Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

   Search:  
validated results only / all results

and or

Filtering options: (leave empty for all results)
By author:     
By work:        
By subject:
By additional keyword:       



Results for
Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.





97 results for "roman"
1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 15.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 361
15.20. "And Miriam the prophetess, the sister of Aaron, took a timbrel in her hand; and all the women went out after her with timbrels and with dances.",
2. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, "94" (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 272
3. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 22.14 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 361
22.14. "וַיֵּלֶךְ חִלְקִיָּהוּ הַכֹּהֵן וַאֲחִיקָם וְעַכְבּוֹר וְשָׁפָן וַעֲשָׂיָה אֶל־חֻלְדָּה הַנְּבִיאָה אֵשֶׁת שַׁלֻּם בֶּן־תִּקְוָה בֶּן־חַרְחַס שֹׁמֵר הַבְּגָדִים וְהִיא יֹשֶׁבֶת בִּירוּשָׁלִַם בַּמִּשְׁנֶה וַיְדַבְּרוּ אֵלֶיהָ׃", 22.14. "So Hilkiah the priest, and Ahikam, and Achbor, and Shaphan, and Asaiah, went unto Huldah the prophetess, the wife of Shallum the son of Tikvah, the son of Harhas, keeper of the wardrobe—now she dwelt in Jerusalem in the second quarter—and they spoke with her.",
4. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 4.4, 10.5 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 173, 361
4.4. "וּדְבוֹרָה אִשָּׁה נְבִיאָה אֵשֶׁת לַפִּידוֹת הִיא שֹׁפְטָה אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל בָּעֵת הַהִיא׃", 10.5. "וַיָּמָת יָאִיר וַיִּקָּבֵר בְּקָמוֹן׃", 4.4. "And Devora, a prophetess, the wife of Lappidot, she judged Yisra᾽el at that time.", 10.5. "And Ya᾽ir died, and was buried in Qamon.",
5. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145
6. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 6.14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 361
6.14. "זָכְרָה אֱלֹהַי לְטוֹבִיָּה וּלְסַנְבַלַּט כְּמַעֲשָׂיו אֵלֶּה וְגַם לְנוֹעַדְיָה הַנְּבִיאָה וּלְיֶתֶר הַנְּבִיאִים אֲשֶׁר הָיוּ מְיָרְאִים אוֹתִי׃", 6.14. "Remember, O my God, Tobiah and Sanballat according to these their works, and also the prophetess Noadiah, and the rest of the prophets, that would have me put in fear.",
7. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.129 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 226
8. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145
9. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 143 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 28
143. verum haec omnis oratio, ut iam ante dixi, mea est, qua me uti res publica et dolor meus et istorum iniuria coegit. Sex. Roscius Sex. Madvig : sed codd. horum nihil indignum putat, neminem accusat, nihil de suo patrimonio queritur. putat homo imperitus morum, agricola et rusticus, ista omnia quae vos per Sullam gesta esse dicitis more, lege, iure gentium facta; culpa liberatus et crimine nefario solutus cupit a vobis discedere;
10. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 28
11. Cicero, On Laws, 2.5, 2.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 60; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 28
12. Cicero, On Duties, 1.124 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 9
1.124. Ac ne illud quidem alienum est, de magistratuum, de privatorum, de civium, de peregrinorum officiis dicere. Est igitur proprium munus magistratus intellegere se gerere personam civitatis debereque eius dignitatem et decus sustinere, servare leges, iura discribere, ea fidei suae commissa meminisse. Privatum autem oportet aequo et pari cum civibus iure vivere neque summissum et abiectum neque se efferentem, tum in re publica ea velle, quae tranquilla et honesta sint; talem enim solemus et sentire bonum civem et dicere. 1.124.  At this point it is not at all irrelevant to discuss the duties of magistrates, of private individuals, [of native citizens,] and of foreigners. It is, then, peculiarly the place of a magistrate to bear in mind that he represents the state and that it is his duty to uphold its honour and its dignity, to enforce the law, to dispense to all their constitutional rights, and to remember that all this has been committed to him as a sacred trust. The private individual ought first, in private relations, to live on fair and equal terms with his fellow-citizens, with a spirit neither servile and grovelling nor yet domineering; and second, in matters pertaining to the state, to labour for her peace and honour; for such a man we are accustomed to esteem and call a good citizen.
13. Cicero, Republic, 1.39.1, 6.13.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 9
14. Cicero, Letters, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145
15. Cicero, Letters, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145
16. Cicero, Letters, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145
17. Cicero, Pro Archia, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145
21. Mithridaticum vero bellum magnum atque difficile et in multa varietate terra marique mari terraque G versatum totum ab hoc expressum est; qui libri non modo L. Lucullum, fortissimum et clarissimum virum, verum etiam populi Romani nomen inlustrant. populus enim Romanus aperuit Lucullo imperante Pontum et regiis quondam opibus et ipsa natura et natura et Mommsen : naturae (-ra eb χς ) codd. regione regionis b χς vallatum, populi Romani exercitus eodem duce non maxima manu innumerabilis Armeniorum copias fudit, populi Romani laus est urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum eiusdem consilio ex omni impetu regio atque atque GEeb : ac cett. : atque e Halm totius belli ore ac faucibus ereptam esse atque servatam; nostra semper feretur et praedicabitur L. Lucullo dimicante, cum interfectis ducibus depressa hostium classis est est Heumann : et codd. , incredibilis apud Tenedum pugna illa navalis, nostra sunt tropaea, nostra monumenta, nostri triumphi. quae quae G1Ee : quia cett. ( G2 ) quorum ingeniis efferuntur efferuntur Görenz : haec (hec a ς bg ) feruntur codd. : ecferuntur Stürenberg , ab eis populi Romani fama celebratur.
18. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 146 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 9
19. Polybius, Histories, 5.70.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 173
5.70.12. ἀσφαλισάμενος δὲ καὶ τὸ Ἀταβύριον ἀνέζευξε, καὶ προάγων παρέλαβε Πέλλαν καὶ 5.70.12.  After garrisoning Atabyrium also, he advanced and took Pella, Camus, and Gephrus.
20. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, a b c d\n0 "9.20.3" "9.20.3" "9 20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 271
21. Anon., Jubilees, 25.11-25.23, 50.12-50.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 361
25.11. I have heard before that daughters have been born to Laban, thy brother, and I have set my heart on them to take a wife from amongst them. 25.12. And for this reason I have guarded myself in my spirit against sinning or being corrupted in all my ways throughout all the days of my life; for with regard to lust and fornication, Abraham, my father, gave me many commands. 25.13. And, despite all that he hath commanded me, these two and twenty years my brother hath striven with me, and spoken frequently to me and said: 'My brother, take to wife a sister of my two wives'; 25.14. but I refuse to do as he hath done. I swear before thee, mother, that all the days of my life I will not take me a wife from the daughters of the seed of Canaan, and I will not act wickedly as my brother hath done. 25.15. Fear not, mother; be assured that I shall do thy will and walk in uprightness, and not corrupt my ways for ever." 25.16. And thereupon she lifted up her face to heaven and extended the fingers of her hands, and opened her mouth and blessed the Most High God, who had created the heaven and the earth, 25.17. and she gave Him thanks and praise. And she said: "Blessed be the Lord God, and may His holy name be blessed for ever and ever, who hath given me Jacob as a pure son and a holy seed; 25.18. for He is Thine, and Thine shall his seed be continually and throughout all the generations for evermore. br Bless him, O Lord, and place in my mouth the blessing of righteousness, that I may bless him." 25.19. And at that hour, when the spirit of righteousness descended into her mouth, she placed both her hands on the head of Jacob, and said: 25.20. "Blessed art thou, Lord of righteousness and God of the ages; And may He bless thee beyond all the generations of men. 25.21. May He give thee, my son, the path of righteousness, And reveal righteousness to thy seed. br And may He make thy sons many during thy life, And may they arise according to the number of the months of the year. 25.22. And may their sons become many and great beyond the stars of heaven, And their numbers be more than the sand of the sea. 25.23. And may He give 50.12. and a holy day: and a day of the holy kingdom for all Israel is this day among their days for ever. 50.13. For great is the honour which the Lord hath given to Israel that they should eat and drink and be satisfied on this festival day, and rest thereon from all labour which belongeth to the labour of the children of men, save burning frankincense and bringing oblations and sacrifices before the Lord for days and for Sabbaths.
22. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.39-2.41, 3.13-3.24, 7.39-7.50 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 39, 173, 361
2.39. When Mattathias and his friends learned of it, they mourned for them deeply. 2.40. And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth." 2.41. So they made this decision that day: "Let us fight against every man who comes to attack us on the sabbath day; let us not all die as our brethren died in their hiding places." 3.13. Now when Seron, the commander of the Syrian army, heard that Judas had gathered a large company, including a body of faithful men who stayed with him and went out to battle, 3.14. he said, "I will make a name for myself and win honor in the kingdom. I will make war on Judas and his companions, who scorn the kings command." 3.15. And again a strong army of ungodly men went up with him to help him, to take vengeance on the sons of Israel. 3.16. When he approached the ascent of Beth-horon, Judas went out to meet him with a small company. 3.17. But when they saw the army coming to meet them, they said to Judas, "How can we, few as we are, fight against so great and strong a multitude? And we are faint, for we have eaten nothing today." 3.18. Judas replied, "It is easy for many to be hemmed in by few, for in the sight of Heaven there is no difference between saving by many or by few. 3.19. It is not on the size of the army that victory in battle depends, but strength comes from Heaven. 3.20. They come against us in great pride and lawlessness to destroy us and our wives and our children, and to despoil us; 3.21. but we fight for our lives and our laws. 3.22. He himself will crush them before us; as for you, do not be afraid of them." 3.23. When he finished speaking, he rushed suddenly against Seron and his army, and they were crushed before him. 3.24. They pursued them down the descent of Beth-horon to the plain; eight hundred of them fell, and the rest fled into the land of the Philistines. 7.39. Now Nicanor went out from Jerusalem and encamped in Beth-horon, and the Syrian army joined him. 7.40. And Judas encamped in Adasa with three thousand men. Then Judas prayed and said, 7.41. "When the messengers from the king spoke blasphemy, thy angel went forth and struck down one hundred and eighty-five thousand of the Assyrians. 7.42. So also crush this army before us today; let the rest learn that Nicanor has spoken wickedly against the sanctuary, and judge him according to this wickedness." 7.43. So the armies met in battle on the thirteenth day of the month of Adar. The army of Nicanor was crushed, and he himself was the first to fall in the battle. 7.44. When his army saw that Nicanor had fallen, they threw down their arms and fled. 7.45. The Jews pursued them a days journey, from Adasa as far as Gazara, and as they followed kept sounding the battle call on the trumpets. 7.46. And men came out of all the villages of Judea round about, and they out-flanked the enemy and drove them back to their pursuers, so that they all fell by the sword; not even one of them was left. 7.47. Then the Jews seized the spoils and the plunder, and they cut off Nicanors head and the right hand which he so arrogantly stretched out, and brought them and displayed them just outside Jerusalem. 7.48. The people rejoiced greatly and celebrated that day as a day of great gladness. 7.49. And they decreed that this day should be celebrated each year on the thirteenth day of Adar. 7.50. So the land of Judah had rest for a few days.
23. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 2.28-2.29, 4.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 140, 141
2.28. "None of those who do not sacrifice shall enter their sanctuaries, and all Jews shall be subjected to a registration involving poll tax and to the status of slaves. Those who object to this are to be taken by force and put to death; 2.29. those who are registered are also to be branded on their bodies by fire with the ivy-leaf symbol of Dionysus, and they shall also be reduced to their former limited status." 4.11. When these men had been brought to the place called Schedia, and the voyage was concluded as the king had decreed, he commanded that they should be enclosed in the hippodrome which had been built with a monstrous perimeter wall in front of the city, and which was well suited to make them an obvious spectacle to all coming back into the city and to those from the city going out into the country, so that they could neither communicate with the king's forces nor in any way claim to be inside the circuit of the city.
24. Septuagint, Judith, 3.8, 4.13, 6.2, 7.3, 8.3, 8.6, 8.8, 8.31, 9.1-9.14, 13.4-13.5, 13.7, 14.1, 15.4, 16.1-16.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 39, 173, 361
3.8. And he demolished all their shrines and cut down their sacred groves; for it had been given to him to destroy all the gods of the land, so that all nations should worship Nebuchadnezzar only, and all their tongues and tribes should call upon him as god. 4.13. So the Lord heard their prayers and looked upon their affliction; for the people fasted many days throughout Judea and in Jerusalem before the sanctuary of the Lord Almighty. 6.2. "And who are you, Achior, and you hirelings of Ephraim, to prophesy among us as you have done today and tell us not to make war against the people of Israel because their God will defend them? Who is God except Nebuchadnezzar? 7.3. They encamped in the valley near Bethulia, beside the spring, and they spread out in breadth over Dothan as far as Balbaim and in length from Bethulia to Cyamon, which faces Esdraelon. 8.3. For as he stood overseeing the men who were binding sheaves in the field, he was overcome by the burning heat, and took to his bed and died in Bethulia his city. So they buried him with his fathers in the field between Dothan and Balamon. 8.6. She fasted all the days of her widowhood, except the day before the sabbath and the sabbath itself, the day before the new moon and the day of the new moon, and the feasts and days of rejoicing of the house of Israel. 8.8. No one spoke ill of her, for she feared God with great devotion. 8.31. So pray for us, since you are a devout woman, and the Lord will send us rain to fill our cisterns and we will no longer be faint." 9.1. Then Judith fell upon her face, and put ashes on her head, and uncovered the sackcloth she was wearing; and at the very time when that evening's incense was being offered in the house of God in Jerusalem, Judith cried out to the Lord with a loud voice, and said, 9.2. "O Lord God of my father Simeon, to whom thou gavest a sword to take revenge on the strangers who had loosed the girdle of a virgin to defile her, and uncovered her thigh to put her to shame, and polluted her womb to disgrace her; for thou hast said, `It shall not be done' -- yet they did it. 9.3. So thou gavest up their rulers to be slain, and their bed, which was ashamed of the deceit they had practiced, to be stained with blood, and thou didst strike down slaves along with princes, and princes on their thrones; 9.4. and thou gavest their wives for a prey and their daughters to captivity, and all their booty to be divided among thy beloved sons, who were zealous for thee, and abhorred the pollution of their blood, and called on thee for help -- O God, my God, hear me also, a widow. 9.5. "For thou hast done these things and those that went before and those that followed; thou hast designed the things that are now, and those that are to come. Yea, the things thou didst intend came to pass, 9.6. and the things thou didst will presented themselves and said, `Lo, we are here'; for all they ways are prepared in advance, and thy judgment is with foreknowledge. 9.7. "Behold now, the Assyrians are increased in their might; they are exalted, with their horses and riders; they glory in the strength of their foot soldiers; they trust in shield and spear, in bow and sling, and know not that thou art the Lord who crushest wars; the Lord is thy name. 9.8. Break their strength by thy might, and bring down their power in thy anger; for they intend to defile thy sanctuary, and to pollute the tabernacle where thy glorious name rests, and to cast down the horn of thy altar with the sword. 9.9. Behold their pride, and send thy wrath upon their heads; give to me, a widow, the strength to do what I plan. 9.10. By the deceit of my lips strike down the slave with the prince and the prince with his servant; crush their arrogance by the hand of a woman. 9.11. "For thy power depends not upon numbers, nor thy might upon men of strength; for thou art God of the lowly, helper of the oppressed, upholder of the weak, protector of the forlorn, savior of those without hope. 9.12. Hear, O hear me, God of my father, God of the inheritance of Israel, Lord of heaven and earth, Creator of the waters, King of all thy creation, hear my prayer! 9.13. Make my deceitful words to be their wound and stripe, for they have planned cruel things against thy covet, and against thy consecrated house, and against the top of Zion, and against the house possessed by thy children. 9.14. And cause thy whole nation and every tribe to know and understand that thou art God, the God of all power and might, and that there is no other who protects the people of Israel but thou alone!" 13.4. So every one went out, and no one, either small or great, was left in the bedchamber. Then Judith, standing beside his bed, said in her heart, "O Lord God of all might, look in this hour upon the work of my hands for the exaltation of Jerusalem. 13.5. For now is the time to help thy inheritance, and to carry out my undertaking for the destruction of the enemies who have risen up against us." 13.7. She came close to his bed and took hold of the hair of his head, and said, "Give me strength this day, O Lord God of Israel!" 14.1. Then Judith said to them, "Listen to me, my brethren, and take this head and hang it upon the parapet of your wall. 15.4. And Uzziah sent men to Betomasthaim and Bebai and Choba and Kola, and to all the frontiers of Israel, to tell what had taken place and to urge all to rush out upon their enemies to destroy them. 16.1. Then Judith began this thanksgiving before all Israel, and all the people loudly sang this song of praise. 16.2. And Judith said, Begin a song to my God with tambourines, sing to my Lord with cymbals. Raise to him a new psalm; exalt him, and call upon his name. 16.3. For God is the Lord who crushes wars; for he has delivered me out of the hands of my pursuers, and brought me to his camp, in the midst of the people. 16.4. The Assyrian came down from the mountains of the north; he came with myriads of his warriors; their multitude blocked up the valleys, their cavalry covered the hills. 16.5. He boasted that he would burn up my territory, and kill my young men with the sword, and dash my infants to the ground and seize my children as prey, and take my virgins as booty. 16.6. But the Lord Almighty has foiled them by the hand of a woman. 16.7. For their mighty one did not fall by the hands of the young men, nor did the sons of the Titans smite him, nor did tall giants set upon him; but Judith the daughter of Merari undid him with the beauty of her countece. 16.8. For she took off her widow's mourning to exalt the oppressed in Israel. She anointed her face with ointment and fastened her hair with a tiara and put on a linen gown to deceive him. 16.9. Her sandal ravished his eyes, her beauty captivated his mind, and the sword severed his neck. 16.10. The Persians trembled at her boldness, the Medes were daunted at her daring. 16.11. Then my oppressed people shouted for joy; my weak people shouted and the enemy trembled; they lifted up their voices, and the enemy were turned back. 16.12. The sons of maidservants have pierced them through; they were wounded like the children of fugitives, they perished before the army of my Lord. 16.13. I will sing to my God a new song: O Lord, thou are great and glorious, wonderful in strength, invincible. 16.14. Let all thy creatures serve thee, for thou didst speak, and they were made. Thou didst send forth thy Spirit, and it formed them; there is none that can resist thy voice. 16.15. For the mountains shall be shaken to their foundations with the waters; at thy presence the rocks shall melt like wax, but to those who fear thee thou wilt continue to show mercy. 16.16. For every sacrifice as a fragrant offering is a small thing, and all fat for burnt offerings to thee is a very little thing, but he who fears the Lord shall be great for ever. 16.17. Woe to the nations that rise up against my people! The Lord Almighty will take vengeance on them in the day of judgment; fire and worms he will give to their flesh; they shall weep in pain for ever.
25. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 41, 70 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 28
70. maxime qui huic loco temploque praesident, qui omnium mentis eorum qui ad rem publicam adeunt maxime perspiciunt, me hoc neque rogatu facere cuiusquam, neque quo Cn. Gnaei Pompei gratiam mihi per hanc causam conciliari putem, neque quo mihi ex cuiusquam amplitudine aut praesidia periculis aut adiumenta honoribus quaeram, propterea quod pericula facile, ut hominem praestare oportet, innocentia tecti repellemus, honorem autem neque ab uno neque ex ex om. H hoc loco sed eadem illa nostra laboriosissima ratione vitae, si vestra voluntas feret, consequemur.
26. Cicero, Letters, 1.1.24, 1.1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145
27. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 40.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 139
28. Horace, Letters, 1.2.30-1.2.37 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 272
29. Livy, History, 8.13.16, 22.9.10, 23.31.9, 38.43.5, 39.2.8, 39.2.11, 40.34.4, 40.40.10, 42.7.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 226
30. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.8.61-2.8.62, 4.9.31-4.9.32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 226
31. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 41, 56 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 141
56. and by reason of their numbers they were dispersed over the sea-shore, and desert places, and among the tombs, being deprived of all their property; while the populace, overrunning their desolate houses, turned to plunder, and divided the booty among themselves as if they had obtained it in war. And as no one hindered them, they broke open even the workshops of the Jews, which were all shut up because of their mourning for Drusilla, and carried off all that they found there, and bore it openly through the middle of the market-place as if they had only been making use of their own property.
32. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 355 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 138
355. And while he was triumphing in these super-human appellations, the sycophant Isidorus, seeing the temper in which he was, said, "O master, you will hate with still juster vehemence these men whom you see before you and their fellow countrymen, if you are made acquainted with their disaffection and disloyalty towards yourself; for when all other men were offering up sacrifices of thanksgiving for your safety, these men alone refused to offer any sacrifice at all; and when I say, 'these men,' I comprehend all the rest of the Jews."
33. Sallust, Iugurtha, 102.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 144, 145
34. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 3.105 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 28
35. Strabo, Geography, 5.3.8, 17.3.25 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers •herod antipas, territory of, coming under roman rule Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 328; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 207
5.3.8. These advantages accrued to the city from the nature of the country; but the foresight of the Romans added others besides. The Grecian cities are thought to have flourished mainly on account of the felicitous choice made by their founders, in regard to the beauty and strength of their sites, their proximity to some port, and the fineness of the country. But the Roman prudence was more particularly employed on matters which had received but little attention from the Greeks, such as paving their roads, constructing aqueducts, and sewers, to convey the sewage of the city into the Tiber. In fact, they have paved the roads, cut through hills, and filled up valleys, so that the merchandise may be conveyed by carriage from the ports. The sewers, arched over with hewn stones, are large enough in some parts for waggons loaded with hay to pass through; while so plentiful is the supply of water from the aqueducts, that rivers may be said to flow through the city and the sewers, and almost every house is furnished with water-pipes and copious fountains. To effect which Marcus Agrippa directed his special attention; he likewise bestowed upon the city numerous ornaments. We may remark, that the ancients, occupied with greater and more necessary concerns, paid but little attention to the beautifying of Rome. But their successors, and especially those of our own day, without neglecting these things, have at the same time embellished the city with numerous and splendid objects. Pompey, divus Caesar, and Augustus, with his children, friends, wife, and sister, have surpassed all others in their zeal and munificence in these decorations. The greater number of these may be seen in the Campus Martius, which to the beauties of nature adds those of art. The size of the plain is marvellous, permitting chariot-races and other feats of horsemanship without impediment, and multitudes to exercise themselves at ball, in the circus and the palaestra. The structures which surround it, the turf covered with herbage all the year round, the summits of the hills beyond the Tiber, extending from its banks with panoramic effect, present a spectacle which the eye abandons with regret. Near to this plain is another surrounded with columns, sacred groves, three theatres, an amphitheatre, and superb temples in close contiguity to each other; and so magnificent, that it would seem idle to describe the rest of the city after it. For this cause the Romans, esteeming it as the most sacred place, have there erected funeral monuments to the most illustrious persons of either sex. The most remarkable of these is that designated as the Mausoleum, which consists of a mound of earth raised upon a high foundation of white marble, situated near the river, and covered to the top with ever-green shrubs. Upon the summit is a bronze statue of Augustus Caesar, and beneath the mound are the ashes of himself, his relatives, and friends. Behind is a large grove containing charming promenades. In the centre of the plain, is the spot where this prince was reduced to ashes; it is surrounded with a double enclosure, one of marble, the other of iron, and planted within with poplars. If from hence you proceed to visit the ancient forum, which is equally filled with basilicas, porticos, and temples, you will there behold the Capitol, the Palatium, with the noble works which adorn them, and the promenade of Livia, each successive place causing you speedily to forget what you have before seen. Such is Rome. 17.3.25. The division into provinces has varied at different periods, but at present it is that established by Augustus Caesar; for after the sovereign power had been conferred upon him by his country for life, and he had become the arbiter of peace and war, he divided the whole empire into two parts, one of which he reserved to himself, the other he assigned to the (Roman) people. The former consisted of such parts as required military defence, and were barbarian, or bordered upon nations not as yet subdued, or were barren and uncultivated, which though ill provided with everything else, were yet well furnished with strongholds. and might thus dispose the inhabitants to throw off the yoke and rebel. All the rest, which were peaceable countries, and easily governed without the assistance of arms, were given over to the (Roman) people. Each of these parts was subdivided into several provinces, which received respectively the titles of 'provinces of Caesar' and 'provinces of the People.'To the former provinces Caesar appoints governors and administrators, and divides the (various) countries sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, directing his political conduct according to circumstances.But the people appoint commanders and consuls to their own provinces, which are also subject to divers divisions when expediency requires it.(Augustus Caesar) in his first organization of (the Empire) created two consular governments, namely, the whole of Africa in possession of the Romans, excepting that part which was under the authority, first of Juba, but now of his son Ptolemy; and Asia within the Halys and Taurus, except the Galatians and the nations under Amyntas, Bithynia, and the Propontis. He appointed also ten consular governments in Europe and in the adjacent islands. Iberia Ulterior (Further Spain) about the river Baetis and Celtica Narbonensis (composed the two first). The third was Sardinia, with Corsica; the fourth Sicily; the fifth and sixth Illyria, districts near Epirus, and Macedonia; the seventh Achaia, extending to Thessaly, the Aetolians, Acarians, and the Epirotic nations who border upon Macedonia; the eighth Crete, with Cyrenaea; the ninth Cyprus; the tenth Bithynia, with the Propontis and some parts of Pontus.Caesar possesses other provinces, to the government of which he appoints men of consular rank, commanders of armies, or knights; and in his (peculiar) portion (of the empire) there are and ever have been kings, princes, and (municipal) magistrates.
36. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 9.3.13 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 5
37. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.286-1.296, 6.791-6.807, 6.847-6.848 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 328
1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.291. in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.294. or heed no more whatever voice may call? 1.295. Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, 1.296. Orontes brave and fallen Amycus, 6.791. What forms of woe they feel, what fateful shape 6.792. of retribution hath o'erwhelmed them there. 6.793. Some roll huge boulders up; some hang on wheels, 6.794. Lashed to the whirling spokes; in his sad seat 6.795. Theseus is sitting, nevermore to rise; 6.796. Unhappy Phlegyas uplifts his voice 6.797. In warning through the darkness, calling loud, 6.798. ‘0, ere too late, learn justice and fear God!’ 6.799. Yon traitor sold his country, and for gold 6.800. Enchained her to a tyrant, trafficking 6.801. In laws, for bribes enacted or made void; 6.802. Another did incestuously take 6.803. His daughter for a wife in lawless bonds. 6.804. All ventured some unclean, prodigious crime; 6.805. And what they dared, achieved. I could not tell, 6.806. Not with a hundred mouths, a hundred tongues, 6.807. Or iron voice, their divers shapes of sin, 6.847. Lo! on the left and right at feast reclined 6.848. Are other blessed souls, whose chorus sings
38. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 1.2-1.4, 6.1, 34.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145
39. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 60
40. Tacitus, Histories, 4.74.3-4.74.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 66
41. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.275-12.277, 17.355, 18.1-18.2, 18.257 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine •herod antipas, territory of, coming under roman rule •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 361; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 138; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 207
12.275. There were about a thousand, with their wives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves; but many of those that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be their ruler, 12.276. who taught them to fight, even on the Sabbath day; and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own enemies, by observing the law [so rigorously], while their adversaries would still assault them on this day, and they would not then defend themselves, and that nothing could then hinder but they must all perish without fighting. 12.277. This speech persuaded them. And this rule continues among us to this day, that if there be a necessity, we may fight on Sabbath days. 18.1. 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 18.257. 1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar;
42. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.117, 3.462-3.542, 5.562-5.566, 7.65-7.67 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •herod antipas, territory of, coming under roman rule •roman rule •roman rule of palestine •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 25; Avery-Peck, Chilton, and Scott Green (2014), A Legacy of Learning: Essays in Honor of Jacob Neusner , 255; Gera (2014), Judith, 361; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 207
2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. 3.462. 1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp between this city and Taricheae, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war; 3.463. for all the innovators had gotten together at Taricheae, as relying upon the strength of the city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the country the Lake of Gennesareth. 3.464. The city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bottom of a mountain, and on those sides which are not washed by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as Tiberias; 3.465. for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the Jews’ revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Taricheae partook only the remains of that liberality. 3.466. Yet had they a great number of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they might retire to them; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a Sea-fight also. 3.467. But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesus and his party were neither affrighted at their number, nor at the good order they were in, but made a sally upon them; 3.468. and at the very first onset the builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together, and before they had suffered anything themselves, they retired to their own men. But then the Romans pursued them, and drove them into their ships, 3.469. where they launched out as far as might give them the opportunity of reaching the Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea, who were themselves at land. 3.470. But Vespasian hearing that a great multitude of them were gotten together in the plain that was before the city, he thereupon sent his son, with six hundred chosen horsemen, to disperse them. 3.471. 2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy was very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that before any succors could come to them, and that yet some of them were privately under a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place whence he might be heard, and said to them, 3.472. “My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to fight. 3.473. For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to grow weary under good success, when they bear up under their misfortunes. 3.474. As to the alacrity which you show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude of the enemy should bring a concealed fright upon some of you: 3.475. let such a one consider again, who we are that are to fight, and who those are against whom we are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of death, are but a disorderly body, and unskillful in war, and may rather be called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with our enemies: 3.476. for what advantage should we reap by our continual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war. 3.477. Consider further, that you are to have a conflict with men in effect unarmed, while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that have no good general, while you have one; and as these advantages make you in effect manifold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diminish their number. 3.478. Now it is not the multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that manages wars with success, but it is their bravery that does it, though they be but a few; for a few are easily set in battle-array, and can easily assist one another, while over-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their enemies. 3.479. It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct of the Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite extinguished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and obedience, and fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but still does not forever desert us in our ill fortune. 3.480. Nay, indeed, your fighting is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the hazard of war for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater motive to us than glory? and that it may never be said, that after we have got dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us. 3.481. We must also reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffering any incurable disaster in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation to us. 3.482. And I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father, and I, and you shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be really my soldiers; for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once taken by the enemy. 3.483. And how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon the enemy. 3.484. Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will be assisting to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance.” 3.485. 3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordinary fury fell upon the men; and as Trajan was already come before the fight began, with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of the victory would be diminished by being common to so many. 3.486. Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in charge to seize upon the mountain that was over against the city, and repel those that were upon the wall; 3.487. which archers did as they were commanded, and prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; And now Titus made his own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy which confronted them; by which means they appeared much more numerous than they really were. 3.488. Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but when they were pricked with their long poles, and overborne by the violent noise of the horsemen, they came to be trampled under their feet; 3.489. many also of them were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves, and run to the city, as fast as every one of them were able. 3.490. So Titus pressed upon the hindmost, and slew them; and of the rest, some he fell upon as they stood on heaps, and some he prevented, and met them in the mouth, and run them through; many also he leaped upon as they fell one upon another, and trod them down, 3.491. and cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and ran into the city. 3.492. 4. But now there fell out a terrible sedition among them within the city; for the inhabitants themselves, who had possessions there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to fight from the very beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten; 3.493. but the foreigners, which were very numerous, would force them to fight so much the more, insomuch that there was a clamor and a tumult among them, as all mutually angry one at another. 3.494. And when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from the wall, he cried out, “Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is given you: do not you hear what a noise they make? 3.495. Those that have escaped our hands are in an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste; but besides haste, we must undergo some labor, and use some courage; for no great thing uses to be accomplished without danger: 3.496. accordingly, we must not only prevent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do, but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as few as we are, we may conquer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take the city.” 3.497. 5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon after him. 3.498. Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at the boldness of the attempt, nor durst anyone venture to fight with him, or to hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about Jesus fled over the country, 3.499. while others of them ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into the ships, but others of them as they attempted to overtake those that were already gone abroad. 3.500. There was also a great slaughter made in the city, while those foreigners that had not fled away already made opposition; but the natural inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus’s giving them his right hand for their security, and out of a consciousness that they had not given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting, 3.501. till Titus had slain the authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of commiseration of these inhabitants of the place. 3.502. But for those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could from the enemy. 3.503. 6. Hereupon Titus sent one of his horsemen to his father, and let him know the good news of what he had done; 3.504. at which, as was natural, he was very joyful, both on account of the courage and glorious actions of his son; for he thought that now the greatest part of the war was over. He then came thither himself, and set men to guard the city, and gave them command to take care that nobody got privately out of it, but to kill such as attempted so to do. 3.505. And on the next day he went down to the lake, and commanded that vessels should be fitted up, in order to pursue those that had escaped in the ships. These vessels were quickly gotten ready accordingly, because there was great plenty of materials, and a great number of artificers also. 3.506. 7. Now this lake of Gennesareth is so called from the country adjoining it. Its breadth is forty furlongs, and its length one hundred and forty; its waters are sweet, and very agreeable for drinking, 3.507. for they are finer than the thick waters of other fens; the lake is also pure, and on every side ends directly at the shores, and at the sand; it is also of a temperate nature when you draw it up, and of a more gentle nature than river or fountain water, and yet always cooler than one could expect in so diffuse a place as this is. 3.508. Now when this water is kept in the open air, it is as cold as that snow which the country people are accustomed to make by night in summer. There are several kinds of fish in it, different both to the taste and the sight from those elsewhere. 3.509. It is divided into two parts by the river Jordan. Now Panium is thought to be the fountain of Jordan, but in reality it is carried thither after an occult manner from the place called Phiala: 3.510. this place lies as you go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and twenty furlongs from Caesarea, and is not far out of the road on the right hand; 3.511. and indeed it hath its name of Phiala [vial or bowl] very justly, from the roundness of its circumference, as being round like a wheel; its water continues always up to its edges, without either sinking or running over. 3.512. And as this origin of Jordan was formerly not known, it was discovered so to be when Philip was tetrarch of Trachonitis; 3.513. for he had chaff thrown into Phiala, and it was found at Panium, where the ancients thought the fountainhead of the river was, whither it had been therefore carried [by the waters]. 3.514. As for Panium itself, its natural beauty had been improved by the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorned at his expenses. 3.515. Now Jordan’s visible stream arises from this cavern, and divides the marshes and fens of the lake Semechonitis; when it hath run another hundred and twenty furlongs, it first passes by the city Julias, and then passes through the middle of the lake Gennesareth; after which it runs a long way over a desert, and then makes its exit into the lake Asphaltitis. 3.516. 8. The country also that lies over against this lake hath the same name of Gennesareth; its nature is wonderful as well as its beauty; its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can grow upon it, and the inhabitants accordingly plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper of the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very well with those several sorts, 3.517. particularly walnuts, which require the coldest air, flourish there in vast plenty; there are palm trees also, which grow best in hot air; fig trees also and olives grow near them, which yet require an air that is more temperate. 3.518. One may call this place the ambition of nature, where it forces those plants that are naturally enemies to one another to agree together; it is a happy contention of the seasons, as if every one of them laid claim to this country; 3.519. for it not only nourishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond men’s expectation, but preserves them a great while; it supplies men with the principal fruits, with grapes and figs continually, during ten months of the year and the rest of the fruits as they become ripe together through the whole year; for besides the good temperature of the air, it is also watered from a most fertile fountain. The people of the country call it Capharnaum. 3.520. Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as well as that lake does which is near to Alexandria. 3.521. The length of this country extends itself along the banks of this lake that bears the same name for thirty furlongs, and is in breadth twenty, And this is the nature of that place. 3.522. 9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon shipboard as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies’ hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea, 3.523. for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian’s vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. 3.524. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; 3.525. yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the other, and were drowned, they and their ships together. 3.526. As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. 3.527. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; 3.528. and indeed they were destroyed after various manners everywhere, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: 3.529. but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. 3.530. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. 3.531. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred. 3.532. 10. After this fight was over, Vespasian sat upon his tribunal at Taricheae, in order to distinguish the foreigners from the old inhabitants; for those foreigners appear to have begun the war. So he deliberated with the other commanders, whether he ought to save those old inhabitants or not. 3.533. And when those commanders alleged that the dismission of them would be to his own disadvantage, because, when they were once set at liberty, they would not be at rest, since they would be people destitute of proper habitations, and would be able to compel such as they fled toto fight against us, 3.534. Vespasian acknowledged that they did not deserve to be saved, and that if they had leave given them to fly away, they would make use of it against those that gave them that leave. But still he considered with himself after what manner they should be slain; 3.535. for if he had them slain there, he suspected the people of the country would thereby become his enemies; for that to be sure they would never bear it, that so many that had been supplicants to him should be killed; and to offer violence to them, after he had given them assurances of their lives, he could not himself bear to do it. 3.536. However, his friends were too hard for him, and pretended that nothing against Jews could be any impiety, and that he ought to prefer what was profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made consistent. 3.537. So he gave them an ambiguous liberty to do as they advised, and permitted the prisoners to go along no other road than that which led to Tiberias only. 3.538. So they readily believed what they desired to be true, and went along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them, while the Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go out of it, and shut them up in the city. 3.539. Then came Vespasian, and ordered them all to stand in the stadium, and commanded them to kill the old men, together with the others that were useless, which were in number a thousand and two hundred. 3.540. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa; 3.541. for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them; however, the king sold these also for slaves; 3.542. but for the rest of the multitude, who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos, and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious persons and fugitives, who were of such shameful characters, that they preferred war before peace. These prisoners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpiaeus [Elul]. 5.562. 6. But as for John, when he could no longer plunder the people, he betook himself to sacrilege, and melted down many of the sacred utensils, which had been given to the temple; as also many of those vessels which were necessary for such as ministered about holy things, the caldrons, the dishes, and the tables; nay, he did not abstain from those pouringvessels that were sent them by Augustus and his wife; 5.563. for the Roman emperors did ever both honor and adorn this temple; whereas this man, who was a Jew, seized upon what were the donations of foreigners, 5.564. and said to those that were with him, that it was proper for them to use Divine things, while they were fighting for the Divinity, without fear, and that such whose warfare is for the temple should live of the temple; 5.565. on which account he emptied the vessels of that sacred wine and oil, which the priests kept to be poured on the burnt-offerings, and which lay in the inner court of the temple, and distributed it among the multitude, who, in their anointing themselves and drinking, used [each of them] above an hin of them. 5.566. And here I cannot but speak my mind, and what the concern I am under dictates to me, and it is this: I suppose, that had the Romans made any longer delay in coming against these villains, the city would either have been swallowed up by the ground opening upon them, or been overflowed by water, or else been destroyed by such thunder as the country of Sodom perished by, for it had brought forth a generation of men much more atheistical than were those that suffered such punishments; for by their madness it was that all the people came to be destroyed. 7.65. for it wasa desirable thing to the senate, who well remembered the calamities they had undergone in the late changes of their governors, to receive a governor who was adorned with the gravity of old age, and with the highest skill in the actions of war, whose advancement would be, as they knew, for nothing else but for the preservation of those that were to be governed. 7.66. Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity; 7.67. and for the soldiery, they had the principal regard to him, for they were chiefly apprised of his great exploits in war; and since they had experienced the want of skill and want of courage in other commanders, they were very desirous to be freed from that great shame they had undergone by their means, and heartily wished to receive such a prince as might be a security and an ornament to them.
43. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.288-1.292, 1.305-1.311, 2.10-2.27 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 139
1.288. 32. And now I have done with Manetho, I will inquire into what Cheremon says; for he also, when he pretended to write the Egyptian history, sets down the same name for this king that Manetho did, Amenophis, as also of his son Ramesses, 1.289. and then goes on thus:—“The goddess Isis appeared to Amenophis in his sleep, and blamed him that her temple had been demolished in the war: but that Phritiphantes, the sacred scribe, said to him, that in case he would purge Egypt of the men that had pollutions upon them, he should be no longer troubled with such frightful apparitions. 1.290. That Amenophis accordingly chose out two hundred and fifty thousand of those that were thus diseased, and cast them out of the country: that Moses and Joseph were scribes, and Joseph was a sacred scribe; that their names were Egyptian originally; that of Moses had been Tisithen, and that of Joseph, Peteseph: 1.291. that these two came to Pelusium, and lighted upon three hundred and eighty thousand that had been left there by Amenophis, he not being willing to carry them into Egypt; that these scribes made a league of friendship with them, and made with them an expedition against Egypt: 1.292. that Amenophis could not sustain their attacks, but immediately fled into Ethiopia, and left his wife with child behind him, who lay concealed in certain caverns, and there brought forth a son, whose name was Messene, and who, when he was grown up to man’s estate, pursued the Jews into Syria, being about two hundred thousand men, and then received his father Amenophis out of Ethiopia.” /p 1.305. His words are these:—“The people of the Jews being leprous and scabby, and subject to certain other kinds of distempers, in the days of Bocchoris, king of Egypt, they fled to the temples, and got their food there by begging; and as the numbers were very great that were fallen under these diseases, there arose a scarcity in Egypt. 1.306. Hereupon Bocchoris, the king of Egypt, sent some to consult the oracle of [Jupiter] Hammon about this scarcity. The god’s answer was this, that he must purge his temples of impure and impious men, by expelling them out of those temples into desert places; but as to the scabby and leprous people, he must drown them, and purge his temples, the sun having an indignation at these men being suffered to live; and by this means the land will bring forth its fruits. 1.307. Upon Bocchoris’s having received these oracles, he called for their priests, and the attendants upon their altars, and ordered them to make a collection of the impure people, and to deliver them to the soldiers, to carry them away into the desert; but to take the leprous people, and wrap them in sheets of lead, and let them down into the sea. 1.308. Hereupon the scabby and leprous people were drowned, and the rest were gotten together, and sent into desert places, in order to be exposed to destruction. In this case they assembled themselves together, and took counsel what they should do; and determined, that, as the night was coming on, they should kindle fires and lamps, and keep watch; that they also should fast the next night, and propitiate the gods, in order to obtain deliverance from them. 1.309. That on the next day, there was one Moses, who advised them that they should venture upon a journey, and go along one road till they should come to places fit for habitation: that he charged them to have no kind regards for any man, nor give good counsel to any, but always to advise them for the worst; and to overturn all those temples and altars of the gods they should meet with: 1.310. that the rest commended what he had said with one consent, and did what they had resolved on, and so travelled over the desert. But that the difficulties of the journey being over, they came to a country inhabited, and that there they abused the men, and plundered and burnt their temples, and then came into that land which is called Judea, and there they built a city, and dwelt therein, 1.311. and that their city was named Hierosyla, from this their robbing of the temples; but that still, upon the success they had afterwards, they through course of time changed its denomination, that it might not be a reproach to them, and called the city Hierosolyma, and themselves Hierosolymites.” /p 2.10. for in his third book, which relates to the affairs of Egypt, he speaks thus:—“I have heard of the ancient men of Egypt, that Moses was of Heliopolis, and that he thought himself obliged to follow the customs of his forefathers, and offered his prayers in the open air, towards the city walls; but that he reduced them all to be directed towards the sun-rising, which was agreeable to the situation of Heliopolis; 2.11. that, he also set up pillars instead of gnomons, under which was represented a cavity like that of a boat, and the shadow that fell from their tops fell down upon that cavity, that it might go round about the like course as the sun itself goes round in the other.” 2.12. This is that wonderful relation which we have given us by this great grammarian. But that it is a false one is so plain, that it stands in need of few words to prove it, but is manifest from the works of Moses; for when he erected the first tabernacle to God, he did himself neither give order for any such kind of representation to be made at it, nor ordain that those who came after him should make such a one. Moreover, when in a future age Solomon built his temple in Jerusalem, he avoided all such needless decorations as Apion hath here devised. 2.13. He says farther, “How he had heard of the ancient men, that Moses was of Heliopolis.” To be sure that was because, being a younger man himself, he believed those that by their elder age were acquainted and conversed with him. 2.14. Now, this [man], grammarian as he was, could not certainly tell which was the poet Homer’s country, no more than he could which was the country of Pythagoras, who lived comparatively but a little while ago; yet does he thus easily determine the age of Moses, who preceded them such a vast number of years, as depending on his ancient men’s relation, which shows how notorious a liar he was. 2.15. But then as to this chronological determination of the time when he says he brought the leprous people, the blind, and the lame, out of Egypt, see how well this most accurate grammarian of ours agrees with those that have written before him. 2.16. Manetho says that the Jews departed out of Egypt, in the reign of Tethmosis, three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus fled to Argos; Lysimachus says it was under king Bocchoris, that is, one thousand seven hundred years ago; 2.17. Molo and some others determined it as every one pleased; but this Apion of ours, as deserving to be believed before them, hath determined it exactly to have been in the seventh olympiad, and the first year of that olympiad; the very same year in which he says that Carthage was built by the Phoenicians. The reason why he added this building of Carthage was, to be sure, in order, as he thought, to strengthen his assertion by so evident a character of chronology. But he was not aware that this character confutes his assertion; 2.18. for if we may give credit to the Phoenician records as to the time of the first coming of their colony to Carthage, they relate that Hirom their king was above one hundred and fifty years earlier than the building of Carthage; concerning whom I have formerly produced testimonials out of those Phoenician records, 2.19. as also that this Hirom was a friend of Solomon when he was building the temple of Jerusalem, and gave him great assistance in his building that temple, while still Solomon himself built that temple, six hundred and twelve years after the Jews came out of Egypt. 2.20. As for the number of those that were expelled out of Egypt, he hath contrived to have the very same number with Lysimachus, and says they were a hundred and ten thousand. He then assigns a certain wonderful and plausible occasion for the name of Sabbath; 2.21. for he says, that “when the Jews had travelled a six days’ journey, they had buboes in their groins: and that on this account it was that they rested on the seventh day, as having got safely to that country which is now called Judea; that then they preserved the language of the Egyptians, and called that day the Sabbath, for that malady of buboes in their groin was named Sabbatosis by the Egyptians.” 2.22. And would not a man now laugh at this fellow’s trifling, or rather hate his impudence in writing thus? We must, it seems, take it for granted, that all these hundred and ten thousand men must have these buboes! 2.23. But, for certain, if those men had been blind and lame, and had all sorts of distempers upon them, as Apion says they had, they could not have gone one single day’s journey; but if they had been all able to travel over a large desert, and, besides that, to fight and conquer those that opposed them, they had not all of them had buboes in their groins after the sixth day was over; 2.24. for no such distemper comes naturally and of necessity upon those that travel; but still, when there are many ten thousands in a camp together, they constantly march a settled space [in a day]. Nor is it at all probable that such a thing should happen by chance: this would be prodigiously absurd to be supposed. 2.25. However, our admirable author Apion hath before told us, that “they came to Judea in six days’ time;” and again, that “Moses went up to a mountain that lay between Egypt and Arabia, which was called Sinai, and was concealed there forty days, and that when he came down from thence he gave laws to the Jews.” But then, how was it possible for them to tarry forty days in a desert place where there was no water, and at the same time to pass all over the country between that and Judea in the six days? 2.26. And as for this grammatical translation of the word Sabbath, it either contains an instance of his great impudence or gross ignorance; 2.27. for the words i Sabbo /i and i Sabbath /i are widely different from one another; for the word Sabbath in the Jewish language denotes rest from all sorts of work; but the word Sabbo, as he affirms, denotes among the Egyptians the malady of a bubo in the groin. /p
44. Tacitus, Annals, 6.8.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 133
45. Lucan, Pharsalia, 9.964-9.969 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •topography, visits of roman rulers Found in books: Rojas(2019), The Remains of the Past and the Invention of Archaeology in Roman Anatolia: Interpreters, Traces, Horizons, 59
46. Frontinus, De Aquis Vrbis Romae, 2.119 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 67
47. New Testament, Galatians, 1.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Avery-Peck, Chilton, and Scott Green (2014), A Legacy of Learning: Essays in Honor of Jacob Neusner , 255
1.18. Ἔπειτα μετὰ τρία ἔτη ἀνῆλθον εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα ἱστορῆσαι Κηφᾶν, καὶ ἐπέμεινα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡμέρας δεκαπέντε· 1.18. Then after three years I went up to Jerusalem tovisit Peter, and stayed with him fifteen days.
48. New Testament, Luke, a b c d\n0 2.36 2.36 2 36 \n1 2.37 2.37 2 37 \n2 8.2 8.2 8 2 \n3 "9.32" "9.32" "9 32" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 361
2.36. Καὶ ἦν Ἅννα προφῆτις, θυγάτηρ Φανουήλ, ἐκ φυλῆς Ἀσήρ,?̔αὕτη προβεβηκυῖα ἐν ἡμέραις πολλαῖς, ζήσασα μετὰ ἀνδρὸς ἔτη ἑπτὰ ἀπὸ τῆς παρθενίας αὐτῆς, 2.36. There was one Anna, a prophetess, the daughter of Phanuel, of the tribe of Asher (she was of a great age, having lived with a husband seven years from her virginity,
49. New Testament, Mark, 1.21-1.28, 1.39-1.45, 2.23-2.28, 3.1-3.9, 3.20-3.30, 5.1-5.13, 5.25-5.34, 7.24-7.37, 8.22-8.26, 9.14-9.29 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Avery-Peck, Chilton, and Scott Green (2014), A Legacy of Learning: Essays in Honor of Jacob Neusner , 249, 250, 255
1.21. Καὶ εἰσπορεύονται εἰς Καφαρναούμ. Καὶ εὐθὺς τοῖς σάββασιν εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν ἐδίδασκεν. 1.22. καὶ ἐξεπλήσσοντο ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ αὐτοῦ, ἦν γὰρ διδάσκων αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐξουσίαν ἔχων καὶ οὐχ ὡς οἱ γραμματεῖς. 1.23. καὶ εὐθὺς ἦν ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ αὐτῶν ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, καὶ ἀνέκραξεν 1.24. λέγων Τί ἡμῖν καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ Ναζαρηνέ; ἦλθες ἀπολέσαι ἡμᾶς; οἶδά σε τίς εἶ, ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ. 1.25. καὶ ἐπετίμησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς [λέγων] Φιμώθητι καὶ ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ. 1.26. καὶ σπαράξαν αὐτὸν τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἀκάθαρτον καὶ φωνῆσαν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ ἐξῆλθεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἐθαμβήθησαν ἅπαντες, 1.27. ὥστε συνζητεῖν αὐτοὺς λέγοντας Τί ἐστιν τοῦτο; διδαχὴ καινή· κατʼ ἐξουσίαν καὶ τοῖς πνεύμασι τοῖς ἀκαθάρτοις ἐπιτάσσει, καὶ ὑπακούουσιν αὐτῷ. 1.28. Καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἡ ἀκοὴ αὐτοῦ εὐθὺς πανταχοῦ εἰς ὅλην την περίχωρον τῆς Γαλιλαίας. 1.39. καὶ ἦλθεν κηρύσσων εἰς τὰς συναγωγὰς αὐτῶν εἰς ὅλην τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ τὰ δαιμόνια ἐκβάλλων. 1.40. Καὶ ἔρχεται πρὸς αὐτὸν λεπρὸς παρακαλῶν αὐτὸν [καὶ γονυπετῶν] λέγων αὐτῷ ὅτι Ἐὰν θέλῃς δύνασαί με καθαρίσαι. 1.41. καὶ σπλαγχνισθεὶς ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα αὐτοῦ ἥψατο καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Θέλω, καθαρίσθητι· 1.42. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀπῆλθεν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ ἡ λέπρα, καὶ ἐκαθερίσθη. 1.43. καὶ ἐμβριμησάμενος αὐτῷ εὐθὺς ἐξέβαλεν αὐτόν, 1.44. καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Ὅρα μηδενὶ μηδὲν εἴπῃς, ἀλλὰ ὕπαγε σεαυτὸν δεῖξον τῷ ἱερεῖ καὶ προσένεγκε περὶ τοῦ καθαρισμοῦ σου ἃ προσέταξεν Μωυσῆς εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς. 1.45. ὁ δὲ ἐξελθὼν ἤρξατο κηρύσσειν πολλὰ καὶ διαφημίζειν τὸν λόγον, ὥστε μηκέτι αὐτὸν δύνασθαι φανερῶς εἰς πόλιν εἰσελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ ἔξω ἐπʼ ἐρήμοις τόποις [ἦν]· καὶ ἤρχοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν πάντοθεν. 2.23. Καὶ ἐγένετο αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς σάββασιν διαπορεύεσθαι διὰ τῶν σπορίμων, καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἤρξαντο ὁδὸν ποιεῖν τίλλοντες τοὺς στάχυας. 2.24. καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἔλεγον αὐτῷ Ἴδε τί ποιοῦσιν τοῖς σάββασιν ὃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν; 2.25. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Οὐδέποτε ἀνέγνωτε τί ἐποίησεν Δαυεὶδ ὅτε χρείαν ἔσχεν καὶ ἐπείνασεν αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ μετʼ αὐτοῦ; 2.26. [πῶς] εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπὶ Ἀβιάθαρ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τοὺς ἄρτους τῆς προθέσεως ἔφαγεν, οὓς οὐκ ἔξεστιν φαγεῖν εἰ μὴ τοὺς ἱερεῖς, καὶ ἔδωκεν καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ οὖσιν; 2.27. καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Τὸ σάββατον διὰ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐγένετο καὶ οὐχ ὁ ἄνθρωπος διὰ τὸ σάββατον· 2.28. ὥστε κύριός ἐστιν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ τοῦ σαββάτου. 3.1. Καὶ εἰσῆλθεν πάλιν εἰς συναγωγήν, καὶ ἦν ἐκεῖ ἄνθρωπος ἐξηραμμένην ἔχων τὴν χεῖρα· 3.2. καὶ παρετήρουν αὐτὸν εἰ τοῖς σάββασιν θεραπεύσει αὐτόν, ἵνα κατηγορήσωσιν αὐτοῦ. 3.3. καὶ λέγει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τῷ τὴν χεῖρα ἔχοντι ξηράν Ἔγειρε εἰς τὸ μέσον. 3.4. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Ἔξεστιν τοῖς σάββασιν ἀγαθοποιῆσαι ἢ κακοποιῆσαι, ψυχὴν σῶσαι ἢ ἀποκτεῖναι; οἱ δὲ ἐσιώπων. 3.5. καὶ περιβλεψάμενος αὐτοὺς μετʼ ὀργῆς, συνλυπούμενος ἐπὶ τῇ πωρώσει τῆς καρδίας αὐτῶν, λέγει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ Ἔκτεινον τὴν χεῖρά σου· καὶ ἐξέτεινεν, καὶ ἀπεκατεστάθη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ. 3.6. Καὶ ἐξελθόντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι εὐθὺς μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν συμβούλιον ἐδίδουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν. 3.7. Καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ ἀνεχώρησεν πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν· καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἠκολούθησεν, 3.8. καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰουδαίας καὶ ἀπὸ Ἰεροσολύμων καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰδουμαίας καὶ πέραν τοῦ Ἰορδάνου καὶ περὶ Τύρον καὶ Σιδῶνα, πλῆθος πολύ, ἀκούοντες ὅσα ποιεῖ ἦλθαν πρὸς αὐτόν. 3.9. καὶ εἶπεν τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ ἵνα πλοιάριον προσκαρτερῇ αὐτῷ διὰ τὸν ὄχλον ἵνα μὴ θλίβωσιν αὐτόν· 3.20. Καὶ ἔρχεται εἰς οἶκον· καὶ συνέρχεται πάλιν [ὁ] ὄχλος, ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι αὐτοὺς μηδὲ ἄρτον φαγεῖν. 3.21. καὶ ἀκούσαντες οἱ παρʼ αὐτοῦ ἐξῆλθον κρατῆσαι αὐτόν, ἔλεγον γὰρ ὅτι ἐξέστη. 3.22. καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς οἱ ἀπὸ Ἰεροσολύμων καταβάντες ἔλεγον ὅτι Βεεζεβοὺλ ἔχει, καὶ ὅτι ἐν τῷ ἄρχοντι τῶν δαιμονίων ἐκβάλλει τὰ δαιμόνια. 3.23. καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος αὐτοὺς ἐν παραβολαῖς ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Πῶς δύναται Σατανᾶς Σατανᾶν ἐκβάλλειν; 3.24. καὶ ἐὰν βασιλεία ἐφʼ ἑαυτὴν μερισθῇ, οὐ δύναται σταθῆναι ἡ βασιλεία ἐκείνη· 3.25. καὶ ἐὰν οἰκία ἐφʼ ἑαυτὴν μερισθῇ, οὐ δυνήσεται ἡ οἰκία ἐκείνη στῆναι· 3.26. καὶ εἰ ὁ Σατανᾶς ἀνέστη ἐφʼ ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἐμερίσθη, οὐ δύναται στῆναι ἀλλὰ τέλος ἔχει. 3.27. ἀλλʼ οὐ δύναται οὐδεὶς εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ ἰσχυροῦ εἰσελθὼν τὰ σκεύη αὐτοῦ διαρπάσαι ἐὰν μὴ πρῶτον τὸν ἰσχυρὸν δήσῃ, καὶ τότε τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ διαρπάσει. 3.28. Ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι πάντα ἀφεθήσεται τοῖς υἱοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων, τὰ ἁμαρτήματα καὶ αἱ βλασφημίαι ὅσα ἐὰν βλασφημήσωσιν· 3.29. ὃς δʼ ἂν βλασφημήσῃ εἰς τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, οὐκ ἔχει ἄφεσιν εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα, ἀλλὰ ἔνοχός ἐστιν αἰωνίου ἁμαρτήματος. 3.30. ὅτι ἔλεγον Πνεῦμα ἀκάθαρτον ἔχει. 5.1. Καὶ ἦλθον εἰς τὸ πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς τὴν χώραν τῶν Γερασηνῶν. 5.2. καὶ ἐξελθόντος αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ πλοίου [εὐθὺς] ὑπήντησεν αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν μνημείων ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, 5.3. ὃς τὴν κατοίκησιν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς μνήμασιν, καὶ οὐδὲ ἁλύσει οὐκέτι οὐδεὶς ἐδύνατο αὐτὸν δῆσαι 5.4. διὰ τὸ αὐτὸν πολλάκις πέδαις καὶ ἁλύσεσι δεδέσθαι καὶ διεσπάσθαι ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἁλύσεις καὶ τὰς πέδας συντετρίφθαι, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἴσχυεν αὐτὸν δαμάσαι· 5.5. καὶ διὰ παντὸς νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς μνήμασιν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν ἦν κράζων καὶ κατακόπτων ἑαυτὸν λίθοις. 5.6. καὶ ἰδὼν τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπὸ μακρόθεν ἔδραμεν καὶ προσεκύνησεν αὐτόν, 5.7. καὶ κράξας φωνῇ μεγάλῃ λέγει Τί ἐμοὶ καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ υἱὲ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου; ὁρκίζω δε τὸν θεόν, μή με βασανίσῃς. 5.8. ἔλεγεν γὰρ αὐτῷ Ἔξελθε τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἀκάθαρτον ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. 5.9. καὶ ἐπηρώτα αὐτόν Τί ὄνομά σοι; καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Λεγιὼν ὄνομά μοι, ὅτι πολλοί ἐσμεν· 5.10. καὶ παρεκάλει αὐτὸν πολλὰ ἵνα μὴ αὐτὰ ἀποστείλῃ ἔξω τῆς χώρας. 5.11. Ἦν δὲ ἐκεῖ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει ἀγέλη χοίρων μεγάλη βοσκομένη· 5.12. καὶ παρεκάλεσαν αὐτὸν λέγοντες Πέμψον ἡμᾶς εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, ἵνα εἰς αὐτοὺς εἰσέλθωμεν. 5.13. καὶ ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς. καὶ ἐξελθόντα τὰ πνεύματα τὰ ἀκάθαρτα εἰσῆλθον εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, καὶ ὥρμησεν ἡ ἀγέλη κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, ὡς δισχίλιοι, καὶ ἐπνίγοντο ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ. 5.25. καὶ γυνὴ οὖσα ἐν ῥύσει αἵματος δώδεκα ἔτη 5.26. καὶ πολλὰ παθοῦσα ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἰατρῶν καὶ δαπανήσασα τὰ παρʼ αὐτῆς πάντα καὶ μηδὲν ὠφεληθεῖσα ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον εἰς τὸ χεῖρον ἐλθοῦσα, 5.27. ἀκούσασα τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ἐλθοῦσα ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ ὄπισθεν ἥψατο τοῦ ἱματίου αὐτοῦ· 5.28. ἔλεγεν γὰρ ὅτι Ἐὰν ἅψωμαι κἂν τῶν ἱματίων αὐτοῦ σωθήσομαι. 5.29. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐξηράνθη ἡ πηγὴ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτῆς, καὶ ἔγνω τῷ σώματι ὅτι ἴαται ἀπὸ τῆς μάστιγος. 5.30. καὶ εὐθὺς ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐπιγνοὺς ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ δύναμιν ἐξελθοῦσαν ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ ἔλεγεν Τίς μου ἥψατο τῶν ἱματίων; 5.31. καὶ ἔλεγον αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ Βλέπεις τὸν ὄχλον συνθλίβοντά σε, καὶ λέγεις Τίς μου ἥψατο; 5.32. καὶ περιεβλέπετο ἰδεῖν τὴν τοῦτο ποιήσασαν. 5.33. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ φοβηθεῖσα καὶ τρέμουσα, εἰδυῖα ὃ γέγονεν αὐτῇ, ἦλθεν καὶ προσέπεσεν αὐτῷ καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν. 5.34. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Θυγάτηρ, ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε· ὕπαγε εἰς εἰρήνην, καὶ ἴσθι ὑγιὴς ἀπὸ τῆς μάστιγός σου. 7.24. Ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἀναστὰς ἀπῆλθεν εἰς τὰ ὅρια Τύρου [καὶ Σιδῶνος]. Καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς οἰκίαν οὐδένα ἤθελεν γνῶναι, καὶ οὐκ ἠδυνάσθη λαθεῖν· 7.25. ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς ἀκούσασα γυνὴ περὶ αὐτοῦ, ἧς εἶχεν τὸ θυγάτριον αὐτῆς πνεῦμα ἀκάθαρτον, ἐλθοῦσα προσέπεσεν πρὸς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ· 7.26. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ ἦν Ἑλληνίς, Συροφοινίκισσα τῷ γένει· καὶ ἠρώτα αὐτὸν ἵνα τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐκβάλῃ ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτῆς. 7.27. καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτῇ Ἄφες πρῶτον χορτασθῆναι τὰ τέκνα, οὐ γάρ ἐστιν καλὸν λαβεῖν τὸν ἄρτον τῶν τέκνων καὶ τοῖς κυναρίοις βαλεῖν. 7.28. ἡ δὲ ἀπεκρίθη καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Ναί, κύριε, καὶ τὰ κυνάρια ὑποκάτω τῆς τραπέζης ἐσθίουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν ψιχίων τῶν παιδίων. 7.29. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Διὰ τοῦτον τὸν λόγον ὕπαγε, ἐξελήλυθεν ἐκ τῆς θυγατρός σου τὸ δαιμόνιον. 7.30. καὶ ἀπελθοῦσα εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτῆς εὗρεν τὸ παιδίον βεβλημένον ἐπὶ τὴν κλίνην καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐξεληλυθός. 7.31. Καὶ πάλιν ἐξελθὼν ἐκ τῶν ὁρίων Τύρου ἦλθεν διὰ Σιδῶνος εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀνὰ μέσον τῶν ὁρίων Δεκαπόλεως. 7.32. Καὶ φέρουσιν αὐτῷ κωφὸν καὶ μογιλάλον, καὶ παρακαλοῦσιν αὐτὸν ἵνα ἐπιθῇ αὐτῷ τὴν χεῖρα. 7.33. καὶ ἀπολαβόμενος αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄχλου κατʼ ἰδίαν ἔβαλεν τοὺς δακτύλους αὐτοῦ εἰς τὰ ὦτα αὐτοῦ καὶ πτύσας ἥψατο τῆς γλώσσης αὐτοῦ, 7.34. καὶ ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἐστέναξεν, καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Ἐφφαθά, ὅ ἐστιν Διανοίχθητι· 7.35. καὶ ἠνοίγησαν αὐτοῦ αἱ ἀκοαί, καὶ ἐλύθη ὁ δεσμὸς τῆς γλώσσης αὐτῷ, καὶ ἐλάλει ὀρθῶς· 7.36. καὶ διεστείλατο αὐτοῖς ἵνα μηδενὶ λέγωσιν· ὅσον δὲ αὐτοῖς διεστέλλετο, αὐτοὶ μᾶλλον περισσότερον ἐκήρυσσον. 7.37. καὶ ὑπερπερισσῶς ἐξεπλήσσοντο λέγοντες Καλῶς πάντα πεποίηκεν, καὶ τοὺς κωφοὺς ποιεῖ ἀκούειν καὶ ἀλάλους λαλεῖν. 8.22. Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς Βηθσαιδάν. Καὶ φέρουσιν αὐτῷ τυφλὸν καὶ παρακαλοῦσιν αὐτὸν ἵνα αὐτοῦ ἅψηται. 8.23. καὶ ἐπιλαβόμενος τῆς χειρὸς τοῦ τυφλοῦ ἐξήνεγκεν αὐτὸν ἔξω τῆς κώμης, καὶ πτύσας εἰς τὰ ὄμματα αὐτοῦ, ἐπιθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ, ἐπηρώτα αὐτόν Εἴ τι βλέπεις; 8.24. καὶ ἀναβλέψας ἔλεψεν Βλέπω τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὅτι ὡς δένδρα ὁρῶ περιπατοῦντας. 8.25. εἶτα πάλιν ἔθηκεν τὰς χεῖρας ἐπὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ, καὶ διέβλεψεν, καὶ ἀπεκατέστη, καὶ ἐνέβλεπεν τηλαυγῶς ἅπαντα. 8.26. καὶ ἀπέστειλεν αὐτὸν εἰς οἶκον αὐτοῦ λέγων Μηδὲ εἰς τὴν κώμην εἰσέλθῃς 9.14. Καὶ ἐλθόντες πρὸς τοὺς μαθητὰς εἶδαν ὄχλον πολὺν περὶ αὐτοὺς καὶ γραμματεῖς συνζητοῦντας πρὸς αὐτούς. 9.15. καὶ εὐθὺς πᾶς ὁ ὄχλος ἰδόντες αὐτὸν ἐξεθαμβήθησαν, καὶ προστρέχοντες ἠσπάζοντο αὐτόν. 9.16. καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτούς Τί συνζητεῖτε πρὸς αὐτούς; 9.17. καὶ ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ εἷς ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου Διδάσκαλε, ἤνεγκα τὸν υἱόν μου πρὸς σέ, ἔχοντα πνεῦμα ἄλαλον· 9.18. καὶ ὅπου ἐὰν αὐτὸν καταλάβῃ ῥἤσσει αὐτόν, καὶ ἀφρίζει καὶ τρίζει τοὺς ὀδόντας καὶ ξηραίνεται· καὶ εἶπα τοῖς μαθηταῖς σου ἵνα αὐτὸ ἐκβάλωσιν, καὶ οὐκ ἴσχυσαν. 9.19. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς αὐτοῖς λέγει Ὦ γενεὰ ἄπιστος, ἕως πότε πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἔσομαι; ἕως πότε ἀνέξομαι ὑμῶν; φέρετε αὐτὸν πρός με. 9.20. καὶ ἤνεγκαν αὐτὸν πρὸς αὐτόν. καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτὸν τὸ πνεῦμα εὐθὺς συνεσπάραξεν αὐτόν, καὶ πεσὼν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἐκυλίετο ἀφρίζων. 9.21. καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ Πόσος χρόνος ἐστὶν ὡς τοῦτο γέγονεν αὐτῷ; ὁ δὲ εἶπεν Ἐκ παιδιόθεν· 9.22. καὶ πολλάκις καὶ εἰς πῦρ αὐτὸν ἔβαλεν καὶ εἰς ὕδατα ἵνα ἀπολέσῃ αὐτόν· ἀλλʼ εἴ τι δύνῃ, βοήθησον ἡμῖν σπλαγχνισθεὶς ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς. 9.23. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Τό Εἰ δύνῃ, πάντα δυνατὰ τῷ πιστεύοντι. 9.24. εὐθὺς κράξας ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ παιδίου ἔλεγεν Πιστεύω· βοήθει μου τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ. 9.25. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ὅτι ἐπισυντρέχει ὄχλος ἐπετίμησεν τῷ πνεύματι τῷ ἀκαθάρτῳ λέγων αὐτῷ Τὸ ἄλαλον καὶ κωφὸν πνεῦμα, ἐγὼ ἐπιτάσσω σοι, ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ καὶ μηκέτι εἰσέλθῃς εἰς αὐτόν. 9.26. καὶ κράξας καὶ πολλὰ σπαράξας ἐξῆλθεν· καὶ ἐγένετο ὡσεὶ νεκρὸς ὥστε τοὺς πολλοὺς λέγειν ὅτι ἀπέθανεν. 9.27. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς κρατήσας τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοῦ ἤγειρεν αὐτόν, καὶ ἀνέστη. 9.28. καὶ εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ εἰς οἶκον οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐπηρώτων αὐτόν Ὅτι ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἠδυνήθημεν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτό; 9.29. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τοῦτο τὸ γένος ἐν οὐδενὶ δύναται ἐξελθεῖν εἰ μὴ ἐν προσευχῇ . 1.21. They went into Capernaum, and immediately on the Sabbath day he entered into the synagogue and taught. 1.22. They were astonished at his teaching, for he taught them as having authority, and not as the scribes. 1.23. Immediately there was in their synagogue a man with an unclean spirit, and he cried out, 1.24. saying, "Ha! What do we have to do with you, Jesus, you Nazarene? Have you come to destroy us? I know you who you are: the Holy One of God!" 1.25. Jesus rebuked him, saying, "Be quiet, and come out of him!" 1.26. The unclean spirit, convulsing him and crying with a loud voice, came out of him. 1.27. They were all amazed, so that they questioned among themselves, saying, "What is this? A new teaching? For with authority he commands even the unclean spirits, and they obey him!" 1.28. The report of him went out immediately everywhere into all the region of Galilee and its surrounding area. 1.39. He went into their synagogues throughout all Galilee, preaching and casting out demons. 1.40. There came to him a leper, begging him, kneeling down to him, and saying to him, "If you want to, you can make me clean." 1.41. Being moved with compassion, he stretched out his hand, and touched him, and said to him, "I want to. Be made clean." 1.42. When he had said this, immediately the leprosy departed from him, and he was made clean. 1.43. He strictly warned him, and immediately sent him out, 1.44. and said to him, "See you say nothing to anybody, but go show yourself to the priest, and offer for your cleansing the things which Moses commanded, for a testimony to them." 1.45. But he went out, and began to proclaim it much, and to spread about the matter, so that Jesus could no more openly enter into a city, but was outside in desert places: and they came to him from everywhere. 2.23. It happened that he was going on the Sabbath day through the grain fields, and his disciples began, as they went, to pluck the ears of grain. 2.24. The Pharisees said to him, "Behold, why do they do that which is not lawful on the Sabbath day?" 2.25. He said to them, "Did you never read what David did, when he had need, and was hungry -- he, and they who were with him? 2.26. How he entered into the house of God when Abiathar was high priest, and ate the show bread, which it is not lawful to eat except for the priests, and gave also to those who were with him?" 2.27. He said to them, "The Sabbath was made for man, not man for the Sabbath. 2.28. Therefore the Son of Man is lord even of the Sabbath." 3.1. He entered again into the synagogue, and there was a man there who had his hand withered. 3.2. They watched him, whether he would heal him on the Sabbath day, that they might accuse him. 3.3. He said to the man who had his hand withered, "Stand up." 3.4. He said to them, "Is it lawful on the Sabbath day to do good, or to do harm? To save a life, or to kill?" But they were silent. 3.5. When he had looked around at them with anger, being grieved at the hardening of their hearts, he said to the man, "Stretch out your hand." He stretched it out, and his hand was restored as healthy as the other. 3.6. The Pharisees went out, and immediately conspired with the Herodians against him, how they might destroy him. 3.7. Jesus withdrew to the sea with his disciples, and a great multitude followed him from Galilee, from Judea, 3.8. from Jerusalem, from Idumaea, beyond the Jordan, and those from around Tyre and Sidon. A great multitude, hearing what great things he did, came to him. 3.9. He spoke to his disciples that a little boat should stay near him because of the crowd, so that they wouldn't press on him. 3.20. The multitude came together again, so that they could not so much as eat bread. 3.21. When his friends heard it, they went out to seize him: for they said, "He is insane." 3.22. The scribes who came down from Jerusalem said, "He has Beelzebul," and, "By the prince of the demons he casts out the demons." 3.23. He summoned them, and said to them in parables, "How can Satan cast out Satan? 3.24. If a kingdom is divided against itself, that kingdom cannot stand. 3.25. If a house is divided against itself, that house cannot stand. 3.26. If Satan has risen up against himself, and is divided, he can't stand, but has an end. 3.27. But no one can enter into the house of the strong man to plunder, unless he first binds the strong man; and then he will plunder his house. 3.28. Most assuredly I tell you, all of the sons of men's sins will be forgiven them, including their blasphemies with which they may blaspheme; 3.29. but whoever may blaspheme against the Holy Spirit never has forgiveness, but is guilty of an eternal sin" 3.30. -- because they said, "He has an unclean spirit." 5.1. They came to the other side of the sea, into the country of the Gadarenes. 5.2. When he had come out of the boat, immediately there met him out of the tombs a man with an unclean spirit, 5.3. who had his dwelling in the tombs. Nobody could bind him any more, not even with chains, 5.4. because he had been often bound with fetters and chains, and the chains had been torn apart by him, and the fetters broken in pieces. Nobody had the strength to tame him. 5.5. Always, night and day, in the tombs and in the mountains, he was crying out, and cutting himself with stones. 5.6. When he saw Jesus from afar, he ran and bowed down to him, 5.7. and crying out with a loud voice, he said, "What have I to do with you, Jesus, you Son of the Most High God? I adjure you by God, don't torment me." 5.8. For he said to him, "Come out of the man, you unclean spirit!" 5.9. He asked him, "What is your name?"He said to him, "My name is Legion, for we are many." 5.10. He begged him much that he would not send them away out of the country. 5.11. Now there was on the mountainside a great herd of pigs feeding. 5.12. All the demons begged him, saying, "Send us into the pigs, that we may enter into them." 5.13. At once Jesus gave them permission. The unclean spirits came out and entered into the pigs. The herd of about two thousand rushed down the steep bank into the sea, and they were drowned in the sea. 5.25. A certain woman, who had an issue of blood for twelve years, 5.26. and had suffered many things by many physicians, and had spent all that she had, and was no better, but rather grew worse, 5.27. having heard the things concerning Jesus, came up behind him in the crowd, and touched his clothes. 5.28. For she said, "If I just touch his clothes, I will be made well." 5.29. Immediately the flow of her blood was dried up, and she felt in her body that she was healed of her affliction. 5.30. Immediately Jesus, perceiving in himself that the power had gone out from him, turned around in the crowd, and asked, "Who touched my clothes?" 5.31. His disciples said to him, "You see the multitude pressing against you, and you say, 'Who touched me?'" 5.32. He looked around to see her who had done this thing. 5.33. But the woman, fearing and trembling, knowing what had been done to her, came and fell down before him, and told him all the truth. 5.34. He said to her, "Daughter, your faith has made you well. Go in peace, and be cured of your disease." 7.24. From there he arose, and went away into the borders of Tyre and Sidon. He entered into a house, and didn't want anyone to know it, but he couldn't escape notice. 7.25. For a woman, whose little daughter had an unclean spirit, having heard of him, came and fell down at his feet. 7.26. Now the woman was a Greek, a Syrophoenician by race. She begged him that he would cast the demon out of her daughter. 7.27. But Jesus said to her, "Let the children be filled first, for it is not appropriate to take the children's bread and throw it to the dogs." 7.28. But she answered him, "Yes, Lord. Yet even the dogs under the table eat the children's crumbs." 7.29. He said to her, "For this saying, go your way. The demon has gone out of your daughter." 7.30. She went away to her house, and found the child lying on the bed, with the demon gone out. 7.31. Again he departed from the borders of Tyre and Sidon, and came to the sea of Galilee, through the midst of the region of Decapolis. 7.32. They brought to him one who was deaf and had an impediment in his speech. They begged him to lay his hand on him. 7.33. He took him aside from the multitude, privately, and put his fingers into his ears, and he spat, and touched his tongue. 7.34. Looking up to heaven, he sighed, and said to him, "Ephphatha!" that is, "Be opened!" 7.35. Immediately his ears were opened, and the impediment of his tongue was loosed, and he spoke clearly. 7.36. He commanded them that they should tell no one, but the more he commanded them, so much the more widely they proclaimed it. 7.37. They were astonished beyond measure, saying, "He has done all things well. He makes even the deaf hear, and the mute speak!" 8.22. He came to Bethsaida. They brought a blind man to him, and begged him to touch him. 8.23. He took hold of the blind man by the hand, and brought him out of the village. When he had spit on his eyes, and laid his hands on him, he asked him if he saw anything. 8.24. He looked up, and said, "I see men; for I see them like trees walking." 8.25. Then again he laid his hands on his eyes. He looked intently, and was restored, and saw everyone clearly. 8.26. He sent him away to his house, saying, "Don't enter into the village, nor tell anyone in the village." 9.14. Coming to the disciples, he saw a great multitude around them, and scribes questioning them. 9.15. Immediately all the multitude, when they saw him, were greatly amazed, and running to him greeted him. 9.16. He asked the scribes, "What are you asking them?" 9.17. One of the multitude answered, "Teacher, I brought to you my son, who has a mute spirit; 9.18. and wherever it seizes him, it throws him down, and he foams at the mouth, and grinds his teeth, and wastes away. I asked your disciples to cast it out, and they weren't able." 9.19. He answered him, "Unbelieving generation, how long shall I be with you? How long shall I bear with you? Bring him to me." 9.20. They brought him to him, and when he saw him, immediately the spirit convulsed him, and he fell on the ground, wallowing and foaming at the mouth. 9.21. He asked his father, "How long has it been since this has come to him?"He said, "From childhood. 9.22. often it has cast him both into the fire and into the water, to destroy him. But if you can do anything, have compassion on us, and help us." 9.23. Jesus said to him, "If you can believe, all things are possible to him who believes." 9.24. Immediately the father of the child cried out with tears, "I believe. Help my unbelief!" 9.25. When Jesus saw that a multitude came running together, he rebuked the unclean spirit, saying to him, "You mute and deaf spirit, I command you, come out of him, and never enter him again!" 9.26. Having cried out, and convulsed greatly, it came out of him. The boy became like one dead; so much that most of them said, "He is dead." 9.27. But Jesus took him by the hand, and raised him up; and he arose. 9.28. When he had come into the house, his disciples asked him privately, "Why couldn't we cast it out?" 9.29. He said to them, "This kind can come out by nothing, except by prayer and fasting."
50. Suetonius, Augustus, 98.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 5
51. Plutarch, Crassus, 21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 34
21.2. τοῦτον δʼ ᾔδεσαν ἔνιοι τῶν Πομπηΐῳ συνεστρατευμένων ἀπολαύσαντά τι τῆς ἐκείνου φιλανθρωπίας καὶ δόξαντα φιλορρώμαιον εἶναι· τότε δʼ ὑφεῖτο τῷ Κράσσῳ μετὰ γνώμης τῶν βασιλέως στρατηγῶν, εἰ δύναιτο παρατρέψας αὐτὸν ἀπωτάτω τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ τῶν ὑπωρειῶν εἰς πεδίον ἐκβαλεῖν ἀχανὲς καὶ περιελαυνόμενον. πάντα γὰρ διενοοῦντο μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ στόμα προσφέρεσθαι Ῥωμαίοις. 21.2.
52. Seneca The Younger, Letters, a b c d\n0 "122" "122" "122" None\n1 "83.1" "83.1" "83 1" \n2 12.8 12.8 12 8 \n3 12.7 12.7 12 7 \n4 12.6 12.6 12 6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 271
53. Plutarch, Cicero, 44 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 28
54. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 4.111 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 133
55. New Testament, John, 21.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman, power of rulership Found in books: Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1765
21.17. λέγει αὐτῷ τὸ τρίτον Σίμων Ἰωάνου, φιλεῖς με; ἐλυπήθη ὁ Πέτρος ὅτι εἶπεν αὐτῷ τὸ τρίτον Φιλεῖς με; καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Κύριε, πάντα σὺ οἶδας, σὺ γινώσκεις ὅτι φιλῶ σε. λέγει αὐτῷ Ἰησοῦς Βόσκε τὰ προβάτιά μου. 21.17. He said to him the third time, "Simon, son of Jonah, do you have affection for me?"Peter was grieved because he asked him the third time, "Do you have affection for me?" He said to him, "Lord, you know everything. You know that I have affection for you."Jesus said to him, "Feed my sheep.
56. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 2.13.4-2.13.12, 4.2.2-4.2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), legitimization of rule Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 115, 119
57. Fronto, Letters, a b c d\n0 "4.6.2" "4.6.2" "4 6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 271
58. Pliny The Younger, Letters, a b c d\n0 4.11.3 4.11.3 4 11\n1 "3.1" "3.1" "3 1"\n2 "9.36.1" "9.36.1" "9 36 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 5
59. Pliny The Younger, Letters, a b c d\n0 4.11.3 4.11.3 4 11\n1 "3.1" "3.1" "3 1"\n2 "9.36.1" "9.36.1" "9 36 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 5
60. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 34
40.20.1.  Nevertheless, the greatest injury was done them by Abgarus of Osroëne. For he had pledged himself to peace with the Romans in the time of Pompey, but now chose the side of the barbarians. The same was done by Alchaudonius, the Arabian, who always attached himself to the stronger party.
61. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 1.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 226
62. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 6.10.35, 6.10.41 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 37
63. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.26.7-4.26.8, 4.30, 4.30.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman, power of rulership •roman rule Found in books: Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1765; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 39
4.26.7. Again he adds the following: For our philosophy formerly flourished among the Barbarians; but having sprung up among the nations under your rule, during the great reign of your ancestor Augustus, it became to your empire especially a blessing of auspicious omen. For from that time the power of the Romans has grown in greatness and splendor. To this power you have succeeded, as the desired possessor, and such shall you continue with your son, if you guard the philosophy which grew up with the empire and which came into existence with Augustus; that philosophy which your ancestors also honored along with the other religions. 4.26.8. And a most convincing proof that our doctrine flourished for the good of an empire happily begun, is this — that there has no evil happened since Augustus' reign, but that, on the contrary, all things have been splendid and glorious, in accordance with the prayers of all. 4.30.2. Among them there is also his most able dialogue On Fate, addressed to Antoninus, and other works which they say he wrote on occasion of the persecution which arose at that time.
64. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 361
74a. רב פפא אמר במפותה ודברי הכל,אביי אמר ביכול להציל באחד מאבריו ורבי יונתן בן שאול היא דתניא רבי יונתן בן שאול אומר רודף שהיה רודף אחר חבירו להורגו ויכול להצילו באחד מאבריו ולא הציל נהרג עליו,מאי טעמא דרבי יונתן בן שאול דכתיב (שמות כא, כב) וכי ינצו אנשים (יחדו) וגו' וא"ר אלעזר במצות שבמיתה הכתוב מדבר דכתיב (שמות כא, כג) ואם אסון יהיה ונתתה נפש תחת נפש ואפ"ה אמר רחמנא ולא יהיה אסון ענוש יענש,אי אמרת בשלמא יכול להציל באחד מאבריו לא ניתן להצילו בנפשו היינו דמשכחת לה דיענש כגון שיכול להציל באחד מאבריו,אלא אי אמרת יכול להציל באחד מאבריו נמי ניתן להצילו בנפשו היכי משכחת לה דיענש,דילמא שאני הכא דמיתה לזה ותשלומין לזה,לא שנא דאמר רבא רודף שהיה רודף אחר חבירו ושיבר את הכלים בין של נרדף ובין של כל אדם פטור מאי טעמא מתחייב בנפשו הוא,ונרדף ששיבר את הכלים של רודף פטור של כל אדם חייב של רודף פטור שלא יהא ממונו חביב עליו מגופו של כל אדם חייב שמציל עצמו בממון חבירו,ורודף שהיה רודף אחר רודף להצילו ושיבר את הכלים בין של רודף בין של נרדף בין של כל אדם פטור ולא מן הדין שאם אי אתה אומר כן נמצא אין לך כל אדם שמציל את חבירו מיד הרודף:,אבל הרודף אחר בהמה: תניא רשב"י אומר העובד עבודת כוכבים ניתן להצילו בנפשו מק"ו ומה פגם הדיוט ניתן להצילו בנפשו פגם גבוה לא כל שכן וכי עונשין מן הדין קא סבר עונשין מן הדין,תניא רבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון אומר המחלל את השבת ניתן להצילו בנפשו סבר לה כאבוה דאמר עונשין מן הדין ואתיא שבת בחילול חילול מעבודת כוכבים,א"ר יוחנן משום ר"ש בן יהוצדק נימנו וגמרו בעליית בית נתזה בלוד כל עבירות שבתורה אם אומרין לאדם עבור ואל תהרג יעבור ואל יהרג חוץ מעבודת כוכבים וגילוי עריות ושפיכות דמים,ועבודת כוכבים לא והא תניא א"ר ישמעאל מנין שאם אמרו לו לאדם עבוד עבודת כוכבים ואל תהרג מנין שיעבוד ואל יהרג ת"ל (ויקרא יח, ה) וחי בהם ולא שימות בהם,יכול אפילו בפרהסיא תלמוד לומר (ויקרא כב, לב) ולא תחללו את שם קדשי ונקדשתי,אינהו דאמור כר"א דתניא ר"א אומר (דברים ו, ה) ואהבת את ה' אלהיך בכל לבבך ובכל נפשך ובכל מאדך אם נאמר בכל נפשך למה נאמר בכל מאדך ואם נאמר בכל מאדך למה נאמר בכל נפשך,אם יש לך אדם שגופו חביב עליו מממונו לכך נאמר בכל נפשך ואם יש לך אדם שממונו חביב עליו מגופו לכך נאמר בכל מאדך,גילוי עריות ושפיכות דמים כדרבי דתניא רבי אומר (דברים כב, כו) כי כאשר יקום איש על רעהו ורצחו נפש כן הדבר הזה וכי מה למדנו מרוצח,מעתה הרי זה בא ללמד ונמצא למד מקיש רוצח לנערה המאורסה מה נערה המאורסה ניתן להצילו בנפשו אף רוצח ניתן להצילו בנפשו,ומקיש נערה המאורסה לרוצח מה רוצח יהרג ואל יעבור אף נערה המאורסה תהרג ואל תעבור,רוצח גופיה מנא לן סברא הוא דההוא דאתא לקמיה דרבה ואמר ליה אמר לי מרי דוראי זיל קטליה לפלניא ואי לא קטלינא לך אמר ליה לקטלוך ולא תיקטול מי יימר דדמא דידך סומק טפי דילמא דמא דהוא גברא סומק טפי,כי אתא רב דימי א"ר יוחנן לא שנו אלא שלא בשעת גזרת המלכות) אבל בשעת גזרת המלכות אפי' מצוה קלה יהרג ואל יעבור,כי אתא רבין א"ר יוחנן אפי' שלא בשעת גזרת מלכות לא אמרו אלא בצינעא אבל בפרהסיא אפי' מצוה קלה יהרג ואל יעבור,מאי מצוה קלה אמר רבא בר רב יצחק אמר רב 74a. b Rav Pappa says: /b The ruling of the mishna, which lists his sister among those for whom he must pay a fine, is stated b with regard to /b a young woman who was b seduced, and /b in the case of seduction b all agree /b that the woman is not saved at the cost of the seducer’s life, as the intercourse was consensual., b Abaye says: /b The ruling of the mishna is stated b with regard to /b a young woman who was raped in a case b where /b one was b able to save /b her by injuring the pursuer b in one of his limbs, /b so that it was not necessary to kill him in order to achieve her rescue, b and it is /b in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Yonatan ben Shaul. As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Yonatan ben Shaul says: /b If b a pursuer was pursuing another to kill him, and /b one was b able to save /b the pursued party without killing the pursuer, but instead by injuring him b in one of his limbs, but he did not save him /b in this manner and rather chose to kill him, b he is executed on his account /b as a murderer.,The Gemara explains: b What is the reason of Rabbi Yonatan ben Shaul? As it is written: “If men strive /b and strike a woman with child, so that her fruit departs, and yet no further harm ensues, he shall be punished, according to the demands that the woman’s husband makes on him; and he shall pay it as the judges determine” (Exodus 21:22). b And /b concerning this b Rabbi Elazar says: The verse is speaking of striving to kill, /b where each man was trying to kill the other. The proof is b that it is written: “But if any harm ensues, then you shall give life for life” /b (Exodus 21:23), and if there was no intention to kill, why should he be executed? b And even so, the Merciful One states: “And yet no further harm ensues, he shall be punished,” /b teaching that he must pay the monetary value of the fetus to the woman’s husband., b Granted, if you say /b that in a case where one is b able to save /b the pursued party by injuring the pursuer b in one of his limbs, he may not save /b the pursued party b at /b the cost of the pursuer’s b life, /b and if he killed the pursuer rather than injure him he is liable to receive the death penalty, b that is how you find /b the possibility b that /b the one who ultimately struck the woman b would be punished. /b This would be in a case b where it was possible to save /b the man under attack, i.e., one of the men who were fighting, by injuring the pursuer, i.e., the other man, who ultimately struck the woman, b in one of his limbs. /b In this case, the one who ultimately struck the woman was not subject to being killed. Therefore, he is subject to pay a fine., b But if you say /b that even if one is b able to save /b the pursued party by injuring the pursuer b in one of his limbs, he can also save him at /b the cost of the pursuer’s b life, how can you find /b the possibility b that /b the one who ultimately struck the woman b would be punished? /b When he was going to strike the other man, he was at risk of being killed, as anybody could have killed him at that time, and the i halakha /i is that anybody who commits an act warranting death exempts himself from any monetary obligation ensuing from that act.,The Gemara tries to refute this reasoning: b Perhaps it is different here because /b his two liabilities are not on account of the same person; rather, his liability to be put to b death is on account of this /b person, the man with whom he fought, b while /b his liability to give b payment is on account of that /b person, the woman he ultimately struck. Consequently, he is liable to receive both punishments.,The Gemara rejects this distinction: There b is no difference. As Rava says: /b If b a pursuer was pursuing another /b to kill him, b and /b during the course of the chase the pursuer b broke vessels /b belonging b either to the person being pursued or to anyone else, /b he is b exempt /b from paying for the broken vessels. b What is the reason /b for this? The reason is that b he is liable to be killed, /b since everyone is entitled to kill him in order to save the victim’s life, and one who commits an act rendering himself liable to be killed is exempt from any monetary obligation arising from that act, even if the payment were to be made to a person not connected to the act for which he is liable to be killed.,Rava continues: b And /b if b the pursued /b party b broke vessels /b while fleeing from the pursuer, if those vessels b belonged to the pursuer, /b the pursued party is b exempt. /b But if they b belonged to anyone /b else, he is b liable /b to pay for them. The Gemara explains: If the vessels b belonged to the pursuer, /b he is b exempt. /b The reason for this is b so that the /b pursuer’s b property should not be more precious to /b the pursuer b than his /b own b body. /b Were the one being pursued to cause the pursuer bodily harm, he would be exempt; all the more so when the pursued one breaks the pursuer’s vessels. And if the vessels belonged b to anyone /b else, he is b liable, as he saved himself at /b the expense of b another’s property, /b and that other person should not have to suffer a loss on his account.,Rava continues: b But /b if one b pursuer was pursuing /b another b pursuer /b in order b to save him, /b i.e., if he was trying to save the person being pursued by killing the pursuer, b and /b while doing so b he broke vessels /b belonging b either to the pursuer or to the one being pursued, or to anyone /b else, he is b exempt /b from paying for them. The Gemara comments: This b is not by /b strict b law, /b as if one who saves himself at another’s expense is liable to pay for the damage, certainly one who saves another at the expense of a third party should bear similar liability. Rather, it is an ordice instituted by the Sages. This is b because if you do not say /b that he is exempt, it will b be found that no person will save another from a pursuer, /b as everyone will be afraid of becoming liable to pay for damage caused in the course of saving the pursued party.,§ The mishna teaches: b But /b with regard to b one who pursues an animal /b to sodomize it, or one who seeks to desecrate Shabbat, or one who is going to engage in idol worship, they are not saved at the cost of their lives. b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai says: One who /b seeks to b worship idols may be saved /b from transgressing b at /b the cost of b his life. /b This is derived b through an i a fortiori /i /b inference: b If /b to avoid b the degradation of an ordinary /b person, such as in the case of a rapist who degrades his victim, b he can be saved /b even b at /b the cost of b his life, all the more so /b is it b not /b clear that one may kill the transgressor to avoid b the degrading of /b the honor of b God /b through the worship of idols? The Gemara asks: b But does /b the court b administer punishment /b based b on /b an i a fortiori /i b inference? /b The Gemara answers: Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai b maintains /b that the court b administers punishment /b based b on /b an i a fortiori /i b inference. /b , b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, says: One who /b seeks to b desecrate Shabbat may be saved /b from transgressing even b at /b the cost of b his life. /b The Gemara explains that Rabbi Elazar b holds in accordance with /b the opinion of b his father, /b Rabbi Shimon, b who says: /b The court b administers punishment /b based b on /b an i a fortiori /i b inference, and /b the i halakha /i with regard to one who desecrates b Shabbat is derived from /b the i halakha /i with regard to b idol worship /b by way of a verbal analogy between the word b “desecration” /b mentioned in the context of Shabbat and the word b “desecration” /b mentioned in the context of idol worship.,§ The Gemara now considers which prohibitions are permitted in times of mortal danger. b Rabbi Yoḥa says in the name of Rabbi Shimon ben Yehotzadak: /b The Sages who discussed this issue b counted /b the votes of those assembled b and concluded in the upper story of the house of Nitza in /b the city of b Lod: /b With regard to b all /b other b transgressions in the Torah, if a person is told: Transgress /b this prohibition b and you will not be killed, he may transgress /b that prohibition b and not be killed, /b because the preserving of his own life overrides all of the Torah’s prohibitions. This is the i halakha /i concerning all prohibitions b except for /b those of b idol worship, forbidden sexual relations, and bloodshed. /b Concerning those prohibitions, one must allow himself to be killed rather than transgress them.,The Gemara asks: b And /b should one b not /b transgress the prohibition of b idol worship /b to save his life? b But isn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Yishmael said: From where /b is it derived b that if a person is told: Worship idols and you will not be killed, from where /b is it derived b that he should worship /b the idol b and not be killed? The verse states: /b “You shall keep My statutes and My judgments, which a person shall do, b and he shall live by them” /b (Leviticus 18:5), thereby teaching that the mitzvot were given to provide life, b but /b they were b not /b given so b that /b one will b die due to their /b observance.,The i baraita /i continues: One b might /b have thought that it is permitted to worship the idol in this circumstance b even in public, /b i.e., in the presence of many people. Therefore, b the verse states: “Neither shall you profane My holy name; but I will be hallowed /b among the children of Israel: I am the Lord Who sanctifies you” (Leviticus 22:32). Evidently, one is not required to allow himself to be killed so as not to transgress the prohibition of idol worship when in private; but in public he must allow himself to be killed rather than transgress.,The Gemara answers: b Those /b in the upper story of the house of Nitza b stated /b their opinion b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Eliezer. As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Eliezer says: /b It is stated: b “And you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your soul, and with all your might” /b (Deuteronomy 6:5). b If it is stated: “With all your soul,” why is it /b also b stated: “With all your might,” /b which indicates with all your material possessions? b And if it is stated: “With all your might,” why is it /b also b stated: “With all your soul”? /b One of these clauses seems to be superfluous.,Rather, this serves to teach that b if you have a person whose body is more precious to him than his property, it is therefore stated: “With all your soul.” /b That person must be willing to sacrifice even his life to sanctify God’s name. b And if you have a person whose property is more precious to him than his body, it is therefore stated: “With all your might.” /b That person must even be prepared to sacrifice all his property for the love of God. According to the opinion of Rabbi Eliezer, one must allow himself to be killed rather than worship an idol.,From where is it derived that one must allow himself to be killed rather than transgress the prohibition of b forbidden sexual relations and /b the prohibition of b bloodshed? /b This is b in accordance with /b the opinion b of Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b says: /b With regard to the rape of a betrothed young woman it is written: “But you shall do nothing to the young woman; the young woman has committed no sin worthy of death; b for as when a man rises against his neighbor, and slays him, /b so too with this matter” (Deuteronomy 22:26). But why would the verse mention murder in this context? b But what do we learn /b here b from a murderer? /b , b Now, /b the mention of murder b came /b in order b to teach /b a i halakha /i about the betrothed young woman, b and it turns out /b that, in addition, b it derives /b a i halakha /i from that case. The Torah b juxtaposes /b the case of b a murderer to /b the case of b a betrothed young woman /b to indicate that b just as /b in the case of a betrothed young woman b one may save her at /b the cost of the rapist’s b life, so too, /b in the case of b a murderer, one may save /b the potential victim b at /b the cost of the murderer’s b life. /b , b And /b conversely, the Torah b juxtaposes a betrothed young woman to a murderer /b to indicate that b just as /b with regard to a potential b murderer, /b the i halakha /i is that if one was ordered to murder another, b he must be killed and not transgress /b the prohibition of bloodshed, b so too, /b with regard to b a betrothed young woman, /b if she is faced with rape, b she must be killed and not transgress /b the prohibition of forbidden sexual relations.,The Gemara asks: b From where do we /b derive this i halakha /i with regard to b a murderer himself, /b that one must allow himself to be killed rather than commit murder? The Gemara answers: b It is /b based on b logical reasoning /b that one life is not preferable to another, and therefore there is no need for a verse to teach this i halakha /i . The Gemara relates an incident to demonstrate this: b As /b when b a certain person came before Rabba and said to him: The lord of my place, /b a local official, b said to me: Go kill so-and-so, and if not I will kill you, /b what shall I do? Rabba b said to him: /b It is preferable that b he should kill you and you should not kill. Who is to say that your blood is redder /b than his, that your life is worth more than the one he wants you to kill? b Perhaps that man’s blood is redder. /b This logical reasoning is the basis for the i halakha /i that one may not save his own life by killing another.,§ b When Rav Dimi came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, b he said /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa /b said: The Sages b taught /b that one is permitted to transgress prohibitions in the face of mortal danger b only when it is not a time of /b religious b persecution. But in a time of /b religious b persecution, /b when the gentile authorities are trying to force Jews to violate their religion, b even /b if they issued a decree about b a minor mitzva, one must be killed and not transgress. /b , b When Ravin came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said that b Rabbi Yoḥa said: Even when /b it is b not a time of /b religious b persecution, /b the Sages b said /b that one is permitted to transgress a prohibition in the face of mortal danger b only /b when he was ordered to do so b in private. But /b if he was ordered to commit a transgression b in public, even /b if they threaten him with death if he does not transgress b a minor mitzva, he must be killed and not transgress. /b ,The Gemara asks: b What is a minor mitzva /b for this purpose? b Rava bar Yitzḥak says /b that b Rav says: /b
65. Ephrem, Prose Refutations, 13-8, 7, 2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 37
66. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), legitimization of rule Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 115
67. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, a b c\n0 6 6 6\n1 6-7.1 6 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 355
68. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.5.6, 16.12.69, 27.6.15, 28.3.6, 30.5.9-30.5.10 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 144, 373
14.5.6. Prominent among these was the state secretary See Introd., p. xxx. Paulus, a native of Spain, a kind of viper, whose countece concealed his character, but who was extremely clever in scenting out hidden means of danger for others. When he had been sent to Britain to fetch some officers who had dared to conspire with Magnentius, since they could make no resistance he autocratically exceeded his instructions and, like a flood, suddenly overwhelmed the fortunes of many, making his way amid manifold slaughter and destruction, imprisoning freeborn men and even degrading some with handcuffs; as a matter of fact, he patched together many accusations with utter disregard of the truth, and to him was due an impious crime, which fixed an eternal stain upon the time of Constantius. 16.12.69. As a consequence, he was elated by the grandiloquence of his sycophants, and then and later in his published edicts he arrogantly lied about a great many matters, frequently writing that he alone (although he had not been present at the action) had both fought and conquered, and had raised up the suppliant kings of foreign nations. If, for example, when he himself was then in Italy, one of his generals had fought bravely against the Persians, he would make no mention of him in the course of a very long account, but would send out letters wreathed in laurel to the detriment They were a detriment because of the expense they caused for celebrations, and graft by the agentes in rebus. of the provinces, indicating with odious self-praise that he had fought in the front ranks. 27.6.15. After this, all rose up to praise the elder and the younger emperor, and especially the boy, who was recommended by the fierier gleam of his eyes, the delightful charm of his face and his whole body, and the noble nature of his heart; these qualities would have completed an emperor fit to be compared with the choicest rulers of the olden time, had this been allowed by the fates and by his intimates, who, by evil actions, cast a cloud over his virtue, which was even then not firmly steadfast. 28.3.6. And already the time for carrying out the plans was near at hand, when that leader, Theodosius. eager for deeds of daring, learning of this from a prearranged source, From those ordered to watch Valentinus. resolved with lofty heart to punish those who were found guilty: Valentinus indeed, along with a few of his closest associates, he had consigned to the general Dulcitius, Cf. xxvii. 8, 10. to be punished with death; but with the military knowledge in which he surpassed all his contemporaries, he divined future dangers, and as to the rest of the conspirators forbade the carrying on of investigations, lest by spreading fear among many the disturbances in the provinces, which had just been lulled to sleep, should be revived. 30.5.9. And he, when he came into the emperor’s presence, being recognized and asked the reason for his coming, replied in Greek; and when the emperor asked explicitly whether those who sent him thought well of the prefect in their hearts, he said, as became a philosopher who made a profession of truth: With groans and against their will. 30.5.10. By these words the emperor was struck as by a dagger, and like a keen-scented hound he searched into all the conduct of the prefect, asking Iphicles in his native tongue about people whom he personally knew: where in the world, for example, was so and so who excelled his countrymen in honour and reputation; or another, who was rich; or still another of high rank. And when he learned that one had fallen victim to the noose, that another had gone across the sea, that a third had committed suicide or had died under the blows of the knout, plumbo probably refers to a lash with balls of lead fastened to it; cf. xxviii. 1, 29, note; Erfurdt-Wagner say in eculeo, which seems to mean that the victim was lashed as he bestrode the eculeus ; or it may refer to weights attached to the victim’s feet; see xxvi. 10, 13, note 3. he burned with tremendous rage, to which Leo, who was then chief marshal of the Court (oh, horror!), added blazing fuel, a man who himself aspired to the prefecture, in order to fall from a greater height. A common idea; see Juv. x. 105 ff., numerosa parabat excelsae turris tabulata, unde altior esset casus , and Mayor’s note on 106. And if he had attained and ruled the office, in comparison with what he would have dared, the administration of a Probus would be praised to the skies!
69. Justinian, Novellae, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 144
70. Justinian, Digest, 1.18.13 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rebellions against roman rule Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 291
71. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 1.1.5 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 144
72. Jerome, Letters, a b c d\n0 "100.10" "100.10" "100 10" (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 272
73. Jerome, Letters, a b c d\n0 "100.10" "100.10" "100 10" (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 272
74. Jerome, Letters, a b c d\n0 "100.10" "100.10" "100 10" (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 272
75. Agathias, Historiae, 5.2.4 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 144
76. Adamantios, Fragments, 61  Tagged with subjects: •roman, power of rulership Found in books: Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1765
77. Cassiodorus, Institutes of Divine And Secular Learning, a b c d\n0 1.30.5 1.30.5 1 30\n1 "1.32.3" "1.32.3" "1 32\n2 1.30.4 1.30.4 1 30  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 271
78. Didymus, Comm. In, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1765
79. Epigraphy, Ils, 413-414, 416-422  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 119
80. John Chrysostom, Ep. Ad Vid. Iun,, 2  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 144
81. Lycophron, Schol., None  Tagged with subjects: •roman, power of rulership Found in books: Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1765
82. Papyri, Psi, 8.982  Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 139
83. Anon., Rule of St. Benedict, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 271
84. Epigraphy, Seg, 11.922-11.923, 23.206  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule, legitimation, principles of •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 133, 374
85. Hecataeus of Abdera, De Indolentia, None  Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 139
86. Targum, Frg. Targum V On Exod, 1.3  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 144
87. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.91.1  Tagged with subjects: •legitimacy, of roman rule Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 145
88. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.13.13, 1.13.18, 2.8.16  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 28, 226
89. Fronto, Letters, a b c d\n0 "4.6.2" "4.6.2" "4 6  Tagged with subjects: •rule of st. benedict, roman terminology in Found in books: Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 271
90. Arch., Cat., 3.20  Tagged with subjects: •jupiter, and roman rulers Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 28
91. Anon., Additions To Esther, 14.1-14.19, 15.1-15.16  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule of palestine Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 44
92. Papyri, Cpj, None  Tagged with subjects: •identity emergence, under roman rule Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 138, 139, 141
93. Anon., Liturgy of Addai And Mari, a b c d\n0 12(2).15 12(2).15 12(2) 15\n1 12(2).24.1 12(2).24.1 12(2) 24\n2 12(2).23 12(2).23 12(2) 23  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 373
95. Ephiphanius, Panarion, 56  Tagged with subjects: •roman rule Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 37, 39, 40, 41
97. Mara Bar Sarapion, Letter, 11-12, 26-27, 3, 30  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 34