίησεν τὴν εὐσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ ταύτης μέρη τἆλλα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δικαιοσύνην τὴν σωφροσύνην τὴν καρτερίαν τὴν τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐν ἅπασι συμφωνίαν: 2.18. εἰ γὰρ περὶ τῆς ἀπιστίας πιστεύειν δεῖ ταῖς Φοινίκων ἀναγραφαῖς, ἐν ἐκείναις Εἴρωμος ὁ βασιλεὺς γέγραπται πρεσβύτερος τῆς Καρχηδόνος κτίσεως ἔτεσι πλείοσι πρὸς τοῖς πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν, περὶ οὗ τὰς πίστεις ἀνωτέρω παρέσχον ἐκ τῶν Φοινίκων 2.18. παρ' ἡμῖν γὰρ μόνοις οὔτε περὶ θεοῦ λόγους ἀκούσεταί τις ἀλλήλοις ὑπεναντίους, ὁποῖα πολλὰ παρ' ἑτέροις οὐχ ὑπὸ τῶν τυχόντων μόνον κατὰ τὸ προσπεσὸν ἑκάστῳ λέγεται πάθος, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρά τισι τῶν φιλοσόφων ἀποτετόλμηται, τῶν μὲν τὴν ὅλην τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν ἀναιρεῖν τοῖς λόγοις ἐπικεχειρηκότων, ἄλλων δὲ τὴν ὑπὲρ ἀνθρώπων αὐτὸν 2.19. ἀναγραφῶν, ὅτι Σολομῶνι τῷ τὸν ναὸν οἰκοδομησαμένῳ τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις φίλος ἦν Εἴρωμος καὶ πολλὰ συνεβάλετο πρὸς τὴν τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευήν. αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Σολομὼν ᾠκοδόμησε τὸν ναὸν μετὰ τὸ ἐξελθεῖν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους δώδεκα καὶ ἑξακοσίοις ἔτεσιν ὕστερον. 2.19. τίνες οὖν εἰσιν αἱ προρρήσεις καὶ ἀπαγορεύσεις; ἁπλαῖ τε καὶ γνώριμοι. πρώτη δ' ἡγεῖται ἡ περὶ θεοῦ λέγουσα, ὁ θεὸς ἔχει τὰ σύμπαντα παντελὴς καὶ μακάριος, αὐτὸς αὑτῷ καὶ πᾶσιν αὐτάρκης, ἀρχὴ καὶ μέσα καὶ τέλος οὗτος τῶν πάντων, ἔργοις μὲν καὶ χάρισιν ἐναργὴς καὶ παντὸς οὗτινος φανερώτερος, μορφὴν δὲ καὶ μέγεθος 2.21. “ὁδεύσαντες γάρ, φησίν, ἓξ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν βουβῶνας ἔσχον καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀνεπαύσαντο σωθέντες εἰς τὴν χώραν τὴν νῦν ̓Ιουδαίαν λεγομένην καὶ ἐκάλεσαν τὴν ἡμέραν σάββατον σώζοντες τὴν Αἰγυπτίων γλῶτταν: 2.21. ὅσοι μὲν γὰρ θέλουσιν ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἡμῖν νόμους ζῆν ὑπελθόντες δέχεται φιλοφρόνως, οὐ τῷ γένει μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ προαιρέσει τοῦ βίου νομίζων εἶναι τὴν οἰκειότητα. τοὺς δ' ἐκ παρέργου προσιόντας ἀναμίγνυσθαι τῇ συνηθείᾳ οὐκ ἠθέλησεν. 2.22. τὸ γὰρ βουβῶνος ἄλγος καλοῦσιν Αἰγύπτιοι σαββάτωσις.” οὐκ ἂν οὖν τις ἢ καταγελάσειε τῆς φλυαρίας ἢ τοὐναντίον μισήσειε τὴν ἐν τῷ τοιαῦτα γράφειν ἀναίδειαν; δῆλον γάρ, ὅτι πάντες ἐβουβωνίασαν ἕνδεκα μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων. 2.22. [Κἂν τε τι μὴ συμβεβήκει γνώριμον ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις ὑπάρχει κἀν φανερῷ κεῖσθαι τὴν ἐθελούσιον 2.23. ἀλλ' εἰ μὲν ἦσαν ἐκεῖνοι τυφλοὶ καὶ χωλοὶ καὶ πάντα τρόπον νοσοῦντες ὁποίους αὐτοὺς εἶναί φησιν ̓Απίων, οὐδ' ἂν μιᾶς ἡμέρας προελθεῖν ὁδὸν ἠδυνήθησαν: εἰ δ' οἷοι βαδίζειν διὰ πολλῆς ἐρημίας καὶ προσέτι νικᾶν τοὺς αὐτοῖς ἀνθισταμένους μαχόμενοι πάντες, οὐκ ἂν ἀθρόοι μετὰ τὴν ἕκτην 2.23. πρὸς κάλλος ἀσκοῦντες ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως διῆγον, ἄλλοις ὑπηρέταις πρὸς ἅπαντα τὰ τοῦ βίου χρώμενοι καὶ τὴν τροφὴν ἑτοίμην παρ' ἐκείνων λαμβάνοντες, ἐφ ἣν δὴ τοῦτο μόνον τὸ καλὸν ἔργον καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἅπαντα καὶ πράττειν καὶ πάσχειν ὑπομένοντες 2.24. ἡμέραν ἐβουβωνίασαν: οὔτε γὰρ φύσει πως γίνεται τὸ τοιοῦτον τοῖς βαδίζουσιν ἐξ ἀνάγκης, ἀλλὰ πολλαὶ μυριάδες στρατοπέδων ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας τὸ σύμμετρον ἀεὶ βαδίζουσιν, οὔτε κατ' αὐτόματον 2.24. ἐξ ἀρχῆς τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἐγκατέσπειραν, ἀριθμῷ μὲν ὁπόσους ἂν αὐτοὶ θελήσωσιν ἀποφαινόμενοι ἐξ ἀλλήλων δὲ γινομένους καὶ κατὰ παντοίους τρόπους γενέσεων, τούτους δὲ καὶ διαιροῦντες τόποις καὶ διαίταις, ὥσπερ τῶν ζῴων τὰ γένη, τοὺς μὲν ὑπὸ γῆν, τοὺς δὲ ἐν θαλάττῃ, τοὺς μέντοι πρεσβυτάτους αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ ταρτάρῳ δεδεμένους 2.25. εἰκὸς οὕτως συμβῆναι: πάντων γὰρ ἀλογώτατον. ὁ δὲ θαυμαστὸς ̓Απίων διὰ μὲν ἓξ ἡμερῶν αὐτοὺς ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν προείρηκε, πάλιν δὲ τὸν Μωσῆν εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς Αἰγύπτου καὶ τῆς ̓Αραβίας ὄρος, ὃ καλεῖται Σίναιον, ἀναβάντα φησὶν ἡμέρας τεσσαράκοντα κρυβῆναι κἀκεῖθεν καταβάντα δοῦναι τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις τοὺς νόμους. καίτοι πῶς οἷόν τε τοὺς αὐτοὺς καὶ τεσσαράκοντα μένειν ἡμέρας ἐν ἐρήμῳ καὶ ἀνύδρῳ τόπῳ καὶ τὴν μεταξὺ πᾶσαν 2.25. Τί τοίνυν τὸ αἴτιον τῆς τοσαύτης ἀνωμαλίας καὶ περὶ τὸ θεῖον πλημμελείας; ἐγὼ μὲν ὑπολαμβάνω τὸ μήτε τὴν ἀληθῆ τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς συνιδεῖν αὐτῶν τοὺς νομοθέτας μήθ' ὅσον καὶ λαβεῖν ἠδυνήθησαν ἀκριβῆ γνῶσιν διορίσαντας πρὸς τοῦτο 2.26. ἐν ἡμέραις ἓξ διελθεῖν; ἡ δὲ περὶ τὴν ὀνομασίαν τοῦ σαββάτου γραμματικὴ μετάθεσις ἀναίδειαν ἔχει πολλὴν ἢ δεινὴν ἀμαθίαν: 2.26. ἀμφοῖν ὑφορώμενοι γενήσεσθαι περὶ τοὺς νόμους. ἐκείνοις μὲν οὖν τάχ' ἂν δυσκολίαν τις ὀνειδίσειεν εἰκότως: οὐδενὶ γὰρ οὔτε 2.27. τὸ γὰρ σαββὼ καὶ σάββατον πλεῖστον ἀλλήλων διαφέρει: τὸ μὲν γὰρ σάββατον κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίων διάλεκτον ἀνάπαυσίς ἐστιν ἀπὸ παντὸς ἔργου, τὸ δὲ σαββώ, καθάπερ ἐκεῖνός φησι, δηλοῖ παρ' Αἰγυπτίοις τὸ βουβῶνος ἄλγος. 2.27. καὶ διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν κεκολασμένους. ἀλλὰ δῆλον ὅτι τοῖς Περσῶν ἔχαιρε νόμοις ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος κἀκείνους ἐθαύμαζεν, ὅτι τῆς ἀνδρείας αὐτῶν ἀπέλαυσαν οἱ ̔́Ελληνες καὶ τῆς ὁμογνωμοσύνης ἧς εἶχον περὶ θεῶν, ταύτης μὲν [οὖν] ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς οἷς κατέπρησαν, τῆς ἀνδρείας δὲ δουλεῦσαι παρὰ μικρὸν ἐλθόντες, ἁπάντων δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων μιμητὴς ἐγένετο τῶν Περσικῶν γυναῖκας ἀλλοτρίας

1.289. and then goes on thus:—“The goddess Isis appeared to Amenophis in his sleep, and blamed him that her temple had been demolished in the war: but that Phritiphantes, the sacred scribe, said to him, that in case he would purge Egypt of the men that had pollutions upon them, he should be no longer troubled with such frightful apparitions. 1.305. His words are these:—“The people of the Jews being leprous and scabby, and subject to certain other kinds of distempers, in the days of Bocchoris, king of Egypt, they fled to the temples, and got their food there by begging; and as the numbers were very great that were fallen under these diseases, there arose a scarcity in Egypt. 1.306. Hereupon Bocchoris, the king of Egypt, sent some to consult the oracle of [Jupiter] Hammon about this scarcity. The god’s answer was this, that he must purge his temples of impure and impious men, by expelling them out of those temples into desert places; but as to the scabby and leprous people, he must drown them, and purge his temples, the sun having an indignation at these men being suffered to live; and by this means the land will bring forth its fruits. 1.307. Upon Bocchoris’s having received these oracles, he called for their priests, and the attendants upon their altars, and ordered them to make a collection of the impure people, and to deliver them to the soldiers, to carry them away into the desert; but to take the leprous people, and wrap them in sheets of lead, and let them down into the sea. 1.308. Hereupon the scabby and leprous people were drowned, and the rest were gotten together, and sent into desert places, in order to be exposed to destruction. In this case they assembled themselves together, and took counsel what they should do; and determined, that, as the night was coming on, they should kindle fires and lamps, and keep watch; that they also should fast the next night, and propitiate the gods, in order to obtain deliverance from them. 1.309. That on the next day, there was one Moses, who advised them that they should venture upon a journey, and go along one road till they should come to places fit for habitation: that he charged them to have no kind regards for any man, nor give good counsel to any, but always to advise them for the worst; and to overturn all those temples and altars of the gods they should meet with: 2.10. for in his third book, which relates to the affairs of Egypt, he speaks thus:—“I have heard of the ancient men of Egypt, that Moses was of Heliopolis, and that he thought himself obliged to follow the customs of his forefathers, and offered his prayers in the open air, towards the city walls; but that he reduced them all to be directed towards the sun-rising, which was agreeable to the situation of Heliopolis; 2.11. that, he also set up pillars instead of gnomons, under which was represented a cavity like that of a boat, and the shadow that fell from their tops fell down upon that cavity, that it might go round about the like course as the sun itself goes round in the other.” 2.12. This is that wonderful relation which we have given us by this great grammarian. But that it is a false one is so plain, that it stands in need of few words to prove it, but is manifest from the works of Moses; for when he erected the first tabernacle to God, he did himself neither give order for any such kind of representation to be made at it, nor ordain that those who came after him should make such a one. Moreover, when in a future age Solomon built his temple in Jerusalem, he avoided all such needless decorations as Apion hath here devised. 2.13. He says farther, “How he had heard of the ancient men, that Moses was of Heliopolis.” To be sure that was because, being a younger man himself, he believed those that by their elder age were acquainted and conversed with him. 2.14. Now, this [man], grammarian as he was, could not certainly tell which was the poet Homer’s country, no more than he could which was the country of Pythagoras, who lived comparatively but a little while ago; yet does he thus easily determine the age of Moses, who preceded them such a vast number of years, as depending on his ancient men’s relation, which shows how notorious a liar he was. 2.15. But then as to this chronological determination of the time when he says he brought the leprous people, the blind, and the lame, out of Egypt, see how well this most accurate grammarian of ours agrees with those that have written before him. 2.16. Manetho says that the Jews departed out of Egypt, in the reign of Tethmosis, three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus fled to Argos; Lysimachus says it was under king Bocchoris, that is, one thousand seven hundred years ago; 2.17. Molo and some others determined it as every one pleased; but this Apion of ours, as deserving to be believed before them, hath determined it exactly to have been in the seventh olympiad, and the first year of that olympiad; the very same year in which he says that Carthage was built by the Phoenicians. The reason why he added this building of Carthage was, to be sure, in order, as he thought, to strengthen his assertion by so evident a character of chronology. But he was not aware that this character confutes his assertion; 2.18. for if we may give credit to the Phoenician records as to the time of the first coming of their colony to Carthage, they relate that Hirom their king was above one hundred and fifty years earlier than the building of Carthage; concerning whom I have formerly produced testimonials out of those Phoenician records, 2.19. as also that this Hirom was a friend of Solomon when he was building the temple of Jerusalem, and gave him great assistance in his building that temple, while still Solomon himself built that temple, six hundred and twelve years after the Jews came out of Egypt. 2.20. As for the number of those that were expelled out of Egypt, he hath contrived to have the very same number with Lysimachus, and says they were a hundred and ten thousand. He then assigns a certain wonderful and plausible occasion for the name of Sabbath; 2.21. for he says, that “when the Jews had travelled a six days’ journey, they had buboes in their groins: and that on this account it was that they rested on the seventh day, as having got safely to that country which is now called Judea; that then they preserved the language of the Egyptians, and called that day the Sabbath, for that malady of buboes in their groin was named Sabbatosis by the Egyptians.” 2.22. And would not a man now laugh at this fellow’s trifling, or rather hate his impudence in writing thus? We must, it seems, take it for granted, that all these hundred and ten thousand men must have these buboes! 2.23. But, for certain, if those men had been blind and lame, and had all sorts of distempers upon them, as Apion says they had, they could not have gone one single day’s journey; but if they had been all able to travel over a large desert, and, besides that, to fight and conquer those that opposed them, they had not all of them had buboes in their groins after the sixth day was over; 2.24. for no such distemper comes naturally and of necessity upon those that travel; but still, when there are many ten thousands in a camp together, they constantly march a settled space [in a day]. Nor is it at all probable that such a thing should happen by chance: this would be prodigiously absurd to be supposed. 2.25. However, our admirable author Apion hath before told us, that “they came to Judea in six days’ time;” and again, that “Moses went up to a mountain that lay between Egypt and Arabia, which was called Sinai, and was concealed there forty days, and that when he came down from thence he gave laws to the Jews.” But then, how was it possible for them to tarry forty days in a desert place where there was no water, and at the same time to pass all over the country between that and Judea in the six days? 2.26. And as for this grammatical translation of the word Sabbath, it either contains an instance of his great impudence or gross ignorance; 2.27. for the words

44. Tacitus, Annals, 6.8.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 133

45. Lucan, Pharsalia, 9.964-9.969 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •topography, visits of roman rulers Found in books: Rojas, The Remains of the Past and the Invention of Archaeology in Roman Anatolia: Interpreters, Traces, Horizons (2019) 59

9.964. No draught in poisonous cups from ripened plants of direst growth Sabaean wizards brew. Lo! Upon branchless trunk a serpent, named By Libyans Jaculus, rose in coils to dart His venom from afar. Through Paullus' brain It rushed, nor stayed; for in the wound itself Was death. Then did they know how slowly flies, Flung from a sling, the stone; how gently speed Through air the shafts of Scythia. What availed, Murrus, the lance by which thou didst transfix 9.965. No draught in poisonous cups from ripened plants of direst growth Sabaean wizards brew. Lo! Upon branchless trunk a serpent, named By Libyans Jaculus, rose in coils to dart His venom from afar. Through Paullus' brain It rushed, nor stayed; for in the wound itself Was death. Then did they know how slowly flies, Flung from a sling, the stone; how gently speed Through air the shafts of Scythia. What availed, Murrus, the lance by which thou didst transfix 9.966. No draught in poisonous cups from ripened plants of direst growth Sabaean wizards brew. Lo! Upon branchless trunk a serpent, named By Libyans Jaculus, rose in coils to dart His venom from afar. Through Paullus' brain It rushed, nor stayed; for in the wound itself Was death. Then did they know how slowly flies, Flung from a sling, the stone; how gently speed Through air the shafts of Scythia. What availed, Murrus, the lance by which thou didst transfix 9.967. No draught in poisonous cups from ripened plants of direst growth Sabaean wizards brew. Lo! Upon branchless trunk a serpent, named By Libyans Jaculus, rose in coils to dart His venom from afar. Through Paullus' brain It rushed, nor stayed; for in the wound itself Was death. Then did they know how slowly flies, Flung from a sling, the stone; how gently speed Through air the shafts of Scythia. What availed, Murrus, the lance by which thou didst transfix 9.968. No draught in poisonous cups from ripened plants of direst growth Sabaean wizards brew. Lo! Upon branchless trunk a serpent, named By Libyans Jaculus, rose in coils to dart His venom from afar. Through Paullus' brain It rushed, nor stayed; for in the wound itself Was death. Then did they know how slowly flies, Flung from a sling, the stone; how gently speed Through air the shafts of Scythia. What availed, Murrus, the lance by which thou didst transfix 9.969. No draught in poisonous cups from ripened plants of direst growth Sabaean wizards brew. Lo! Upon branchless trunk a serpent, named By Libyans Jaculus, rose in coils to dart His venom from afar. Through Paullus' brain It rushed, nor stayed; for in the wound itself Was death. Then did they know how slowly flies, Flung from a sling, the stone; how gently speed Through air the shafts of Scythia. What availed, Murrus, the lance by which thou didst transfix

46. Frontinus, De Aquis Vrbis Romae, 2.119 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 67

47. New Testament, Galatians, 1.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Avery-Peck, Chilton, and Scott Green, A Legacy of Learning: Essays in Honor of Jacob Neusner (2014) 255

1.18. Ἔπειτα μετὰ τρία ἔτη ἀνῆλθον εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα ἱστορῆσαι Κηφᾶν, καὶ ἐπέμεινα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡμέρας δεκαπέντε·

1.18. Then after three years I went up to Jerusalem tovisit Peter, and stayed with him fifteen days.

48. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, 798a-c, 801-802c, 802d, 802e, 804c, 813e, 819e, 815a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 60

49. New Testament, Luke, a b c d\n0 2.36 2.36 2 36\n1 2.37 2.37 2 37\n2 8.2 8.2 8 2\n3 "9.32" "9.32" "9 32" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 361

2.36. Καὶ ἦν Ἅννα προφῆτις, θυγάτηρ Φανουήλ, ἐκ φυλῆς Ἀσήρ,?̔αὕτη προβεβηκυῖα ἐν ἡμέραις πολλαῖς, ζήσασα μετὰ ἀνδρὸς ἔτη ἑπτὰ ἀπὸ τῆς παρθενίας αὐτῆς,

2.36. There was one Anna, a prophetess, the daughter of Phanuel, of the tribe of Asher (she was of a great age, having lived with a husband seven years from her virginity,

50. New Testament, Mark, 1.21-1.28, 1.39-1.45, 2.23-2.28, 3.1-3.9, 3.20-3.30, 5.1-5.13, 5.25-5.34, 7.24-7.37, 8.22-8.26, 9.14-9.29 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Avery-Peck, Chilton, and Scott Green, A Legacy of Learning: Essays in Honor of Jacob Neusner (2014) 249, 250, 255

1.21. Καὶ εἰσπορεύονται εἰς Καφαρναούμ. Καὶ εὐθὺς τοῖς σάββασιν εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν ἐδίδασκεν. 1.22. καὶ ἐξεπλήσσοντο ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ αὐτοῦ, ἦν γὰρ διδάσκων αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐξουσίαν ἔχων καὶ οὐχ ὡς οἱ γραμματεῖς. 1.23. καὶ εὐθὺς ἦν ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ αὐτῶν ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, καὶ ἀνέκραξεν 1.24. λέγων Τί ἡμῖν καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ Ναζαρηνέ; ἦλθες ἀπολέσαι ἡμᾶς; οἶδά σε τίς εἶ, ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ. 1.25. καὶ ἐπετίμησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς [λέγων] Φιμώθητι καὶ ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ. 1.26. καὶ σπαράξαν αὐτὸν τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἀκάθαρτον καὶ φωνῆσαν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ ἐξῆλθεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἐθαμβήθησαν ἅπαντες, 1.27. ὥστε συνζητεῖν αὐτοὺς λέγοντας Τί ἐστιν τοῦτο; διδαχὴ καινή· κατʼ ἐξουσίαν καὶ τοῖς πνεύμασι τοῖς ἀκαθάρτοις ἐπιτάσσει, καὶ ὑπακούουσιν αὐτῷ. 1.28. Καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἡ ἀκοὴ αὐτοῦ εὐθὺς πανταχοῦ εἰς ὅλην την περίχωρον τῆς Γαλιλαίας. 1.39. καὶ ἦλθεν κηρύσσων εἰς τὰς συναγωγὰς αὐτῶν εἰς ὅλην τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ τὰ δαιμόνια ἐκβάλλων. 1.40. Καὶ ἔρχεται πρὸς αὐτὸν λεπρὸς παρακαλῶν αὐτὸν [καὶ γονυπετῶν] λέγων αὐτῷ ὅτι Ἐὰν θέλῃς δύνασαί με καθαρίσαι. 1.41. καὶ σπλαγχνισθεὶς ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα αὐτοῦ ἥψατο καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Θέλω, καθαρίσθητι· 1.42. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀπῆλθεν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ ἡ λέπρα, καὶ ἐκαθερίσθη. 1.43. καὶ ἐμβριμησάμενος αὐτῷ εὐθὺς ἐξέβαλεν αὐτόν, 1.44. καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Ὅρα μηδενὶ μηδὲν εἴπῃς, ἀλλὰ ὕπαγε σεαυτὸν δεῖξον τῷ ἱερεῖ καὶ προσένεγκε περὶ τοῦ καθαρισμοῦ σου ἃ προσέταξεν Μωυσῆς εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς. 1.45. ὁ δὲ ἐξελθὼν ἤρξατο κηρύσσειν πολλὰ καὶ διαφημίζειν τὸν λόγον, ὥστε μηκέτι αὐτὸν δύνασθαι φανερῶς εἰς πόλιν εἰσελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ ἔξω ἐπʼ ἐρήμοις τόποις [ἦν]· καὶ ἤρχοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν πάντοθεν. 2.23. Καὶ ἐγένετο αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς σάββασιν διαπορεύεσθαι διὰ τῶν σπορίμων, καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἤρξαντο ὁδὸν ποιεῖν τίλλοντες τοὺς στάχυας. 2.24. καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἔλεγον αὐτῷ Ἴδε τί ποιοῦσιν τοῖς σάββασιν ὃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν; 2.25. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Οὐδέποτε ἀνέγνωτε τί ἐποίησεν Δαυεὶδ ὅτε χρείαν ἔσχεν καὶ ἐπείνασεν αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ μετʼ αὐτοῦ; 2.26. [πῶς] εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπὶ Ἀβιάθαρ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τοὺς ἄρτους τῆς προθέσεως ἔφαγεν, οὓς οὐκ ἔξεστιν φαγεῖν εἰ μὴ τοὺς ἱερεῖς, καὶ ἔδωκεν καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ οὖσιν; 2.27. καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Τὸ σάββατον διὰ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐγένετο καὶ οὐχ ὁ ἄνθρωπος διὰ τὸ σάββατον· 2.28. ὥστε κύριός ἐστιν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ τοῦ σαββάτου. 3.1. Καὶ εἰσῆλθεν πάλιν εἰς συναγωγήν, καὶ ἦν ἐκεῖ ἄνθρωπος ἐξηραμμένην ἔχων τὴν χεῖρα· 3.2. καὶ παρετήρουν αὐτὸν εἰ τοῖς σάββασιν θεραπεύσει αὐτόν, ἵνα κατηγορήσωσιν αὐτοῦ. 3.3. καὶ λέγει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τῷ τὴν χεῖρα ἔχοντι ξηράν Ἔγειρε εἰς τὸ μέσον. 3.4. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Ἔξεστιν τοῖς σάββασιν ἀγαθοποιῆσαι ἢ κακοποιῆσαι, ψυχὴν σῶσαι ἢ ἀποκτεῖναι; οἱ δὲ ἐσιώπων. 3.5. καὶ περιβλεψάμενος αὐτοὺς μετʼ ὀργῆς, συνλυπούμενος ἐπὶ τῇ πωρώσει τῆς καρδίας αὐτῶν, λέγει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ Ἔκτεινον τὴν χεῖρά σου· καὶ ἐξέτεινεν, καὶ ἀπεκατεστάθη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ. 3.6. Καὶ ἐξελθόντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι εὐθὺς μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν συμβούλιον ἐδίδουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν. 3.7. Καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ ἀνεχώρησεν πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν· καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἠκολούθησεν, 3.8. καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰουδαίας καὶ ἀπὸ Ἰεροσολύμων καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰδουμαίας καὶ πέραν τοῦ Ἰορδάνου καὶ περὶ Τύρον καὶ Σιδῶνα, πλῆθος πολύ, ἀκούοντες ὅσα ποιεῖ ἦλθαν πρὸς αὐτόν. 3.9. καὶ εἶπεν τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ ἵνα πλοιάριον προσκαρτερῇ αὐτῷ διὰ τὸν ὄχλον ἵνα μὴ θλίβωσιν αὐτόν· 3.20. Καὶ ἔρχεται εἰς οἶκον· καὶ συνέρχεται πάλιν [ὁ] ὄχλος, ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι αὐτοὺς μηδὲ ἄρτον φαγεῖν. 3.21. καὶ ἀκούσαντες οἱ παρʼ αὐτοῦ ἐξῆλθον κρατῆσαι αὐτόν, ἔλεγον γὰρ ὅτι ἐξέστη. 3.22. καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς οἱ ἀπὸ Ἰεροσολύμων καταβάντες ἔλεγον ὅτι Βεεζεβοὺλ ἔχει, καὶ ὅτι ἐν τῷ ἄρχοντι τῶν δαιμονίων ἐκβάλλει τὰ δαιμόνια. 3.23. καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος αὐτοὺς ἐν παραβολαῖς ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Πῶς δύναται Σατανᾶς Σατανᾶν ἐκβάλλειν; 3.24. καὶ ἐὰν βασιλεία ἐφʼ ἑαυτὴν μερισθῇ, οὐ δύναται σταθῆναι ἡ βασιλεία ἐκείνη· 3.25. καὶ ἐὰν οἰκία ἐφʼ ἑαυτὴν μερισθῇ, οὐ δυνήσεται ἡ οἰκία ἐκείνη στῆναι· 3.26. καὶ εἰ ὁ Σατανᾶς ἀνέστη ἐφʼ ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἐμερίσθη, οὐ δύναται στῆναι ἀλλὰ τέλος ἔχει. 3.27. ἀλλʼ οὐ δύναται οὐδεὶς εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ ἰσχυροῦ εἰσελθὼν τὰ σκεύη αὐτοῦ διαρπάσαι ἐὰν μὴ πρῶτον τὸν ἰσχυρὸν δήσῃ, καὶ τότε τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ διαρπάσει. 3.28. Ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι πάντα ἀφεθήσεται τοῖς υἱοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων, τὰ ἁμαρτήματα καὶ αἱ βλασφημίαι ὅσα ἐὰν βλασφημήσωσιν· 3.29. ὃς δʼ ἂν βλασφημήσῃ εἰς τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, οὐκ ἔχει ἄφεσιν εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα, ἀλλὰ ἔνοχός ἐστιν αἰωνίου ἁμαρτήματος. 3.30. ὅτι ἔλεγον Πνεῦμα ἀκάθαρτον ἔχει. 5.1. Καὶ ἦλθον εἰς τὸ πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς τὴν χώραν τῶν Γερασηνῶν. 5.2. καὶ ἐξελθόντος αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ πλοίου [εὐθὺς] ὑπήντησεν αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν μνημείων ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, 5.3. ὃς τὴν κατοίκησιν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς μνήμασιν, καὶ οὐδὲ ἁλύσει οὐκέτι οὐδεὶς ἐδύνατο αὐτὸν δῆσαι 5.4. διὰ τὸ αὐτὸν πολλάκις πέδαις καὶ ἁλύσεσι δεδέσθαι καὶ διεσπάσθαι ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἁλύσεις καὶ τὰς πέδας συντετρίφθαι, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἴσχυεν αὐτὸν δαμάσαι· 5.5. καὶ διὰ παντὸς νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς μνήμασιν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν ἦν κράζων καὶ κατακόπτων ἑαυτὸν λίθοις. 5.6. καὶ ἰδὼν τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπὸ μακρόθεν ἔδραμεν καὶ προσεκύνησεν αὐτόν, 5.7. καὶ κράξας φωνῇ μεγάλῃ λέγει Τί ἐμοὶ καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ υἱὲ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου; ὁρκίζω δε τὸν θεόν, μή με βασανίσῃς. 5.8. ἔλεγεν γὰρ αὐτῷ Ἔξελθε τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἀκάθαρτον ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. 5.9. καὶ ἐπηρώτα αὐτόν Τί ὄνομά σοι; καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Λεγιὼν ὄνομά μοι, ὅτι πολλοί ἐσμεν· 5.10. καὶ παρεκάλει αὐτὸν πολλὰ ἵνα μὴ αὐτὰ ἀποστείλῃ ἔξω τῆς χώρας. 5.11. Ἦν δὲ ἐκεῖ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει ἀγέλη χοίρων μεγάλη βοσκομένη· 5.12. καὶ παρεκάλεσαν αὐτὸν λέγοντες Πέμψον ἡμᾶς εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, ἵνα εἰς αὐτοὺς εἰσέλθωμεν. 5.13. καὶ ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς. καὶ ἐξελθόντα τὰ πνεύματα τὰ ἀκάθαρτα εἰσῆλθον εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, καὶ ὥρμησεν ἡ ἀγέλη κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, ὡς δισχίλιοι, καὶ ἐπνίγοντο ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ. 5.25. καὶ γυνὴ οὖσα ἐν ῥύσει αἵματος δώδεκα ἔτη 5.26. καὶ πολλὰ παθοῦσα ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἰατρῶν καὶ δαπανήσασα τὰ παρʼ αὐτῆς πάντα καὶ μηδὲν ὠφεληθεῖσα ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον εἰς τὸ χεῖρον ἐλθοῦσα, 5.27. ἀκούσασα τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ἐλθοῦσα ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ ὄπισθεν ἥψατο τοῦ ἱματίου αὐτοῦ· 5.28. ἔλεγεν γὰρ ὅτι Ἐὰν ἅψωμαι κἂν τῶν ἱματίων αὐτοῦ σωθήσομαι. 5.29. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐξηράνθη ἡ πηγὴ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτῆς, καὶ ἔγνω τῷ σώματι ὅτι ἴαται ἀπὸ τῆς μάστιγος. 5.30. καὶ εὐθὺς ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐπιγνοὺς ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ δύναμιν ἐξελθοῦσαν ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ ἔλεγεν Τίς μου ἥψατο τῶν ἱματίων; 5.31. καὶ ἔλεγον αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ Βλέπεις τὸν ὄχλον συνθλίβοντά σε, καὶ λέγεις Τίς μου ἥψατο; 5.32. καὶ περιεβλέπετο ἰδεῖν τὴν τοῦτο ποιήσασαν. 5.33. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ φοβηθεῖσα καὶ τρέμουσα, εἰδυῖα ὃ γέγονεν αὐτῇ, ἦλθεν καὶ προσέπεσεν αὐτῷ καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν. 5.34. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Θυγάτηρ, ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε· ὕπαγε εἰς εἰρήνην, καὶ ἴσθι ὑγιὴς ἀπὸ τῆς μάστιγός σου. 7.24. Ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἀναστὰς ἀπῆλθεν εἰς τὰ ὅρια Τύρου [καὶ Σιδῶνος]. Καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς οἰκίαν οὐδένα ἤθελεν γνῶναι, καὶ οὐκ ἠδυνάσθη λαθεῖν· 7.25. ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς ἀκούσασα γυνὴ περὶ αὐτοῦ, ἧς εἶχεν τὸ θυγάτριον αὐτῆς πνεῦμα ἀκάθαρτον, ἐλθοῦσα προσέπεσεν πρὸς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ· 7.26. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ ἦν Ἑλληνίς, Συροφοινίκισσα τῷ γένει· καὶ ἠρώτα αὐτὸν ἵνα τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐκβάλῃ ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτῆς. 7.27. καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτῇ Ἄφες πρῶτον χορτασθῆναι τὰ τέκνα, οὐ γάρ ἐστιν καλὸν λαβεῖν τὸν ἄρτον τῶν τέκνων καὶ τοῖς κυναρίοις βαλεῖν. 7.28. ἡ δὲ ἀπεκρίθη καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Ναί, κύριε, καὶ τὰ κυνάρια ὑποκάτω τῆς τραπέζης ἐσθίουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν ψιχίων τῶν παιδίων. 7.29. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Διὰ τοῦτον τὸν λόγον ὕπαγε, ἐξελήλυθεν ἐκ τῆς θυγατρός σου τὸ δαιμόνιον. 7.30. καὶ ἀπελθοῦσα εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτῆς εὗρεν τὸ παιδίον βεβλημένον ἐπὶ τὴν κλίνην καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐξεληλυθός. 7.31. Καὶ πάλιν ἐξελθὼν ἐκ τῶν ὁρίων Τύρου ἦλθεν διὰ Σιδῶνος εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀνὰ μέσον τῶν ὁρίων Δεκαπόλεως. 7.32. Καὶ φέρουσιν αὐτῷ κωφὸν καὶ μογιλάλον, καὶ παρακαλοῦσιν αὐτὸν ἵνα ἐπιθῇ αὐτῷ τὴν χεῖρα. 7.33. καὶ ἀπολαβόμενος αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄχλου κατʼ ἰδίαν ἔβαλεν τοὺς δακτύλους αὐτοῦ εἰς τὰ ὦτα αὐτοῦ καὶ πτύσας ἥψατο τῆς γλώσσης αὐτοῦ, 7.34. καὶ ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἐστέναξεν, καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Ἐφφαθά, ὅ ἐστιν Διανοίχθητι· 7.35. καὶ ἠνοίγησαν αὐτοῦ αἱ ἀκοαί, καὶ ἐλύθη ὁ δεσμὸς τῆς γλώσσης αὐτῷ, καὶ ἐλάλει ὀρθῶς· 7.36. καὶ διεστείλατο αὐτοῖς ἵνα μηδενὶ λέγωσιν· ὅσον δὲ αὐτοῖς διεστέλλετο, αὐτοὶ μᾶλλον περισσότερον ἐκήρυσσον. 7.37. καὶ ὑπερπερισσῶς ἐξεπλήσσοντο λέγοντες Καλῶς πάντα πεποίηκεν, καὶ τοὺς κωφοὺς ποιεῖ ἀκούειν καὶ ἀλάλους λαλεῖν. 8.22. Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς Βηθσαιδάν. Καὶ φέρουσιν αὐτῷ τυφλὸν καὶ παρακαλοῦσιν αὐτὸν ἵνα αὐτοῦ ἅψηται. 8.23. καὶ ἐπιλαβόμενος τῆς χειρὸς τοῦ τυφλοῦ ἐξήνεγκεν αὐτὸν ἔξω τῆς κώμης, καὶ πτύσας εἰς τὰ ὄμματα αὐτοῦ, ἐπιθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ, ἐπηρώτα αὐτόν Εἴ τι βλέπεις; 8.24. καὶ ἀναβλέψας ἔλεψεν Βλέπω τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὅτι ὡς δένδρα ὁρῶ περιπατοῦντας. 8.25. εἶτα πάλιν ἔθηκεν τὰς χεῖρας ἐπὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ, καὶ διέβλεψεν, καὶ ἀπεκατέστη, καὶ ἐνέβλεπεν τηλαυγῶς ἅπαντα. 8.26. καὶ ἀπέστειλεν αὐτὸν εἰς οἶκον αὐτοῦ λέγων Μηδὲ εἰς τὴν κώμην εἰσέλθῃς 9.14. Καὶ ἐλθόντες πρὸς τοὺς μαθητὰς εἶδαν ὄχλον πολὺν περὶ αὐτοὺς καὶ γραμματεῖς συνζητοῦντας πρὸς αὐτούς. 9.15. καὶ εὐθὺς πᾶς ὁ ὄχλος ἰδόντες αὐτὸν ἐξεθαμβήθησαν, καὶ προστρέχοντες ἠσπάζοντο αὐτόν. 9.16. καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτούς Τί συνζητεῖτε πρὸς αὐτούς; 9.17. καὶ ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ εἷς ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου Διδάσκαλε, ἤνεγκα τὸν υἱόν μου πρὸς σέ, ἔχοντα πνεῦμα ἄλαλον· 9.18. καὶ ὅπου ἐὰν αὐτὸν καταλάβῃ ῥἤσσει αὐτόν, καὶ ἀφρίζει καὶ τρίζει τοὺς ὀδόντας καὶ ξηραίνεται· καὶ εἶπα τοῖς μαθηταῖς σου ἵνα αὐτὸ ἐκβάλωσιν, καὶ οὐκ ἴσχυσαν. 9.19. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς αὐτοῖς λέγει Ὦ γενεὰ ἄπιστος, ἕως πότε πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἔσομαι; ἕως πότε ἀνέξομαι ὑμῶν; φέρετε αὐτὸν πρός με. 9.20. καὶ ἤνεγκαν αὐτὸν πρὸς αὐτόν. καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτὸν τὸ πνεῦμα εὐθὺς συνεσπάραξεν αὐτόν, καὶ πεσὼν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἐκυλίετο ἀφρίζων. 9.21. καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ Πόσος χρόνος ἐστὶν ὡς τοῦτο γέγονεν αὐτῷ; ὁ δὲ εἶπεν Ἐκ παιδιόθεν· 9.22. καὶ πολλάκις καὶ εἰς πῦρ αὐτὸν ἔβαλεν καὶ εἰς ὕδατα ἵνα ἀπολέσῃ αὐτόν· ἀλλʼ εἴ τι δύνῃ, βοήθησον ἡμῖν σπλαγχνισθεὶς ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς. 9.23. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Τό Εἰ δύνῃ, πάντα δυνατὰ τῷ πιστεύοντι. 9.24. εὐθὺς κράξας ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ παιδίου ἔλεγεν Πιστεύω· βοήθει μου τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ. 9.25. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ὅτι ἐπισυντρέχει ὄχλος ἐπετίμησεν τῷ πνεύματι τῷ ἀκαθάρτῳ λέγων αὐτῷ Τὸ ἄλαλον καὶ κωφὸν πνεῦμα, ἐγὼ ἐπιτάσσω σοι, ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ καὶ μηκέτι εἰσέλθῃς εἰς αὐτόν. 9.26. καὶ κράξας καὶ πολλὰ σπαράξας ἐξῆλθεν· καὶ ἐγένετο ὡσεὶ νεκρὸς ὥστε τοὺς πολλοὺς λέγειν ὅτι ἀπέθανεν. 9.27. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς κρατήσας τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοῦ ἤγειρεν αὐτόν, καὶ ἀνέστη. 9.28. καὶ εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ εἰς οἶκον οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐπηρώτων αὐτόν Ὅτι ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἠδυνήθημεν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτό; 9.29. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τοῦτο τὸ γένος ἐν οὐδενὶ δύναται ἐξελθεῖν εἰ μὴ ἐν προσευχῇ .

1.21. They went into Capernaum, and immediately on the Sabbath day he entered into the synagogue and taught. 1.22. They were astonished at his teaching, for he taught them as having authority, and not as the scribes. 1.23. Immediately there was in their synagogue a man with an unclean spirit, and he cried out, 1.24. saying, "Ha! What do we have to do with you, Jesus, you Nazarene? Have you come to destroy us? I know you who you are: the Holy One of God!" 1.25. Jesus rebuked him, saying, "Be quiet, and come out of him!" 1.26. The unclean spirit, convulsing him and crying with a loud voice, came out of him. 1.27. They were all amazed, so that they questioned among themselves, saying, "What is this? A new teaching? For with authority he commands even the unclean spirits, and they obey him!" 1.28. The report of him went out immediately everywhere into all the region of Galilee and its surrounding area. 1.39. He went into their synagogues throughout all Galilee, preaching and casting out demons. 1.40. There came to him a leper, begging him, kneeling down to him, and saying to him, "If you want to, you can make me clean." 1.41. Being moved with compassion, he stretched out his hand, and touched him, and said to him, "I want to. Be made clean." 1.42. When he had said this, immediately the leprosy departed from him, and he was made clean. 1.43. He strictly warned him, and immediately sent him out, 1.44. and said to him, "See you say nothing to anybody, but go show yourself to the priest, and offer for your cleansing the things which Moses commanded, for a testimony to them." 1.45. But he went out, and began to proclaim it much, and to spread about the matter, so that Jesus could no more openly enter into a city, but was outside in desert places: and they came to him from everywhere. 2.23. It happened that he was going on the Sabbath day through the grain fields, and his disciples began, as they went, to pluck the ears of grain. 2.24. The Pharisees said to him, "Behold, why do they do that which is not lawful on the Sabbath day?" 2.25. He said to them, "Did you never read what David did, when he had need, and was hungry -- he, and they who were with him? 2.26. How he entered into the house of God when Abiathar was high priest, and ate the show bread, which it is not lawful to eat except for the priests, and gave also to those who were with him?" 2.27. He said to them, "The Sabbath was made for man, not man for the Sabbath. 2.28. Therefore the Son of Man is lord even of the Sabbath." 3.1. He entered again into the synagogue, and there was a man there who had his hand withered. 3.2. They watched him, whether he would heal him on the Sabbath day, that they might accuse him. 3.3. He said to the man who had his hand withered, "Stand up." 3.4. He said to them, "Is it lawful on the Sabbath day to do good, or to do harm? To save a life, or to kill?" But they were silent. 3.5. When he had looked around at them with anger, being grieved at the hardening of their hearts, he said to the man, "Stretch out your hand." He stretched it out, and his hand was restored as healthy as the other. 3.6. The Pharisees went out, and immediately conspired with the Herodians against him, how they might destroy him. 3.7. Jesus withdrew to the sea with his disciples, and a great multitude followed him from Galilee, from Judea, 3.8. from Jerusalem, from Idumaea, beyond the Jordan, and those from around Tyre and Sidon. A great multitude, hearing what great things he did, came to him. 3.9. He spoke to his disciples that a little boat should stay near him because of the crowd, so that they wouldn't press on him. 3.20. The multitude came together again, so that they could not so much as eat bread. 3.21. When his friends heard it, they went out to seize him: for they said, "He is insane." 3.22. The scribes who came down from Jerusalem said, "He has Beelzebul," and, "By the prince of the demons he casts out the demons." 3.23. He summoned them, and said to them in parables, "How can Satan cast out Satan? 3.24. If a kingdom is divided against itself, that kingdom cannot stand. 3.25. If a house is divided against itself, that house cannot stand. 3.26. If Satan has risen up against himself, and is divided, he can't stand, but has an end. 3.27. But no one can enter into the house of the strong man to plunder, unless he first binds the strong man; and then he will plunder his house. 3.28. Most assuredly I tell you, all of the sons of men's sins will be forgiven them, including their blasphemies with which they may blaspheme; 3.29. but whoever may blaspheme against the Holy Spirit never has forgiveness, but is guilty of an eternal sin" 3.30. -- because they said, "He has an unclean spirit." 5.1. They came to the other side of the sea, into the country of the Gadarenes. 5.2. When he had come out of the boat, immediately there met him out of the tombs a man with an unclean spirit, 5.3. who had his dwelling in the tombs. Nobody could bind him any more, not even with chains, 5.4. because he had been often bound with fetters and chains, and the chains had been torn apart by him, and the fetters broken in pieces. Nobody had the strength to tame him. 5.5. Always, night and day, in the tombs and in the mountains, he was crying out, and cutting himself with stones. 5.6. When he saw Jesus from afar, he ran and bowed down to him, 5.7. and crying out with a loud voice, he said, "What have I to do with you, Jesus, you Son of the Most High God? I adjure you by God, don't torment me." 5.8. For he said to him, "Come out of the man, you unclean spirit!" 5.9. He asked him, "What is your name?"He said to him, "My name is Legion, for we are many." 5.10. He begged him much that he would not send them away out of the country. 5.11. Now there was on the mountainside a great herd of pigs feeding. 5.12. All the demons begged him, saying, "Send us into the pigs, that we may enter into them." 5.13. At once Jesus gave them permission. The unclean spirits came out and entered into the pigs. The herd of about two thousand rushed down the steep bank into the sea, and they were drowned in the sea. 5.25. A certain woman, who had an issue of blood for twelve years, 5.26. and had suffered many things by many physicians, and had spent all that she had, and was no better, but rather grew worse, 5.27. having heard the things concerning Jesus, came up behind him in the crowd, and touched his clothes. 5.28. For she said, "If I just touch his clothes, I will be made well." 5.29. Immediately the flow of her blood was dried up, and she felt in her body that she was healed of her affliction. 5.30. Immediately Jesus, perceiving in himself that the power had gone out from him, turned around in the crowd, and asked, "Who touched my clothes?" 5.31. His disciples said to him, "You see the multitude pressing against you, and you say, 'Who touched me?'" 5.32. He looked around to see her who had done this thing. 5.33. But the woman, fearing and trembling, knowing what had been done to her, came and fell down before him, and told him all the truth. 5.34. He said to her, "Daughter, your faith has made you well. Go in peace, and be cured of your disease." 7.24. From there he arose, and went away into the borders of Tyre and Sidon. He entered into a house, and didn't want anyone to know it, but he couldn't escape notice. 7.25. For a woman, whose little daughter had an unclean spirit, having heard of him, came and fell down at his feet. 7.26. Now the woman was a Greek, a Syrophoenician by race. She begged him that he would cast the demon out of her daughter. 7.27. But Jesus said to her, "Let the children be filled first, for it is not appropriate to take the children's bread and throw it to the dogs." 7.28. But she answered him, "Yes, Lord. Yet even the dogs under the table eat the children's crumbs." 7.29. He said to her, "For this saying, go your way. The demon has gone out of your daughter." 7.30. She went away to her house, and found the child lying on the bed, with the demon gone out. 7.31. Again he departed from the borders of Tyre and Sidon, and came to the sea of Galilee, through the midst of the region of Decapolis. 7.32. They brought to him one who was deaf and had an impediment in his speech. They begged him to lay his hand on him. 7.33. He took him aside from the multitude, privately, and put his fingers into his ears, and he spat, and touched his tongue. 7.34. Looking up to heaven, he sighed, and said to him, "Ephphatha!" that is, "Be opened!" 7.35. Immediately his ears were opened, and the impediment of his tongue was loosed, and he spoke clearly. 7.36. He commanded them that they should tell no one, but the more he commanded them, so much the more widely they proclaimed it. 7.37. They were astonished beyond measure, saying, "He has done all things well. He makes even the deaf hear, and the mute speak!" 8.22. He came to Bethsaida. They brought a blind man to him, and begged him to touch him. 8.23. He took hold of the blind man by the hand, and brought him out of the village. When he had spit on his eyes, and laid his hands on him, he asked him if he saw anything. 8.24. He looked up, and said, "I see men; for I see them like trees walking." 8.25. Then again he laid his hands on his eyes. He looked intently, and was restored, and saw everyone clearly. 8.26. He sent him away to his house, saying, "Don't enter into the village, nor tell anyone in the village." 9.14. Coming to the disciples, he saw a great multitude around them, and scribes questioning them. 9.15. Immediately all the multitude, when they saw him, were greatly amazed, and running to him greeted him. 9.16. He asked the scribes, "What are you asking them?" 9.17. One of the multitude answered, "Teacher, I brought to you my son, who has a mute spirit; 9.18. and wherever it seizes him, it throws him down, and he foams at the mouth, and grinds his teeth, and wastes away. I asked your disciples to cast it out, and they weren't able." 9.19. He answered him, "Unbelieving generation, how long shall I be with you? How long shall I bear with you? Bring him to me." 9.20. They brought him to him, and when he saw him, immediately the spirit convulsed him, and he fell on the ground, wallowing and foaming at the mouth. 9.21. He asked his father, "How long has it been since this has come to him?"He said, "From childhood. 9.22. often it has cast him both into the fire and into the water, to destroy him. But if you can do anything, have compassion on us, and help us." 9.23. Jesus said to him, "If you can believe, all things are possible to him who believes." 9.24. Immediately the father of the child cried out with tears, "I believe. Help my unbelief!" 9.25. When Jesus saw that a multitude came running together, he rebuked the unclean spirit, saying to him, "You mute and deaf spirit, I command you, come out of him, and never enter him again!" 9.26. Having cried out, and convulsed greatly, it came out of him. The boy became like one dead; so much that most of them said, "He is dead." 9.27. But Jesus took him by the hand, and raised him up; and he arose. 9.28. When he had come into the house, his disciples asked him privately, "Why couldn't we cast it out?" 9.29. He said to them, "This kind can come out by nothing, except by prayer and fasting."

51. Suetonius, Augustus, 98.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 5

52. Plutarch, Crassus, 21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 34

53. Seneca The Younger, Letters, a b c d\n0 "122" "122" "122" None\n1 "83.1" "83.1" "83 1"\n2 12.8 12.8 12 8\n3 12.7 12.7 12 7\n4 12.6 12.6 12 6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 271

54. Plutarch, Cicero, 44 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28

55. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 4.111 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 133

56. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 22.1, 43.6-43.7 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 15

57. Fronto, Letters, a b c d\n0 "4.6.2" "4.6.2" "4 6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 271

58. Pliny The Younger, Letters, a b c d\n0 4.11.3 4.11.3 4 11\n1 "3.1" "3.1" "3 1"\n2 "9.36.1" "9.36.1" "9 36 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 5

59. Pliny The Younger, Letters, a b c d\n0 4.11.3 4.11.3 4 11\n1 "3.1" "3.1" "3 1"\n2 "9.36.1" "9.36.1" "9 36 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 5

60. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 40.20.1, 78.39.1, 78.5.4, 8079.1.4, 8079.1.2, 7978.32.2, 7776.15.4, 7776.15.3, 8079.3, 7978.37.2, 8079.11, 8079.12, 8079.15, 8079.3.3, 7978.35.1, 8079.1.1, 7978.40.2, 7978.39.4, 7978.38.2, 7978.38.1, 8079.2, 7978.31.2, 8079.13, 8079.14, 8079.10, 8079.9, 8079.17, 8079.4, 8079.5, 8079.6, 8079.7, 8079.16, 8079.1.2-2.6, 7978.34.3, 8079.8, 8079.18, 8079.19, 8079.7.4, 8079.21, 8079.20, 8079.1, 7978.20.4, 7978.12.5, 7978.12.7, 7978.13.1, 7978.19.1, 7978.18.4, 7978.18.3, 7978.14.4, 7978.12.4, 7978.14.2, 7978.17.4, 7978.13.2, 7978.13.3, 7978.13.4, 7978.17.3, 7978.17.2, 7978.12.3, 7978.12.6, 7978.36.2, 7978.41.2, 7978.41.3, 7978.41.4, 7978.17.1, 7978.16.2, 7978.11.6, 7978.11.1, 7978.36.3, 7978.12.1, 7978.14, 7978.20.2, 7978.20.3, 7978.28.3, 7978.29.1, 7978.29.2, 7978.12.2, 7978.24, 7372.9.19, 7978.40.35, 7978.40.32, 7372.9.16, 7372.9.18, 7372.6.4, 7978.40.38, 7978.40.37, 7372.9.17, 7776.10.7, 7978.40.3, 7372.9.2, 7372.9.1, 7372.6.5, 7978.40.39, 7978.40.4, 7978.40.36, 8079.21.3, 7372.9.3, 7978.40.6, 7574.8.3xiph., 7372.6.2, 7372.6.1, 7675.6.1, 7675.6.7, 7978.40.7, 7776.10.6, 7978.40.8, 7675.6.8, 7675.7.1, 7372.6.3, 7473.10.3, 7978.6.5, 7675.7.3, 7978.23, 7978.40.34, 7978.40.5, 7978.40.40, 7372.9.4, 7978.40.9, 7978.40.26, 7978.40.21, 7574.4.2, 7978.40.29, 7574.4.1, 7574.1.2, 46.46.6, 7978.40.30, 7978.40.31, 7978.40.19, 7978.40.18, 7372.9.13, 7372.9.12, 7978.40.20, 6161.6.1, 7978.40.22, 7978.40.25, 7978.40.24, 7574.4.3, 7574.4.3-5.3, 7978.40.28, 7372.9.20, 7877.12.1, 7978.40.23, 7372.9.21, 7877.1.4, 7978.40.17, 7372.9.8, 7372.9.7, 7372.9.6, 7372.9.5, 7978.40.41, 7978.40.13, 7978.40.12, 7978.40.11, 7372.11.2, 7372.11.3, 7978.40.10, 7372.11.4, 7372.12.1-13.1, 7978.40.33, 7372.11.1, 7372.9.9, 7978.40.16, 7978.40.15, 46.46.7, 7978.40.27, 7372.9.11, 7372.9.10, 7372.9.14, 7978.40.14, 7574.1.1, 7372.9.15 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 34

61. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 2.13.4-2.13.12, 4.2.2-4.2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), legitimization of rule Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 115, 119

62. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 1.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 226

63. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.26.7-4.26.8, 4.30, 4.30.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman, power of rulership •roman rule Found in books: Hellholm et al., Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity (2010) 1765; Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 39

4.26.7. Again he adds the following: For our philosophy formerly flourished among the Barbarians; but having sprung up among the nations under your rule, during the great reign of your ancestor Augustus, it became to your empire especially a blessing of auspicious omen. For from that time the power of the Romans has grown in greatness and splendor. To this power you have succeeded, as the desired possessor, and such shall you continue with your son, if you guard the philosophy which grew up with the empire and which came into existence with Augustus; that philosophy which your ancestors also honored along with the other religions. 4.26.8. And a most convincing proof that our doctrine flourished for the good of an empire happily begun, is this — that there has no evil happened since Augustus' reign, but that, on the contrary, all things have been splendid and glorious, in accordance with the prayers of all. 4.30. In the same reign, as heresies were abounding in the region between the rivers, a certain Bardesanes, a most able man and a most skillful disputant in the Syriac tongue, having composed dialogues against Marcion's followers and against certain others who were authors of various opinions, committed them to writing in his own language, together with many other works. His pupils, of whom he had very many (for he was a powerful defender of the faith), translated these productions from the Syriac into Greek.,Among them there is also his most able dialogue On Fate, addressed to Antoninus, and other works which they say he wrote on occasion of the persecution which arose at that time.,He indeed was at first a follower of Valentinus, but afterward, having rejected his teaching and having refuted most of his fictions, he fancied that he had come over to the more correct opinion. Nevertheless he did not entirely wash off the filth of the old heresy.About this time also Soter, bishop of the Church of Rome, departed this life. 4.30.2. Among them there is also his most able dialogue On Fate, addressed to Antoninus, and other works which they say he wrote on occasion of the persecution which arose at that time.

64. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 6.10.35, 6.10.41 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 37

65. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, 74a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 361

74a. רב פפא אמר במפותה ודברי הכל,אביי אמר ביכול להציל באחד מאבריו ורבי יונתן בן שאול היא דתניא רבי יונתן בן שאול אומר רודף שהיה רודף אחר חבירו להורגו ויכול להצילו באחד מאבריו ולא הציל נהרג עליו,מאי טעמא דרבי יונתן בן שאול דכתיב (שמות כא, כב) וכי ינצו אנשים (יחדו) וגו' וא"ר אלעזר במצות שבמיתה הכתוב מדבר דכתיב (שמות כא, כג) ואם אסון יהיה ונתתה נפש תחת נפש ואפ"ה אמר רחמנא ולא יהיה אסון ענוש יענש,אי אמרת בשלמא יכול להציל באחד מאבריו לא ניתן להצילו בנפשו היינו דמשכחת לה דיענש כגון שיכול להציל באחד מאבריו,אלא אי אמרת יכול להציל באחד מאבריו נמי ניתן להצילו בנפשו היכי משכחת לה דיענש,דילמא שאני הכא דמיתה לזה ותשלומין לזה,לא שנא דאמר רבא רודף שהיה רודף אחר חבירו ושיבר את הכלים בין של נרדף ובין של כל אדם פטור מאי טעמא מתחייב בנפשו הוא,ונרדף ששיבר את הכלים של רודף פטור של כל אדם חייב של רודף פטור שלא יהא ממונו חביב עליו מגופו של כל אדם חייב שמציל עצמו בממון חבירו,ורודף שהיה רודף אחר רודף להצילו ושיבר את הכלים בין של רודף בין של נרדף בין של כל אדם פטור ולא מן הדין שאם אי אתה אומר כן נמצא אין לך כל אדם שמציל את חבירו מיד הרודף:,אבל הרודף אחר בהמה: תניא רשב"י אומר העובד עבודת כוכבים ניתן להצילו בנפשו מק"ו ומה פגם הדיוט ניתן להצילו בנפשו פגם גבוה לא כל שכן וכי עונשין מן הדין קא סבר עונשין מן הדין,תניא רבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון אומר המחלל את השבת ניתן להצילו בנפשו סבר לה כאבוה דאמר עונשין מן הדין ואתיא שבת בחילול חילול מעבודת כוכבים,א"ר יוחנן משום ר"ש בן יהוצדק נימנו וגמרו בעליית בית נתזה בלוד כל עבירות שבתורה אם אומרין לאדם עבור ואל תהרג יעבור ואל יהרג חוץ מעבודת כוכבים וגילוי עריות ושפיכות דמים,ועבודת כוכבים לא והא תניא א"ר ישמעאל מנין שאם אמרו לו לאדם עבוד עבודת כוכבים ואל תהרג מנין שיעבוד ואל יהרג ת"ל (ויקרא יח, ה) וחי בהם ולא שימות בהם,יכול אפילו בפרהסיא תלמוד לומר (ויקרא כב, לב) ולא תחללו את שם קדשי ונקדשתי,אינהו דאמור כר"א דתניא ר"א אומר (דברים ו, ה) ואהבת את ה' אלהיך בכל לבבך ובכל נפשך ובכל מאדך אם נאמר בכל נפשך למה נאמר בכל מאדך ואם נאמר בכל מאדך למה נאמר בכל נפשך,אם יש לך אדם שגופו חביב עליו מממונו לכך נאמר בכל נפשך ואם יש לך אדם שממונו חביב עליו מגופו לכך נאמר בכל מאדך,גילוי עריות ושפיכות דמים כדרבי דתניא רבי אומר (דברים כב, כו) כי כאשר יקום איש על רעהו ורצחו נפש כן הדבר הזה וכי מה למדנו מרוצח,מעתה הרי זה בא ללמד ונמצא למד מקיש רוצח לנערה המאורסה מה נערה המאורסה ניתן להצילו בנפשו אף רוצח ניתן להצילו בנפשו,ומקיש נערה המאורסה לרוצח מה רוצח יהרג ואל יעבור אף נערה המאורסה תהרג ואל תעבור,רוצח גופיה מנא לן סברא הוא דההוא דאתא לקמיה דרבה ואמר ליה אמר לי מרי דוראי זיל קטליה לפלניא ואי לא קטלינא לך אמר ליה לקטלוך ולא תיקטול מי יימר דדמא דידך סומק טפי דילמא דמא דהוא גברא סומק טפי,כי אתא רב דימי א"ר יוחנן לא שנו אלא שלא בשעת גזרת המלכות) אבל בשעת גזרת המלכות אפי' מצוה קלה יהרג ואל יעבור,כי אתא רבין א"ר יוחנן אפי' שלא בשעת גזרת מלכות לא אמרו אלא בצינעא אבל בפרהסיא אפי' מצוה קלה יהרג ואל יעבור,מאי מצוה קלה אמר רבא בר רב יצחק אמר רב

74a. Rav Pappa says: The ruling of the mishna, which lists his sister among those for whom he must pay a fine, is stated with regard to a young woman who was seduced, and in the case of seduction all agree that the woman is not saved at the cost of the seducer’s life, as the intercourse was consensual.,Abaye says: The ruling of the mishna is stated with regard to a young woman who was raped in a case where one was able to save her by injuring the pursuer in one of his limbs, so that it was not necessary to kill him in order to achieve her rescue, and it is in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yonatan ben Shaul. As it is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yonatan ben Shaul says: If a pursuer was pursuing another to kill him, and one was able to save the pursued party without killing the pursuer, but instead by injuring him in one of his limbs, but he did not save him in this manner and rather chose to kill him, he is executed on his account as a murderer.,The Gemara explains: What is the reason of Rabbi Yonatan ben Shaul? As it is written: “If men strive and strike a woman with child, so that her fruit departs, and yet no further harm ensues, he shall be punished, according to the demands that the woman’s husband makes on him; and he shall pay it as the judges determine” (Exodus 21:22). And concerning this Rabbi Elazar says: The verse is speaking of striving to kill, where each man was trying to kill the other. The proof is that it is written: “But if any harm ensues, then you shall give life for life” (Exodus 21:23), and if there was no intention to kill, why should he be executed? And even so, the Merciful One states: “And yet no further harm ensues, he shall be punished,” teaching that he must pay the monetary value of the fetus to the woman’s husband.,Granted, if you say that in a case where one is able to save the pursued party by injuring the pursuer in one of his limbs, he may not save the pursued party at the cost of the pursuer’s life, and if he killed the pursuer rather than injure him he is liable to receive the death penalty, that is how you find the possibility that the one who ultimately struck the woman would be punished. This would be in a case where it was possible to save the man under attack, i.e., one of the men who were fighting, by injuring the pursuer, i.e., the other man, who ultimately struck the woman, in one of his limbs. In this case, the one who ultimately struck the woman was not subject to being killed. Therefore, he is subject to pay a fine.,But if you say that even if one is able to save the pursued party by injuring the pursuer in one of his limbs, he can also save him at the cost of the pursuer’s life, how can you find the possibility that the one who ultimately struck the woman would be punished? When he was going to strike the other man, he was at risk of being killed, as anybody could have killed him at that time, and the halakha is that anybody who commits an act warranting death exempts himself from any monetary obligation ensuing from that act.,The Gemara tries to refute this reasoning: Perhaps it is different here because his two liabilities are not on account of the same person; rather, his liability to be put to death is on account of this person, the man with whom he fought, while his liability to give payment is on account of that person, the woman he ultimately struck. Consequently, he is liable to receive both punishments.,The Gemara rejects this distinction: There is no difference. As Rava says: If a pursuer was pursuing another to kill him, and during the course of the chase the pursuer broke vessels belonging either to the person being pursued or to anyone else, he is exempt from paying for the broken vessels. What is the reason for this? The reason is that he is liable to be killed, since everyone is entitled to kill him in order to save the victim’s life, and one who commits an act rendering himself liable to be killed is exempt from any monetary obligation arising from that act, even if the payment were to be made to a person not connected to the act for which he is liable to be killed.,Rava continues: And if the pursued party broke vessels while fleeing from the pursuer, if those vessels belonged to the pursuer, the pursued party is exempt. But if they belonged to anyone else, he is liable to pay for them. The Gemara explains: If the vessels belonged to the pursuer, he is exempt. The reason for this is so that the pursuer’s property should not be more precious to the pursuer than his own body. Were the one being pursued to cause the pursuer bodily harm, he would be exempt; all the more so when the pursued one breaks the pursuer’s vessels. And if the vessels belonged to anyone else, he is liable, as he saved himself at the expense of another’s property, and that other person should not have to suffer a loss on his account.,Rava continues: But if one pursuer was pursuing another pursuer in order to save him, i.e., if he was trying to save the person being pursued by killing the pursuer, and while doing so he broke vessels belonging either to the pursuer or to the one being pursued, or to anyone else, he is exempt from paying for them. The Gemara comments: This is not by strict law, as if one who saves himself at another’s expense is liable to pay for the damage, certainly one who saves another at the expense of a third party should bear similar liability. Rather, it is an ordice instituted by the Sages. This is because if you do not say that he is exempt, it will be found that no person will save another from a pursuer, as everyone will be afraid of becoming liable to pay for damage caused in the course of saving the pursued party.,§ The mishna teaches: But with regard to one who pursues an animal to sodomize it, or one who seeks to desecrate Shabbat, or one who is going to engage in idol worship, they are not saved at the cost of their lives. It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai says: One who seeks to worship idols may be saved from transgressing at the cost of his life. This is derived through an a fortiori inference: If to avoid the degradation of an ordinary person, such as in the case of a rapist who degrades his victim, he can be saved even at the cost of his life, all the more so is it not clear that one may kill the transgressor to avoid the degrading of the honor of God through the worship of idols? The Gemara asks: But does the court administer punishment based on an a fortiori inference? The Gemara answers: Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai maintains that the court administers punishment based on an a fortiori inference.,It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, says: One who seeks to desecrate Shabbat may be saved from transgressing even at the cost of his life. The Gemara explains that Rabbi Elazar holds in accordance with the opinion of his father, Rabbi Shimon, who says: The court administers punishment based on an a fortiori inference, and the halakha with regard to one who desecrates Shabbat is derived from the halakha with regard to idol worship by way of a verbal analogy between the word “desecration” mentioned in the context of Shabbat and the word “desecration” mentioned in the context of idol worship.,§ The Gemara now considers which prohibitions are permitted in times of mortal danger. Rabbi Yoḥa says in the name of Rabbi Shimon ben Yehotzadak: The Sages who discussed this issue counted the votes of those assembled and concluded in the upper story of the house of Nitza in the city of Lod: With regard to all other transgressions in the Torah, if a person is told: Transgress this prohibition and you will not be killed, he may transgress that prohibition and not be killed, because the preserving of his own life overrides all of the Torah’s prohibitions. This is the halakha concerning all prohibitions except for those of idol worship, forbidden sexual relations, and bloodshed. Concerning those prohibitions, one must allow himself to be killed rather than transgress them.,The Gemara asks: And should one not transgress the prohibition of idol worship to save his life? But isn’t it taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yishmael said: From where is it derived that if a person is told: Worship idols and you will not be killed, from where is it derived that he should worship the idol and not be killed? The verse states: “You shall keep My statutes and My judgments, which a person shall do, and he shall live by them” (Leviticus 18:5), thereby teaching that the mitzvot were given to provide life, but they were not given so that one will die due to their observance.,The baraita continues: One might have thought that it is permitted to worship the idol in this circumstance even in public, i.e., in the presence of many people. Therefore, the verse states: “Neither shall you profane My holy name; but I will be hallowed among the children of Israel: I am the Lord Who sanctifies you” (Leviticus 22:32). Evidently, one is not required to allow himself to be killed so as not to transgress the prohibition of idol worship when in private; but in public he must allow himself to be killed rather than transgress.,The Gemara answers: Those in the upper story of the house of Nitza stated their opinion in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Eliezer. As it is taught in a baraita that Rabbi Eliezer says: It is stated: “And you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your soul, and with all your might” (Deuteronomy 6:5). If it is stated: “With all your soul,” why is it also stated: “With all your might,” which indicates with all your material possessions? And if it is stated: “With all your might,” why is it also stated: “With all your soul”? One of these clauses seems to be superfluous.,Rather, this serves to teach that if you have a person whose body is more precious to him than his property, it is therefore stated: “With all your soul.” That person must be willing to sacrifice even his life to sanctify God’s name. And if you have a person whose property is more precious to him than his body, it is therefore stated: “With all your might.” That person must even be prepared to sacrifice all his property for the love of God. According to the opinion of Rabbi Eliezer, one must allow himself to be killed rather than worship an idol.,From where is it derived that one must allow himself to be killed rather than transgress the prohibition of forbidden sexual relations and the prohibition of bloodshed? This is in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi. As it is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi says: With regard to the rape of a betrothed young woman it is written: “But you shall do nothing to the young woman; the young woman has committed no sin worthy of death; for as when a man rises against his neighbor, and slays him, so too with this matter” (Deuteronomy 22:26). But why would the verse mention murder in this context? But what do we learn here from a murderer?,Now, the mention of murder came in order to teach a halakha about the betrothed young woman, and it turns out that, in addition, it derives a halakha from that case. The Torah juxtaposes the case of a murderer to the case of a betrothed young woman to indicate that just as in the case of a betrothed young woman one may save her at the cost of the rapist’s life, so too, in the case of a murderer, one may save the potential victim at the cost of the murderer’s life.,And conversely, the Torah juxtaposes a betrothed young woman to a murderer to indicate that just as with regard to a potential murderer, the halakha is that if one was ordered to murder another, he must be killed and not transgress the prohibition of bloodshed, so too, with regard to a betrothed young woman, if she is faced with rape, she must be killed and not transgress the prohibition of forbidden sexual relations.,The Gemara asks: From where do we derive this halakha with regard to a murderer himself, that one must allow himself to be killed rather than commit murder? The Gemara answers: It is based on logical reasoning that one life is not preferable to another, and therefore there is no need for a verse to teach this halakha. The Gemara relates an incident to demonstrate this: As when a certain person came before Rabba and said to him: The lord of my place, a local official, said to me: Go kill so-and-so, and if not I will kill you, what shall I do? Rabba said to him: It is preferable that he should kill you and you should not kill. Who is to say that your blood is redder than his, that your life is worth more than the one he wants you to kill? Perhaps that man’s blood is redder. This logical reasoning is the basis for the halakha that one may not save his own life by killing another.,§ When Rav Dimi came from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: The Sages taught that one is permitted to transgress prohibitions in the face of mortal danger only when it is not a time of religious persecution. But in a time of religious persecution, when the gentile authorities are trying to force Jews to violate their religion, even if they issued a decree about a minor mitzva, one must be killed and not transgress.,When Ravin came from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: Even when it is not a time of religious persecution, the Sages said that one is permitted to transgress a prohibition in the face of mortal danger only when he was ordered to do so in private. But if he was ordered to commit a transgression in public, even if they threaten him with death if he does not transgress a minor mitzva, he must be killed and not transgress.,The Gemara asks: What is a minor mitzva for this purpose? Rava bar Yitzḥak says that Rav says:

66. Ephrem, Prose Refutations, 13-8, 7, 2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 37

67. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), legitimization of rule Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 115

68. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, a b c\n0 6 6 6\n1 6-7.1 6 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 355

69. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.5.6, 16.12.69, 27.6.15, 28.3.6, 30.5.9-30.5.10 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 144, 373

14.5.6. Prominent among these was the state secretary See Introd., p. xxx. Paulus, a native of Spain, a kind of viper, whose countece concealed his character, but who was extremely clever in scenting out hidden means of danger for others. When he had been sent to Britain to fetch some officers who had dared to conspire with Magnentius, since they could make no resistance he autocratically exceeded his instructions and, like a flood, suddenly overwhelmed the fortunes of many, making his way amid manifold slaughter and destruction, imprisoning freeborn men and even degrading some with handcuffs; as a matter of fact, he patched together many accusations with utter disregard of the truth, and to him was due an impious crime, which fixed an eternal stain upon the time of Constantius. 27.6.15. After this, all rose up to praise the elder and the younger emperor, and especially the boy, who was recommended by the fierier gleam of his eyes, the delightful charm of his face and his whole body, and the noble nature of his heart; these qualities would have completed an emperor fit to be compared with the choicest rulers of the olden time, had this been allowed by the fates and by his intimates, who, by evil actions, cast a cloud over his virtue, which was even then not firmly steadfast.

70. Justinian, Novellae, 1.pr. (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 144

71. Justinian, Digest, 1.18.13 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rebellions against roman rule Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 291

72. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 1.1.5 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 144

73. Jerome, Letters, a b c d\n0 "100.10" "100.10" "100 10" (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 272

74. Jerome, Letters, a b c d\n0 "100.10" "100.10" "100 10" (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 272

75. Jerome, Letters, a b c d\n0 "100.10" "100.10" "100 10" (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 272

76. Agathias, Historiae, 5.2.4 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 144

77. Adamantios, Fragments, 61 Tagged with subjects: •roman, power of rulership Found in books: Hellholm et al., Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity (2010) 1765

78. Cassiodorus, Institutes of Divine And Secular Learning, a b c d\n0 1.30.5 1.30.5 1 30\n1 "1.32.3" "1.32.3" "1 32\n2 1.30.4 1.30.4 1 30 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 271

79. Didymus, Comm. In, 07-Aug, 07-Sep, 10, 5, 7, 9, 8 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hellholm et al., Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity (2010) 1765

80. Epigraphy, Ils, 413-414, 416-422 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 119

81. John Chrysostom, Ep. Ad Vid. Iun,, 2 Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 144

82. Lycophron, Schol., 04-May Tagged with subjects: •roman, power of rulership Found in books: Hellholm et al., Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity (2010) 1765

83. Papyri, Psi, 8.982 Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 139

84. Anon., Rule of St. Benedict, 2, 1, 3, "4.47", "pr. 8-10", 9, 8 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 271

85. Epigraphy, Seg, 11.922-11.923, 23.206 Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 133, 374

86. Hecataeus of Abdera, De Indolentia, ap. diodorus siculus 40.3 Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 139

87. Targum, Frg. Targum V On Exod, 1.3 Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 144

88. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.91.1 Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 145

2.91.1. While the pacification of the west was going on, in the east the Parthian king restored to Augustus the Roman standards which Orodes had taken at the time of Crassus' disaster, and those which his son Phraates had captured on the defeat of Antony. This title of Augustus was deservedly given him on the motion of Plancus with the uimous acclaim of the entire senate and the Roman people. 2 Yet there were those who did not like this prosperous state of affairs. For example, Lucius Murena and Fannius Caepio had entered into a plot to assassinate Caesar, but were seized by state authority and themselves suffered by law what they had wished to accomplish by violence. They were two men quite diverse in character, for Murena, apart from this act, might have passed as a man of good character, while Caepio, even before this, had been of the worst. 3 Shortly afterwards a similar attempt was made by Rufus Egnatius, a man who in all respects resembled a gladiator rather than a senator. Securing the favour of the people in his aedileship by putting out fires with his own gang of slaves, he increased it daily to such an extent that the people gave him the praetorship immediately after the aedileship. It was not long before he dared to become a candidate for the consulship, but he was overwhelmed by the general knowledge of his shameless deeds and crimes, and the state of his property came to be as desperate as his mind. Therefore, collecting about him men of his own kind, he resolved to assassinate Caesar in order that he might die after getting rid of him whose existence was not compatible with his own. 4 Such men are so constituted that each would prefer to fall in a general cataclysm than to perish alone, and, though suffering the same fate in the end, to be less conspicuous in dying. He, however, was not more successful than the rest in concealing his designs, and after being thrust into prison with his fellow conspirators, died the death his life richly deserved.

89. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.13.13, 1.13.18, 2.8.16 Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28, 226

90. Fronto, Letters, a b c d\n0 "4.6.2" "4.6.2" "4 6 Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker, Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome (2023) 271

91. Arch., Cat., 3.20 Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28

92. Anon., Additions To Esther, 14.1-14.19, 15.1-15.16 Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera, Judith (2014) 44

93. Papyri, Cpj, 2.153, 2.156, 3.520, i141 Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 138, 139, 141

94. Anon., Liturgy of Addai And Mari, a b c d\n0 12(2).15 12(2).15 12(2) 15\n1 12(2).24.1 12(2).24.1 12(2) 24\n2 12(2).23 12(2).23 12(2) 23 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 373

96. Ephiphanius, Panarion, 56 Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 37, 39, 40, 41

98. Mara Bar Sarapion, Letter, 11-12, 26-27, 3, 30 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 34

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database