1. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 18.3, 23.36 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 60, 149| 18.3. "וּשְׁמַרְתֶּם אֶת־מִשְׁמַרְתִּי לְבִלְתִּי עֲשׂוֹת מֵחֻקּוֹת הַתּוֹעֵבֹת אֲשֶׁר נַעֲשׂוּ לִפְנֵיכֶם וְלֹא תִטַּמְּאוּ בָּהֶם אֲנִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם׃", 18.3. "כְּמַעֲשֵׂה אֶרֶץ־מִצְרַיִם אֲשֶׁר יְשַׁבְתֶּם־בָּהּ לֹא תַעֲשׂוּ וּכְמַעֲשֵׂה אֶרֶץ־כְּנַעַן אֲשֶׁר אֲנִי מֵבִיא אֶתְכֶם שָׁמָּה לֹא תַעֲשׂוּ וּבְחֻקֹּתֵיהֶם לֹא תֵלֵכוּ׃", 23.36. "שִׁבְעַת יָמִים תַּקְרִיבוּ אִשֶּׁה לַיהוָה בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁמִינִי מִקְרָא־קֹדֶשׁ יִהְיֶה לָכֶם וְהִקְרַבְתֶּם אִשֶּׁה לַיהוָה עֲצֶרֶת הִוא כָּל־מְלֶאכֶת עֲבֹדָה לֹא תַעֲשׂוּ׃", | 18.3. "After the doings of the land of Egypt, wherein ye dwelt, shall ye not do; and after the doings of the land of Canaan, whither I bring you, shall ye not do; neither shall ye walk in their statutes.", 23.36. "Seven days ye shall bring an offering made by fire unto the LORD; on the eighth day shall be a holy convocation unto you; and ye shall bring an offering made by fire unto the LORD; it is a day of solemn assembly; ye shall do no manner of servile work.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 2.7-2.8, 89.26-89.27, 106.34-106.39 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •roman empire, and imperial cult Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 142; deSilva (2022) 212| 2.7. "אֲסַפְּרָה אֶל חֹק יְהוָה אָמַר אֵלַי בְּנִי אַתָּה אֲנִי הַיּוֹם יְלִדְתִּיךָ׃", 2.8. "שְׁאַל מִמֶּנִּי וְאֶתְּנָה גוֹיִם נַחֲלָתֶךָ וַאֲחֻזָּתְךָ אַפְסֵי־אָרֶץ׃", 89.26. "וְשַׂמְתִּי בַיָּם יָדוֹ וּבַנְּהָרוֹת יְמִינוֹ׃", 89.27. "הוּא יִקְרָאֵנִי אָבִי אָתָּה אֵלִי וְצוּר יְשׁוּעָתִי׃", 106.34. "לֹא־הִשְׁמִידוּ אֶת־הָעַמִּים אֲשֶׁר אָמַר יְהוָה לָהֶם׃", 106.35. "וַיִּתְעָרְבוּ בַגּוֹיִם וַיִּלְמְדוּ מַעֲשֵׂיהֶם׃", 106.36. "וַיַּעַבְדוּ אֶת־עֲצַבֵּיהֶם וַיִּהְיוּ לָהֶם לְמוֹקֵשׁ׃", 106.37. "וַיִּזְבְּחוּ אֶת־בְּנֵיהֶם וְאֶת־בְּנוֹתֵיהֶם לַשֵּׁדִים׃", 106.38. "וַיִּשְׁפְּכוּ דָם נָקִי דַּם־בְּנֵיהֶם וּבְנוֹתֵיהֶם אֲשֶׁר זִבְּחוּ לַעֲצַבֵּי כְנָעַן וַתֶּחֱנַף הָאָרֶץ בַּדָּמִים׃", 106.39. "וַיִּטְמְאוּ בְמַעֲשֵׂיהֶם וַיִּזְנוּ בְּמַעַלְלֵיהֶם׃", | 2.7. "I will tell of the decree: The LORD said unto me: 'Thou art My son, this day have I begotten thee.", 2.8. "Ask of Me, and I will give the nations for thine inheritance, and the ends of the earth for thy possession.", 89.26. "I will set his hand also on the sea, And his right hand on the rivers.", 89.27. "He shall call unto Me: Thou art my Father, My God, and the rock of my salvation. .", 106.34. "They did not destroy the peoples, As the LORD commanded them;", 106.35. "But mingled themselves with the nations, And learned their works;", 106.36. "And they served their idols, Which became a snare unto them;", 106.37. "Yea, they sacrificed their sons and their daughters unto demons,", 106.38. "And shed innocent blood, even the blood of their sons and of their daughters, Whom they sacrificed unto the idols of Canaan; And the land was polluted with blood.", 106.39. "Thus were they defiled with their works, And went astray in their doings.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 9.22, 9.30-9.37, 16.31-16.34, 18.4, 18.13, 19.1-19.3, 19.35, 21.23-21.25 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 60; Brodd and Reed (2011) 142| 9.22. "אוֹ־יֹמַיִם אוֹ־חֹדֶשׁ אוֹ־יָמִים בְּהַאֲרִיךְ הֶעָנָן עַל־הַמִּשְׁכָּן לִשְׁכֹּן עָלָיו יַחֲנוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל וְלֹא יִסָּעוּ וּבְהֵעָלֹתוֹ יִסָּעוּ׃", 16.31. "וַיְהִי כְּכַלֹּתוֹ לְדַבֵּר אֵת כָּל־הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה וַתִּבָּקַע הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר תַּחְתֵּיהֶם׃", 16.32. "וַתִּפְתַּח הָאָרֶץ אֶת־פִּיהָ וַתִּבְלַע אֹתָם וְאֶת־בָּתֵּיהֶם וְאֵת כָּל־הָאָדָם אֲשֶׁר לְקֹרַח וְאֵת כָּל־הָרֲכוּשׁ׃", 16.33. "וַיֵּרְדוּ הֵם וְכָל־אֲשֶׁר לָהֶם חַיִּים שְׁאֹלָה וַתְּכַס עֲלֵיהֶם הָאָרֶץ וַיֹּאבְדוּ מִתּוֹךְ הַקָּהָל׃", 16.34. "וְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר סְבִיבֹתֵיהֶם נָסוּ לְקֹלָם כִּי אָמְרוּ פֶּן־תִּבְלָעֵנוּ הָאָרֶץ׃", 18.4. "וְנִלְווּ עָלֶיךָ וְשָׁמְרוּ אֶת־מִשְׁמֶרֶת אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד לְכֹל עֲבֹדַת הָאֹהֶל וְזָר לֹא־יִקְרַב אֲלֵיכֶם׃", 18.13. "בִּכּוּרֵי כָּל־אֲשֶׁר בְּאַרְצָם אֲשֶׁר־יָבִיאוּ לַיהוָה לְךָ יִהְיֶה כָּל־טָהוֹר בְּבֵיתְךָ יֹאכֲלֶנּוּ׃", 19.1. "וַיְדַבֵּר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה וְאֶל־אַהֲרֹן לֵאמֹר׃", 19.1. "וְכִבֶּס הָאֹסֵף אֶת־אֵפֶר הַפָּרָה אֶת־בְּגָדָיו וְטָמֵא עַד־הָעָרֶב וְהָיְתָה לִבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְלַגֵּר הַגָּר בְּתוֹכָם לְחֻקַּת עוֹלָם׃", 19.2. "זֹאת חֻקַּת הַתּוֹרָה אֲשֶׁר־צִוָּה יְהוָה לֵאמֹר דַּבֵּר אֶל־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְיִקְחוּ אֵלֶיךָ פָרָה אֲדֻמָּה תְּמִימָה אֲשֶׁר אֵין־בָּהּ מוּם אֲשֶׁר לֹא־עָלָה עָלֶיהָ עֹל׃", 19.2. "וְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־יִטְמָא וְלֹא יִתְחַטָּא וְנִכְרְתָה הַנֶּפֶשׁ הַהִוא מִתּוֹךְ הַקָּהָל כִּי אֶת־מִקְדַּשׁ יְהוָה טִמֵּא מֵי נִדָּה לֹא־זֹרַק עָלָיו טָמֵא הוּא׃", 19.3. "וּנְתַתֶּם אֹתָהּ אֶל־אֶלְעָזָר הַכֹּהֵן וְהוֹצִיא אֹתָהּ אֶל־מִחוּץ לַמַּחֲנֶה וְשָׁחַט אֹתָהּ לְפָנָיו׃", 21.23. "וְלֹא־נָתַן סִיחֹן אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל עֲבֹר בִּגְבֻלוֹ וַיֶּאֱסֹף סִיחֹן אֶת־כָּל־עַמּוֹ וַיֵּצֵא לִקְרַאת יִשְׂרָאֵל הַמִּדְבָּרָה וַיָּבֹא יָהְצָה וַיִּלָּחֶם בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 21.24. "וַיַּכֵּהוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל לְפִי־חָרֶב וַיִּירַשׁ אֶת־אַרְצוֹ מֵאַרְנֹן עַד־יַבֹּק עַד־בְּנֵי עַמּוֹן כִּי עַז גְּבוּל בְּנֵי עַמּוֹן׃", 21.25. "וַיִּקַּח יִשְׂרָאֵל אֵת כָּל־הֶעָרִים הָאֵלֶּה וַיֵּשֶׁב יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּכָל־עָרֵי הָאֱמֹרִי בְּחֶשְׁבּוֹן וּבְכָל־בְּנֹתֶיהָ׃", | 9.22. "Whether it were two days, or a month, or a year, that the cloud tarried upon the tabernacle, abiding thereon, the children of Israel remained encamped, and journeyed not; but when it was taken up, they journeyed.", 16.31. "And it came to pass, as he made an end of speaking all these words, that the ground did cleave asunder that was under them.", 16.32. "And the earth opened her mouth and swallowed them up, and their households, and all the men that appertained unto Korah, and all their goods.", 16.33. "So they, and all that appertained to them, went down alive into the pit; and the earth closed upon them, and they perished from among the assembly.", 16.34. "And all Israel that were round about them fled at the cry of them; for they said: ‘Lest the earth swallow us up.’", 18.4. "And they shall be joined unto thee, and keep the charge of the tent of meeting, whatsoever the service of the Tent may be; but a common man shall not draw nigh unto you.", 18.13. "The first-ripe fruits of all that is in their land, which they bring unto the LORD, shall be thine; every one that is clean in thy house may eat thereof.", 19.1. "And the LORD spoke unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying:", 19.2. "This is the statute of the law which the LORD hath commanded, saying: Speak unto the children of Israel, that they bring thee a red heifer, faultless, wherein is no blemish, and upon which never came yoke.", 19.3. "And ye shall give her unto Eleazar the priest, and she shall be brought forth without the camp, and she shall be slain before his face.", 21.23. "And Sihon would not suffer Israel to pass through his border; but Sihon gathered all his people together, and went out against Israel into the wilderness, and came to Jahaz; and he fought against Israel.", 21.24. "And Israel smote him with the edge of the sword, and possessed his land from the Arnon unto the Jabbok, even unto the children of Ammon; for the border of the children of Ammon was strong.", 21.25. "And Israel took all these cities; and Israel dwelt in all the cities of the Amorites, in Heshbon, and in all the towns thereof.", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 7.6, 26.18, 31.10-31.13 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 61; deSilva (2022) 79| 7.6. "כִּי עַם קָדוֹשׁ אַתָּה לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בְּךָ בָּחַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לִהְיוֹת לוֹ לְעַם סְגֻלָּה מִכֹּל הָעַמִּים אֲשֶׁר עַל־פְּנֵי הָאֲדָמָה׃", 26.18. "וַיהוָה הֶאֱמִירְךָ הַיּוֹם לִהְיוֹת לוֹ לְעַם סְגֻלָּה כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר־לָךְ וְלִשְׁמֹר כָּל־מִצְוֺתָיו׃", 31.11. "בְּבוֹא כָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל לֵרָאוֹת אֶת־פְּנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בַּמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר יִבְחָר תִּקְרָא אֶת־הַתּוֹרָה הַזֹּאת נֶגֶד כָּל־יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּאָזְנֵיהֶם׃", 31.12. "הַקְהֵל אֶת־הָעָם הָאֲנָשִׁים וְהַנָּשִׁים וְהַטַּף וְגֵרְךָ אֲשֶׁר בִּשְׁעָרֶיךָ לְמַעַן יִשְׁמְעוּ וּלְמַעַן יִלְמְדוּ וְיָרְאוּ אֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם וְשָׁמְרוּ לַעֲשׂוֹת אֶת־כָּל־דִּבְרֵי הַתּוֹרָה הַזֹּאת׃", 31.13. "וּבְנֵיהֶם אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יָדְעוּ יִשְׁמְעוּ וְלָמְדוּ לְיִרְאָה אֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם כָּל־הַיָּמִים אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם חַיִּים עַל־הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם עֹבְרִים אֶת־הַיַּרְדֵּן שָׁמָּה לְרִשְׁתָּהּ׃", | 7.6. "For thou art a holy people unto the LORD thy God: the LORD thy God hath chosen thee to be His own treasure, out of all peoples that are upon the face of the earth.", 26.18. "And the LORD hath avouched thee this day to be His own treasure, as He hath promised thee, and that thou shouldest keep all His commandments;", 31.10. "And Moses commanded them, saying: ‘At the end of every seven years, in the set time of the year of release, in the feast of tabernacles,", 31.11. "when all Israel is come to appear before the LORD thy God in the place which He shall choose, thou shalt read this law before all Israel in their hearing.", 31.12. "Assemble the people, the men and the women and the little ones, and thy stranger that is within thy gates, that they may hear, and that they may learn, and fear the LORD your God, and observe to do all the words of this law;", 31.13. "and that their children, who have not known, may hear, and learn to fear the LORD your God, as long as ye live in the land whither ye go over the Jordan to possess it.’", |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 4.11-4.12, 19.5 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology Found in books: deSilva (2022) 79, 329| 4.11. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֵלָיו מִי שָׂם פֶּה לָאָדָם אוֹ מִי־יָשׂוּם אִלֵּם אוֹ חֵרֵשׁ אוֹ פִקֵּחַ אוֹ עִוֵּר הֲלֹא אָנֹכִי יְהוָה׃", 4.12. "וְעַתָּה לֵךְ וְאָנֹכִי אֶהְיֶה עִם־פִּיךָ וְהוֹרֵיתִיךָ אֲשֶׁר תְּדַבֵּר׃", 19.5. "וְעַתָּה אִם־שָׁמוֹעַ תִּשְׁמְעוּ בְּקֹלִי וּשְׁמַרְתֶּם אֶת־בְּרִיתִי וִהְיִיתֶם לִי סְגֻלָּה מִכָּל־הָעַמִּים כִּי־לִי כָּל־הָאָרֶץ׃", | 4.11. "And the LORD said unto him: ‘Who hath made man’s mouth? or who maketh a man dumb, or deaf, or seeing, or blind? is it not I the LORD?", 4.12. "Now therefore go, and I will be with thy mouth, and teach thee what thou shalt speak.’", 19.5. "Now therefore, if ye will hearken unto My voice indeed, and keep My covet, then ye shall be Mine own treasure from among all peoples; for all the earth is Mine;", |
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6. Hebrew Bible, Micah, 4.1-4.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •new testament studies, roman imperial power and Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 147| 4.1. "חוּלִי וָגֹחִי בַּת־צִיּוֹן כַּיּוֹלֵדָה כִּי־עַתָּה תֵצְאִי מִקִּרְיָה וְשָׁכַנְתְּ בַּשָּׂדֶה וּבָאת עַד־בָּבֶל שָׁם תִּנָּצֵלִי שָׁם יִגְאָלֵךְ יְהוָה מִכַּף אֹיְבָיִךְ׃", 4.1. "וְהָיָה בְּאַחֲרִית הַיָּמִים יִהְיֶה הַר בֵּית־יְהוָה נָכוֹן בְּרֹאשׁ הֶהָרִים וְנִשָּׂא הוּא מִגְּבָעוֹת וְנָהֲרוּ עָלָיו עַמִּים׃", 4.2. "וְהָלְכוּ גּוֹיִם רַבִּים וְאָמְרוּ לְכוּ וְנַעֲלֶה אֶל־הַר־יְהוָה וְאֶל־בֵּית אֱלֹהֵי יַעֲקֹב וְיוֹרֵנוּ מִדְּרָכָיו וְנֵלְכָה בְּאֹרְחֹתָיו כִּי מִצִּיּוֹן תֵּצֵא תוֹרָה וּדְבַר־יְהוָה מִירוּשָׁלִָם׃", 4.3. "וְשָׁפַט בֵּין עַמִּים רַבִּים וְהוֹכִיחַ לְגוֹיִם עֲצֻמִים עַד־רָחוֹק וְכִתְּתוּ חַרְבֹתֵיהֶם לְאִתִּים וַחֲנִיתֹתֵיהֶם לְמַזְמֵרוֹת לֹא־יִשְׂאוּ גּוֹי אֶל־גּוֹי חֶרֶב וְלֹא־יִלְמְדוּן עוֹד מִלְחָמָה׃", 4.4. "וְיָשְׁבוּ אִישׁ תַּחַת גַּפְנוֹ וְתַחַת תְּאֵנָתוֹ וְאֵין מַחֲרִיד כִּי־פִי יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת דִּבֵּר׃", | 4.1. "But in the end of days it shall come to pass, That the mountain of the LORD’S house shall be established as the top of the mountains, And it shall be exalted above the hills; And peoples shall flow unto it.", 4.2. "And many nations shall go and say: ‘Come ye, and let us go up to the mountain of the LORD, And to the house of the God of Jacob; And He will teach us of His ways, And we will walk in His paths’; For out of Zion shall go forth the law, And the word of the LORD from Jerusalem.", 4.3. "And He shall judge between many peoples, And shall decide concerning mighty nations afar off; And they shall beat their swords into plowshares, And their spears into pruninghooks; Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, Neither shall they learn war any more.", 4.4. "But they shall sit every man under his vine and under his fig-tree; And none shall make them afraid; For the mouth of the LORD of hosts hath spoken.", |
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7. Hebrew Bible, Hosea, 4.10-4.19 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •roman empire, and imperial cult Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 142| 4.11. "זְנוּת וְיַיִן וְתִירוֹשׁ יִקַּח־לֵב׃", 4.12. "עַמִּי בְּעֵצוֹ יִשְׁאָל וּמַקְלוֹ יַגִּיד לוֹ כִּי רוּחַ זְנוּנִים הִתְעָה וַיִּזְנוּ מִתַּחַת אֱלֹהֵיהֶם׃", 4.13. "עַל־רָאשֵׁי הֶהָרִים יְזַבֵּחוּ וְעַל־הַגְּבָעוֹת יְקַטֵּרוּ תַּחַת אַלּוֹן וְלִבְנֶה וְאֵלָה כִּי טוֹב צִלָּהּ עַל־כֵּן תִּזְנֶינָה בְּנוֹתֵיכֶם וְכַלּוֹתֵיכֶם תְּנָאַפְנָה׃", 4.14. "לֹא־אֶפְקוֹד עַל־בְּנוֹתֵיכֶם כִּי תִזְנֶינָה וְעַל־כַּלּוֹתֵיכֶם כִּי תְנָאַפְנָה כִּי־הֵם עִם־הַזֹּנוֹת יְפָרֵדוּ וְעִם־הַקְּדֵשׁוֹת יְזַבֵּחוּ וְעָם לֹא־יָבִין יִלָּבֵט׃", 4.15. "אִם־זֹנֶה אַתָּה יִשְׂרָאֵל אַל־יֶאְשַׁם יְהוּדָה וְאַל־תָּבֹאוּ הַגִּלְגָּל וְאַל־תַּעֲלוּ בֵּית אָוֶן וְאַל־תִּשָּׁבְעוּ חַי־יְהוָה׃", 4.16. "כִּי כְּפָרָה סֹרֵרָה סָרַר יִשְׂרָאֵל עַתָּה יִרְעֵם יְהוָה כְּכֶבֶשׂ בַּמֶּרְחָב׃", 4.17. "חֲבוּר עֲצַבִּים אֶפְרָיִם הַנַּח־לוֹ׃", 4.18. "סָר סָבְאָם הַזְנֵה הִזְנוּ אָהֲבוּ הֵבוּ קָלוֹן מָגִנֶּיהָ׃", 4.19. "צָרַר רוּחַ אוֹתָהּ בִּכְנָפֶיהָ וְיֵבֹשׁוּ מִזִּבְחוֹתָם", | 4.10. "And they shall eat, and not have enough, They shall commit harlotry, and shall not increase; Because they have left off to take heed to the LORD.", 4.11. "Harlotry, wine, and new wine take away the heart.", 4.12. "My people ask counsel at their stock, And their staff declareth unto them; For the spirit of harlotry hath caused them to err, And they have gone astray from under their God.", 4.13. "They sacrifice upon the tops of the mountains, And offer upon the hills, Under oaks and poplars and terebinths, Because the shadow thereof is good; Therefore your daughters commit harlotry, And your daughters-in-law commit adultery. .", 4.14. "I will not punish your daughters when they commit harlotry, Nor your daughters-in-law when they commit adultery; For they themselves consort with lewd women, And they sacrifice with harlots; And the people that is without understanding is distraught.", 4.15. "Though thou, Israel, play the harlot, Yet let not Judah become guilty; And come not ye unto Gilgal, Neither go ye up to Beth-aven, Nor swear: ‘As the LORD liveth.’", 4.16. "For Israel is stubborn like a stubborn heifer; Now shall the LORD feed them as a lamb in a large place?", 4.17. "Ephraim is joined to idols; Let him alone.", 4.18. "When their carouse is over, They take to harlotry; Her rulers deeply love dishonour.", 4.19. "The wind hath bound her up in her skirts; And they shall be ashamed because of their sacrifices.", |
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8. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 22.12, 22.16 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 145; deSilva (2022) 213| 22.12. "וַיֹּאמֶר אַל־תִּשְׁלַח יָדְךָ אֶל־הַנַּעַר וְאַל־תַּעַשׂ לוֹ מְאוּמָּה כִּי עַתָּה יָדַעְתִּי כִּי־יְרֵא אֱלֹהִים אַתָּה וְלֹא חָשַׂכְתָּ אֶת־בִּנְךָ אֶת־יְחִידְךָ מִמֶּנִּי׃", 22.16. "וַיֹּאמֶר בִּי נִשְׁבַּעְתִּי נְאֻם־יְהוָה כִּי יַעַן אֲשֶׁר עָשִׂיתָ אֶת־הַדָּבָר הַזֶּה וְלֹא חָשַׂכְתָּ אֶת־בִּנְךָ אֶת־יְחִידֶךָ׃", | 22.12. "And he said: ‘Lay not thy hand upon the lad, neither do thou any thing unto him; for now I know that thou art a God-fearing man, seeing thou hast not withheld thy son, thine only son, from Me.’", 22.16. "and said: ‘By Myself have I sworn, saith the LORD, because thou hast done this thing, and hast not withheld thy son, thine only son,", |
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9. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 11.7 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •eagle in roman imperial/military ideology Found in books: Peppard (2011) 120| 11.7. "וַיֹּאמֶר יִפְתָּח לְזִקְנֵי גִלְעָד הֲלֹא אַתֶּם שְׂנֵאתֶם אוֹתִי וַתְּגָרְשׁוּנִי מִבֵּית אָבִי וּמַדּוּעַ בָּאתֶם אֵלַי עַתָּה כַּאֲשֶׁר צַר לָכֶם׃", | 11.7. "And Yiftaĥ said to the elders of Gil῾ad, Did you not hate me, and expel me out of my father’s house? and why have you come to me now when you are in distress?", |
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10. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 10.10, 25.1-25.11, 29.4-29.7 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period •new testament studies, roman imperial power and Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 145; Despotis and Lohr (2022) 320| 25.1. "וְהַאֲבַדְתִּי מֵהֶם קוֹל שָׂשׂוֹן וְקוֹל שִׂמְחָה קוֹל חָתָן וְקוֹל כַּלָּה קוֹל רֵחַיִם וְאוֹר נֵר׃", 25.1. "הַדָּבָר אֲשֶׁר־הָיָה עַל־יִרְמְיָהוּ עַל־כָּל־עַם יְהוּדָה בַּשָּׁנָה הָרְבִעִית לִיהוֹיָקִים בֶּן־יֹאשִׁיָּהוּ מֶלֶךְ יְהוּדָה הִיא הַשָּׁנָה הָרִאשֹׁנִית לִנְבוּכַדְרֶאצַּר מֶלֶךְ בָּבֶל׃", 25.2. "אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר יִרְמְיָהוּ הַנָּבִיא עַל־כָּל־עַם יְהוּדָה וְאֶל כָּל־יֹשְׁבֵי יְרוּשָׁלִַם לֵאמֹר׃", 25.2. "וְאֵת כָּל־הָעֶרֶב וְאֵת כָּל־מַלְכֵי אֶרֶץ הָעוּץ וְאֵת כָּל־מַלְכֵי אֶרֶץ פְּלִשְׁתִּים וְאֶת־אַשְׁקְלוֹן וְאֶת־עַזָּה וְאֶת־עֶקְרוֹן וְאֵת שְׁאֵרִית אַשְׁדּוֹד׃", 25.3. "מִן־שְׁלֹשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה לְיֹאשִׁיָּהוּ בֶן־אָמוֹן מֶלֶךְ יְהוּדָה וְעַד הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה זֶה שָׁלֹשׁ וְעֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה הָיָה דְבַר־יְהוָה אֵלָי וָאֲדַבֵּר אֲלֵיכֶם אַשְׁכֵּים וְדַבֵּר וְלֹא שְׁמַעְתֶּם׃", 25.3. "וְאַתָּה תִּנָּבֵא אֲלֵיהֶם אֵת כָּל־הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה וְאָמַרְתָּ אֲלֵיהֶם יְהוָה מִמָּרוֹם יִשְׁאָג וּמִמְּעוֹן קָדְשׁוֹ יִתֵּן קוֹלוֹ שָׁאֹג יִשְׁאַג עַל־נָוֵהוּ הֵידָד כְּדֹרְכִים יַעֲנֶה אֶל כָּל־יֹשְׁבֵי הָאָרֶץ׃", 25.4. "וְשָׁלַח יְהוָה אֲלֵיכֶם אֶת־כָּל־עֲבָדָיו הַנְּבִאִים הַשְׁכֵּם וְשָׁלֹחַ וְלֹא שְׁמַעְתֶּם וְלֹא־הִטִּיתֶם אֶת־אָזְנְכֶם לִשְׁמֹעַ׃", 25.5. "לֵאמֹר שׁוּבוּ־נָא אִישׁ מִדַּרְכּוֹ הָרָעָה וּמֵרֹעַ מַעַלְלֵיכֶם וּשְׁבוּ עַל־הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר נָתַן יְהוָה לָכֶם וְלַאֲבוֹתֵיכֶם לְמִן־עוֹלָם וְעַד־עוֹלָם׃", 25.6. "וְאַל־תֵּלְכוּ אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים לְעָבְדָם וּלְהִשְׁתַּחֲוֺת לָהֶם וְלֹא־תַכְעִיסוּ אוֹתִי בְּמַעֲשֵׂה יְדֵיכֶם וְלֹא אָרַע לָכֶם׃", 25.7. "וְלֹא־שְׁמַעְתֶּם אֵלַי נְאֻם־יְהוָה לְמַעַן הכעסוני [הַכְעִיסֵנִי] בְּמַעֲשֵׂה יְדֵיכֶם לְרַע לָכֶם׃", 25.8. "לָכֵן כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת יַעַן אֲשֶׁר לֹא־שְׁמַעְתֶּם אֶת־דְּבָרָי׃", 25.9. "הִנְנִי שֹׁלֵחַ וְלָקַחְתִּי אֶת־כָּל־מִשְׁפְּחוֹת צָפוֹן נְאֻם־יְהוָה וְאֶל־נְבוּכַדְרֶאצַּר מֶלֶךְ־בָּבֶל עַבְדִּי וַהֲבִאֹתִים עַל־הָאָרֶץ הַזֹּאת וְעַל־יֹשְׁבֶיהָ וְעַל כָּל־הַגּוֹיִם הָאֵלֶּה סָבִיב וְהַחֲרַמְתִּים וְשַׂמְתִּים לְשַׁמָּה וְלִשְׁרֵקָה וּלְחָרְבוֹת עוֹלָם׃", 25.11. "וְהָיְתָה כָּל־הָאָרֶץ הַזֹּאת לְחָרְבָּה לְשַׁמָּה וְעָבְדוּ הַגּוֹיִם הָאֵלֶּה אֶת־מֶלֶךְ בָּבֶל שִׁבְעִים שָׁנָה׃", 29.4. "כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לְכָל־הַגּוֹלָה אֲשֶׁר־הִגְלֵיתִי מִירוּשָׁלִַם בָּבֶלָה׃", 29.5. "בְּנוּ בָתִּים וְשֵׁבוּ וְנִטְעוּ גַנּוֹת וְאִכְלוּ אֶת־פִּרְיָן׃", 29.6. "קְחוּ נָשִׁים וְהוֹלִידוּ בָּנִים וּבָנוֹת וּקְחוּ לִבְנֵיכֶם נָשִׁים וְאֶת־בְּנוֹתֵיכֶם תְּנוּ לַאֲנָשִׁים וְתֵלַדְנָה בָּנִים וּבָנוֹת וּרְבוּ־שָׁם וְאַל־תִּמְעָטוּ׃", 29.7. "וְדִרְשׁוּ אֶת־שְׁלוֹם הָעִיר אֲשֶׁר הִגְלֵיתִי אֶתְכֶם שָׁמָּה וְהִתְפַּלְלוּ בַעֲדָהּ אֶל־יְהוָה כִּי בִשְׁלוֹמָהּ יִהְיֶה לָכֶם שָׁלוֹם׃", | 10.10. "But the LORD God is the true God, He is the living God, and the everlasting King; At His wrath the earth trembleth, And the nations are not able to abide His indignation.", 25.1. "The word that came to Jeremiah concerning all the people of Judah in the fourth year of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah, king of Judah, that was the first year of Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon;", 25.2. "which Jeremiah the prophet spoke unto all the people of Judah, and to all the inhabitants of Jerusalem, saying:", 25.3. "From the thirteenth year of Josiah the son of Amon, king of Judah, even unto this day, these three and twenty years, the word of the LORD hath come unto me, and I have spoken unto you, speaking betimes and often; but ye have not hearkened.", 25.4. "And the LORD hath sent unto you all His servants the prophets, sending them betimes and often—but ye have not hearkened, nor inclined your ear to hear—", 25.5. "saying: ‘Return ye now every one from his evil way, and from the evil of your doings, and dwell in the land that the LORD hath given unto you and to your fathers, for ever and ever;", 25.6. "and go not after other gods to serve them, and to worship them, and provoke Me not with the work of your hands, and I will do you no hurt.’", 25.7. "Yet ye have not hearkened unto Me, saith the LORD; that ye might provoke Me with the work of your hands to your own hurt.", 25.8. "Therefore thus saith the LORD of hosts: Because ye have not heard My words,", 25.9. "behold, I will send and take all the families of the north, saith the LORD, and I will send unto Nebuchadrezzar the king of Babylon, My servant, and will bring them against this land, and against the inhabitants thereof, and against all these nations round about; and I will utterly destroy them, and make them an astonishment, and a hissing, and perpetual desolations.", 25.10. "Moreover I will cause to cease from among them the voice of mirth and the voice of gladness, the voice of the bridegroom and the voice of the bride, the sound of the millstones, and the light of the lamp.", 25.11. "And this whole land shall be a desolation, and a waste; and these nations shall serve the king of Babylon seventy years.", 29.4. "Thus saith the LORD of hosts, the God of Israel, unto all the captivity, whom I have caused to be carried away captive from Jerusalem unto Babylon:", 29.5. "Build ye houses, and dwell in them, and plant gardens, and eat the fruit of them;", 29.6. "take ye wives, and beget sons and daughters; and take wives for your sons, and give your daughters to husbands, that they may bear sons and daughters; and multiply ye there, and be not diminished.", 29.7. "And seek the peace of the city whither I have caused you to be carried away captive, and pray unto the LORD for it; for in the peace thereof shall ye have peace.", |
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11. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 2.1-2.4, 10.5-10.11, 33.14, 44.28, 45.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 58; Brodd and Reed (2011) 145, 147| 2.1. "בּוֹא בַצּוּר וְהִטָּמֵן בֶּעָפָר מִפְּנֵי פַּחַד יְהוָה וּמֵהֲדַר גְּאֹנוֹ׃", 2.1. "הַדָּבָר אֲשֶׁר חָזָה יְשַׁעְיָהוּ בֶּן־אָמוֹץ עַל־יְהוּדָה וִירוּשָׁלִָם׃", 2.2. "וְהָיָה בְּאַחֲרִית הַיָּמִים נָכוֹן יִהְיֶה הַר בֵּית־יְהוָה בְּרֹאשׁ הֶהָרִים וְנִשָּׂא מִגְּבָעוֹת וְנָהֲרוּ אֵלָיו כָּל־הַגּוֹיִם׃", 2.2. "בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יַשְׁלִיךְ הָאָדָם אֵת אֱלִילֵי כַסְפּוֹ וְאֵת אֱלִילֵי זְהָבוֹ אֲשֶׁר עָשׂוּ־לוֹ לְהִשְׁתַּחֲוֺת לַחְפֹּר פֵּרוֹת וְלָעֲטַלֵּפִים׃", 2.3. "וְהָלְכוּ עַמִּים רַבִּים וְאָמְרוּ לְכוּ וְנַעֲלֶה אֶל־הַר־יְהוָה אֶל־בֵּית אֱלֹהֵי יַעֲקֹב וְיֹרֵנוּ מִדְּרָכָיו וְנֵלְכָה בְּאֹרְחֹתָיו כִּי מִצִּיּוֹן תֵּצֵא תוֹרָה וּדְבַר־יְהוָה מִירוּשָׁלִָם׃", 2.4. "וְשָׁפַט בֵּין הַגּוֹיִם וְהוֹכִיחַ לְעַמִּים רַבִּים וְכִתְּתוּ חַרְבוֹתָם לְאִתִּים וַחֲנִיתוֹתֵיהֶם לְמַזְמֵרוֹת לֹא־יִשָּׂא גוֹי אֶל־גּוֹי חֶרֶב וְלֹא־יִלְמְדוּ עוֹד מִלְחָמָה׃", 10.5. "הוֹי אַשּׁוּר שֵׁבֶט אַפִּי וּמַטֶּה־הוּא בְיָדָם זַעְמִי׃", 10.6. "בְּגוֹי חָנֵף אֲשַׁלְּחֶנּוּ וְעַל־עַם עֶבְרָתִי אֲצַוֶּנּוּ לִשְׁלֹל שָׁלָל וְלָבֹז בַּז ולשימו [וּלְשׂוּמוֹ] מִרְמָס כְּחֹמֶר חוּצוֹת׃", 10.7. "וְהוּא לֹא־כֵן יְדַמֶּה וּלְבָבוֹ לֹא־כֵן יַחְשֹׁב כִּי לְהַשְׁמִיד בִּלְבָבוֹ וּלְהַכְרִית גּוֹיִם לֹא מְעָט׃", 10.8. "כִּי יֹאמַר הֲלֹא שָׂרַי יַחְדָּו מְלָכִים׃", 10.9. "הֲלֹא כְּכַרְכְּמִישׁ כַּלְנוֹ אִם־לֹא כְאַרְפַּד חֲמָת אִם־לֹא כְדַמֶּשֶׂק שֹׁמְרוֹן׃", 10.11. "הֲלֹא כַּאֲשֶׁר עָשִׂיתִי לְשֹׁמְרוֹן וְלֶאֱלִילֶיהָ כֵּן אֶעֱשֶׂה לִירוּשָׁלִַם וְלַעֲצַבֶּיהָ׃", 33.14. "פָּחֲדוּ בְצִיּוֹן חַטָּאִים אָחֲזָה רְעָדָה חֲנֵפִים מִי יָגוּר לָנוּ אֵשׁ אוֹכֵלָה מִי־יָגוּר לָנוּ מוֹקְדֵי עוֹלָם׃", 44.28. "הָאֹמֵר לְכוֹרֶשׁ רֹעִי וְכָל־חֶפְצִי יַשְׁלִם וְלֵאמֹר לִירוּשָׁלִַם תִּבָּנֶה וְהֵיכָל תִּוָּסֵד׃", 45.1. "הוֹי אֹמֵר לְאָב מַה־תּוֹלִיד וּלְאִשָּׁה מַה־תְּחִילִין׃", 45.1. "כֹּה־אָמַר יְהוָה לִמְשִׁיחוֹ לְכוֹרֶשׁ אֲשֶׁר־הֶחֱזַקְתִּי בִימִינוֹ לְרַד־לְפָנָיו גּוֹיִם וּמָתְנֵי מְלָכִים אֲפַתֵּחַ לִפְתֹּחַ לְפָנָיו דְּלָתַיִם וּשְׁעָרִים לֹא יִסָּגֵרוּ׃", | 2.1. "The word that Isaiah the son of Amoz saw concerning Judah and Jerusalem.", 2.2. "And it shall come to pass in the end of days, That the mountain of the LORD’S house Shall be established as the top of the mountains, And shall be exalted above the hills; And all nations shall flow unto it.", 2.3. "And many peoples shall go and say: ‘Come ye, and let us go up to the mountain of the LORD, To the house of the God of Jacob; And He will teach us of His ways, And we will walk in His paths.’ For out of Zion shall go forth the law, And the word of the LORD from Jerusalem.", 2.4. "And He shall judge between the nations, And shall decide for many peoples; And they shall beat their swords into plowshares, And their spears into pruninghooks; Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, Neither shall they learn war any more.", 10.5. "O Asshur, the rod of Mine anger, In whose hand as a staff is Mine indignation!", 10.6. "I do send him against an ungodly nation, And against the people of My wrath do I give him a charge, To take the spoil, and to take the prey, And to tread them down like the mire of the streets.", 10.7. "Howbeit he meaneth not so, Neither doth his heart think so; But it is in his heart to destroy, And to cut off nations not a few.", 10.8. "For he saith: ‘Are not my princes all of them kings?", 10.9. "Is not Calno as Carchemish? Is not Hamath as Arpad? Is not Samaria as Damascus?", 10.10. "As my hand hath reached the kingdoms of the idols, Whose graven images did exceed them of Jerusalem and of Samaria;", 10.11. "Shall I not, as I have done unto Samaria and her idols, So do to Jerusalem and her idols?’", 33.14. "The sinners in Zion are afraid; Trembling hath seized the ungodly: ‘Who among us shall dwell with the devouring fire? Who among us shall dwell with everlasting burnings?’", 44.28. "That saith of Cyrus: ‘He is My shepherd, And shall perform all My pleasure’; Even saying of Jerusalem: ‘She shall be built’; And to the temple: ‘My foundation shall be laid.’", 45.1. "Thus saith the LORD to His anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him, and to loose the loins of kings; to open the doors before him, and that the gates may not be shut:", |
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12. Homer, Iliad, 14.214-14.215 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •galaxidi, roman imperial era medallion with birth of aphrodite found at Found in books: Simon (2021) 257 | 14.214. / ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone, 14.215. / curiously-wrought, wherein are fashioned all manner of allurements; therein is love, therein desire, therein dalliance—beguilement that steals the wits even of the wise. This she laid in her hands, and spake, and addressed her:Take now and lay in thy bosom this zone, |
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13. Homeric Hymns, To Demeter, 227-230 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 120 | 230. Her face. A long time there she sat, heart-sore, |
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| 14. Homer, Odyssey, 1.5, 19.455-19.458 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite •roman imperial period, Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 232; Edmonds (2019) 120; Verhagen (2022) 232 |
| 15. Pindar, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 222; Verhagen (2022) 222 |
| 16. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 10.84-10.85 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 218; Verhagen (2022) 218 |
| 17. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 3.43-3.64 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 223; Verhagen (2022) 223 |
| 18. Pindar, Isthmian Odes, 6.74-6.76, 8.33-8.35 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 218, 223; Verhagen (2022) 218, 223 |
19. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1200-1212, 441-442 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 86| 442. ψῆγμα δυσδάκρυτον ἀν- | 442. Filling with well-packed ashes every urn, |
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20. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 16.15, 16.34, 16.52-16.63 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •roman empire, and imperial cult Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 142, 147| 16.15. "וַתִּבְטְחִי בְיָפְיֵךְ וַתִּזְנִי עַל־שְׁמֵךְ וַתִּשְׁפְּכִי אֶת־תַּזְנוּתַיִךְ עַל־כָּל־עוֹבֵר לוֹ־יֶהִי׃", 16.34. "וַיְהִי־בָךְ הֵפֶךְ מִן־הַנָּשִׁים בְּתַזְנוּתַיִךְ וְאַחֲרַיִךְ לֹא זוּנָּה וּבְתִתֵּךְ אֶתְנָן וְאֶתְנַן לֹא נִתַּן־לָךְ וַתְּהִי לְהֶפֶךְ׃", 16.52. "גַּם־אַתְּ שְׂאִי כְלִמָּתֵךְ אֲשֶׁר פִּלַּלְתְּ לַאֲחוֹתֵךְ בְּחַטֹּאתַיִךְ אֲשֶׁר־הִתְעַבְתְּ מֵהֵן תִּצְדַּקְנָה מִמֵּךְ וְגַם־אַתְּ בּוֹשִׁי וּשְׂאִי כְלִמָּתֵךְ בְּצַדֶּקְתֵּךְ אַחְיוֹתֵךְ׃", 16.53. "וְשַׁבְתִּי אֶת־שְׁבִיתְהֶן אֶת־שבית [שְׁבוּת] סְדֹם וּבְנוֹתֶיהָ וְאֶת־שבית [שְׁבוּת] שֹׁמְרוֹן וּבְנוֹתֶיהָ ושבית [וּשְׁבוּת] שְׁבִיתַיִךְ בְּתוֹכָהְנָה׃", 16.54. "לְמַעַן תִּשְׂאִי כְלִמָּתֵךְ וְנִכְלַמְתְּ מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר עָשִׂית בְּנַחֲמֵךְ אֹתָן׃", 16.55. "וַאֲחוֹתַיִךְ סְדֹם וּבְנוֹתֶיהָ תָּשֹׁבְןָ לְקַדְמָתָן וְשֹׁמְרוֹן וּבְנוֹתֶיהָ תָּשֹׁבְןָ לְקַדְמָתָן וְאַתְּ וּבְנוֹתַיִךְ תְּשֻׁבֶינָה לְקַדְמַתְכֶן׃", 16.56. "וְלוֹא הָיְתָה סְדֹם אֲחוֹתֵךְ לִשְׁמוּעָה בְּפִיךְ בְּיוֹם גְּאוֹנָיִךְ׃", 16.57. "בְּטֶרֶם תִּגָּלֶה רָעָתֵךְ כְּמוֹ עֵת חֶרְפַּת בְּנוֹת־אֲרָם וְכָל־סְבִיבוֹתֶיהָ בְּנוֹת פְּלִשְׁתִּים הַשָּׁאטוֹת אוֹתָךְ מִסָּבִיב׃", 16.58. "אֶת־זִמָּתֵךְ וְאֶת־תּוֹעֲבוֹתַיִךְ אַתְּ נְשָׂאתִים נְאֻם יְהוָה׃", 16.59. "כִּי כֹה אָמַר אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה ועשית [וְעָשִׂיתִי] אוֹתָךְ כַּאֲשֶׁר עָשִׂית אֲשֶׁר־בָּזִית אָלָה לְהָפֵר בְּרִית׃", 16.61. "וְזָכַרְתְּ אֶת־דְּרָכַיִךְ וְנִכְלַמְתְּ בְּקַחְתֵּךְ אֶת־אֲחוֹתַיִךְ הַגְּדֹלוֹת מִמֵּךְ אֶל־הַקְּטַנּוֹת מִמֵּךְ וְנָתַתִּי אֶתְהֶן לָךְ לְבָנוֹת וְלֹא מִבְּרִיתֵךְ׃", 16.62. "וַהֲקִימוֹתִי אֲנִי אֶת־בְּרִיתִי אִתָּךְ וְיָדַעַתְּ כִּי־אֲנִי יְהוָה׃", 16.63. "לְמַעַן תִּזְכְּרִי וָבֹשְׁתְּ וְלֹא יִהְיֶה־לָּךְ עוֹד פִּתְחוֹן פֶּה מִפְּנֵי כְּלִמָּתֵךְ בְּכַפְּרִי־לָךְ לְכָל־אֲשֶׁר עָשִׂית נְאֻם אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה׃", | 16.15. "But thou didst trust in thy beauty and play the harlot because of thy renown, and didst pour out thy harlotries on every one that passed by; his it was.", 16.34. "And the contrary is in thee from other women, in that thou didst solicit to harlotry, and wast not solicited; and in that thou givest hire, and no hire is given unto thee, thus thou art contrary.", 16.52. "Thou also, bear thine own shame, in that thou hast given judgment for thy sisters; through thy sins that thou hast committed more abominable than they, they are more righteous than thou; yea, be thou also confounded, and bear thy shame, in that thou hast justified thy sisters.", 16.53. "And I will turn their captivity, the captivity of Sodom and her daughters, and the captivity of Samaria and her daughters, and the captivity of thy captives in the midst of them;", 16.54. "that thou mayest bear thine own shame, and mayest be ashamed because of all that thou hast done, in that thou art a comfort unto them.", 16.55. "And thy sisters, Sodom and her daughters, shall return to their former estate, and Samaria and her daughters shall return to their former estate, and thou and thy daughters shall return to your former estate.", 16.56. "For thy sister Sodom was not mentioned by thy mouth in the day of thy pride;", 16.57. "before thy wickedness was uncovered, as at the time of the taunt of the daughters of Aram, and of all that are round about her, the daughters of the Philistines, that have thee in disdain round about.", 16.58. "Thou hast borne thy lewdness and thine abominations, saith the LORD.", 16.59. "For thus saith the Lord GOD: I will even deal with thee as thou hast done, who hast despised the oath in breaking the covet.", 16.60. "Nevertheless I will remember My covet with thee in the days of thy youth, and I will establish unto thee an everlasting covet.", 16.61. "Then shalt thou remember thy ways, and be ashamed, when thou shalt receive thy sisters, thine elder sisters and thy younger; and I will give them unto thee for daughters, but not because of thy covet.", 16.62. "And I will establish My covet with thee, and thou shalt know that I am the LORD;", 16.63. "that thou mayest remember, and be confounded, and never open thy mouth any more, because of thy shame; when I have forgiven thee all that thou hast done, saith the Lord GOD.’", |
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| 21. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 74 |
22. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 74| 477a. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν εἴπερ καλά, ἀγαθά; ἢ γὰρ ἡδέα ἢ ὠφέλιμα. ΠΩΛ. ἀνάγκη. ΣΩ. ἀγαθὰ ἄρα πάσχει ὁ δίκην διδούς; ΠΩΛ. ἔοικεν. ΣΩ. ὠφελεῖται ἄρα; ΠΩΛ. ναί. ΣΩ. ἆρα ἥνπερ ἐγὼ ὑπολαμβάνω τὴν ὠφελίαν; βελτίων τὴν ψυχὴν γίγνεται, εἴπερ δικαίως κολάζεται; ΠΩΛ. εἰκός γε. ΣΩ. κακίας ἄρα ψυχῆς ἀπαλλάττεται ὁ δίκην διδούς; ΠΩΛ. ναί. ΣΩ. ἆρα οὖν τοῦ μεγίστου ἀπαλλάττεται | 477a. Soc. And so, if fair, good? For that is either pleasant or beneficial. Pol. It must be so. Soc. So he who pays the penalty suffers what is good? Pol. It seems so. Soc. Then he is benefited? Pol. Yes. Soc. Is it the benefit I imagine—that he becomes better in soul if he is justly punished? Pol. Quite likely. Soc. Then is he who pays the penalty relieved from badness of soul? Pol. Yes. Soc. And so relieved from the greatest evil? |
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23. Hebrew Bible, Zechariah, 14.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 62| 14.1. "הִנֵּה יוֹם־בָּא לַיהוָה וְחֻלַּק שְׁלָלֵךְ בְּקִרְבֵּךְ׃", 14.1. "יִסּוֹב כָּל־הָאָרֶץ כָּעֲרָבָה מִגֶּבַע לְרִמּוֹן נֶגֶב יְרוּשָׁלִָם וְרָאֲמָה וְיָשְׁבָה תַחְתֶּיהָ לְמִשַּׁעַר בִּנְיָמִן עַד־מְקוֹם שַׁעַר הָרִאשׁוֹן עַד־שַׁעַר הַפִּנִּים וּמִגְדַּל חֲנַנְאֵל עַד יִקְבֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ׃", | 14.1. "Behold, a day of the LORD cometh, When thy spoil shall be divided in the midst of thee.", |
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24. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 7.25 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 61| 7.25. "וְאַנְתְּ עֶזְרָא כְּחָכְמַת אֱלָהָךְ דִּי־בִידָךְ מֶנִּי שָׁפְטִין וְדַיָּנִין דִּי־לֶהֱוֺן דאנין [דָּאיְנִין] לְכָל־עַמָּה דִּי בַּעֲבַר נַהֲרָה לְכָל־יָדְעֵי דָּתֵי אֱלָהָךְ וְדִי לָא יָדַע תְּהוֹדְעוּן׃", | 7.25. "And thou, Ezra, after the wisdom of thy God that is in thy hand, appoint magistrates and judges, who may judge all the people that are beyond the River, all such as know the laws of thy God; and teach ye him that knoweth them not.", |
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25. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 8.1-8.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 61| 8.1. "וַיֹּאמֶר לָהֶם לְכוּ אִכְלוּ מַשְׁמַנִּים וּשְׁתוּ מַמְתַקִּים וְשִׁלְחוּ מָנוֹת לְאֵין נָכוֹן לוֹ כִּי־קָדוֹשׁ הַיּוֹם לַאֲדֹנֵינוּ וְאַל־תֵּעָצֵבוּ כִּי־חֶדְוַת יְהוָה הִיא מָעֻזְּכֶם׃", 8.1. "וַיֵּאָסְפוּ כָל־הָעָם כְּאִישׁ אֶחָד אֶל־הָרְחוֹב אֲשֶׁר לִפְנֵי שַׁעַר־הַמָּיִם וַיֹּאמְרוּ לְעֶזְרָא הַסֹּפֵר לְהָבִיא אֶת־סֵפֶר תּוֹרַת מֹשֶׁה אֲשֶׁר־צִוָּה יְהוָה אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 8.2. "וַיָּבִיא עֶזְרָא הַכֹּהֵן אֶת־הַתּוֹרָה לִפְנֵי הַקָּהָל מֵאִישׁ וְעַד־אִשָּׁה וְכֹל מֵבִין לִשְׁמֹעַ בְּיוֹם אֶחָד לַחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁבִיעִי׃", 8.3. "וַיִּקְרָא־בוֹ לִפְנֵי הָרְחוֹב אֲשֶׁר לִפְנֵי שַׁעַר־הַמַּיִם מִן־הָאוֹר עַד־מַחֲצִית הַיּוֹם נֶגֶד הָאֲנָשִׁים וְהַנָּשִׁים וְהַמְּבִינִים וְאָזְנֵי כָל־הָעָם אֶל־סֵפֶר הַתּוֹרָה׃", 8.4. "וַיַּעֲמֹד עֶזְרָא הַסֹּפֵר עַל־מִגְדַּל־עֵץ אֲשֶׁר עָשׂוּ לַדָּבָר וַיַּעֲמֹד אֶצְלוֹ מַתִּתְיָה וְשֶׁמַע וַעֲנָיָה וְאוּרִיָּה וְחִלְקִיָּה וּמַעֲשֵׂיָה עַל־יְמִינוֹ וּמִשְּׂמֹאלוֹ פְּדָיָה וּמִישָׁאֵל וּמַלְכִּיָּה וְחָשֻׁם וְחַשְׁבַּדָּנָה זְכַרְיָה מְשֻׁלָּם׃", 8.5. "וַיִּפְתַּח עֶזְרָא הַסֵּפֶר לְעֵינֵי כָל־הָעָם כִּי־מֵעַל כָּל־הָעָם הָיָה וּכְפִתְחוֹ עָמְדוּ כָל־הָעָם׃", 8.6. "וַיְבָרֶךְ עֶזְרָא אֶת־יְהוָה הָאֱלֹהִים הַגָּדוֹל וַיַּעֲנוּ כָל־הָעָם אָמֵן אָמֵן בְּמֹעַל יְדֵיהֶם וַיִּקְּדוּ וַיִּשְׁתַּחֲוֻּ לַיהוָה אַפַּיִם אָרְצָה׃", 8.7. "וְיֵשׁוּעַ וּבָנִי וְשֵׁרֵבְיָה יָמִין עַקּוּב שַׁבְּתַי הוֹדִיָּה מַעֲשֵׂיָה קְלִיטָא עֲזַרְיָה יוֹזָבָד חָנָן פְּלָאיָה וְהַלְוִיִּם מְבִינִים אֶת־הָעָם לַתּוֹרָה וְהָעָם עַל־עָמְדָם׃", 8.8. "וַיִּקְרְאוּ בַסֵּפֶר בְּתוֹרַת הָאֱלֹהִים מְפֹרָשׁ וְשׂוֹם שֶׂכֶל וַיָּבִינוּ בַּמִּקְרָא׃", | 8.1. "all the people gathered themselves together as one man into the broad place that was before the water gate; and they spoke unto Ezra the scribe to bring the book of the Law of Moses, which the LORD had commanded to Israel.", 8.2. "And Ezra the priest brought the Law before the congregation, both men and women, and all that could hear with understanding, upon the first day of the seventh month.", 8.3. "And he read therein before the broad place that was before the water gate from early morning until midday, in the presence of the men and the women, and of those that could understand; and the ears of all the people were attentive unto the book of the Law.", 8.4. "And Ezra the scribe stood upon a pulpit of wood, which they had made for the purpose; and beside him stood Mattithiah, and Shema, and Anaiah, and Uriah, and Hilkiah, and Maaseiah, on his right hand; and on his left hand, Pedaiah, and Mishael, and Malchijah, and Hashum, and Hashbaddanah, Zechariah, and Meshullam.", 8.5. "And Ezra opened the book in the sight of all the people—for he was above all the people—and when he opened it, all the people stood up.", 8.6. "And Ezra blessed the LORD, the great God. And all the people answered: ‘Amen, Amen’, with the lifting up of their hands; and they bowed their heads, and fell down before the LORD with their faces to the ground.", 8.7. "Also Jeshua, and Bani, and Sherebiah, Jamin, Akkub, Shabbethai, Hodiah, Maaseiah, Kelita, Azariah, Jozabad, Ha, Pelaiah, even the Levites, caused the people to understand the Law; and the people stood in their place.", 8.8. "And they read in the book, in the Law of God, distinctly; and they gave the sense, and caused them to understand the reading.", |
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| 26. Hebrew Bible, 1 Chronicles, 16-19, 15 (5th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: deSilva (2022) 178 |
27. Herodotus, Histories, 5.90.2, 6.56, 6.57.4, 8.20, 8.77, 8.96, 8.98, 9.43 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, •galaxidi, roman imperial era medallion with birth of aphrodite found at •administration, roman imperial •roads, roman imperial road system Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 216; Marek (2019) 380; Simon (2021) 257 | 5.90.2. Furthermore, they were spurred on by the oracles which foretold that many deeds of enmity would be perpetrated against them by the Athenians. Previously they had had no knowledge of these oracles but now Cleomenes brought them to Sparta, and the Lacedaemonians learned their contents. It was from the Athenian acropolis that Cleomenes took the oracles, which had been in the possession of the Pisistratidae earlier. When they were exiled, they left them in the temple from where they were retrieved by Cleomenes. 6.56. These privileges the Spartans have given to their kings: two priesthoods, of Zeus called Lacedaemon and of Zeus of Heaven; they wage war against whatever land they wish, and no Spartan can hinder them in this on peril of being put under a curse; when the armies go forth the kings go out first and return last; one hundred chosen men guard them in their campaigns; they sacrifice as many sheep and goats as they wish at the start of their expeditions, and take the hides and backs of all sacrificed beasts. 6.57.4. They keep all oracles that are given, though the Pythians also know them. The kings alone judge cases concerning the rightful possessor of an unwedded heiress, if her father has not betrothed her, and cases concerning public roads. 8.20. Now the Euboeans had neglected the oracle of Bacis, believing it to be empty of meaning, and neither by carrying away nor by bringing in anything had they shown that they feared an enemy's coming. In so doing they were the cause of their own destruction, ,for Bacis' oracle concerning this matter runs as follows quote type="oracle" l met="dact" When a strange-tongued man casts a yoke of papyrus on the waves, /l l Then take care to keep bleating goats far from the coasts of Euboea /l /quote To these verses the Euboeans gave no heed; but in the evils then present and soon to come they suffered the greatest calamity. 8.77. I cannot say against oracles that they are not true, and I do not wish to try to discredit them when they speak plainly. Look at the following matter: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" When the sacred headland of golden-sworded Artemis and Cynosura by the sea they bridge with ships, /l l After sacking shiny Athens in mad hope, /l l Divine Justice will extinguish mighty Greed the son of Insolence /l l Lusting terribly, thinking to devour all. /l /quote , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Bronze will come together with bronze, and Ares /l l Will redden the sea with blood. To Hellas the day of freedom /l l Far-seeing Zeus and august Victory will bring. /l /quote Considering this, I dare to say nothing against Bacis concerning oracles when he speaks so plainly, nor will I consent to it by others. 8.96. When the battle was broken off, the Hellenes towed to Salamis as many of the wrecks as were still there and kept ready for another battle, supposing that the king could still make use of his surviving ships. ,A west wind had caught many of the wrecks and carried them to the shore in Attica called Colias. Thus not only was all the rest of the oracle fulfilled which Bacis and Musaeus had spoken about this battle, but also what had been said many years before this in an oracle by Lysistratus, an Athenian soothsayer, concerning the wrecks carried to shore there. Its meaning had eluded all the Hellenes: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" The Colian women will cook with oars. /l l But this was to happen after the king had marched away. /l /quote 8.98. While Xerxes did thus, he sent a messenger to Persia with news of his present misfortune. Now there is nothing mortal that accomplishes a course more swiftly than do these messengers, by the Persians' skillful contrivance. It is said that as many days as there are in the whole journey, so many are the men and horses that stand along the road, each horse and man at the interval of a day's journey. These are stopped neither by snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness from accomplishing their appointed course with all speed. ,The first rider delivers his charge to the second, the second to the third, and thence it passes on from hand to hand, even as in the Greek torch-bearers' race in honor of Hephaestus. This riding-post is called in Persia, angareion. 9.43. Now for this prophecy, which Mardonius said was spoken of the Persians, I know it to have been made concerning not them but the Illyrians and the army of the Enchelees. There is, however, a prophecy made by Bacis concerning this battle: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" By Thermodon's stream and the grass-grown banks of Asopus, /l l Will be a gathering of Greeks for fight and the ring of the barbarian's war-cry; /l l Many a Median archer, by death untimely overtaken will fall /l l There in the battle when the day of his doom is upon him. /l /quote I know that these verses and others very similar to them from Musaeus referred to the Persians. As for the river Thermodon, it flows between Tanagra and Glisas. |
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| 28. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.84 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 211 |
| 29. Aristotle, Respiration, 15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 412 |
| 30. Theophrastus, Characters, 4.15, 15.10 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman era, imperial age Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 177 |
| 31. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 214 |
| 32. Aristotle, On The Universe, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215 |
| 33. Philochorus, Fragments, 1.1 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 72 |
| 34. Aristotle, Fragments, 15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 412 |
35. Anon., 1 Enoch, 27.3-27.4, 48.9, 56.8 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 66, 67 | 27.3. hall be their place of judgement. In the last days there shall be upon them the spectacle of righteous judgement in the presence of the righteous for ever: here shall the merciful bless the Lord of glory, the Eternal King. 27.4. In the days of judgement over the former, they shall bless Him for the mercy in accordance with 56.8. In those days Sheol shall open its jaws, And they shall be swallowed up thereinAnd their destruction shall be at an end; Sheol shall devour the sinners in the presence of the elect.' 39. [And it shall come to pass in those days that elect and holy children will descend from the",high heaven, and their seed will become one with the children of men. And in those days Enoch received books of zeal and wrath, and books of disquiet and expulsion.]And mercy shall not be accorded to them, saith the Lord of Spirits.,And in those days a whirlwind carried me off from the earth, And set me down at the end of the heavens.,And there I saw another vision, the dwelling-places of the holy, And the resting-places of the righteous.,Here mine eyes saw their dwellings with His righteous angels, And their resting-places with the holy.And they petitioned and interceded and prayed for the children of men, And righteousness flowed before them as water,And mercy like dew upon the earth: Thus it is amongst them for ever and ever.,And in that place mine eyes saw the Elect One of righteousness and of faith,,And I saw his dwelling-place under the wings of the Lord of Spirits.,And righteousness shall prevail in his days, And the righteous and elect shall be without number before Him for ever and ever.,And all the righteous and elect before Him shall be strong as fiery lights, And their mouth shall be full of blessing,And their lips extol the name of the Lord of Spirits, And righteousness before Him shall never fail, [And uprightness shall never fail before Him.],There I wished to dwell, And my spirit longed for that dwelling-place. And there heretofore hath been my portion, For so has it been established concerning me before the Lord of Spirits.,In those days I praised and extolled the name of the Lord of Spirits with blessings and praises, because He hath destined me for blessing and glory according to the good pleasure of the Lord of ',Spirits. For a long time my eyes regarded that place, and I blessed Him and praised Him, saying: 'Blessed is He, and may He be blessed from the beginning and for evermore. And before Him there is no ceasing. He knows before the world was created what is for ever and what will be from,generation unto generation. Those who sleep not bless Thee: they stand before Thy glory and bless, praise, and extol, saying: 'Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord of Spirits: He filleth the earth with spirits.' And here my eyes saw all those who sleep not: they stand before Him and bless and say: 'Blessed be Thou, and blessed be the name of the Lord for ever and ever.' And my face was changed; for I could no longer behold. |
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| 36. Chrysippus, Fragments, 2.111, 3.548, 3.682 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 212, 214 |
37. Polybius, Histories, 1.4.4, 6.9.12-6.9.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •portraits, imperial, power, roman, legitimacy of Found in books: Ando (2013) 64| 1.4.4. παντελῶς ὑπέλαβον ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι τὸ μὴ παραλιπεῖν μηδʼ ἐᾶσαι παρελθεῖν ἀνεπιστάτως τὸ κάλλιστον ἅμα δʼ ὠφελιμώτατον ἐπιτήδευμα τῆς τύχης. 6.9.12. καὶ μὴν περί γε τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας κατὰ ταύτην τὴν ἐπίστασιν μάλιστʼ ἂν ἔλθοιμεν εἰς γνῶσιν καὶ τῆς συστάσεως καὶ τῆς αὐξήσεως καὶ τῆς ἀκμῆς, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῆς εἰς τοὔμπαλιν ἐσομένης ἐκ τούτων μεταβολῆς· 6.9.13. εἰ γάρ τινα καὶ ἑτέραν πολιτείαν, ὡς ἀρτίως εἶπα, καὶ ταύτην συμβαίνει, κατὰ φύσιν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἔχουσαν τὴν σύστασιν καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν, κατὰ φύσιν ἕξειν καὶ τὴν εἰς τἀναντία μεταβολήν. | 6.9.12. And especially in the case of the Roman state will this method enable us to arrive at a knowledge of its formation, growth, and greatest perfection, and likewise of the change for the worse which is sure to follow some day. 6.9.13. For, as I said, this state, more than any other, has been formed and has grown naturally, and will undergo a natural decline and change to its contrary. |
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38. Cicero, Pro Archia, 19, 5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 224, 225; Verhagen (2022) 224, 225| 5. erat Italia tum tum GEeb1g : tunc cett. plena Graecarum artium ac disciplinarum, studiaque haec et in Latio vehementius tum colebantur quam nunc isdem in oppidis, et hic Romae propter tranquillitatem rei publicae rei p. b2, ed. R : populi R. cett. non neglegebantur. itaque hunc hunc unum Schol. et Tarentini et Locrenses et Locrenses suppl. Luterbacher e § 10 ( om. Schol. ) et Regini et Neapolitani civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt, et omnes qui aliquid de ingeniis poterant iudicare cognitione atque hospitio dignum existimarunt. hac tanta celebritate famae cum esset iam absentibus notus, Romam venit Mario consule et Catulo. nactus est primum consules eos quorum alter res ad scribendum maximas, alter cum res gestas tum etiam studium atque auris adhibere posset. statim Luculli, cum praetextatus etiam tum Archias esset, eum domum domum Geab2 : in domum cett. suam receperunt. dedit etiam hoc dedit etiam hoc scripsi : sed etiam (est b2, et ς ) hoc codd. : est iam hoc Garatoni : specimen etiam hoc Madvig non solum lumen lumen ( i. e. lum~) supplevi ingeni ac litterarum verum etiam naturae atque virtutis ut domus, quae huius adulescentiae prima favit favit Madvig : fuerit (fuit ς b1gp ς ) codd. : faverit Weiske , eadem esset familiarissima senectuti. | |
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| 39. Cicero, Letters, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •agriculture, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 400 |
40. Cicero, Republic, 1.39.1, 2.51, 4.12, 6.13.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •portraits, imperial, power, roman, legitimacy of •imperial representation, in roman senate •roman imperial period, Found in books: Ando (2013) 65; Edmonds (2019) 385; Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 36| 2.51. Quare prima sit haec forma et species et origo tyranni inventa nobis in ea re publica, quam auspicato Romulus condiderit, non in illa, quam, ut perscripsit Plato, sibi ipse Socrates tripertito illo in sermone depinxerit, ut, quem ad modum Tarquinius, non novam potestatem nactus, sed, quam habebat, usus iniuste totum genus hoc regiae civitatis everterit; sit huic oppositus alter, bonus et sapiens et peritus utilitatis dignitatisque civilis quasi tutor et procurator rei publicae; sic enim appelletur, quicumque erit rector et gubernator civitatis. Quem virum facite ut agnoscatis; is est enim, qui consilio et opera civitatem tueri potest. Quod quoniam nomen minus est adhuc tritum sermone nostro saepiusque genus eius hominis erit in reliqua nobis oratione trac tandum 4.12. Nostrae contra duo decim tabulae cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt, si quis occentavisset sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri. Praeclare; iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis, habere debemus nec probrum audire nisi ea lege, ut respondere liceat et iudicio defendere. veteribus displicuisse Romanis vel laudari quemquam in scaena vivum hominem vel vituperari. | |
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41. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.201 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 69| 1.201. Iam illa non longam orationem desiderant, quam ob rem existimem publica quoque iura, quae sunt propria civitatis atque imperi, tum monumenta rerum gestarum et vetustatis exempla oratori nota esse debere; nam ut in rerum privatarum causis atque iudiciis depromenda saepe oratio est ex iure civili et idcirco, ut ante diximus, oratori iuris civilis scientia necessaria est, sic in causis publicis iudiciorum, contionum, senatus omnis haec et antiquitatis memoria et publici iuris auctoritas et regendae rei publicae ratio ac scientia tamquam aliqua materies eis oratoribus, qui versantur in re publica, subiecta esse debet. | |
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| 42. Cicero, On Duties, 1.42.150 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman era, imperial age Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 177 |
43. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 7.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x •eagle in roman imperial/military ideology Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 64; Peppard (2011) 120| 7.9. "חָזֵה הֲוֵית עַד דִּי כָרְסָוָן רְמִיו וְעַתִּיק יוֹמִין יְתִב לְבוּשֵׁהּ כִּתְלַג חִוָּר וּשְׂעַר רֵאשֵׁהּ כַּעֲמַר נְקֵא כָּרְסְיֵהּ שְׁבִיבִין דִּי־נוּר גַּלְגִּלּוֹהִי נוּר דָּלִק׃", | 7.9. "I beheld Till thrones were placed, And one that was ancient of days did sit: His raiment was as white snow, And the hair of his head like pure wool; His throne was fiery flames, and the wheels thereof burning fire.", |
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| 44. Cicero, On Invention, 2.17.53 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •portraits, imperial, power, roman, legitimacy of Found in books: Ando (2013) 65 |
45. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.89, 2.41, 4.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial representation, in roman senate •imperialism roman, x •roman imperial period, Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 46; Edmonds (2019) 385; Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 36| 1.89. quotiens non modo ductores nostri, sed universi etiam exercitus ad non dubiam mortem concurrerunt! concurrerunt V 2 concurrerint (con ex cu K 1 )X quae quidem si timeretur, non Lucius Brutus arcens eum reditu tyrannum, quem ipse expulerat, in proelio concidisset; non cum Latinis decertans pater Decius, cum Etruscis filius, cum Pyrrho pirrho GVK ( s. v. ) nepos se hostium telis obiecissent; non uno bello pro patria cadentis Scipiones Hispania vidisset, Paulum et Geminum geminium X Cannae, Venusia Marcellum, Litana Litana (cf. Liv. 23, 24) Li. latina GKR Albinum, hirpin in r. V c Lucani Gracchum. gracum G grachum V num quis horum miser hodie? ne tum ne tum G quidem post spiritum extremum; nec enim potest esse miser quisquam sensu perempto. 2.41. sed quid hos, quibus quibus add. G 1 Olympiorum victoria consulatus consolatus X ( ss. R rec ) ille antiquus videtur? gladiatores, aut perditi homines aut barbari, quas plagas perferunt! quo modo illi, qui bene instituti sunt, accipere plagam plaga G malunt quam turpiter vitare! quam saepe apparet nihil eos malle quam vel domino satis facere vel populo! mittunt etiam volneribus confecti ad dominos, qui quaerant quid velint: si satis is factum sit, se velle decumbere. decŏmbere R 1 quis mediocris gladiator gradiator X ( corr. RK 1? K 2 V rec ) ingemuit, quis vultum mutavit umquam? quis non modo stetit, verum etiam decubuit turpiter? quis, cum decubuisset, decubisset R 1 ferrum recipere iussus collum contraxit? tantum exercitatio meditatio consuetudo valet. ergo hoc poterit poterit V Samnis, spurcus homo, vita illa dignus locoque Lucil. 150 ; vir natus ad gloriam ullam partem animi tam mollem habebit, quam non meditatione et ratione conroboret? crudele gladiatorum spectaculum et inhumanum non nullis videri solet, et haud haud V (ha in r. et d ex c 1 autc ) adhuc (adhoc K)X scio an ita sit, ut nunc fit; cum vero sontes ferro depugnabant, auribus fortasse multae, oculis quidem nulla poterat porter it G 1 esse fortior contra dolorem et mortem disciplina. 4.4. quamquam id quidem etiam duodecim tabulae declarant, tb. 8, 1 Br. condi iam tum solitum esse carmen; quod ne liceret fieri ad ad X in V 2 alterius iniuriam, iniuriam infamiam add. V 2 ( sed C. non ut rep. 4, 12 ipsa legis verba affert ) lege legem V 1 (m. del. 2 ) longe K sanxerunt. nec vero illud non eruditorum temporum argumentum est, quod et deorum pulvinaribus et epulis magistratuum fides praecinunt, quod proprium eius fuit, de qua loquor, disciplinae. mihi quidem etiam Appii appii+ tuberonem K 1 ( etiam +), reliqua in mg. add. K c Caeci carmen, quod valde Panaetius laudat epistola quadam, quae est ad Q. ad Q. V rec s atque X Tuberonem, Pythagoreum pythagoreorum X corr. V 2? videtur. multa multae GR 1 ( corr. 1 ) V 1 ( corr. 2? ) etiam sunt in nostris institutis ducta ductis ducta K autc ab illis; quae praetereo, ne ea, quae repperisse perperisse X peperisse K 2 s repperisse Dav. ( cf. nat. deor. 2, 16 ) ipsi putamur, aliunde didicisse videamur. aliunde didicisse videamur post 13 nostros habet X. suo loco posuit V c | |
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46. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 2.18, 5.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology Found in books: deSilva (2022) 212 | 2.18. for if the righteous man is Gods son, he will help him,and will deliver him from the hand of his adversaries. 5.5. Why has he been numbered among the sons of God?And why is his lot among the saints?" |
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47. Cicero, On Divination, 1.38, 1.79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215| 1.38. Idem iam diu non facit. Ut igitur nunc in minore gloria est, quia minus oraculorum veritas excellit, sic tum nisi summa veritate in tanta gloria non fuisset. Potest autem vis illa terrae, quae mentem Pythiae divino adflatu concitabat, evanuisse vetustate, ut quosdam evanuisse et exaruisse amnes aut in alium cursum contortos et deflexos videmus. Sed, ut vis, acciderit; magna enim quaestio est; modo maneat id, quod negari non potest, nisi omnem historiam perverterimus, multis saeclis verax fuisse id oraculum. 1.79. Quid? amores ac deliciae tuae, Roscius, num aut ipse aut pro eo Lanuvium totum mentiebatur? Qui cum esset in cunabulis educareturque in Solonio, qui est campus agri Lanuvini, noctu lumine apposito experrecta nutrix animadvertit puerum dormientem circumplicatum serpentis amplexu. Quo aspectu exterrita clamorem sustulit. Pater autem Roscii ad haruspices rettulit, qui responderunt nihil illo puero clarius, nihil nobilius fore. Atque hanc speciem Pasiteles caelavit argento et noster expressit Archias versibus. Quid igitur expectamus? an dum in foro nobiscum di immortales, dum in viis versentur, dum domi? qui quidem ipsi se nobis non offerunt, vim autem suam longe lateque diffundunt, quam tum terrae cavernis includunt, tum hominum naturis implicant. Nam terrae vis Pythiam Delphis incitabat, naturae Sibyllam. Quid enim? non videmus, quam sint varia terrarum genera? ex quibus et mortifera quaedam pars est, ut et Ampsancti in Hirpinis et in Asia Plutonia, quae vidimus, et sunt partes agrorum aliae pestilentes, aliae salubres, aliae, quae acuta ingenia gigt, aliae, quae retunsa; quae omnia fiunt et ex caeli varietate et ex disparili adspiratione terrarum. | 1.38. Therefore, as at present its glory has waned because it is no longer noted for the truth of its prophecies, so formerly it would not have enjoyed so exalted a reputation if it had not been trustworthy in the highest degree. Possibly, too, those subterraneous exhalations which used to kindle the soul of the Pythian priestess with divine inspiration have gradually vanished in the long lapse of time; just as within our own knowledge some rivers have dried up and disappeared, while others, by winding and twisting, have changed their course into other channels. But explain the decadence of the oracle as you wish, since it offers a wide field for discussion, provided you grant what cannot be denied without distorting the entire record of history, that the oracle at Delphi made true prophecies for many hundreds of years. [20] 1.79. And what about your beloved and charming friend Roscius? Did he lie or did the whole of Lanuvium lie for him in telling the following incident: In his cradle days, while he was being reared in Solonium, a plain in the Lanuvian district, his nurse suddenly awoke during the night and by the light of a lamp observed the child asleep with a snake coiled about him. She was greatly frightened at the sight and gave an alarm. His father referred the occurrence to the soothsayers, who replied that the boy would attain unrivalled eminence and glory. Indeed, Pasiteles has engraved the scene in silver and our friend Archias has described it in verse.Then what do we expect? Do we wait for the immortal gods to converse with us in the forum, on the street, and in our homes? While they do not, of course, present themselves in person, they do diffuse their power far and wide — sometimes enclosing it in caverns of the earth and sometimes imparting it to human beings. The Pythian priestess at Delphi was inspired by the power of the earth and the Sibyl by that of nature. Why need you marvel at this? Do we not see how the soils of the earth vary in kind? Some are deadly, like that about Lake Ampsanctus in the country of the Hirpini and that of Plutonia in Asia, both of which I have seen. Even in the same neighbourhood, some parts are salubrious and some are not; some produce men of keen wit, others produce fools. These diverse effects are all the result of differences in climate and differences in the earths exhalations. |
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48. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 41 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •agriculture, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 403| 41. conventuque vestro, mortis illius invidiam in L. Flaccum Laelius conferebat. facis iniuste, Laeli, si putas nostro periculo vivere tuos contubernalis, praesertim cum tua neglegentia factum arbitremur. homini enim Phrygi qui arborem numquam vidisset fiscinam ficorum obiecisti. cuius mors te aliqua re levavit; edacem enim hospitem amisisti; Flacco vero quid profuit? qui valuit tam diu dum huc prodiret, mortuus est aculeo iam emisso ac dicto testimonio. at istud columen accusationis tuae, Mithridates, postea quam biduum retentus testis a nobis effudit quae voluit omnia, reprensus, convictus fractusque discessit; ambulat cum lorica; metuit homo doctus et sapiens, ne L. Flaccus nunc se scelere adliget, cum iam testem illum effugere non possit, et, qui ante dictum testimonium sibi temperarit, cum tamen aliquid adsequi posset, is nunc id agat ut ad falsum avaritiae testimonium verum malefici crimen adiungat. sed quoniam de hoc teste totoque Mithridatico crimine disseruit subtiliter et copiose Q. Hortensius, nos, ut instituimus, ad reliqua pergamus. | |
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| 49. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 2.45-2.47, 2.154-2.175, 2.252-2.310, 2.312, 2.444, 3.36-3.74, 5.28-5.34 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 52, 53, 216 |
| 50. Horace, Sermones, 1.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 225 |
| 51. Horace, Letters, 1.3.9-1.3.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 218, 222; Verhagen (2022) 218, 222 |
| 52. Horace, Odes, 1.1.35-1.1.56, 3.30.10-3.30.14, 4.2.1-4.2.4, 4.2.25-4.2.32, 4.3.13-4.3.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 217, 220, 221, 228; Verhagen (2022) 217, 220, 221, 228 |
| 53. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •new testament studies, roman imperial power and Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 147 |
| 54. Horace, Ars Poetica, 391-401, 403-407, 402 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 227; Verhagen (2022) 227 |
| 55. Philo of Alexandria, On The Preliminary Studies, 145 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 335 |
56. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 3.339-3.340 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 229; Verhagen (2022) 229| 3.339. Forsitan et nostrum nomen miscebitur istis, 3.340. rend= | |
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| 57. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 2.12.17, 4.25.35 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •portraits, imperial, power, roman, legitimacy of Found in books: Ando (2013) 65 |
| 58. Sallust, Catiline, 51.18 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 60 |
| 59. Propertius, Elegies, 2.34.65-2.34.66, 2.34.93-2.34.94, 3.1.1-3.1.4, 3.1.35-3.1.36, 3.3.41-3.3.42, 4.1.57, 4.1.63-4.1.68 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 228, 229; Verhagen (2022) 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 228, 229 |
60. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 16.26 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215 | 16.26. 1. Since I have mentioned the tripod, I think it not inopportune to recount the ancient story which has been handed down about it. It is said that in ancient times goats discovered the oracular shrine, on which account even to this day the Delphians use goats preferably when they consult the oracle.,2. They say that the manner of its discovery was the following. There is a chasm at this place where now is situated what is known as the "forbidden" sanctuary, and as goats had been wont to feed about this because Delphi had not as yet been settled, invariably any goat that approached the chasm and peered into it would leap about in an extraordinary fashion and utter a sound quite different from what it was formerly wont to emit.,3. The herdsman in charge of the goats marvelled at the strange phenomenon and having approached had the same experience as the goats, for the goats began to act like beings possessed and the goatherd began to foretell future events. After this as the report was bruited among the people of the vicinity concerning the experience of those who approached the chasm, an increasing number of persons visited the place and, as they all tested it because of its miraculous character, whosoever approached to spot became inspired. For these reasons the oracle came to be regarded as a marvel and to be considered the prophecy-giving shrine of Earth.,4. For some time all who wished to obtain a prophecy approached the chasm and made their prophetic replies to one another; but later, since many were leaping down into the chasm under the influence of their frenzy and all disappeared, it seemed best to the dwellers in that region, in order to eliminate the risk, to station one woman there as a single prophetess for all and to have the oracles told through her. And for her a contrivance was devised which she could safely mount, then become inspired and give prophecies to those who so desired.,5. And this contrivance has three supports and hence was called a tripod, and, I dare say, all the bronze tripods which are constructed even to this day are made in imitation of this contrivance. In what manner, then, the oracle was discovered and for what reasons the tripod was devised I think I have told at sufficient length.,6. It is said that in ancient times virgins delivered the oracles because virgins have their natural innocence intact and are in the same case as Artemis; for indeed virgins were alleged to be well suited to guard the secrecy of disclosures made by oracles. In more recent times, however, people say that Echecrates the Thessalian, having arrived at the shrine and beheld the virgin who uttered the oracle, became enamoured of her because of her beauty, carried her away with him and violated her; and that the Delphians because of this deplorable occurrence passed a law that in future a virgin should no longer prophesy but that an elderly woman of fifty should declare the oracles and that she should be dressed in the costume of a virgin, as a sort of reminder of the prophetess of olden times. Such are the details of the legend regarding the discovery of the oracle; and now we shall turn to the activities of olden times. |
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61. Philo of Alexandria, Who Is The Heir, 7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 335 | 7. When therefore is it proper for the servant of God to use freedom of speech to the ruler and master of himself, and of the whole word? Is it not when he is free from all sins, and is aware in his conscience that he loves his master, feeling more joy at the fact of being a servant of God, than he would if he were sovereign over the whole race of mankind, and were invested without any effort on his part with the supreme authority over land and sea. |
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62. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 119, 278 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006) 126 | 278. And I am, as you know, a Jew; and Jerusalem is my country, in which there is erected the holy temple of the most high God. And I have kings for my grandfathers and for my ancestors, the greater part of whom have been called high priests, looking upon their royal power as inferior to their office as priests; and thinking that the high priesthood is as much superior to the power of a king, as God is superior to man; for that the one is occupied in rendering service to God, and the other has only the care of governing them. |
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63. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.292-1.304 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •roman empire, and imperial cult Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 142 | 1.292. And the king, being very indigt at these words, said: "Having been invited hither to curse my enemies, you have now prayed for and blessed them these three times. Fly, therefore, quickly, passion is a hasty affection, lest I be compelled to do something more violent than usual. 1.293. of what a vast amount of money, O most foolish of men, of how many presents, and of how much renown, and celebrity, and glory, hast thou deprived thyself in thy madness! Now you will return to thy home from a foreign land, bearing with thee no good thing, but only reproaches and (as it seems likely 1.294. And Balaam replied: "All that I have hitherto uttered have been oracles and words of God; but what I am going to say are merely the suggestions of my own mind: and taking him by the right hand, he, while they two were alone, gave him advice, by the adoption of which he might, as far as possible, guard against the power of his enemies, accusing himself of the most enormous crimes. For why, some one may perhaps say, do you thus retire into solitude and give counsel suggesting things contrary to the oracles of God, unless indeed that your counsels are more powerful than his decrees?" 1.295. Come, then, let us examine into his fine recommendations, and see how cunningly they were contrived with reference to the most certain defeat of those who had hitherto always been able to conquer. As he knew that the only way by which the Hebrews could be subdued was by leading them to violate the law, he endeavoured to seduce them by means of debauchery and intemperance, that mighty evil, to the still greater crime of impiety, putting pleasure before them as a bait; 1.296. for, said he, "O king! the women of the country surpass all other women in beauty, and there are no means by which a man is more easily subdued than by the beauty of a woman; therefore, if you enjoin the most beautiful of them to grant their favours to them and to prostitute themselves to them, they will allure and overcome the youth of your enemies. 1.297. But you must warn them not to surrender their beauty to those who desire them with too great facility and too speedily, for resistance and coyness will stimulate the passions and excite them more, and will kindle a more impetuous desire; and so, being wholly subdued by their appetites, they will endure to do and to suffer anything. 1.298. "And let any damsel who is thus prepared for the sport resist, and say, wantonly, to a lover who is thus influenced, "It is not fitting for you to enjoy my society till you have first abandoned your native habits, and have changed, and learnt to honour the same practices that I do. And I must have a conspicuous proof of your real change, which I can only have by your consenting to join me in the same sacrifices and libations which I use, and which we may then offer together at the same images and statues, and other erections in honour of my gods. 1.299. And the lover being, as it were, taken in the net of her manifold and multiform snares, not being able to resist her beauty and seductive conversation, will become wholly subdued in his reason, and, like a miserable man, will obey all the commands which she lays upon him, and will en enrolled as the salve of passion." 1.300. This, then, was the advice which Balaam gave to Balak. And he, thinking that what he said to him did not want sense, repealed the law against adulteries, and having abrogated all the enactments which had been established against seduction and harlotry, as if they had never been enacted at all, exhorted the women to admit to their favours, without any restraint, every man whom they chose. 1.301. Accordingly, when licence was thus given, they brought over a multitude of young men, having already long before this seduced their minds, and having by their tricks and allurements perverted them to impiety; until Phinehas, the son of the chief priest, being exceedingly indigt at all that was taking place (for it appeared to him to be a most scandalous thing for his countrymen to give up at one time both their bodies and souls--their bodies to pleasure, and their souls to transgression of the law, and to works of wickedne 1.302. For when he saw a man of his nation sacrificing with and then entering into the tent of a harlot, and that too without casting his eyes down on the ground and seeking to avoid the notice of the multitude, but making a display of his licentiousness with shameless boldness, and giving himself airs as if he were about to engage in a creditable action, and one deserving of smiles--Phinehas, I say, being very indigt and being filled with a just anger, ran in, and while they were still lying on the bed, slew both the lover and the harlot, cutting them in two pieces in the middle, because they thus indulged in illicit connections. 1.303. When some persons of those who admired temperance, and chastity, and piety, saw this example, they, at the command of Moses, imitated it, and slew all their own relations and friends, even to a man, who had sacrificed to idols made with hands, and thus they effaced the stain which was defiling the nation by this implacable revenge which they thus wreaked on those who had set the example of wrong doing, and so saved the rest, who made a clear defence of themselves, demonstrating their own piety, showing no compassion on any one of those who were justly condemned to death, and not passing over their offences out of pity, but looking upon those who slew them as pure from all sin. Therefore they did not allow any escape whatever to those who sinned in this way, and such conduct is the truest praise; 1.304. and they say that twenty-four thousand men were slain in one day, the common pollution, which was defiling the whole army, being thus at once got rid of. And when the works of purification were thus accomplished, Moses began to seek how he might give an honour worthy of him who had displayed such permanent excellence to the son of the chief priest, who was the first who hastened to inflict chastisement on the offenders. But God was beforehand with him, giving to Phinehas, by means of his holy word, the greatest of all good things, namely, peace, which no man is able to bestow; and also, in addition to this peace, he gave him the perpetual possession of the priesthood, an inheritance to his family, which could not be taken from it. |
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64. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 74, 42 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168 | 42. For that which those men who gain victories in the Olympic games, when perfectly sober in the arena, and having all the Greeks for spectators do by day, exerting all their skill for the purpose of gaining victory and the crown, these men with base designs do at convivial entertainments, getting drunk by night, in the hour of darkness, when soaked in wine, acting without either knowledge, or art, or skill, to the insult, and injury, and great disgrace of those who are subjected to their violence. |
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65. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 11 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 335 | 11. but since no perfect antidote or remedy can be found for the mutilation of the outward senses, by which thousands and thousands of persons have died prematurely while still living, prudence, that best of all qualities within us, sets itself against it to prevent it, implanting eyes in our intellect, which, by reason of its sagacious capacity, are altogether and entirely superior in acuteness of vision to the eyes of the body: |
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66. Ovid, Amores, 3.15.7-3.15.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 220; Verhagen (2022) 220| 3.15.7. Mantua Vergilio, gaudet Verona Catullo; 3.15.8. Paelignae dicar gloria gentis ego, | |
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67. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 77 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 335 | 77. And some one may inquire the cause why it was that man was the last work in the creation of the world. For the Creator and Father created him after every thing else as the sacred scriptures inform us. Accordingly, they who have gone most deeply into the laws, and who to the best of their power have investigated everything that is contained in them with all diligence, say that God, when he had given to man to partake of kindred with himself, grudged him neither reason, which is the most excellent of all gifts, nor anything else that is good; but before his creation, provided for him every thing in the world, as for the animal most resembling himself, and dearest to him, being desirous that when he was born, he should be in want of nothing requisite for living, and for living well; the first of which objects is provided for by the abundance of supplies which are furnished to him for his enjoyment, and the other by his power of contemplation of the heavenly bodies, by which the mind is smitten so as to conceive a love and desire for knowledge on those subjects; owing to which desire, philosophy has sprung up, by which, man, though mortal, is made immortal. |
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68. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 1.164 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 335 | 1.164. Now is it not fitting that even blind men should become sharpsighted in their minds to these and similar things, being endowed with the power of sight by the most sacred oracles, so as to be able to contemplate the glories of nature, and not to be limited to the mere understanding of the words? But even if we voluntarily close the eye of our soul and take no care to understand such mysteries, or if we are unable to look up to them, the hierophant himself stands by and prompts us. And do not thou ever cease through weariness to anoint thy eyes until you have introduced those who are duly initiated to the secret light of the sacred scriptures, and have displayed to them the hidden things therein contained, and their reality, which is invisible to those who are uninitiated. |
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| 69. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.2.43-1.2.50 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 225 |
| 70. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Joseph, 147 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168 |
71. Philo of Alexandria, On Giants, 31, 61 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 335 | 61. Lastly, those who are born of God are priests and prophets, who have not thought fit to mix themselves up in the constitutions of this world, and to become cosmopolites, but who having raised themselves above all the objects of the mere outward senses, have departed and fixed their views on that world which is perceptible only by the intellect, and have settled there, being inscribed in the state of incorruptible incorporeal ideas. XIV. |
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72. Philo of Alexandria, On Flight And Finding, 159 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 211 | 159. For what is smaller in numbers is usually overpowered by what is more numerous, and what is slower by what is more speedy, and what is to come hereafter by what is present. Now what is contracted in quantity, and slow, and future, is repentance; what is numerous, and swift, and continuous in human life is, iniquity. Very naturally, therefore, when any one falls into error, he says that he is unable to eat of what is offered by reason of his sins, so that his conscience will not permit him to be nourished by repentance; on which account it is said in the scripture, "Moses heard, and it pleased Him." |
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73. Philo of Alexandria, On Drunkenness, 82 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 335 | 82. When, therefore, Jacob, the practiser of virtue, and the man who entered into the lists of, and was a candidate for, the prizes of virtue, was inclined to give his ears in exchange for his eyes, and words for actions, and improvements for perfection, as the bounteous God was willing to give eyes to his mind, in order that he might for the future clearly see what hitherto he had only comprehended by hearing (for the eyes are more trustworthy than the ears), the oracle sounded in his ears, "Thy name shall not be called Jacob; but Israel shall thy name be, because thou hast prevailed with God and with men, with Power." Jacob then is the name of learning and or improvement, that is to say of those powers which depend upon learning, and Israel is the name of perfection, for the name being interpreted means "the sight of God;" |
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74. Philo of Alexandria, On The Cherubim, 92 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168 | 92. In every festival then and assembly among men, the following are the most remarkable and celebrated points, security, relaxation, truce, drunkenness, deep drinking, revelling, luxury, amusement, music at the doors, banquets lasting through the night, unseemly pleasures, wedding feasts during the day, violent acts of insolence, practices of intemperance, indulgence of folly, pursuits of shameful things, an utter destruction and renunciation of what is good, wakefulness during the night for the indulgence of immoderate appetites, sleep by day when it is the proper time to be awake, a turning upside down of the laws of nature. 92. But there are also some people who, without any idea of acquiring gain, do from a bad habit incessantly and inconsiderately swear upon every occasion, even when there is nothing at all about which any doubt is raised, as if they were desirous to fill up the deficiency of their argument with oaths, as if it would not be better to cut their conversation short, or I might rather say to utter nothing at all, but to preserve entire silence, for from a frequency of oaths arises a habit of perjury and impiety. |
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| 75. Ovid, Tristia, 4.10.51-4.10.54, 5.1.17-5.1.20 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 229; Verhagen (2022) 229 |
| 76. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.2.74, 3.1.55-3.1.58 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial family, roman •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 218; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 186; Verhagen (2022) 218 |
| 77. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 11.17-11.18 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 219; Verhagen (2022) 219 |
78. Philo of Alexandria, On The Change of Names, 82, 56 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 335 | 56. but he who does this against his will is ignorant, and he who does it voluntarily is docile; on which account he is said to fall on his face, that is to say, in his outward senses, in his speech, in his mind, all but crying out loudly and shouting that the outward sense has fallen, inasmuch as it was unable, by itself, to feel as it should, if it had not been aroused by the providence of the Saviour, to take hold of the bodies which lay in its way. And speech too has fallen, being unable to give a proper explanation of anything in existence, unless he who originally made and adapted the organ of the voice, having opened its mouth and enabled its tongue to articulate, should strike it so as to produce harmonious sounds. Moreover, the king of all the mind has fallen, being deprived of its comprehension, unless the Creator of all living things were again to raise it up and re-establish it, and furnishing it with the most acutely seeing eyes, to lead it to a sight of incorporeal things. VIII. |
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| 79. Livy, History, 1.3-1.8, 22.57, 26.36.11, 29.10-29.11, 29.14, 38.18.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x •imperial representation, in roman senate •statius, and roman imperial élite •agriculture, roman imperial period Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 219; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 54, 231; Marek (2019) 402; Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 69; Verhagen (2022) 219 |
80. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.145-2.295 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •judea (jewish palestine), incorporation of, into roman imperial structure Found in books: Udoh (2006) 126 | 2.145. 15. But now, since Apollonius Molo, and Lysimachus, and some others, write treatises about our lawgiver Moses, and about our laws, which are neither just nor true, and this partly out of ignorance, but chiefly out of ill will to us, while they calumniate Moses as an impostor and deceiver, and pretend that our laws teach us wickedness, but nothing that is virtuous, I have a mind to discourse briefly, according to my ability, about our whole constitution of government, and about the particular branches of it; 2.146. for I suppose it will thence become evident that the laws we have given us are disposed after the best manner for the advancement of piety, for mutual communion with one another, for a general love of mankind, as also for justice, and for sustaining labors with fortitude, and for a contempt of death; 2.147. and I beg of those that shall peruse this writing of mine, to read it without partiality; for it is not my purpose to write an encomium upon ourselves, but I shall esteem this as a most just apology for us, and taken from those our laws, according to which we lead our lives, against the many and the lying objections that have been made against us. 2.148. Moreover, since this Apollonius does not do like Apion, and lay a continued accusation against us, but does it only by starts, and up and down his discourse, while he sometimes reproaches us as atheists, and man-haters, and sometimes hits us in the teeth with our want of courage, and yet sometimes, on the contrary, accuses us of too great boldness, and madness in our conduct; nay, he says that we are the weakest of all the barbarians, and that this is the reason why we are the only people who have made no improvements in human life; 2.149. now I think I shall have then sufficiently disproved all these his allegations, when it shall appear that our laws enjoin the very reverse of what he says, and that we very carefully observe those laws ourselves; 2.150. and if I be compelled to make mention of the laws of other nations, that are contrary to ours, those ought deservedly to thank themselves for it, who have pretended to depreciate our laws in comparison of their own; nor will there, I think, be any room after that for them to pretend, either that we have no such laws ourselves, an epitome of which I will present to the reader, or that we do not, above all men, continue in the observation of them. /p 2.151. 16. To begin then a good way backward, I would advance this, in the first place, that those who have been admirers of good order, and of living under common laws, and who began to introduce them, may well have this testimony that they are better than other men, both for moderation, and such virtue as is agreeable to nature. 2.152. Indeed, their endeavor was to have every thing they ordained believed to be very ancient, that they might not be thought to imitate others, but might appear to have delivered a regular way of living to others after them. 2.153. Since then this is the case, the excellency of a legislator is seen in providing for the people’s living after the best manner, and in prevailing with those that are to use the laws he ordains for them, to have a good opinion of them, and in obliging the multitude to persevere in them, and to make no changes in them, neither in prosperity nor adversity. 2.154. Now I venture to say, that our legislator is the most ancient of all the legislators whom we have any where heard of; for as for the Lycurguses, and Solons, and Zaleucus Locrensis, and all those legislators who are so admired by the Greeks, they seem to be of yesterday, if compared with our legislator, insomuch as the very name of a law was not so much as known in old times among the Grecians. 2.155. Homer is a witness to the truth of this observation, who never uses that term in all his poems; for indeed there was then no such thing among them, but the multitude was governed by wise maxims, and by the injunctions of their king. It was also a long time that they continued in the use of these unwritten customs, although they were always changing them upon several occasions; 2.156. but for our legislator, who was of so much greater antiquity than the rest (as even those that speak against us upon all occasions do always confess), he exhibited himself to the people as their best governor and counsellor, and included in his legislation the entire conduct of their lives, and prevailed with them to receive it, and brought it so to pass, that those that were made acquainted with his laws did most carefully observe them. /p 2.157. 17. But let us consider his first and greatest work: for when it was resolved on by our forefathers to leave Egypt and return to their own country, this Moses took the many ten thousands that were of the people, and saved them out of many desperate distresses, and brought them home in safety. And certainly it was here necessary to travel over a country without water, and full of sand, to overcome their enemies, and, during these battles, to preserve their children and their wives, and their prey; 2.158. on all which occasions he became an excellent general of an army, and a most prudent counsellor, and one that took the truest care of them all: he also so brought it about, that the whole multitude depended upon him; and while he had them always obedient to what he enjoined, he made no manner of use of his authority for his own private advantage, which is the usual time when governors gain great powers to themselves, and pave the way for tyranny, and accustom the multitude to live very dissolutely; 2.159. whereas, when our legislator was in so great authority, he on the contrary, thought he ought to have regard to piety, and to show his great good will to the people; and by this means he thought he might show the great degree of virtue that was in him, and might procure the most lasting security to those who had made him their governor. 2.160. When he had therefore come to such a good resolution, and had performed such wonderful exploits, we had just reason to look upon ourselves as having him for a divine governor and counsellor; and when he had first persuaded himself that his actions and designs were agreeable to God’s will, he thought it his duty to impress, above all things, that notion upon the multitude; for those who have once believed that God is the inspector of their lives, will not permit themselves in any sin; 2.161. and this is the character of our legislator; he was no impostor, no deceiver, as his revilers say, though unjustly, but such a one as they brag Minos to have been among the Greeks, and other legislators after him; 2.162. for some of them suppose that they had their laws from Jupiter, while Minos said that the revelation of his laws was to be referred to Apollo, and his oracle at Delphi, whether they really thought they were so derived, or supposed, however, that they could persuade the people easily that so it was; 2.163. but which of these it was who made the best laws, and which had the greatest reason to believe that God was their author, it will be easy, upon comparing those laws themselves together, to determine; for it is time that we come to that point. 2.164. Now there are innumerable differences in the particular customs and laws that are among all mankind, which a man may briefly reduce under the following heads:—Some legislators have permitted their governments to be under monarchies, others put them under oligarchies, and others under a republican form; 2.165. but our legislator had no regard to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy, by ascribing the authority and the power to God, 2.166. and by persuading all the people to have a regard to him, as the author of all the good things that were enjoyed either in common by all mankind, or by each one in particular, and of all that they themselves obtained by praying to him in their greatest difficulties. He informed them that it was impossible to escape God’s observation, even in any of our outward actions, or in any of our inward thoughts. 2.167. Moreover, he represented God as unbegotten, and immutable, through all eternity, superior to all mortal conceptions in pulchritude; and, though known to us by his power, yet unknown to us as to his essence. 2.168. I do not now explain how these notions of God are the sentiments of the wisest among the Grecians, and how they were taught them upon the principles that he afforded them. However, they testify, with great assurance, that these notions are just, and agreeable to the nature of God, and to his majesty; for Pythagoras, and Anaxagoras, and Plato, and the Stoic philosophers that succeeded them, and almost all the rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the same notions of the nature of God; 2.169. yet durst not these men disclose those true notions to more than a few, because the body of the people were prejudiced with other opinions beforehand. But our legislator, who made his actions agree to his laws, did not only prevail with those that were his contemporaries to agree with these his notions, but so firmly imprinted this faith in God upon all their posterity, that it never could be removed. 2.170. The reason why the constitution of this legislation was ever better directed to the utility of all than other legislations were, is this, that Moses did not make religion a part of virtue, but he saw and he ordained other virtues to be parts of religion; I mean justice, and fortitude, and temperance, and a universal agreement of the members of the community with one another; 2.171. for all our actions and studies, and all our words [in Moses’s settlement] have a reference to piety towards God; for he hath left none of these in suspense, or undetermined; for there are two ways of coming at any sort of learning and a moral conduct of life; the one is by instruction in words, the other by practical exercises. 2.172. Now, other lawgivers have separated these two ways in their opinions, and choosing one of those ways of instruction, or that which best pleased every one of them, neglected the other. Thus did the Lacedemonians and the Cretans teach by practical exercises, but not by words: while the Athenians, and almost all the other Grecians, made laws about what was to be done, or left undone, but had no regard to the exercising them thereto in practice. /p 2.173. 18. But for our legislator, he very carefully joined these two methods of instruction together; for he neither left these practical exercises to go on without verbal instruction, nor did he permit the hearing of the law to proceed without the exercises for practice; but beginning immediately from the earliest infancy, and the appointment of every one’s diet, he left nothing of the very smallest consequence to be done at the pleasure and disposal of the person himself. 2.174. Accordingly, he made a fixed rule of law what sorts of food they should abstain from, and what sorts they should make use of; as also, what communion they should have with others, what great diligence they should use in their occupations, and what times of rest should be interposed, that, by living under that law as under a father and a master, we might be guilty of no sin, neither voluntary nor out of ignorance; 2.175. for he did not suffer the guilt of ignorance to go on without punishment, but demonstrated the law to be the best and the most necessary instruction of all others, permitting the people to leave off their other employments, and to assemble together for the hearing of the law, and learning it exactly, and this not once or twice, or oftener, but every week; which thing all the other legislators seem to have neglected. /p 2.176. 19. And indeed, the greatest part of mankind are so far from living according to their own laws, that they hardly know them; but when they have sinned they learn from others that they have transgressed the law. 2.177. Those also who are in the highest and principal posts of the government, confess they are not acquainted with those laws, and are obliged to take such persons for their assessors in public administrations as profess to have skill in those laws; 2.178. but for our people, if any body do but ask any one of them about our laws, he will more readily tell them all than he will tell his own name, and this in consequence of our having learned them immediately as soon as ever we became sensible of any thing, and of our having them, as it were engraven on our souls. Our transgressors of them are but few; and it is impossible, when any do offend, to escape punishment. /p 2.179. 20. And this very thing it is that principally creates such a wonderful agreement of minds amongst us all; for this entire agreement of ours in all our notions concerning God, and our having no difference in our course of life and manners, procures among us the most excellent concord of these our manners that is any where among mankind; 2.180. for no other people but we Jews have avoided all discourses about God that any way contradict one another, which yet are frequent among other nations; and this is true not only among ordinary persons, according as every one is affected, but some of the philosophers have been insolent enough to indulge such contradictions, while some of them have undertaken to use such words as entirely take away the nature of God, as others of them have taken away his providence over mankind. 2.181. Nor can any one perceive amongst us any difference in the conduct of our lives; but all our works are common to us all. We have one sort of discourse concerning God, which is conformable to our law, and affirms that he sees all things; as also, we have but one way of speaking concerning the conduct of our lives, that all other things ought to have piety for their end; and this any body may hear from our women, and servants themselves. 2.182. 21. And indeed, hence hath arisen that accusation which some make against us, that we have not produced men that have been the inventors of new operations, or of new ways of speaking; for others think it a fine thing to persevere in nothing that has been delivered down from their forefathers, and these testify it to be an instance of the sharpest wisdom when these men venture to transgress those traditions; 2.183. whereas we, on the contrary, suppose it to be our only wisdom and virtue to admit no actions nor supposals that are contrary to our original laws; which procedure of ours is a just and sure sign that our law is admirably constituted; for such laws as are not thus well made, are convicted upon trial to want amendment. /p 2.184. 22. But while we are ourselves persuaded that our law was made agreeably to the will of God, it would be impious for us not to observe the same, for what is there in it that any body would change! and what can be invented that is better! or what can we take out of other people’s laws that will exceed it? Perhaps some would have the entire settlement of our government altered. 2.185. And where shall we find a better or more righteous constitution than ours, while this makes us esteem God to be the governor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the government over the other priests to the chief high priest himself! 2.186. which priests our legislator, at their first appointment, did not advance to that dignity for their riches, or any abundance of other possessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of fortune; but he intrusted the principal management of divine worship to those that exceeded others in an ability to persuade men, and in prudence of conduct. 2.187. These men had the main care of the law and of the other parts of the people’s conduct committed to them; for they were the priests who were ordained to be the inspectors of all, and the judges in doubtful cases, and the punishers of those that were condemned to suffer punishment. /p 2.188. 23. What form of government then can be more holy than this! what more worthy kind of worship can be paid to God than we pay, where the entire body of the people are prepared for religion, where an extraordinary degree of care is required in the priests, and where the whole polity is so ordered as if it were a certain religious solemnity! 2.189. For what things foreigners, when they solemnize such festivals, are not able to observe for a few days’ time, and call them Mysteries and Sacred Ceremonies, we observe with great pleasure and an unshaken resolution during our whole lives. 2.190. What are the things then that we are commanded or forbidden?—They are simply and easily known. The first command is concerning God, and affirms that God contains all things, and is a being every way perfect and happy, self-sufficient, and supplying all other beings; the beginning, the middle, and the end of all things. He is manifest in his works and benefits, and more conspicuous than any other being whatsoever, but as to his form and magnitude, he is most obscure. 2.191. All materials, let them be ever so costly, are unworthy to compose an image for him; and all arts are unartful to express the notion we ought to have of him. We can neither see nor think of any thing like him, nor is it agreeable to piety to form a resemblance of him. 2.192. We see his works, the light, the heaven, the earth, the sun and the moon, the waters, the generations of animals, the productions of fruits. These things hath God made, not with hands, nor with labor, nor as wanting the assistance of any to cooperate with him; but as his will resolved they should be made and be good also, they were made, and became good immediately. All men ought to follow this Being, and to worship him in the exercise of virtue; for this way of worship of God is the most holy of all others. /p 2.193. 24. There ought also to be but one temple for one God; for likeness is the constant foundation of agreement. This temple ought to be common to all men, because he is the common God of all men. His priests are to be continually about his worship, over whom he that is the first by his birth is to be their ruler perpetually. 2.194. His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself. 2.195. When we offer sacrifices to him we do it not in order to surfeit ourselves, or to be drunken; for such excesses are against the will of God, and would be an occasion of injuries and of luxury: but by keeping ourselves sober, orderly, and ready for our other occupations, and being more temperate than others. 2.196. And for our duty at the sacrifices themselves, we ought in the first place to pray for the common welfare of all, and after that our own; for we are made for fellowship one with another; and he who prefers the common good before what is peculiar to himself, is above all acceptable to God. 2.197. And let our prayers and supplications be made humbly to God, not [so much] that he would give us what is good (for he hath already given that of his own accord, and hath proposed the same publicly to all), as that we may duly receive it, and when we have received it, may preserve it. 2.198. Now the law has appointed several purifications at our sacrifices, whereby we are cleansed after a funeral after what sometimes happens to us in bed, and after accompanying with our wives, and upon many other occasions, which it would be too long now to set down. And this is our doctrine concerning God and his worship, and is the same that the law appoints for our practice. /p 2.199. 25. But then, what are our laws about marriage? That law owns no other mixture of sexes but that which nature hath appointed, of a man with his wife, and that this be used only for the procreation of children. But it abhors the mixture of a male with a male; and if any one do that, death is his punishment. 2.200. It commands us also, when we marry, not to have regard to portion, nor to take a woman by violence, nor to persuade her deceitfully and knavishly; but to demand her in marriage of him who hath power to dispose of her, and is fit to give her away by the nearness of his kindred; 2.201. for (says the scripture) “A woman is inferior to her husband in all things.” Let her, therefore, be obedient to him; not so, that he should abuse her, but that she may acknowledge her duty to her husband; for God hath given the authority to the husband. A husband, therefore, is to lie only with his wife whom he hath married; but to have to do with another man’s wife is a wicked thing; which, if any one ventures upon, death is inevitably his punishment: no more can he avoid the same who forces a virgin betrothed to another man, or entices another man’s wife. 2.202. The law, moreover enjoins us to bring up all our offspring, and forbids women to cause abortion of what is begotten, or to destroy it afterward; and if any woman appears to have so done, she will be a murderer of her child, by destroying a living creature, and diminishing human kind: if any one, therefore, proceeds to such fornication or murder, he cannot be clean. 2.203. Moreover, the law enjoins, that after the man and wife have lain together in a regular way, they shall bathe themselves; for there is a defilement contracted thereby, both in soul and body, as if they had gone into another country; for indeed the soul, by being united to the body, is subject to miseries, and is not freed therefrom again but by death; on which account the law requires this purification to be entirely performed. 26. 2.204. Nay, indeed, the law does not permit us to make festivals at the births of our children, and thereby afford occasion of drinking to excess; but it ordains that the very beginning of our education should be immediately directed to sobriety. It also commands us to bring those children up in learning and to exercise them in the laws, and make them acquainted with the acts of their predecessors, in order to their imitation of them, and that they might be nourished up in the laws from their infancy, and might neither transgress them, nor have any pretense for their ignorance of them. /p 2.205. 27. Our law hath also taken care of the decent burial of the dead, but without any extravagant expenses for their funerals, and without the erection of any illustrious monuments for them; but hath ordered that their nearest relations should perform their obsequies; and hath shown it to be regular, that all who pass by when any one is buried, should accompany the funeral, and join in the lamentation. It also ordains, that the house and its inhabitants should be purified after the funeral is over, that every one may thence learn to keep at a great distance from the thoughts of being pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder. /p 2.206. 28. The law ordains also, that parents should be honored immediately after God himself, and delivers that son who does not requite them for the benefits he hath received from them, but is deficient on any such occasion, to be stoned. It also says, that the young men should pay due respect to every elder, since God is the eldest of all beings. 2.207. It does not give leave to conceal any thing from our friends, because that is not true friendship which will not commit all things to their fidelity: it also forbids the revelation of secrets even though an enmity arise between them. If any judge takes bribes, his punishment is death: he that overlooks one that offers him a petition, and this when he is able to relieve him, he is a guilty person. 2.208. What is not by any one intrusted to another, ought not to be required back again. No one is to touch another’s goods. He that lends money must not demand usury for its loan. These, and many more of the like sort, are the rules that unite us in the bands of society one with another. /p 2.209. 29. It will be also worth our while to see what equity our legislator would have us exercise in our intercourse with strangers; for it will thence appear that he made the best provision he possibly could, both that we should not dissolve our own constitution, nor show any envious mind towards those that would cultivate a friendship with us. 2.210. Accordingly our legislator admits all those that have a mind to observe our laws, so to do; and this after a friendly manner, as esteeming that a true union, which not only extends to our own stock, but to those that would live after the same manner with us; yet does he not allow those that come to us by accident only to be admitted into communion with us. /p 2.211. 30. However, there are other things which our legislator ordained for us beforehand, which of necessity we ought to do in common to all men; as to afford fire, and water, and food to such as want it; to show them the roads; nor to let any one lie unburied. He also would have us treat those that are esteemed our enemies with moderation: 2.212. for he doth not allow us to set their country on fire, nor permit us to cut down those trees that bear fruit: nay, farther, he forbids us to spoil those that have been slain in war. He hath also provided for such as are taken captive, that they may not be injured, and especially that the women may not be abused. 2.213. Indeed he hath taught us gentleness and humanity so effectually, that he hath not despised the care of brute beasts, by permitting no other than a regular use of them, and forbidding any other; and if any of them come to our houses, like supplicants, we are forbidden to slay them: nor may we kill the dams, together with their young ones; but we are obliged, even in an enemy’s country, to spare and not kill those creatures that labor for mankind. 2.214. Thus hath our lawgiver contrived to teach us an equitable conduct every way, by using us to such laws as instruct us therein; while at the same time he hath ordained, that such as break these laws should be punished, without the allowance of any excuse whatsoever. /p 2.215. 31. Now the greatest part of offenses with us are capital, as if any one be guilty of adultery; if any one force a virgin; if any one be so impudent as to attempt sodomy with a male; or if, upon another’s making an attempt upon him, he submits to be so used. There is also a law for slaves of the like nature that can never be avoided. 2.216. Moreover, if any one cheats another in measures or weights, or makes a knavish bargain and sale, in order to cheat another; if any one steals what belongs to another, and takes what he never deposited; all these have punishments allotted them, not such as are met with among other nations, but more severe ones. 2.217. And as for attempts of unjust behavior towards parents, or for impiety against God, though they be not actually accomplished, the offenders are destroyed immediately. However, the reward for such as live exactly according to the laws, is not silver or gold; it is not a garland of olive branches or of small age, nor any such public sign of commendation; 2.218. but every good man hath his own conscience bearing witness to himself, and by virtue of our legislator’s prophetic spirit, and of the firm security God himself affords such a one, he believes that God hath made this grant to those that observe these laws, even though they be obliged readily to die for them, that they shall come into being again, and at a certain revolution of things shall receive a better life than they had enjoyed before. 2.219. Nor would I venture to write thus at this time, were it not well known to all by our actions that many of our people have many a time bravely resolved to endure any sufferings, rather than speak one word against our law. /p 2.220. 32. Nay, indeed, in case it had so fallen out, that our nation had not been so thoroughly known among all men as they are, and our voluntary submission to our laws had not been so open and manifest as it is 2.221. but that somebody had pretended to have written these laws himself, and had read them to the Greeks, or had pretended that he had met with men out of the limits of the known world, that had such reverent notions of God, and had continued a long time in the firm observance of such laws as ours, I cannot but suppose that all men would admire them on a reflection upon the frequent changes they had therein been themselves subject to; 2.222. and this while those that have attempted to write somewhat of the same kind for politic government, and for laws, are accused as composing monstrous things, and are said to have undertaken an impossible task upon them. And here I will say nothing of those other philosophers who have undertaken any thing of this nature in their writings. 2.223. But even Plato himself, who is so admired by the Greeks on account of that gravity in his manners, and force in his words, and that ability he had to persuade men beyond all other philosophers, is little better than laughed at and exposed to ridicule on that account, by those that pretend to sagacity in political affairs; 2.224. although he that shall diligently peruse his writings, will find his precepts to be somewhat gentle, and pretty near to the customs of the generality of mankind. Nay, Plato himself confesseth that it is not safe to publish the true notion concerning God among the ignorant multitude. 2.225. Yet do some men look upon Plato’s discourses as no better than certain idle words set off with great artifice. However, they admire Lycurgus as the principal lawgiver; and all men celebrate Sparta for having continued in the firm observance of his laws for a very long time. 2.226. So far then we have gained, that it is to be confessed a mark of virtue to submit to laws. But then let such as admire this in the Lacedemonians compare that duration of theirs with more than two thousand years which our political government hath continued; 2.227. and let them farther consider, that though the Lacedemonians did seem to observe their laws exactly while they enjoyed their liberty, yet that when they underwent a change of their fortune, they forgot almost all those laws; 2.228. while we, having been under ten thousand changes in our fortune by the changes that happened among the kings of Asia, have never betrayed our laws under the most pressing distresses we have been in; nor have we neglected them either out of sloth or for a livelihood. Nay, if any one will consider it, the difficulties and labors laid upon us have been greater than what appears to have been borne by the Lacedemonian fortitude, 2.229. while they neither ploughed their land nor exercised any trades, but lived in their own city, free from all such painstaking, in the enjoyment of plenty, and using such exercises as might improve their bodies, 2.230. while they made use of other men as their servants for all the necessaries of life, and had their food prepared for them by the others: and these good and humane actions they do for no other purpose but this, that by their actions and their sufferings they may be able to conquer all those against whom they make war. 2.231. I need not add this, that they have not been fully able to observe their laws; for not only a few single persons, but multitudes of them, have in heaps neglected those laws, and have delivered themselves, together with their arms, into the hands of their enemies. /p 2.232. 33. Now as for ourselves, I venture to say, that no one can tell of so many; nay, not of more than one or two that have betrayed our laws, no, not out of fear of death itself; I do not mean such an easy death as happens in battles, but that which comes with bodily torments, and seems to be the severest kind of death of all others. 2.233. Now I think, those that have conquered us have put us to such deaths, not out of their hatred to us when they had subdued us, but rather out of their desire of seeing a surprising sight, which is this, whether there be such men in the world who believe that no evil is to them so great as to be compelled to do or to speak any thing contrary to their own laws. 2.234. Nor ought men to wonder at us, if we are more courageous in dying for our laws than all other men are; for other men do not easily submit to the easier things in which we are instituted; I mean, working with our hands, and eating but little, and being contented to eat and drink, not at random, or at every one’s pleasure, or being under inviolable rules in lying with our wives, in magnificent furniture, and again in the observation of our times of rest; 2.235. while those that can use their swords in war, and can put their enemies to flight when they attack them, cannot bear to submit to such laws about their way of living: whereas our being accustomed willingly to submit to laws in these instances, renders us fit to show our fortitude upon other occasions also. /p 2.236. 34. Yet do the Lysimachi and the Molones, and some other writers (unskilful sophists as they are, and the deceivers of young men) reproach us as the vilest of all mankind. 2.237. Now I have no mind to make an inquiry into the laws of other nations; for the custom of our country is to keep our own laws, but not to bring accusations against the laws of others. And indeed, our legislator hath expressly forbidden us to laugh at and revile those that are esteemed gods by other people, on account of the very name of God ascribed to them. 2.238. But since our antagonists think to run us down upon the comparison of their religion and ours, it is not possible to keep silence here, especially while what I shall say to confute these men will not be now first said, but hath been already said by many, and these of the highest reputation also; 2.239. for who is there among those that have been admired among the Greeks for wisdom, who hath not greatly blamed both the most famous poets and most celebrated legislators, for spreading such notions originally among the body of the people concerning the gods? 2.240. uch as these, that they may be allowed to be as numerous as they have a mind to have them; that they are begotten one by another, and that after all the kinds of generation you can imagine. They also distinguish them in their places and ways of living, as they would distinguish several sorts of animals: as some to be under the earth; as some to be in the sea; and the ancientest of them all to be bound in hell; 2.241. and for those to whom they have allotted heaven, they have set over them one, who in title is their father, but in his actions a tyrant and a lord; whence it came to pass that his wife, and brother, and daughter (which daughter he brought forth from his own head), made a conspiracy against him to seize upon him and confine him, as he had himself seized upon and confined his own father before. /p 2.242. 35. And justly have the wisest men thought these notions deserved severe rebukes; they also laugh at them for determining that we ought to believe some of the gods to be beardless and young, and others of them to be old, and to have beards accordingly; that some are set to trades; that one god is a smith, and another goddess is a weaver; that one god is a warrior, and fights with men; 2.243. that some of them are harpers, or delight in archery; and besides, that mutual seditions arise among them, and that they quarrel about men, and this so far that they not only lay hands upon one another, but that they are wounded by men, and lament, and take on for such their afflictions; 2.244. but what is the grossest of all in point of lasciviousness, are those unbounded lusts ascribed to almost all of them, and their amours; which how can it be other than a most absurd supposal, especially when it reaches to the male gods, and to the female goddesses also? 2.245. Moreover, the chief of all their gods, and their first father himself, overlooks those goddesses whom he hath deluded and begotten with child, and suffers them to be kept in prison, or drowned in the sea. He is also so bound up by fate, that he cannot save his own offspring, nor can he bear their deaths without shedding of tears.— 2.246. These are fine things indeed! as are the rest that follow. Adulteries truly are so impudently looked on in heaven by the gods, that some of them have confessed they envied those that were found in the very act; and why should they not do so, when the eldest of them, who is their king also, hath not been able to restrain himself in the violence of his lust, from lying with his wife, so long as they might get into their bed-chamber? 2.247. Now, some of the gods are servants to men, and will sometimes be builders for a reward, and sometimes will be shepherds; while others of them, like malefactors, are bound in a prison of brass; and what sober person is there who would not be provoked at such stories, and rebuke those that forged them, and condemn the great silliness of those that admit them for true! 2.248. Nay, others there are that have advanced a certain timorousness and fear, as also madness and fraud, and any other of the vilest passions, into the nature and form of gods, and have persuaded whole cities to offer sacrifices to the better sort of them; 2.249. on which account they have been absolutely forced to esteem some gods as the givers of good things, and to call others of them averters of evil. They also endeavor to move them, as they would the vilest of men, by gifts and presents, as looking for nothing else than to receive some great mischief from them, unless they pay them such wages. /p 2.250. 36. Wherefore it deserves our inquiry what should be the occasion of this unjust management, and of these scandals about the Deity. And truly I suppose it to be derived from the imperfect knowledge the heathen legislators had at first of the true nature of God; nor did they explain to the people even so far as they did comprehend of it: nor did they compose the other parts of their political settlements according to it, 2.251. but omitted it as a thing of very little consequence, and gave leave both to the poets to introduce what gods they pleased, and those subject to all sorts of passions, and to the orators to procure political decrees from the people for the admission of such foreign gods as they thought proper. 2.252. The painters also, and statuaries of Greece, had herein great power, as each of them could contrive a shape [proper for a god]; the one to be formed out of clay, and the other by making a bare picture of such a one; but those workmen that were principally admired, had the use of ivory and of gold as the constant materials for their new statues; 2.253. [whereby it comes to pass that some temples are quite deserted, while others are in great esteem, and adorned with all the rites of all kinds of purification]. Besides this, the first gods, who have long flourished in the honors done them, are now grown old [while those that flourished after them are come in their room as a second rank, that I may speak the most honorably of them that I can]: 2.254. nay, certain other gods there are who are newly introduced, and newly worshipped [as we, by way of digression have said already, and yet have left their places of worship desolate]; and for their temples, some of them are already left desolate, and others are built anew, according to the pleasure of men; whereas they ought to have preserved their opinion about God, and that worship which is due to him, always and immutably the same. /p 2.255. 37. But now, this Apollonius Molo was one of these foolish and proud men. However, nothing that I have said was unknown to those that were real philosophers among the Greeks, nor were they unacquainted with those frigid pretenses of allegories [which had been alleged for such things]: on which account they justly despised them, but have still agreed with us as to the true and becoming notions of God; 2.256. whence it was that Plato would not have political settlements admit of any one of the other poets, and dismisses even Homer himself, with a garland on his head, and with ointment poured upon him, and this because he should not destroy the right notions of God with his fables. 2.257. Nay, Plato principally imitated our legislator in this point, that he enjoined his citizens to have the main regard to this precept, “That every one of them should learn their laws accurately.” He also ordained, that they should not admit of foreigners intermixing with their own people at random; and provided that the commonwealth should keep itself pure, and consist of such only as persevered in their own laws. 2.258. Apollonius Molo did no way consider this, when he made it one branch of his accusation against us, that we do not admit of such as have different notions about God, nor will we have fellowship with those that choose to observe a way of living different from ourselves; 2.259. yet is not this method peculiar to us, but common to all other men; not among the ordinary Grecians only, but among such of those Grecians as are of the greatest reputation among them. Moreover, the Lacedemonians continued in their way of expelling foreigners, and would not, indeed, give leave to their own people to travel abroad, as suspecting that those two things would introduce a dissolution of their own laws: 2.260. and perhaps there may be some reason to blame the rigid severity of the Lacedemonians, for they bestowed the privilege of their city on no foreigners, nor indeed would give leave to them to stay among them; 2.261. whereas we, though we do not think fit to imitate other institutions, yet do we willingly admit of those that desire to partake of ours, which I think I may reckon to be a plain indication of our humanity, and at the same time of our magimity also. /p 2.262. 38. But I shall say no more of the Lacedemonians. As for the Athenians, who glory in having made their city to be common to all men, what their behavior was, Apollonius did not know, while they punished those that did but speak one word contrary to their laws about the gods, without any mercy; 2.263. for on what other account was it that Socrates was put to death by them? For certainly, he neither betrayed their city to its enemies, nor was he guilty of any sacrilege with regard to any of their temples; but it was on this account, that he swore certain new oaths, and that he affirmed, either in earnest, or, as some say, only in jest, that a certain demon used to make signs to him [what he should not do]. For these reasons he was condemned to drink poison, and kill himself. 2.264. His accuser also complained that he corrupted the young men, by inducing them to despise the political settlement and laws of their city: and thus was Socrates, the citizen of Athens, punished. 2.265. There was also Anaxagoras, who although he was of Clazomenae, was within a few suffrages of being condemned to die, because he said the sun, which the Athenians thought to be a god, was a ball of fire. 2.266. They also made this public proclamation, that they would give a talent to any one who would kill Diagoras of Melos, because it was reported of him that he laughed at their mysteries. Portagoras also, who was thought to have written somewhat that was not owned for truth by the Athenians about the gods, had been seized upon, and put to death, if he had not fled immediately away. 2.267. Nor need we at all wonder that they thus treated such considerable men, when they did not spare even women also; for they very lately slew a certain priestess, because she was accused by somebody that she initiated people into the worship of strange gods, it having been forbidden so to do by one of their laws; and a capital punishment had been decreed to such as introduced a strange god; 2.268. it being manifest, that they who make use of such a law do not believe those of other nations to be really gods, otherwise they had not envied themselves the advantage of more gods than they already had; 2.269. and this was the happy administration of the affairs of the Athenians? Now, as to the Scythians, they take a pleasure in killing men, and differ little from brute beasts; yet do they think it reasonable to have their institutions observed. They also slew Anacharsis a person greatly admired for his wisdom among the Greeks, when he returned to them, because he appeared to come fraught with Grecian customs; One may also find many to have been punished among the Persians, on the very same account. 2.270. And to be sure Apollonius was greatly pleased with the laws of the Persians, and was an admirer of them, because the Greeks enjoyed the advantage of their courage, and had the very same opinion about the gods which they had. This last was exemplified in the temples which they burnt, and their courage in coming, and almost entirely enslaving the Grecians. However, Apollonius has imitated all the Persian institutions, and that by his offering violence to other men’s wives, and castrating his own sons. 2.271. Now, with us, it is a capital crime, if any one does thus abuse even a brute beast; and as for us, neither hath the fear of our governors, nor a desire of following what other nations have in so great esteem, been able to withdraw us from our own laws; 2.272. nor have we exerted our courage in raising up wars to increase our wealth, but only for the observation of our laws; and when we with patience bear other losses, yet when any persons would compel us to break our laws, then it is that we choose to go to war, though it be beyond our ability to pursue it, and bear the greatest calamities to the last with much fortitude. 2.273. And, indeed, what reason can there be why we should desire to imitate the laws of other nations, while we see they are not observed by their own legislators? And why do not the Lacedemonians think of abolishing that form of their government which suffers them not to associate with any others, as well as their contempt of matrimony? And why do not the Eleans and Thebans abolish that unnatural and impudent lust, which makes them lie with males? 2.274. For they will not show a sufficient sign of their repentance of what they of old thought to be very excellent, and very advantageous in their practices, unless they entirely avoid all such actions for the time to come: 2.275. nay, such things are inserted into the body of their laws, and had once such a power among the Greeks, that they ascribed these sodomitical practices to the gods themselves, as a part of their good character; and indeed it was according to the same manner that the gods married their own sisters. This the Greeks contrived as an apology for their own absurd and unnatural pleasures. /p 2.276. 39. I omit to speak concerning punishments, and how many ways of escaping them the greatest part of the legislators have afforded malefactors, by ordaining that, for adulteries, fines in money should be allowed, and for corrupting [virgins] they need only marry them; as also what excuses they may have in denying the facts, if any one attempts to inquire into them; for amongst most other nations it is a studied art how men may transgress their laws; 2.277. but no such thing is permitted amongst us; for though we be deprived of our wealth, of our cities, or of the other advantages we have, our law continues immortal; nor can any Jew go so far from his own country, nor be so affrighted at the severest lord, as not to be more affrighted at the law than at him. 2.278. If, therefore, this be the disposition we are under, with regard to the excellency of our laws, let our enemies make us this concession, that our laws are most excellent; and if still they imagine that though we so firmly adhere to them, yet are they bad laws notwithstanding, what penalties then do they deserve to undergo who do not observe their own laws, which they esteem so far superior to them? 2.279. Whereas, therefore, length of time is esteemed to be the truest touchstone in all cases. I would make that a testimonial of the excellency of our laws, and of that belief thereby delivered to us concerning God; for as there hath been a very long time for this comparison, if any one will but compare its duration with the duration of the laws made by other legislators, he will find our legislator to have been the ancientest of them all. /p 2.280. 40. We have already demonstrated that our laws have been such as have always inspired admiration and imitation into all other men; 2.281. nay, the earliest Grecian philosophers, though in appearance they observed the laws of their own countries, yet did they, in their actions and their philosophic doctrines, follow our legislator, and instructed men to live sparingly, and to have friendly communication one with another. 2.282. Nay, farther, the multitude of mankind itself have had a great inclination of a long time to follow our religious observances; for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed; 2.283. they also endeavor to imitate our mutual concord with one another, and the charitable distribution of our goods, and our diligence in our trades, and our fortitude in undergoing the distresses we are in, on account of our laws; 2.284. and, what is here matter of the greatest admiration, our law hath no bait of pleasure to allure men to it, but it prevails by its own force; and as God himself pervades all the world, so hath our law passed through all the world also. So that if any one will but reflect on his own country, and his own family, he will have reason to give credit to what I say. 2.285. It is therefore but just, either to condemn all mankind of indulging a wicked disposition, when they have been so desirous of imitating laws that are to them foreign and evil in themselves, rather than following laws of their own that are of a better character, or else our accusers must leave off their spite against us; 2.286. nor are we guilty of any envious behavior towards them, when we honor our own legislator, and believe what he, by his prophetic authority, hath taught us concerning God; for though we should not be able ourselves to understand the excellency of our own laws, yet would the great multitude of those that desire to imitate them, justify us, in greatly valuing ourselves upon them. /p 2.287. 41. But, as for the [distinct] political laws by which we are governed, I have delivered them accurately in my books of Antiquities: and have only mentioned them now, so far as was necessary to my present purpose, without proposing to myself either to blame the laws of other nations, or to make an encomium upon our own,—but in order to convict those that have written about us unjustly, and in an impudent affectation of disguising the truth:— 2.288. and now I think I have sufficiently completed what I proposed in writing these books; for whereas our accusers have pretended that our nation are a people of very late original, I have demonstrated that they are exceeding ancient; for I have produced as witnesses thereto many ancient writers, who have made mention of us in their books, while they had said no such writer had so done. 2.289. Moreover, they had said that we were sprung from the Egyptians, while I have proved that we came from another country into Egypt: while they had told lies of us, as if we were expelled thence on account of diseases on our bodies, it has appeared on the contrary, that we returned to our country by our own choice, and with sound and strong bodies. 2.290. Those accusers reproached our legislator as a vile fellow; whereas God in old time bare witness to his virtuous conduct; and since that testimony of God, time itself hath been discovered to have borne witness to the same thing. /p 2.291. 42. As to the laws themselves, more words are unnecessary, for they are visible in their own nature, and appear to teach not impiety, but the truest piety in the world. They do not make men hate one another, but encourage people to communicate what they have to one another freely; they are enemies to injustice, they take care of righteousness, they banish idleness and expensive living, and instruct men to be content with what they have and to be laborious in their callings; 2.292. they forbid men to make war from a desire of getting more, but make men courageous in defending the laws; they are inexorable in punishing malefactors; they admit no sophistry of words, but are always established by actions themselves, which actions we ever propose as surer demonstrations than what is contained in writing only; 2.293. on which account I am so bold as to say that we are become the teachers of other men, in the greatest number of things, and those of the most excellent nature only; for what is more excellent than inviolable piety? what is more just than submission to laws? 2.294. and what is more advantageous than mutual love and concord? and this so far that we are to be neither divided by calamities, nor to become injurious and seditious in prosperity; but to condemn death when we are in war, and in peace to apply ourselves to our mechanical occupations, or to our tillage of the ground; while we in all things and all ways are satisfied that God is the inspector and governor of our actions. 2.295. If these precepts had either been written at first, or more exactly kept by any others before us, we should have owed them thanks as disciples owe to their masters; but if it be visible that we have made use of them more than any other men, and if we have demonstrated that the original invention of them is our own, let the Apions, and the Molones, with all the rest of those that delight in lies and reproaches, stand confuted; |
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81. Ignatius, To The Romans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 8, 130 | 4.1. I write to all the churches, and I bid all men know, that of my own free will I die for God, unless ye should hinder me. I exhort you, be ye not an unseasonable kindness to me. Let me be given to the wild beasts, for through them I can attain unto God. I am God's wheat, and I am ground by the teeth of wild beasts that I may be found pure bread [of Christ]. |
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82. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 4.126-4.158, 4.196-4.301, 11.111-11.113, 12.360, 12.389, 13.113, 13.301, 14.41, 14.73-14.74, 14.78, 14.91, 15.268, 15.274-15.275, 16.160-16.165, 17.146-17.149, 17.155, 17.227, 17.273, 17.280-17.281, 17.355, 18.1-18.2, 18.87, 18.139-18.140, 18.237, 19.308, 20.5, 20.145, 20.171, 20.209, 20.215, 20.241-20.242, 20.251 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •roman empire, and imperial cult •judea (jewish palestine), incorporation of, into roman imperial structure •roman empire, imperial security forces •imperialism roman, x •roman empire, imperial legislation and judaism •eagle in roman imperial/military ideology •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 746; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 49; Brodd and Reed (2011) 142; Marek (2019) 330, 334, 339; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 151; Peppard (2011) 119; Udoh (2006) 124, 126 | 4.126. 6. But Balak being very angry that the Israelites were not cursed, sent away Balaam without thinking him worthy of any honor. Whereupon, when he was just upon his journey, in order to pass the Euphrates, he sent for Balak, and for the princes of the Midianites, 4.127. and spake thus to them:—“O Balak, and you Midianites that are here present, (for I am obliged even without the will of God to gratify you,) it is true no entire destruction can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scarcity of the fruits of the earth, nor can any other unexpected accident be their entire ruin; 4.128. for the providence of God is concerned to preserve them from such a misfortune; nor will it permit any such calamity to come upon them whereby they may all perish; but some small misfortunes, and those for a short time, whereby they may appear to be brought low, may still befall them; but after that they will flourish again, to the terror of those that brought those mischiefs upon them. 4.129. So that if you have a mind to gain a victory over them for a short space of time, you will obtain it by following my directions:—Do you therefore set out the handsomest of such of your daughters as are most eminent for beauty, and proper to force and conquer the modesty of those that behold them, and these decked and trimmed to the highest degree you are able. Then do you send them to be near the Israelites’ camp, and give them in charge, that when the young men of the Hebrews desire their company, they allow it them; 4.130. and when they see that they are enamored of them, let them take their leaves; and if they entreat them to stay, let them not give their consent till they have persuaded them to leave off their obedience to their own laws, and the worship of that God who established them, and to worship the gods of the Midianites and Moabites; for by this means God will be angry at them .” Accordingly, when Balaam had suggested this counsel to them, he went his way. 4.131. 7. So when the Midianites had sent their daughters, as Balaam had exhorted them, the Hebrew young men were allured by their beauty, and came to discourse with them, and besought them not to grudge them the enjoyment of their beauty, nor to deny them their conversation. These daughters of the Midianites received their words gladly, and consented to it, and staid with them; 4.132. but when they had brought them to be enamored of them, and their inclinations to them were grown to ripeness, they began to think of departing from them: then it was that these men became greatly disconsolate at the women’s departure, and they were urgent with them not to leave them, but begged they would continue there, and become their wives; and they promised them they should be owned as mistresses of all they had. 4.133. This they said with an oath, and called God for the arbitrator of what they promised; and this with tears in their eyes, and all other such marks of concern, as might shew how miserable they thought themselves without them, and so might move their compassion for them. So the women, as soon as they perceived they had made them their slaves, and had caught them with their conversation, began to speak thus to them:— 4.134. 8. “O you illustrious young men! we have houses of our own at home, and great plenty of good things there, together with the natural, affectionate love of our parents and friends; nor is it out of our want of any such things that we came to discourse with you; nor did we admit of your invitation with design to prostitute the beauty of our bodies for gain; but taking you for brave and worthy men, we agreed to your request, that we might treat you with such honors as hospitality required: 4.135. and now seeing you say that you have a great affection for us, and are troubled when you think we are departing, we are not averse to your entreaties; and if we may receive such assurance of your good-will as we think can be alone sufficient, we will be glad to lead our lives with you as your wives; 4.136. but we are afraid that you will in time be weary of our company, and will then abuse us, and send us back to our parents, after an ignominious manner.” And so they desired that they would excuse them in their guarding against that danger. But the young men professed they would give them any assurance they should desire; nor did they at all contradict what they requested, so great was the passion they had for them. 4.137. “If then,” said they, “this be your resolution, since you make use of such customs and conduct of life as are entirely different from all other men, insomuch that your kinds of food are peculiar to yourselves, and your kinds of drink not common to others, it will be absolutely necessary, if you would have us for your wives, that you do withal worship our gods. Nor can there be any other demonstration of the kindness which you say you already have, and promise to have hereafter to us, than this, that you worship the same gods that we do. 4.138. For has any one reason to complain, that now you are come into this country, you should worship the proper gods of the same country? especially while our gods are common to all men, and yours such as belong to nobody else but yourselves.” So they said they must either come into such methods of divine worship as all others came into, or else they must look out for another world, wherein they may live by themselves, according to their own laws. 4.139. 9. Now the young men were induced by the fondness they had for these women to think they spake very well; so they gave themselves up to what they persuaded them, and transgressed their own laws, and supposing there were many gods, and resolving that they would sacrifice to them according to the laws of that country which ordained them, they both were delighted with their strange food, and went on to do every thing that the women would have them do, though in contradiction to their own laws; 4.140. o far indeed that this transgression was already gone through the whole army of the young men, and they fell into a sedition that was much worse than the former, and into danger of the entire abolition of their own institutions; for when once the youth had tasted of these strange customs, they went with insatiable inclinations into them; and even where some of the principal men were illustrious on account of the virtues of their fathers, they also were corrupted together with the rest. 4.141. 10. Even Zimri, the head of the tribe of Simeon accompanied with Cozbi, a Midianitish women, who was the daughter of Sur, a man of authority in that country; and being desired by his wife to disregard the laws of Moses, and to follow those she was used to, he complied with her, and this both by sacrificing after a manner different from his own, and by taking a stranger to wife. 4.142. When things were thus, Moses was afraid that matters should grow worse, and called the people to a congregation, but then accused nobody by name, as unwilling to drive those into despair who, by lying concealed, might come to repentance; 4.143. but he said that they did not do what was either worthy of themselves, or of their fathers, by preferring pleasure to God, and to the living according to his will; that it was fit they should change their courses while their affairs were still in a good state, and think that to be true fortitude which offers not violence to their laws, but that which resists their lusts. 4.144. And besides that, he said it was not a reasonable thing, when they had lived soberly in the wilderness, to act madly now when they were in prosperity; and that they ought not to lose, now they have abundance, what they had gained when they had little:—and so did he endeavor, by saying this, to correct the young inert, and to bring them to repentance for what they had done. 4.145. 11. But Zimri arose up after him, and said, “Yes, indeed, Moses, thou art at liberty to make use of such laws as thou art so fond of, and hast, by accustoming thyself to them, made them firm; otherwise, if things had not been thus, thou hadst often been punished before now, and hadst known that the Hebrews are not easily put upon; 4.146. but thou shalt not have me one of thy followers in thy tyrannical commands, for thou dost nothing else hitherto, but, under pretense of laws, and of God, wickedly impose on us slavery, and gain dominion to thyself, while thou deprivest us of the sweetness of life, which consists in acting according to our own wills, and is the right of free-men, and of those that have no lord over them. 4.147. Nay, indeed, this man is harder upon the Hebrews then were the Egyptians themselves, as pretending to punish, according to his laws, every one’s acting what is most agreeable to himself; but thou thyself better deservest to suffer punishment, who presumest to abolish what every one acknowledges to be what is good for him, and aimest to make thy single opinion to have more force than that of all the rest; 4.148. and what I now do, and think to be right, I shall not hereafter deny to be according to my own sentiments. I have married, as thou sayest rightly, a strange woman, and thou hearest what I do from myself as from one that is free, for truly I did not intend to conceal myself. 4.149. I also own that I sacrificed to those gods to whom you do not think it fit to sacrifice; and I think it right to come at truth by inquiring of many people, and not like one that lives under tyranny, to suffer the whole hope of my life to depend upon one man; nor shall any one find cause to rejoice who declares himself to have more authority over my actions than myself.” 4.150. 12. Now when Zimri had said these things, about what he and some others had wickedly done, the people held their peace, both out of fear of what might come upon them, and because they saw that their legislator was not willing to bring his insolence before the public any further, or openly to contend with him; 4.151. for he avoided that, lest many should imitate the impudence of his language, and thereby disturb the multitude. Upon this the assembly was dissolved. However, the mischievous attempt had proceeded further, if Zimri had not been first slain, which came to pass on the following occasion:— 4.152. Phineas, a man in other respects better than the rest of the young men, and also one that surpassed his contemporaries in the dignity of his father, (for he was the son of Eleazar the high priest, and the grandson of [Aaron] Moses’s brother,) who was greatly troubled at what was done by Zimri, he resolved in earnest to inflict punishment on him, before his unworthy behavior should grow stronger by impunity, and in order to prevent this transgression from proceeding further, which would happen if the ringleaders were not punished. 4.153. He was of so great magimity, both in strength of mind and body, that when he undertook any very dangerous attempt, he did not leave it off till he overcame it, and got an entire victory. So he came into Zimri’s tent, and slew him with his javelin, and with it he slew Cozbi also, 4.154. Upon which all those young men that had a regard to virtue, and aimed to do a glorious action, imitated Phineas’s boldness, and slew those that were found to be guilty of the same crime with Zimri. Accordingly many of those that had transgressed perished by the magimous valor of these young men; 4.155. and the rest all perished by a plague, which distemper God himself inflicted upon them; so that all those their kindred, who, instead of hindering them from such wicked actions, as they ought to have done, had persuaded them to go on, were esteemed by God as partners in their wickedness, and died. Accordingly there perished out of the army no fewer than fourteen [twenty-four] thousand at this time. 4.156. 13. This was the cause why Moses was provoked to send an army to destroy the Midianites, concerning which expedition we shall speak presently, when we have first related what we have omitted; for it is but just not to pass over our legislator’s due encomium, on account of his conduct here, 4.157. because, although this Balaam, who was sent for by the Midianites to curse the Hebrews, and when he was hindered from doing it by Divine Providence, did still suggest that advice to them, by making use of which our enemies had well nigh corrupted the whole multitude of the Hebrews with their wiles, till some of them were deeply infected with their opinions; yet did he do him great honor, by setting down his prophecies in writing. 4.158. And while it was in his power to claim this glory to himself, and make men believe they were his own predictions, there being no one that could be a witness against him, and accuse him for so doing, he still gave his attestation to him, and did him the honor to make mention of him on this account. But let every one think of these matters as he pleases. 4.196. 4. Accordingly, I shall now first describe this form of government which was agreeable to the dignity and virtue of Moses; and shall thereby inform those that read these Antiquities, what our original settlements were, and shall then proceed to the remaining histories. Now those settlements are all still in writing, as he left them; and we shall add nothing by way of ornament, nor any thing besides what Moses left us; 4.197. only we shall so far innovate, as to digest the several kinds of laws into a regular system; for they were by him left in writing as they were accidentally scattered in their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had learned them of God. On which account I have thought it necessary to premise this observation beforehand, lest any of my own countrymen should blame me, as having been guilty of an offense herein. 4.198. Now part of our constitution will include the laws that belong to our political state. As for those laws which Moses left concerning our common conversation and intercourse one with another, I have reserved that for a discourse concerning our manner of life, and the occasions of those laws; which I propose to myself, with God’s assistance, to write, after I have finished the work I am now upon. 4.199. 5. When you have possessed yourselves of the land of Canaan, and have leisure to enjoy the good things of it, and when you have afterward determined to build cities, if you will do what is pleasing to God, you will have a secure state of happiness. 4.200. Let there be then one city of the land of Canaan, and this situate in the most agreeable place for its goodness, and very eminent in itself, and let it be that which God shall choose for himself by prophetic revelation. Let there also be one temple therein, and one altar, not reared of hewn stones, but of such as you gather together at random; which stones, when they are whited over with mortar, will have a handsome appearance, and be beautiful to the sight. 4.201. Let the ascent to it be not by steps but by an acclivity of raised earth. And let there be neither an altar nor a temple in any other city; for God is but one, and the nation of the Hebrews is but one. 4.202. 6. He that blasphemeth God, let him be stoned; and let him hang upon a tree all that day, and then let him be buried in an ignominious and obscure manner. 4.203. 7. Let those that live as remote as the bounds of the land which the Hebrews shall possess, come to that city where the temple shall be, and this three times in a year, that they may give thanks to God for his former benefits, and may entreat him for those they shall want hereafter; and let them, by this means, maintain a friendly correspondence with one another by such meetings and feastings together, 4.204. for it is a good thing for those that are of the same stock, and under the same institution of laws, not to be unacquainted with each other; which acquaintance will be maintained by thus conversing together, and by seeing and talking with one another, and so renewing the memorials of this union; for if they do not thus converse together continually, they will appear like mere strangers to one another. 4.205. 8. Let there be taken out of your fruits a tenth, besides that which you have allotted to give to the priests and Levites. This you may indeed sell in the country, but it is to be used in those feasts and sacrifices that are to be celebrated in the holy city; for it is fit that you should enjoy those fruits of the earth which God gives you to possess, so as may be to the honor of the donor. 4.206. 9. You are not to offer sacrifices out of the hire of a woman who is a harlot for the Deity is not pleased with any thing that arises from such abuses of nature; of which sort none can be worse than this prostitution of the body. In like manner no one may take the price of the covering of a bitch, either of one that is used in hunting, or in keeping of sheep, and thence sacrifice to God. 4.207. 10. Let no one blaspheme those gods which other cities esteem such; nor may any one steal what belongs to strange temples, nor take away the gifts that are dedicated to any god. 4.208. 11. Let not any one of you wear a garment made of woolen and linen, for that is appointed to be for the priests alone. 4.209. 12. When the multitude are assembled together unto the holy city for sacrificing every seventh year, at the feast of tabernacles, let the high priest stand upon a high desk, whence he may be heard, and let him read the laws to all the people; and let neither the women nor the children be hindered from hearing, no, nor the servants neither; 4.210. for it is a good thing that those laws should be engraven in their souls, and preserved in their memories, that so it may not be possible to blot them out; for by this means they will not be guilty of sin, when they cannot plead ignorance of what the laws have enjoined them. The laws also will have a greater authority among them, as foretelling what they will suffer if they break them; and imprinting in their souls by this hearing what they command them to do, 4.211. that so there may always be within their minds that intention of the laws which they have despised and broken, and have thereby been the causes of their own mischief. Let the children also learn the laws, as the first thing they are taught, which will be the best thing they can be taught, and will be the cause of their future felicity. 4.212. 13. Let every one commemorate before God the benefits which he bestowed upon them at their deliverance out of the land of Egypt, and this twice every day, both when the day begins and when the hour of sleep comes on, gratitude being in its own nature a just thing, and serving not only by way of return for past, but also by way of invitation of future favors. 4.213. They are also to inscribe the principal blessings they have received from God upon their doors, and show the same remembrance of them upon their arms; as also they are to bear on their forehead and their arm those wonders which declare the power of God, and his good-will towards them, that God’s readiness to bless them may appear every where conspicuous about them. 4.214. 14. Let there be seven men to judge in every city, and these such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of virtue and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him out of the tribe of Levi. 4.215. Let those that are chosen to judge in the several cities be had in great honor; and let none be permitted to revile any others when these are present, nor to carry themselves in an insolent manner to them; it being natural that reverence towards those in high offices among men should procure men’s fear and reverence towards God. 4.216. Let those that judge be permitted to determine according as they think to be right, unless any one can show that they have taken bribes, to the perversion of justice, or can allege any other accusation against them, whereby it may appear that they have passed an unjust sentence; for it is not fit that causes should be openly determined out of regard to gain, or to the dignity of the suitors, but that the judges should esteem what is right before all other things, 4.217. otherwise God will by that means be despised, and esteemed inferior to those, the dread of whose power has occasioned the unjust sentence; for justice is the power of God. He therefore that gratifies those in great dignity, supposes them more potent than God himself. 4.218. But if these judges be unable to give a just sentence about the causes that come before them, (which case is not unfrequent in human affairs,) let them send the cause undetermined to the holy city, and there let the high priest, the prophet, and the sanhedrim, determine as it shall seem good to them. 4.219. 15. But let not a single witness be credited, but three, or two at the least, and those such whose testimony is confirmed by their good lives. But let not the testimony of women be admitted, on account of the levity and boldness of their sex Nor let servants be admitted to give testimony, on account of the ignobility of their soul; since it is probable that they may not speak truth, either out of hope of gain, or fear of punishment. But if any one be believed to have borne false witness, let him, when he is convicted, suffer all the very same punishments which he against whom he bore witness was to have suffered. 4.220. 16. If a murder be committed in any place, and he that did it be not found, nor is there any suspicion upon one as if he had hated the man, and so had killed him, let there be a very diligent inquiry made after the man, and rewards proposed to any one who will discover him; but if still no information can be procured, let the magistrates and senate of those cities that lie near the place in which the murder was committed, assemble together, and measure the distance from the place where the dead body lies; 4.221. then let the magistrates of the nearest city thereto purchase a heifer, and bring it to a valley, and to a place therein where there is no land ploughed or trees planted, and let them cut the sinews of the heifer; 4.222. then the priests and Levites, and the senate of that city, shall take water and wash their hands over the head of the heifer; and they shall openly declare that their hands are innocent of this murder, and that they have neither done it themselves, nor been assisting to any that did it. They shall also beseech God to be merciful to them, that no such horrid act may any more be done in that land. 4.223. 17. Aristocracy, and the way of living under it, is the best constitution: and may you never have any inclination to any other form of government; and may you always love that form, and have the laws for your governors, and govern all your actions according to them; for you need no supreme governor but God. But if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your own nation; let him be always careful of justice and other virtues perpetually; 4.224. let him submit to the laws, and esteem God’s commands to be his highest wisdom; but let him do nothing without the high priest and the votes of the senators: let him not have a great number of wives, nor pursue after abundance of riches, nor a multitude of horses, whereby he may grow too proud to submit to the laws. And if he affect any such things, let him be restrained, lest he become so potent that his state be inconsistent with your welfare. 4.225. 18. Let it not be esteemed lawful to remove boundaries, neither our own, nor of those with whom we are at peace. Have a care you do not take those landmarks away which are, as it were, a divine and unshaken limitation of rights made by God himself, to last for ever; since this going beyond limits, and gaining ground upon others, is the occasion of wars and seditions; for those that remove boundaries are not far off an attempt to subvert the laws. 4.226. 19. He that plants a piece of land, the trees of which produce fruits before the fourth year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to God, nor is he to make use of that fruit himself, for it is not produced in its proper season; for when nature has a force put upon her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not proper for God, nor for the master’s use; 4.227. but let the owner gather all that is grown on the fourth year, for then it is in its proper season. And let him that has gathered it carry it to the holy city, and spend that, together with the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with his friends, with the orphans, and the widows. But on the fifth year the fruit is his own, and he may use it as he pleases. 4.228. 20. You are not to sow with seed a piece of land which is planted with vines, for it is enough that it supply nourishment to that plant, and be not harassed by ploughing also. You are to plough your land with oxen, and not to oblige other animals to come under the same yoke with them; but to till your land with those beasts that are of the same kind with each other. The seeds are also to be pure, and without mixture, and not to be compounded of two or three sorts, since nature does not rejoice in the union of things that are not in their own nature alike; 4.229. nor are you to permit beasts of different kinds to gender together, for there is reason to fear that this unnatural abuse may extend from beasts of different kinds to men, though it takes its first rise from evil practices about such smaller things. 4.230. Nor is any thing to be allowed, by imitation whereof any degree of subversion may creep into the constitution. Nor do the laws neglect small matters, but provide that even those may be managed after an unblamable manner. 4.231. 21. Let not those that reap, and gather in the corn that is reaped, gather in the gleanings also; but let them rather leave some handfuls for those that are in want of the necessaries of life, that it may be a support and a supply to them, in order to their subsistence. In like manner when they gather their grapes, let them leave some smaller bunches for the poor, and let them pass over some of the fruits of the olive-trees, when they gather them, and leave them to be partaken of by those that have none of their own; 4.232. for the advantage arising from the exact collection of all, will not be so considerable to the owners as will arise from the gratitude of the poor. And God will provide that the land shall more willingly produce what shall be for the nourishment of its fruits, in case you do not merely take care of your own advantage, but have regard to the support of others also. 4.233. Nor are you to muzzle the mouths of the oxen when they tread the ears of corn in the thrashing-floor; for it is not just to restrain our fellow-laboring animals, and those that work in order to its production, of this fruit of their labors. 4.234. Nor are you to prohibit those that pass by at the time when your fruits are ripe to touch them, but to give them leave to fill themselves full of what you have; and this whether they be of your own country or strangers,—as being glad of the opportunity of giving them some part of your fruits when they are ripe; but let it not be esteemed lawful for them to carry any away. 4.235. Nor let those that gather the grapes, and carry them to the wine-presses, restrain those whom they meet from eating of them; for it is unjust, out of envy, to hinder those that desire it, to partake of the good things that come into the world according to God’s will, and this while the season is at the height, and is hastening away as it pleases God. 4.236. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be encouraged to take of them (I mean, those that are Israelites) as if they were themselves the owners and lords, on account of the kindred there is between them. Nay, let them desire men that come from other countries, to partake of these tokens of friendship which God has given in their proper season; 4.237. for that is not to be deemed as idly spent, which any one out of kindness communicates to another, since God bestows plenty of good things on men, not only for themselves to reap the advantage, but also to give to others in a way of generosity; and he is desirous, by this means, to make known to others his peculiar kindness to the people of Israel, and how freely he communicates happiness to them, while they abundantly communicate out of their great superfluities to even these foreigners also. 4.238. But for him that acts contrary to this law, let him be beaten with forty stripes save one by the public executioner; let him undergo this punishment, which is a most ignominious one for a free-man, and this because he was such a slave to gain as to lay a blot upon his dignity; 4.239. for it is proper for you who have had the experience of the afflictions in Egypt, and of those in the wilderness, to make provision for those that are in the like circumstances; and while you have now obtained plenty yourselves, through the mercy and providence of God, to distribute of the same plenty, by the like sympathy, to such as stand in need of it. 4.240. 22. Besides those two tithes, which I have already said you are to pay every year, the one for the Levites, the other for the festivals, you are to bring every third year a third tithe to be distributed to those that want; to women also that are widows, and to children that are orphans. 4.241. But as to the ripe fruits, let them carry that which is ripe first of all into the temple; and when they have blessed God for that land which bare them, and which he had given them for a possession, when they have also offered those sacrifices which the law has commanded them to bring, let them give the first-fruits to the priests. 4.242. But when any one hath done this, and hath brought the tithe of all that he hath, together with those first-fruits that are for the Levites, and for the festivals, and when he is about to go home, let him stand before the holy house, and return thanks to God, that he hath delivered them from the injurious treatment they had in Egypt, and hath given them a good land, and a large, and lets them enjoy the fruits thereof; and when he hath openly testified that he hath fully paid the tithes [and other dues] according to the laws of Moses, 4.243. let him entreat God that he will be ever merciful and gracious to him, and continue so to be to all the Hebrews, both by preserving the good things which he hath already given them, and by adding what it is still in his power to bestow upon them. 4.244. 23. Let the Hebrews marry, at the age fit for it, virgins that are free, and born of good parents. And he that does not marry a virgin, let him not corrupt another man’s wife, and marry her, nor grieve her former husband. Nor let free men marry slaves, although their affections should strongly bias any of them so to do; for it is decent, and for the dignity of the persons themselves, to govern those their affections. 4.245. And further, no one ought to marry a harlot, whose matrimonial oblations, arising from the prostitution of her body, God will not receive; for by these means the dispositions of the children will be liberal and virtuous; I mean, when they are not born of base parents, and of the lustful conjunction of such as marry women that are not free. 4.246. If any one has been espoused to a woman as to a virgin, and does not afterward find her so to be, let him bring his action, and accuse her, and let him make use of such indications to prove his accusation as he is furnished withal; and let the father or the brother of the damsel, or some one that is after them nearest of kin to her, defend her. 4.247. If the damsel obtain a sentence in her favor, that she had not been guilty, let her live with her husband that accused her; and let him not have any further power at all to put her away, unless she give him very great occasions of suspicion, and such as can be no way contradicted. 4.248. But for him that brings an accusation and calumny against his wife in an impudent and rash manner, let him be punished by receiving forty stripes save one, and let him pay fifty shekels to her father: but if the damsel be convicted, as having been corrupted, and is one of the common people, let her be stoned, because she did not preserve her virginity till she were lawfully married; but if she were the daughter of a priest, let her be burnt alive. 4.249. If any one has two wives, and if he greatly respect and be kind to one of them, either out of his affection to her, or for her beauty, or for some other reason, while the other is of less esteem with him; and if the son of her that is beloved be the younger by birth than another born of the other wife, but endeavors to obtain the right of primogeniture from his father’s kindness to his mother, and would thereby obtain a double portion of his father’s substance, for that double portion is what I have allotted him in the laws,—let not this be permitted; 4.250. for it is unjust that he who is the elder by birth should be deprived of what is due to him, on the father’s disposition of his estate, because his mother was not equally regarded by him. 4.251. He that hath corrupted a damsel espoused to another man, in case he had her consent, let both him and her be put to death, for they are both equally guilty; the man, because he persuaded the woman willingly to submit to a most impure action, and to prefer it to lawful wedlock; the woman, because she was persuaded to yield herself to be corrupted, either for pleasure or for gain. 4.252. However, if a man light on a woman when she is alone, and forces her, where nobody was present to come to her assistance, let him only be put to death. Let him that hath corrupted a virgin not yet espoused marry her; but if the father of the damsel be not willing that she should be his wife, let him pay fifty shekels as the price of her prostitution. 4.253. He that desires to be divorced from his wife for any cause whatsoever, (and many such causes happen among men,) let him in writing give assurance that he will never use her as his wife any more; for by this means she may be at liberty to marry another husband, although before this bill of divorce be given, she is not to be permitted so to do: but if she be misused by him also, or if, when he is dead, her first husband would marry her again, it shall not be lawful for her to return to him. 4.254. If a woman’s husband die, and leave her without children, let his brother marry her, and let him call the son that is born to him by his brother’s name, and educate him as the heir of his inheritance, for this procedure will be for the benefit of the public, because thereby families will not fail, and the estate will continue among the kindred; and this will be for the solace of wives under their affliction, that they are to be married to the next relation of their former husbands. 4.255. But if the brother will not marry her, let the woman come before the senate, and protest openly that this brother will not admit her for his wife, but will injure the memory of his deceased brother, while she is willing to continue in the family, and to hear him children. And when the senate have inquired of him for what reason it is that he is averse to this marriage, whether he gives a bad or a good reason, the matter must come to this issue, 4.256. That the woman shall loose the sandals of the brother, and shall spit in his face, and say, He deserves this reproachful treatment from her, as having injured the memory of the deceased. And then let him go away out of the senate, and bear this reproach upon him all his life long; and let her marry to whom she pleases, of such as seek her in marriage. 4.257. But now, if any man take captive, either a virgin, or one that hath been married, and has a mind to marry her, let him not be allowed to bring her to bed to him, or to live with her as his wife, before she hath her head shaven, and hath put on her mourning habit, and lamented her relations and friends that were slain in the battle, 4.258. that by this means she may give vent to her sorrow for them, and after that may betake herself to feasting and matrimony; for it is good for him that takes a woman, in order to have children by her, to be complaisant to her inclinations, and not merely to pursue his own pleasure, while he hath no regard to what is agreeable to her. 4.259. But when thirty days are past, as the time of mourning, for so many are sufficient to prudent persons for lamenting the dearest friends, then let them proceed to the marriage; but in case when he hath satisfied his lust, he be too proud to retain her for his wife, let him not have it in his power to make her a slave, but let her go away whither she pleases, and have that privilege of a free woman. 4.260. 24. As to those young men that despise their parents, and do not pay them honor, but offer them affronts, either because they are ashamed of them or think themselves wiser than they,—in the first place, let their parents admonish them in words, (for they are by nature of authority sufficient for becoming their judges,) 4.261. and let them say thus to them:—That they cohabited together, not for the sake of pleasure, nor for the augmentation of their riches, by joining both their stocks together, but that they might have children to take care of them in their old age, and might by them have what they then should want. And say further to him, “That when thou wast born, we took thee up with gladness, and gave God the greatest thanks for thee, and brought time up with great care, and spared for nothing that appeared useful for thy preservation, and for thy instruction in what was most excellent. 4.262. And now, since it is reasonable to forgive the sins of those that are young, let it suffice thee to have given so many indications of thy contempt of us; reform thyself, and act more wisely for the time to come; considering that God is displeased with those that are insolent towards their parents, because he is himself the Father of the whole race of mankind, and seems to bear part of that dishonor which falls upon those that have the same name, when they do not meet with dire returns from their children. And on such the law inflicts inexorable punishment; of which punishment mayst thou never have the experience.” 4.263. Now if the insolence of young men be thus cured, let them escape the reproach which their former errors deserved; for by this means the lawgiver will appear to be good, and parents happy, while they never behold either a son or a daughter brought to punishment. 4.264. But if it happen that these words and instructions, conveyed by them in order to reclaim the man, appear to be useless, then the offender renders the laws implacable enemies to the insolence he has offered his parents; let him therefore be brought forth by these very parents out of the city, with a multitude following him, and there let him be stoned; and when he has continued there for one whole day, that all the people may see him, let him be buried in the night. 4.265. And thus it is that we bury all whom the laws condemn to die, upon any account whatsoever. Let our enemies that fall in battle be also buried; nor let any one dead body lie above the ground, or suffer a punishment beyond what justice requires. 4.266. 25. Let no one lend to any one of the Hebrews upon usury, neither usury of what is eaten or what is drunken, for it is not just to make advantage of the misfortunes of one of thy own countrymen; but when thou hast been assistant to his necessities, think it thy gain if thou obtainest their gratitude to thee; and withal that reward which will come to thee from God, for thy humanity towards him. 4.267. 26. Those who have borrowed either silver or any sort of fruits, whether dry or wet, (I mean this, when the Jewish affairs shall, by the blessing of God, be to their own mind,) let the borrowers bring them again, and restore them with pleasure to those who lent them, laying them up, as it were, in their own treasuries, and justly expecting to receive them thence, if they shall want them again. 4.268. But if they be without shame, and do not restore it, let not the lender go to the borrower’s house, and take a pledge himself, before judgment be given concerning it; but let him require the pledge, and let the debtor bring it of himself, without the least opposition to him that comes upon him under the protection of the law. 4.269. And if he that gave the pledge be rich, let the creditor retain it till what he lent be paid him again; but if he be poor, let him that takes it return it before the going down of the sun, especially if the pledge be a garment, that the debtor may have it for a covering in his sleep, God himself naturally showing mercy to the poor. 4.270. It is also not lawful to take a millstone, nor any utensil thereto belonging, for a pledge, that the debtor, may not be deprived of instruments to get their food withal, and lest they be undone by their necessity. 4.271. 27. Let death be the punishment for stealing a man; but he that hath purloined gold or silver, let him pay double. If any one kill a man that is stealing something out of his house, let him be esteemed guiltless, although the man were only breaking in at the wall. 4.272. Let him that hath stolen cattle pay fourfold what is lost, excepting the case of an ox, for which let the thief pay fivefold. Let him that is so poor that he cannot pay what mulct is laid upon him, be his servant to whom he was adjudged to pay it. 4.273. 28. If any one be sold to one of his own nation, let him serve him six years, and on the seventh let him go free. But if he have a son by a womanservant in his purchaser’s house, and if, on account of his good-will to his master, and his natural affection to his wife and children, he will be his servant still, let him be set free only at the coming of the year of jubilee, which is the fiftieth year, and let him then take away with him his children and wife, and let them be free also. 4.274. 29. If any one find gold or silver on the road, let him inquire after him that lost it, and make proclamation of the place where he found it, and then restore it to him again, as not thinking it right to make his own profit by the loss of another. And the same rule is to be observed in cattle found to have wandered away into a lonely place. If the owner be not presently discovered, let him that is the finder keep it with himself, and appeal to God that he has not purloined what belongs to another. 4.275. 30. It is not lawful to pass by any beast that is in distress, when in a storm it is fallen down in the mire, but to endeavor to preserve it, as having a sympathy with it in its pain. 4.276. 31. It is also a duty to show the roads to those who do not know them, and not to esteem it a matter for sport, when we hinder others’ advantages, by setting them in a wrong way. /p 32. In like manner, let no one revile a person blind or dumb. 4.277. 33. If men strive together, and there be no instrument of iron, let him that is smitten be avenged immediately, by inflicting the same punishment on him that smote him: but if when he is carried home he lie sick many days, and then die, let him that smote him escape punishment; but if he that is smitten escape death, and yet be at great expense for his cure, the smiter shall pay for all that has been expended during the time of his sickness, and for all that he has paid the physician. 4.278. He that kicks a woman with child, so that the woman miscarry, let him pay a fine in money, as the judges shall determine, as having diminished the multitude by the destruction of what was in her womb; and let money also be given the woman’s husband by him that kicked her; but if she die of the stroke, let him also be put to death, the law judging it equitable that life should go for life. 4.279. 34. Let no one of the Israelites keep any poison that may cause death, or any other harm; but if he be caught with it, let him be put to death, and suffer the very same mischief that he would have brought upon them for whom the poison was prepared. 4.280. 35. He that maimeth any one, let him undergo the like himself, and be deprived of the same member of which he hath deprived the other, unless he that is maimed will accept of money instead of it for the law makes the sufferer the judge of the value of what he hath suffered, and permits him to estimate it, unless he will be more severe. 4.281. 36. Let him that is the owner of an ox which pusheth with his horn, kill him: but if he pushes and gores any one in the thrashing-floor, let him be put to death by stoning, and let him not be thought fit for food: but if his owner be convicted as having known what his nature was, and hath not kept him up, let him also be put to death, as being the occasion of the ox’s having killed a man. 4.282. But if the ox have killed a man-servant, or a maid-servant, let him be stoned; and let the owner of the ox pay thirty shekels to the master of him that was slain; but if it be an ox that is thus smitten and killed, let both the oxen, that which smote the other and that which was killed, be sold, and let the owners of them divide their price between them. 4.283. 37. Let those that dig a well or a pit be careful to lay planks over them, and so keep them shut up, not in order to hinder any persons from drawing water, but that there may be no danger of falling into them. 4.284. But if any one’s beast fall into such a well or pit thus digged, and not shut up, and perish, let the owner pay its price to the owner of the beast. Let there be a battlement round the tops of your houses instead of a wall, that may prevent any persons from rolling down and perishing. 4.285. 38. Let him that has received any thing in trust for another, take care to keep it as a sacred and divine thing; and let no one invent any contrivance whereby to deprive him that hath intrusted it with him of the same, and this whether he be a man or a woman; no, not although he or she were to gain an immense sum of gold, and this where he cannot be convicted of it by any body; 4.286. for it is fit that a man’s own conscience, which knows what he hath, should in all cases oblige him to do well. Let this conscience be his witness, and make him always act so as may procure him commendation from others; but let him chiefly have regard to God, from whom no wicked man can lie concealed: 4.287. but if he in whom the trust was reposed, without any deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted withal, let him come before the seven judges, and swear by God that nothing hath been lost willingly, or with a wicked intention, and that he hath not made use of any part thereof, and so let him depart without blame; but if he hath made use of the least part of what was committed to him, and it be lost, let him be condemned to repay all that he had received. 4.288. After the same manner as in these trusts it is to be, if any one defraud those that undergo bodily labor for him. And let it be always remembered, that we are not to defraud a poor man of his wages, as being sensible that God has allotted these wages to him instead of land and other possessions; nay, this payment is not at all to be delayed, but to be made that very day, since God is not willing to deprive the laborer of the immediate use of what he hath labored for. 4.289. 39. You are not to punish children for the faults of their parents, but on account of their own virtue rather to vouchsafe them commiseration, because they were born of wicked parents, than hatred, because they were born of bad ones. Nor indeed ought we to impute the sin of children to their fathers, while young persons indulge themselves in many practices different from what they have been instructed in, and this by their proud refusal of such instruction. 4.290. 40. Let those that have made themselves eunuchs be had in detestation; and do you avoid any conversation with them who have deprived themselves of their manhood, and of that fruit of generation which God has given to men for the increase of their kind: let such be driven away, as if they had killed their children, since they beforehand have lost what should procure them; 4.291. for evident it is, that while their soul is become effeminate, they have withal transfused that effeminacy to their body also. In like manner do you treat all that is of a monstrous nature when it is looked on; nor is it lawful to geld men or any other animals. 4.292. 41. Let this be the constitution of your political laws in time of peace, and God will be so merciful as to preserve this excellent settlement free from disturbance: and may that time never come which may innovate any thing, and change it for the contrary. 4.293. But since it must needs happen that mankind fall into troubles and dangers, either undesignedly or intentionally, come let us make a few constitutions concerning them, that so being apprised beforehand what ought to be done, you may have salutary counsels ready when you want them, and may not then be obliged to go to seek what is to be done, and so be unprovided, and fall into dangerous circumstances. 4.294. May you be a laborious people, and exercise your souls in virtuous actions, and thereby possess and inherit the land without wars; while neither any foreigners make war upon it, and so afflict you, nor any internal sedition seize upon it, 4.295. whereby you may do things that are contrary to your fathers, and so lose the laws which they have established. And may you continue in the observation of those laws which God hath approved of, and hath delivered to you. Let all sort of warlike operations, whether they befall you now in your own time, or hereafter in the times of your posterity, be done out of your own borders: 4.296. but when you are about to go to war, send embassages and heralds to those who are your voluntary enemies, for it is a right thing to make use of words to them before you come to your weapons of war; and assure them thereby, that although you have a numerous army, with horses and weapons, and, above these, a God merciful to you, and ready to assist you, you do however desire them not to compel you to fight against them, nor to take from them what they have, which will indeed be our gain, but what they will have no reason to wish we should take to ourselves. 4.297. And if they hearken to you, it will be proper for you to keep peace with them; but if they trust in their own strength, as superior to yours, and will not do you justice, lead your army against them, making use of God as your supreme Commander, but ordaining for a lieutet under him one that is of the greatest courage among you; for these different commanders, besides their being an obstacle to actions that are to be done on the sudden, are a disadvantage to those that make use of them. 4.298. Lead an army pure, and of chosen men, composed of all such as have extraordinary strength of body and hardiness of soul; but do you send away the timorous part, lest they run away in the time of action, and so afford an advantage to your enemies. Do you also give leave to those that have lately built them houses, and have not yet lived in them a year’s time; and to those that have planted them vineyards, and have not yet been partakers of their fruits,—to continue in their own country; as well as those also who have betrothed, or lately married them wives, lest they have such an affection for these things that they be too sparing of their lives, and, by reserving themselves for these enjoyments, they become voluntary cowards, on account of their wives. 4.299. 42. When you have pitched your camp, take care that you do nothing that is cruel. And when you are engaged in a siege; and want timber for the making of warlike engines, do not you render the land naked by cutting down trees that bear fruit, but spare them, as considering that they were made for the benefit of men; and that if they could speak, they would have a just plea against you, because, though they are not occasions of the war, they are unjustly treated, and suffer in it, and would, if they were able, remove themselves into another land. 4.300. When you have beaten your enemies in battle, slay those that have fought against you; but preserve the others alive, that they may pay you tribute, excepting the nation of the Canaanites; for as to that people, you must entirely destroy them. 4.301. 43, Take care, especially in your battles, that no woman use the habit of a man, nor man the garment of a woman. 11.111. So these men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and used great magnificence in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form of government that was aristocratical, but mixed with an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head of their affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly government; 11.112. for before their captivity, and the dissolution of their polity, they at first had kingly government from Saul and David for five hundred and thirty-two years, six months, and ten days; but before those kings, such rulers governed them as were called judges and monarchs. Under this form of government they continued for more than five hundred years after the death of Moses, and of Joshua their commander. 11.113. And this is the account I had to give of the Jews who had been carried into captivity, but were delivered from it in the times of Cyrus and Darius. 12.360. 2. However, Antiochus, before he died, called for Philip, who was one of his companions, and made him the guardian of his kingdom; and gave him his diadem, and his garment, and his ring, and charged him to carry them, and deliver them to his son Antiochus; and desired him to take care of his education, and to preserve the kingdom for him. 12.389. 1. About the same time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, fled away from Rome, and took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the diadem on his own head. He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers together, and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully received by all, who delivered themselves up to him. 13.113. Ptolemy came then to Antioch, and was made king by its inhabitants, and by the army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems, the one of Asia, the other of Egypt: 13.301. 1. Now when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus, intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred eighty and one years and three months after the people had been delivered from the Babylonish slavery, and were returned to their own country again. 14.41. and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly’ government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. 14.73. The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity; 14.74. and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. 14.78. Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the right of their family, became the property of private men. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. 14.91. and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy. 15.268. for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; 15.274. These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for which they had so great a veneration. 15.275. It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises: 16.160. 1. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those also of the same nation which lived in Libya, which joins to Cyrene, while the former kings had given them equal privileges with the other citizens; but the Greeks affronted them at this time, and that so far as to take away their sacred money, and to do them mischief on other particular occasions. 16.161. When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman emperors had towards us. 16.162. 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor, 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 16.165. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar. 17.146. 1. Now Herod’s ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed beforehand, what answers they were to make to the questions put to them. They also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a distemper, and made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest son; and this out of that hatred to Archelaus and Philip, which the calumnies of Antipater had raised against them. He also bequeathed a thousand talents to Caesar, and five hundred to Julia, Caesar’s wife, to Caesar’s children, and friends and freed-men. 17.147. He also distributed among his sons and their sons his money, his revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome his sister very rich, because she had continued faithful to him in all his circumstances, and was never so rash as to do him any harm; 17.148. and as he despaired of recovering, for he was about the seventieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged the bitterest anger upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that he thought himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes; besides which, he resented a sedition which some of the lower sort of men excited against him, the occasion of which was as follows. 17.149. 2. There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men wellbeloved by the people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. 17.155. 3. And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men’s persuasions; so, in the very middle of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the temple. 17.227. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him; not out of their good-will to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor; but if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar. 17.273. 6. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, 17.280. They were every one of them also commanders; but when they came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a council to debate about what things should be done, and all things were done according to his pleasure. 17.281. And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king’s forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king’s forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod’s government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately received from them. 18.1. 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 18.87. but Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon file roads with a great band of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those that were gotten together in the village; and when it came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the most potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain. 18.139. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; 18.140. Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. 18.237. However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea. 19.308. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to me to hunt after who encourage such doings; 20.5. Tholomy also, the arch robber, was, after some time, brought to him bound, and slain, but not till he had done a world of mischief to Idumea and the Arabians. And indeed, from that time, Judea was cleared of robberies by the care and providence of Fadus. 20.145. 3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false; 20.171. Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive. 20.209. after which they sent to Aias, and said that they would send the scribe to him, if he would persuade Albinus to release ten of those prisoners which he had caught of their party; so Aias was plainly forced to persuade Albinus, and gained his request of him. 20.215. 5. But when Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was coming to succeed him, he was desirous to appear to do somewhat that might be grateful to the people of Jerusalem; so he brought out all those prisoners who seemed to him to be the most plainly worthy of death, and ordered them to be put to death accordingly. But as to those who had been put into prison on some trifling occasions, he took money of them, and dismissed them; by which means the prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was filled with robbers. 20.241. whose brother Alexander was his heir; which Judas died of a sore distemper, after he had kept the priesthood, together with the royal authority; for this Judas was the first that put on his head a diadem for one year. 20.242. And when Alexander had been both king and high priest twenty-seven years, he departed this life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to appoint him that should be high priest; so she gave the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom herself nine years, and then departed this life. The like duration [and no longer] did her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high priesthood; 20.251. Some of these were the political governors of the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the government became an aristocracy, and the high priests were intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be said concerning our high priests. |
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83. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.8.9, 1.153-1.154, 1.169-1.170, 2.18.1, 2.36, 2.39, 2.80-2.91, 2.117, 2.186, 2.229, 2.253, 2.273, 2.301, 2.365-2.368, 2.390-2.391, 2.405, 2.571, 3.8, 3.29, 5.367-5.368, 5.378, 5.396, 5.412, 6.8.2, 6.11, 6.411, 7.6.4, 7.46-7.62, 7.132-7.157, 7.219-7.243 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power •judea (jewish palestine), incorporation of, into roman imperial structure •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •portraits, imperial, power, roman, legitimacy of •roman empire, and imperial cult •roman empire, imperial security forces •administration, roman imperial •law, roman imperial period, “military anarchy,” •military, roman imperial period •imperialism roman, x •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Ando (2013) 64; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 746, 770; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 63; Brodd and Reed (2011) 139, 140, 145; Maier and Waldner (2022) 125, 188; Marek (2019) 339, 343, 384, 392, 393; Udoh (2006) 124, 125, 126 | 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.169. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy. 1.170. He also parted the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical government, and were governed for the future by an aristocracy. 2.36. for he who showed such prudence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbitrator of the succession could not be unacquainted with him whom he chose for his successor. 2.39. 1. Now before Caesar had determined anything about these affairs, Malthace, Archelaus’s mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews. 2.80. 1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus’s permission, to plead for the liberty of their country; those that came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them. 2.81. And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo’s temple, that was in the palace (this was what he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense), the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends; 2.82. but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus’s side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. 2.83. Besides these, there were present Archelaus’ brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it. 2.84. 2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod’s breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; 2.85. that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people who were out of their bounds; 2.86. that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes: 2.87. that, however, the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; 2.88. that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; 2.89. while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival: 2.90. that, however, those that were left after so many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes upon their faces [but not upon their backs, as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them to such as barbarously tore them to pieces, 2.91. and that they would join their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own commanders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones. 2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. 2.186. but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and many Syrian auxiliaries. 2.229. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire. 2.253. This Felix took Eleazar the arch-robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome; but as to the number of robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment, they were a multitude not to be enumerated. 2.273. Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one’s substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and nobody remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave him nothing. 2.301. 8. Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace; and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when the high priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal; 2.365. Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. 2.366. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, 2.367. who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? 2.368. How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? 2.390. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence. 2.391. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observation of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? 2.405. 1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. 2.571. as he chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser quarrels; for as to the greater causes, and those wherein life and death were concerned, he enjoined they should be brought to him and the seventy elders. 3.8. So Vespasian sent his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been with Nero, to Alexandria, to bring back with him from thence the fifth and tenth legions, while he himself, when he had passed over the Hellespont, came by land into Syria, where he gathered together the Roman forces, with a considerable number of auxiliaries from the kings in that neighborhood. 3.29. 4. And now Vespasian took along with him his army from Antioch (which is the metropolis of Syria, and without dispute deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the Roman empire, both in magnitude, and other marks of prosperity) where he found king Agrippa, with all his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais. 5.367. And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to suffer those to have dominion who are too hard 5.368. for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them. 5.378. I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them; however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight not only against the Romans, but against God himself. 5.396. Was it not derived from the seditions that were among our forefathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought Pompey upon this city, and when God reduced those under subjection to the Romans who were unworthy of the liberty they had enjoyed? 5.412. Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight. 6.11. for there was a mighty scarcity of materials, and the bodies of the soldiers began to fail with such hard labors, as did their souls faint with so many instances of ill success; 6.411. “We have certainly had God for our assistant in this war, and it was no other than God who ejected the Jews out of these fortifications; for what could the hands of men or any machines do towards overthrowing these towers!” 7.46. But about this time when the present war began, and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria, 7.47. and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night;; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. 7.48. When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately. 7.49. They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city. 7.50. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of his own conversion, and of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacrificing after the manner of the Greeks; 7.51. he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain. 7.52. As for Antiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; 7.53. and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time. 7.54. 4. Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch, a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we were going about we promised the account foregoing; 7.55. for upon this accident, whereby the foursquare marketplace was burnt down, as well as the archives, and the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces (and it was not without difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city), Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done. 7.56. Now this induced the people of Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill will at the Jews before, to believe this man’s accusation, especially when they considered what had been done before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently upon those that were accused, 7.57. and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire themselves to the city; 7.58. nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar; 7.59. for as to Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither. 7.60. But when Collegas had made a careful inquiry into the matter, he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were accused by Antiochus had any hand in it, 7.61. but that all was done by some vile persons greatly in debt, who supposed that if they could once set fire to the marketplace, and burn the public records, they should have no further demands made upon them. 7.62. So the Jews were under great disorder and terror, in the uncertain expectations of what would be the upshot of these accusations against them. 7.132. 5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature; 7.133. for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piecemeal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans; 7.134. for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver, and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as a man may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed of the rarest purple hangings, and so carried along; and others accurately represented to the life what was embroidered by the arts of the Babylonians. 7.135. There were also precious stones that were transparent, some set in crowns of gold, and some in other ouches, as the workmen pleased; and of these such a vast number were brought, that we could not but thence learn how vainly we imagined any of them to be rarities. 7.136. The images of the gods were also carried, being as well wonderful for their largeness, as made very artificially, and with great skill of the workmen; nor were any of these images of any other than very costly materials; and many species of animals were brought, every one in their own natural ornaments. 7.137. The men also who brought every one of these shows were great multitudes, and adorned with purple garments, all over interwoven with gold; those that were chosen for carrying these pompous shows having also about them such magnificent ornaments as were both extraordinary and surprising. 7.138. Besides these, one might see that even the great number of the captives was not unadorned, while the variety that was in their garments, and their fine texture, concealed from the sight the deformity of their bodies. 7.139. But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude; 7.140. for many of them were so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above another. The magnificence also of their structure afforded one both pleasure and surprise; 7.141. for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all; 7.142. and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself. 7.143. For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, 7.144. and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners: 7.145. rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. 7.146. Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. 7.147. On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships; 7.148. and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; 7.149. for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews; 7.150. and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. 7.151. After these spoils passed by a great many men, carrying the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of ivory or of gold. 7.152. After which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration. 7.153. 6. Now the last part of this pompous show was at the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, whither when they were come, they stood still; for it was the Romans’ ancient custom to stay till somebody brought the news that the general of the enemy was slain. 7.154. This general was Simon, the son of Gioras, who had then been led in this triumph among the captives; a rope had also been put upon his head, and he had been drawn into a proper place in the forum, and had withal been tormented by those that drew him along; and the law of the Romans required that malefactors condemned to die should be slain there. 7.155. Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end of him, and all the people had sent up a shout for joy, they then began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in the prayers used in such solemnities; which when they had finished, they went away to the palace. 7.156. And as for some of the spectators, the emperors entertained them at their own feast; and for all the rest there were noble preparations made for their feasting at home; 7.157. for this was a festival day to the city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, for the end that was now put to their civil miseries, and for the commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness. 7.219. 1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: 7.220. Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus (for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered), sent an epistle to Caesar, 7.221. and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; 7.222. that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. 7.223. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; 7.224. for Samosata, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception. 7.225. Petus was accordingly believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. 7.226. These kings also came to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa. 7.227. Nor was there any opposition made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. 7.228. When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately, with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him. 7.229. So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents. 7.230. 2. Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon Samosata, and by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army. 7.231. However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do anything in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent. 7.232. But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves to military force; 7.233. and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces; 7.234. yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds of his own soldiers. 7.235. Accordingly, they revolted, and went over to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate. 7.236. It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, 7.237. whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they were not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them as if they had retained their ancient prosperity. 7.238. 3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. 7.239. However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretense of this war. 7.240. Accordingly, he gave orders that they should take off his bonds, while he was still upon the road, and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live at Lacedemon; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not only live in plenty, but like a king also. 7.241. When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under. 7.242. He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire. 7.243. So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained. |
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84. New Testament, Acts, 5.1-5.20, 15.2, 17.6-17.7, 19.9, 19.21-19.41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 47; Brodd and Reed (2011) 144, 145; Despotis and Lohr (2022) 211; Nasrallah (2019) 239; Udoh (2006) 126| 5.1. Ἀνὴρ δέ τις Ἁνανίας ὀνόματι σὺν Σαπφείρῃ τῇ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ ἐπώλησεν κτῆμα 5.2. καὶ ἐνοσφίσατο ἀπὸ τῆς τιμῆς, συνειδυίης καὶ τῆς γυναικός, καὶ ἐνέγκας μέρος τι παρὰ τοὺς πόδας τῶν ἀποστόλων ἔθηκεν. 5.3. εἶπεν δὲ ὁ Πέτρος Ἁνανία, διὰ τί ἐπλήρωσεν ὁ Σατανᾶς τὴν καρδίαν σου ψεύσασθαί σε τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον καὶ νοσφίσασθαι ἀπὸ τῆς τιμῆς τοῦ χωρίου; 5.4. οὐχὶ μένον σοὶ ἔμενεν καὶ πραθὲν ἐν τῇ σῇ ἐξουσίᾳ ὑπῆρχεν; τί ὅτι ἔθου ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ σου τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῦτο; οὐκ ἐψεύσω ἀνθρώποις ἀλλὰ τῷ θεῷ. 5.5. ἀκούων δὲ ὁ Ἁνανίας τοὺς λόγους τούτους πεσὼν ἐξέψυξεν· 5.6. καὶ ἐγένετο φόβος μέγας ἐπὶ πάντας τοὺς ἀκούοντας. ἀναστάντες δὲ οἱ νεώτεροι συνέστειλαν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐξενέγκαντες ἔθαψαν. 5.7. Ἐγένετο δὲ ὡς ὡρῶν τριῶν διάστημα καὶ ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ μὴ εἰδυῖα τὸ γεγονὸς εἰσῆλθεν. 5.8. ἀπεκρίθη δὲ πρὸς αὐτὴν Πέτρος Εἰπέ μοι, εἰ τοσούτου τὸ χωρίον ἀπέδοσθε; ἡ δὲ εἶπεν Ναί, τοσούτου. 5.9. ὁ δὲ Πέτρος πρὸς αὐτήν Τί ὅτι συνεφωνήθη ὑμῖν πειράσαι τὸ πνεῦμα Κυρίου; ἰδοὺ οἱ πόδες τῶν θαψάντων τὸν ἄνδρα σου ἐπὶ τῇ θύρᾳ καὶ ἐξοίσουσίν σε. 5.10. ἔπεσεν δὲ παραχρῆμα πρὸς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐξέψυξεν· εἰσελθόντες δὲ οἱ νεανίσκοι εὗρον αὐτὴν νεκράν, καὶ ἐξενέγκαντες ἔθαψαν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα αὐτῆς. 5.11. Καὶ ἐγένετο φόβος μέγας ἐφʼ ὅλην τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ ἐπὶ πάντας τοὺς ἀκούοντας ταῦτα. 5.12. Διὰ δὲ τῶν χειρῶν τῶν ἀποστόλων ἐγίνετο σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα πολλὰ ἐν τῷ λαῷ· καὶ ἦσαν ὁμοθυμαδὸν πάντες ἐν τῇ Στοᾷ Σολομῶντος· 5.13. τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμα κολλᾶσθαι αὐτοῖς· 5.14. ἀλλʼ ἐμεγάλυνεν αὐτοὺς ὁ λαός, μᾶλλον δὲ προσετίθεντο πιστεύοντες τῷ κυρίῳ πλήθη ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν· 5.15. ὥστε καὶ εἰς τὰς πλατείας ἐκφέρειν τοὺς ἀσθενεῖς καὶ τιθέναι ἐπὶ κλιναρίων καὶ κραβάττων, ἵνα ἐρχομένου Πέτρου κἂν ἡ σκιὰ ἐπισκιάσει τινὶ αὐτῶν. 5.16. συνήρχετο δὲκαὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πέριξ πόλεων Ἰερουσαλήμ, φέροντες ἀσθενεῖς καὶ ὀχλουμένους ὑπὸ πνευμάτων ἀκαθάρτων, οἵτινες ἐθεραπεύοντο ἅπαντες. 5.17. Ἀναστὰς δὲ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ πάντες οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ, ἡ οὖσα αἵρεσις τῶν Σαδδουκαίων, 5.18. ἐπλήσθησαν ζήλου καὶ ἐπέβαλον τὰς χεῖρας ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀποστόλους καὶ ἔθεντο αὐτοὺς ἐν τηρήσει δημοσίᾳ. 5.19. Ἄγγελος δὲ Κυρίου διὰ νυκτὸς ἤνοιξε τὰς θύρας τῆς φυλακῆς ἐξαγαγών τε αὐτοὺς εἶπεν 5.20. Πορεύεσθε καὶ σταθέντες λαλεῖτε ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῷ λαῷ πάντα τὰ ῥήματα τῆς ζωῆς ταύτης. 15.2. γενομένης δὲ στάσεως καὶ ζητήσεως οὐκ ὀλίγης τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ τῷ Βαρνάβᾳ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔταξαν ἀναβαίνειν Παῦλον καὶ Βαρνάβαν καί τινας ἄλλους ἐξ αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς ἀποστόλους καὶ πρεσβυτέρους εἰς Ἰερουσαλὴμ περὶ τοῦ ζητήματος τούτου. 17.6. μὴ εὑρόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔσυρον Ἰάσονα καί τινας ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας, βοῶντες ὅτι Οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀναστατώσαντες οὗτοι καὶ ἐνθάδε πάρεισιν, 17.7. οὓς ὑποδέδεκται Ἰάσων· καὶ οὗτοι πάντες ἀπέναντι τῶν δογμάτων Καίσαρος πράσσουσι, βασιλέα ἕτερον λέγοντες εἶναι Ἰησοῦν. 19.9. ὡς δέ τινες ἐσκληρύνοντο καὶ ἠπείθουν κακολογοῦντες τὴν ὁδὸν ἐνώπιον τοῦ πλήθους, ἀποστὰς ἀπʼ αὐτῶν ἀφώρισεν τοὺς μαθητάς, καθʼ ἡμέραν διαλεγόμενος ἐν τῇ σχολῇ Τυράννου . 19.21. ΩΣ ΔΕ ΕΠΛΗΡΩΘΗ ταῦτα, ἔθετο ὁ Παῦλος ἐν τῷ πνεύματι διελθὼν τὴν Μακεδονίαν καὶ Ἀχαίαν πορεύεσθαι εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα, εἰπὼν ὅτι Μετὰ τὸ γενέσθαι με ἐκεῖ δεῖ με καὶ Ῥώμην ἰδεῖν. 19.22. ἀποστείλας δὲ εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν δύο τῶν διακονούντων αὐτῷ, Τιμόθεον καὶ Ἔραστον, αὐτὸς ἐπέσχεν χρόνον εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν. 19.23. Ἐγένετο δὲ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον τάραχος οὐκ ὀλίγος περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ. 19.24. Δημήτριος γάρ τις ὀνόματι, ἀργυροκόπος, ποιῶν ναοὺς [ἀργυροῦς] Ἀρτέμιδος παρείχετο τοῖς τεχνίταις οὐκ ὀλίγην ἐργασίαν, 19.25. οὓς συναθροίσας καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐργάτας εἶπεν Ἄνδρες, ἐπίστασθε ὅτι ἐκ ταύτης τῆς ἐργασίας ἡ εὐπορία ἡμῖν ἐστίν, 19.26. καὶ θεωρεῖτε καὶ ἀκούετε ὅτι οὐ μόνον Ἐφέσου ἀλλὰ σχεδὸν πάσης τῆς Ἀσίας ὁ Παῦλος οὗτος πείσας μετέστησεν ἱκανὸν ὄχλον, λέγων ὅτι οὐκ εἰσὶν θεοὶ οἱ διὰ χειρῶν γινόμενοι. 19.27. οὐ μόνον δὲ τοῦτο κινδυνεύει ἡμῖν τὸ μέρος εἰς ἀπελεγμὸν ἐλθεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ τῆς μεγάλης θεᾶς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερὸν εἰς οὐθὲν λογισθῆναι, μέλλειν τε καὶ καθαιρεῖσθαι τῆς μεγαλειότητος αὐτῆς, ἣν ὅλη [ἡ] Ἀσία καὶ [ἡ] οἰκουμένη σέβεται. 19.28. ἀκούσαντες δὲ καὶ γενόμενοι πλήρεις θυμοῦ ἔκραζον λέγοντες Μεγάλη ἡ Ἄρτεμις Ἐφεσίων. 19.29. καὶ ἐπλήσθη ἡ πόλις τῆς συγχύσεως, ὥρμησάν τε ὁμοθυμαδὸν εἰς τὸ θέατρον συναρπάσαντες Γαῖον καὶ Ἀρίσταρχον Μακεδόνας, συνεκδήμους Παύλου. 19.30. Παύλου δὲ βουλομένου εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὸν δῆμον οὐκ εἴων αὐτὸν οἱ μαθηταί· 19.31. τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἀσιαρχῶν, ὄντες αὐτῷ φίλοι, πέμψαντες πρὸς αὐτὸν παρεκάλουν μὴ δοῦναι ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸ θέατρον. 19.32. ἄλλοι μὲν οὖν ἄλλο τι ἔκραζον, ἦν γὰρ ἡ ἐκκλησία συνκεχυμένη, καὶ οἱ πλείους οὐκ ᾔδεισαν τίνος ἕνεκα συνεληλύθεισαν. 19.33. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ὄχλου συνεβίβασαν Ἀλέξανδρον προβαλόντων αὐτὸν τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος κατασείσας τὴν χεῖρα ἤθελεν ἀπολογεῖσθαι τῷ δήμῳ. 19.34. ἐπιγνόντες δὲ ὅτι Ἰουδαῖός ἐστιν φωνὴ ἐγένετο μία ἐκ πάντων ὡσεὶ ἐπὶ ὥρας δύο κραζόντων Μεγάλη ἡ Ἄρτεμις Ἐφεσίων . 19.35. καταστείλας δὲ τὸν ὄχλον ὁ γραμματεύς φησιν Ἄνδρες Ἐφέσιοι, τίς γάρ ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων ὃς οὐ γινώσκει τὴν Ἐφεσίων πόλιν νεωκόρον οὖσαν τῆς μεγάλης Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ τοῦ διοπετοῦς; 19.36. ἀναντιρήτων οὖν ὄντων τούτων δέον ἐστὶν ὑμᾶς κατεσταλμένους ὑπάρχειν καὶ μηδὲν προπετὲς πράσσειν. 19.37. ἠγάγετε γὰρ τοὺς ἄνδρας τούτους οὔτε ἱεροσύλους οὔτε βλασφημοῦντας τὴν θεὸν ἡμῶν. 19.38. εἰ μὲν οὖν Δημήτριος καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τεχνῖται ἔχουσιν πρός τινα λόγον, ἀγοραῖοι ἄγονται καὶ ἀνθύπατοί εἰσιν, ἐγκαλείτωσαν ἀλλήλοις. 19.39. εἰ δέ τι περαιτέρω ἐπιζητεῖτε, ἐν τῇ ἐννόμῳ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐπιλυθήσεται. 19.40. καὶ γὰρ κινδυνεύομεν ἐγκαλεῖσθαι στάσεως περὶ τῆς σήμερον μηδενὸς αἰτίου ὑπάρχοντος, περὶ οὗ οὐ δυνησόμεθα ἀποδοῦναι λόγον περὶ τῆς συστροφῆς ταύτης. 19.41. καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀπέλυσεν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. | 5.1. But a certain man named Aias, with Sapphira, his wife, sold a possession, 5.2. and kept back part of the price, his wife also being aware of it, and brought a certain part, and laid it at the apostles' feet. 5.3. But Peter said, "Aias, why has Satan filled your heart to lie to the Holy Spirit, and to keep back part of the price of the land? 5.4. While you kept it, didn't it remain your own? After it was sold, wasn't it in your power? How is it that you have conceived this thing in your heart? You haven't lied to men, but to God." 5.5. Aias, hearing these words, fell down and died. Great fear came on all who heard these things. 5.6. The young men arose and wrapped him up, and they carried him out and buried him. 5.7. About three hours later, his wife, not knowing what had happened, came in. 5.8. Peter answered her, "Tell me whether you sold the land for so much."She said, "Yes, for so much." 5.9. But Peter asked her, "How is it that you have agreed together to tempt the Spirit of the Lord? Behold, the feet of those who have buried your husband are at the door, and they will carry you out." 5.10. She fell down immediately at his feet, and died. The young men came in and found her dead, and they carried her out and buried her by her husband. 5.11. Great fear came on the whole assembly, and on all who heard these things. 5.12. By the hands of the apostles many signs and wonders were done among the people. They were all with one accord in Solomon's porch. 5.13. None of the rest dared to join them, however the people honored them. 5.14. More believers were added to the Lord, multitudes of both men and women. 5.15. They even carried out the sick into the streets, and laid them on cots and mattresses, so that as Peter came by, at the least his shadow might overshadow some of them. 5.16. Multitudes also came together from the cities around Jerusalem, bringing sick people, and those who were tormented by unclean spirits: and they were all healed. 5.17. But the high priest rose up, and all those who were with him (which is the sect of the Sadducees), and they were filled with jealousy, 5.18. and laid hands on the apostles, and put them in public custody. 5.19. But an angel of the Lord opened the prison doors by night, and brought them out, and said, 5.20. "Go stand and speak in the temple to the people all the words of this life." 15.2. Therefore when Paul and Barnabas had no small discord and discussion with them, they appointed Paul and Barnabas, and some others of them, to go up to Jerusalem to the apostles and elders about this question. 17.6. When they didn't find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, 17.7. whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!" 19.9. But when some were hardened and disobedient, speaking evil of the Way before the multitude, he departed from them, and separated the disciples, reasoning daily in the school of Tyrannus. 19.21. Now after these things had ended, Paul determined in the spirit, when he had passed through Macedonia and Achaia, to go to Jerusalem, saying, "After I have been there, I must also see Rome." 19.22. Having sent into Macedonia two of those who ministered to him, Timothy and Erastus, he himself stayed in Asia for a while. 19.23. About that time there arose no small stir concerning the Way. 19.24. For a certain man named Demetrius, a silversmith, who made silver shrines of Artemis, brought no little business to the craftsmen, 19.25. whom he gathered together, with the workmen of like occupation, and said, "Sirs, you know that by this business we have our wealth. 19.26. You see and hear, that not at Ephesus alone, but almost throughout all Asia, this Paul has persuaded and turned away many people, saying that they are no gods, that are made with hands. 19.27. Not only is there danger that this our trade come into disrepute, but also that the temple of the great goddess Artemis will be counted as nothing, and her majesty destroyed, whom all Asia and the world worships." 19.28. When they heard this they were filled with anger, and cried out, saying, "Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!" 19.29. The whole city was filled with confusion, and they rushed with one accord into the theater, having seized Gaius and Aristarchus, men of Macedonia, Paul's companions in travel. 19.30. When Paul wanted to enter in to the people, the disciples didn't allow him. 19.31. Certain also of the Asiarchs, being his friends, sent to him and begged him not to venture into the theater. 19.32. Some therefore cried one thing, and some another, for the assembly was in confusion. Most of them didn't know why they had come together. 19.33. They brought Alexander out of the multitude, the Jews putting him forward. Alexander beckoned with his hand, and would have made a defense to the people. 19.34. But when they perceived that he was a Jew, all with one voice for a time of about two hours cried out, "Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!" 19.35. When the town clerk had quieted the multitude, he said, "You men of Ephesus, what man is there who doesn't know that the city of the Ephesians is temple-keeper of the great goddess Artemis, and of the image which fell down from Zeus? 19.36. Seeing then that these things can't be denied, you ought to be quiet, and to do nothing rash. 19.37. For you have brought these men here, who are neither robbers of temples nor blasphemers of your goddess. 19.38. If therefore Demetrius and the craftsmen who are with him have a matter against anyone, the courts are open, and there are proconsuls. Let them press charges against one another. 19.39. But if you seek anything about other matters, it will be settled in the regular assembly. 19.40. For indeed we are in danger of being accused concerning this day's riot, there being no cause. Concerning it, we wouldn't be able to give an account of this commotion." 19.41. When he had thus spoken, he dismissed the assembly. |
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| 85. Longinus, On The Sublime, 1.13.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215 |
86. New Testament, Matthew, 4.8-4.9, 5.12, 5.28, 5.38-5.42, 5.44, 13.41-13.42, 13.49-13.50, 18.23-18.35, 18.41, 22.13, 26.53, 27.32 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •imperialism roman, x •roman empire, imperial power •power, roman imperial Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 47, 72; Brodd and Reed (2011) 143; Nasrallah (2019) 97| 4.8. Πάλιν παραλαμβάνει αὐτὸν ὁ διάβολος εἰς ὄρος ὑψηλὸν λίαν, καὶ δείκνυσιν αὐτῷ πάσας τὰς βασιλείας τοῦ κόσμου καὶ τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν, 4.9. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ταῦτά σοι πάντα δώσω ἐὰν πεσὼν προσκυνήσῃς μοι. 5.12. χαίρετε καὶ ἀγαλλιᾶσθε, ὅτι ὁ μισθὸς ὑμῶν πολὺς ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς· οὕτως γὰρ ἐδίωξαν τοὺς προφήτας τοὺς πρὸ ὑμῶν. 5.28. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι πᾶς ὁ βλέπων γυναῖκα πρὸς τὸ ἐπιθυμῆσαι [αὐτὴν] ἤδη ἐμοίχευσεν αὐτὴν ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτοῦ. 5.38. Ἠκούσατε ὅτι ἐρρέθη Ὀφθαλμὸν ἀντὶ ὀφθαλμοῦ καὶ ὀδόντα ἀντὶ ὀδόντος. 5.39. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν μὴ ἀντιστῆναι τῷ πονηρῷ· ἀλλʼ ὅστις σε ῥαπίζει εἰς τὴν δεξιὰν σιαγόνα [σου], στρέψον αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην· 5.40. καὶ τῷ θέλοντί σοι κριθῆναι καὶ τὸν χιτῶνά σου λαβεῖν, ἄφες αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ ἱμάτιον· 5.41. καὶ ὅστις σε ἀγγαρεύσει μίλιον ἕν, ὕπαγε μετʼ αὐτοῦ δύο. 5.42. τῷ αἰτοῦντί σε δός, καὶ τὸν θέλοντα ἀπὸ σοῦ δανίσασθαι μὴ ἀποστραφῇς. 5.44. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀγαπᾶτε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ὑμῶν καὶ προσεύχεσθε ὑπὲρ τῶν διωκόντων ὑμᾶς· 13.41. ἀποστελεῖ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τοὺς ἀγγέλους αὐτοῦ, καὶ συλλέξουσιν ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ πάντα τὰ σκάνδαλα καὶ τοὺς ποιοῦντας τὴν ἀνομίαν, 13.42. καὶ βαλοῦσιν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν κάμινον τοῦ πυρός· ἐκεῖ ἔσται ὁ κλαυθμὸς καὶ ὁ βρυγμὸς τῶν ὀδόντων. 13.49. οὕτως ἔσται ἐν τῇ συντελείᾳ τοῦ αἰῶνος· ἐξελεύσονται οἱ ἄγγελοι καὶ ἀφοριοῦσιν τοὺς πονηροὺς ἐκ μέσου τῶν δικαίων 13.50. καὶ βαλοῦσιν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν κάμινον τοῦ πυρός· ἐκεῖ ἔσται ὁ κλαυθμὸς καὶ ὁ βρυγμὸς τῶν ὀδόντων. 18.23. Διὰ τοῦτο ὡμοιώθη ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν ἀνθρώπῳ βασιλεῖ ὃς ἠθέλησεν συνᾶραι λόγον μετὰ τῶν δούλων αὐτοῦ· 18.24. ἀρξαμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ συναίρειν προσήχθη εἷς αὐτῷ ὀφειλέτης μυρίων ταλάντων. 18.25. μὴ ἔχοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ἀποδοῦναι ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ὁ κύριος πραθῆναι καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ πάντα ὅσα ἔχει καὶ ἀποδοθῆναι. 18.26. πεσὼν οὖν ὁ δοῦλος προσεκύνει αὐτῷ λέγων Μακροθύμησον ἐπʼ ἐμοί, καὶ πάντα ἀποδώσω σοι. 18.27. σπλαγχνισθεὶς δὲ ὁ κύριος τοῦ δούλου [ἐκείνου] ἀπέλυσεν αὐτόν, καὶ τὸ δάνιον ἀφῆκεν αὐτῷ. 18.28. ἐξελθὼν δὲ ὁ δοῦλος ἐκεῖνος εὗρεν ἕνα τῶν συνδούλων αὐτοῦ ὃς ὤφειλεν αὐτῷ ἑκατὸν δηνάρια, καὶ κρατήσας αὐτὸν ἔπνιγεν λέγων Ἀπόδος εἴ τι ὀφείλεις. 18.29. πεσὼν οὖν ὁ σύνδουλος αὐτοῦ παρεκάλει αὐτὸν λέγων Μακροθύμησον ἐπʼ ἐμοί, καὶ ἀποδώσω σοι. 18.30. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἤθελεν, ἀλλὰ ἀπελθὼν ἔβαλεν αὐτὸν εἰς φυλακὴν ἕως ἀποδῷ τὸ ὀφειλόμενον. 18.31. ἰδόντες οὖν οἱ σύνδουλοι αὐτοῦ τὰ γενόμενα ἐλυπήθησαν σφόδρα, καὶ ἐλθόντες διεσάφησαν τῷ κυρίῳ ἑαυτῶν πάντα τὰ γενόμενα. 18.32. τότε προσκαλεσάμενος αὐτὸν ὁ κύριος αὐτοῦ λέγει αὐτῷ Δοῦλε πονηρέ, πᾶσαν τὴν ὀφειλὴν ἐκείνην ἀφῆκά σοι, ἐπεὶ παρεκάλεσάς με· 18.33. οὐκ ἔδει καὶ σὲ ἐλεῆσαι τὸν σύνδουλόν σου, ὡς κἀγὼ σὲ ἠλέησα; 18.34. καὶ ὀργισθεὶς ὁ κύριος αὐτοῦ παρέδωκεν αὐτὸν τοῖς βασανισταῖς ἕως [οὗ] ἀποδῷ πᾶν τὸ ὀφειλόμενον. 18.35. Οὕτως καὶ ὁ πατήρ μου ὁ οὐράνιος ποιήσει ὑμῖν ἐὰν μὴ ἀφῆτε ἕκαστος τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ τῶν καρδιῶν ὑμῶν. 22.13. τότε ὁ βασιλεὺς εἶπεν τοῖς διακόνοις Δήσαντες αὐτοῦ πόδας καὶ χεῖρας ἐκβάλετε αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ σκότος τὸ ἐξώτερον· ἐκεῖ ἔσται ὁ κλαυθμὸς καὶ ὁ βρυγμὸς τῶν ὀδόντων. 26.53. ἢ δοκεῖς ὅτι οὐ δύναμαι παρακαλέσαι τὸν πατέρα μου, καὶ παραστήσει μοι ἄρτι πλείω δώδεκα λεγιῶνας ἀγγέλων; 27.32. Ἐξερχόμενοι δὲ εὗρον ἄνθρωπον Κυρηναῖον ὀνόματι Σίμωνα· τοῦτον ἠγγάρευσαν ἵνα ἄρῃ τὸν σταυρὸν αὐτοῦ. | 4.8. Again, the devil took him to an exceedingly high mountain, and showed him all the kingdoms of the world, and their glory. 4.9. He said to him, "I will give you all of these things, if you will fall down and worship me." 5.12. Rejoice, and be exceedingly glad, for great is your reward in heaven. For that is how they persecuted the prophets who were before you. 5.28. but I tell you that everyone who gazes at a woman to lust after her has committed adultery with her already in his heart. 5.38. "You have heard that it was said, 'An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth.' 5.39. But I tell you, don't resist him who is evil; but whoever strikes you on your right cheek, turn to him the other also. 5.40. If anyone sues you to take away your coat, let him have your cloak also. 5.41. Whoever compels you to go one mile, go with him two. 5.42. Give to him who asks you, and don't turn away him who desires to borrow from you. 5.44. But I tell you, love your enemies, bless those who curse you, do good to those who hate you, and pray for those who mistreat you and persecute you, 13.41. The Son of Man will send out his angels, and they will gather out of his kingdom all things that cause stumbling, and those who do iniquity, 13.42. and will cast them into the furnace of fire. There will be weeping and the gnashing of teeth. 13.49. So will it be in the end of the world. The angels will come forth, and separate the wicked from among the righteous, 13.50. and will cast them into the furnace of fire. There will be the weeping and the gnashing of teeth." 18.23. Therefore the Kingdom of Heaven is like a certain king, who wanted to reconcile accounts with his servants. 18.24. When he had begun to reconcile, one was brought to him who owed him ten thousand talents. 18.25. But because he couldn't pay, his lord commanded him to be sold, with his wife, his children, and all that he had, and payment to be made. 18.26. The servant therefore fell down and kneeled before him, saying, 'Lord, have patience with me, and I will repay you all.' 18.27. The lord of that servant, being moved with compassion, released him, and forgave him the debt. 18.28. "But that servant went out, and found one of his fellow servants, who owed him one hundred denarii, and he grabbed him, and took him by the throat, saying, 'Pay me what you owe!' 18.29. "So his fellow servant fell down at his feet and begged him, saying, 'Have patience with me, and I will repay you.' 18.30. He would not, but went and cast him into prison, until he should pay back that which was due. 18.31. So when his fellow servants saw what was done, they were exceedingly sorry, and came and told to their lord all that was done. 18.32. Then his lord called him in, and said to him, 'You wicked servant! I forgave you all that debt, because you begged me. 18.33. Shouldn't you also have had mercy on your fellow servant, even as I had mercy on you?' 18.34. His lord was angry, and delivered him to the tormentors, until he should pay all that was due to him. 18.35. So my heavenly Father will also do to you, if you don't each forgive your brother from your hearts for his misdeeds." 22.13. Then the king said to the servants, 'Bind him hand and foot, take him away, and throw him into the outer darkness; there is where the weeping and grinding of teeth will be.' 26.53. Or do you think that I couldn't ask my Father, and he would even now send me more than twelve legions of angels? 27.32. As they came out, they found a man of Cyrene, Simon by name, and they compelled him to go with them, that he might carry his cross. |
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| 87. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 35, 64, 52 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 180 |
| 88. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 35, 52, 64 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 180 |
| 89. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.208, 3.39, 5.85, 5.95, 5.146, 6.8, 8.190, 9.62, 14.75, 14.113, 30.18, 31.84, 31.94, 31.99 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, •portraits, imperial, power, roman, legitimacy of •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •administration, roman imperial •law, roman imperial period, of a province •agriculture, roman imperial period •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Ando (2013) 65; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 63; Edmonds (2019) 215, 225; Marek (2019) 326, 331, 362, 363, 401, 402, 405 |
| 90. Plutarch, Dialogue On Love, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 212 |
| 91. Plutarch, Aristides, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 214 |
92. Plutarch, On Being A Busybody, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 212 | 517c. The joy of a prosperous king is not concealed, nor is his laughter when he is amused, nor his outlay on entertainment and favours; but it is time for alarm when something is hidden, something dark, unsmiling, unapproachable, a storehouse of festering wrath, or the meditation of a punishment indicative of sullen anger, or jealousy of a wife, or some suspicion against a son, or distrust of a friend. Beware of this darkening and gathering cloud! That which is now hidden will be disclosed to you when the cloud bursts forth amid crashes of thunder and bolts of lightning! What escape is there, then, from this vice? By a process of shifting and diverting our inquisitiveness, as has been said, and, if possible, by turning the soul to better and more pleasant objects. Direct your curiosity, to heavenly things and things on earth, in the air, in the sea. |
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| 93. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215 |
| 94. Plutarch, On The Sign of Socrates, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 335 |
| 95. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215 |
| 96. Plutarch, On The Delays of Divine Vengeance, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 212 |
97. Plutarch, On Moral Virtue, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 212 | 442c. but though the passionate part is wanting in reason and has no reason of its own, yet otherwise it is by nature fitted to heed the rational and intelligent part, to turn toward it, to yield to it, to conform itself thereto, if it is not completely corrupted by the foolish pleasure and a life of no restraint. Those who wonder how it is that this part is irrational, yet subservient to reason, do not seem to me to reflect thoroughly upon the power of reason, How great it is, how far it penetrates, through its mastery and guidance, not by harsh and inflexible methods, but by flexible ones, which have a quality of yielding and submitting to the rein which is more effective than any possible constraint or violence. For, to be sure, even our breathing, our sinews and bones, |
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| 98. Plutarch, Marcellus, 3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 54 |
| 99. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 214 |
| 100. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 211 |
| 101. Plutarch, How To Tell A Flatterer From A Friend, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 212 |
| 102. Plutarch, How A Man May Become Aware of His Progress In Virtue, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 214 |
103. New Testament, Mark, 11.15, 13.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dove in roman imperial ideology •roman imperial ideology Found in books: Peppard (2011) 118; deSilva (2022) 329| 11.15. Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα. Καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἤρξατο ἐκβάλλειν τοὺς πωλοῦντας καὶ τοὺς ἀγοράζοντας ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, καὶ τὰς τραπέζας τῶν κολλυβιστῶν καὶ τὰς καθέδρας τῶν πωλούντων τὰς περιστερὰς κατέστρεψεν 13.11. καὶ ὅταν ἄγωσιν ὑμᾶς παραδιδόντες, μὴ προμεριμνᾶτε τί λαλήσητε, ἀλλʼ ὃ ἐὰν δοθῇ ὑμῖν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ τοῦτο λαλεῖτε, οὐ γάρ ἐστε ὑμεῖς οἱ λαλοῦντες ἀλλὰ τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον. | 11.15. They came to Jerusalem, and Jesus entered into the temple, and began to throw out those who sold and those who bought in the temple, and overthrew the tables of the money-changers, and the seats of those who sold the doves. 13.11. When they lead you away and deliver you up, don't be anxious beforehand, or premeditate what you will say, but say whatever will be given you in that hour. For it is not you who speak, but the Holy Spirit. |
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104. New Testament, Luke, 2.4, 3.23-3.38, 4.5-4.7, 6.35-6.36, 9.23-9.25, 21.12-21.15, 23.34, 23.41-23.43, 24.11, 24.47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •imperialism roman, x •roman imperial discourse •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power •roman imperial period Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 47, 125, 142; Brodd and Reed (2011) 143; Despotis and Lohr (2022) 211; Maier and Waldner (2022) 179; Matthews (2010) 120; deSilva (2022) 178, 329| 2.4. Ἀνέβη δὲ καὶ Ἰωσὴφ ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐκ πόλεως Ναζαρὲτ εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν εἰς πόλιν Δαυεὶδ ἥτις καλεῖται Βηθλεἐμ, διὰ τὸ εἶναι αὐτὸν ἐξ οἴκου καὶ πατριᾶς Δαυείδ, 3.23. Καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν Ἰησοῦς ἀρχόμενος ὡσεὶ ἐτῶν τριάκοντα, ὢν υἱός, ὡς ἐνομίζετο, Ἰωσήφ τοῦ Ἡλεί 3.24. τοῦ Ματθάτ τοῦ Λευεί τοῦ Μελχεί τοῦ Ἰανναί τοῦ Ἰωσήφ 3.25. τοῦ Ματταθίου τοῦ Ἀμώς τοῦ Ναούμ τοῦ Ἐσλεί τοῦ Ναγγαί 3.26. τοῦ Μαάθ τοῦ Ματταθίου τοῦ Σεμεείν τοῦ Ἰωσήχ τοῦ Ἰωδά 3.27. τοῦ Ἰωανάν τοῦ Ῥησά τοῦ Ζοροβάβελ τοῦ Σαλαθιήλ τοῦ Νηρεί 3.28. τοῦ Μελχεί τοῦ Ἀδδεί τοῦ Κωσάμ τοῦ Ἐλμαδάμ τοῦ Ἤρ 3.29. τοῦ Ἰησοῦ τοῦ Ἐλιέζερ τοῦ Ἰωρείμ τοῦ Μαθθάτ τοῦ Λευεί 3.30. τοῦ Συμεών τοῦ Ἰούδα τοῦ Ἰωσήφ τοῦ Ἰωνάμ τοῦ Ἐλιακείμ 3.31. τοῦ Μελεά τοῦ Μεννά τοῦ Ματταθά τοῦ Ναθάμ τοῦ Δαυείδ 3.32. τοῦ Ἰεσσαί τοῦ Ἰωβήλ τοῦ Βοός τοῦ Σαλά τοῦ Ναασσών 3.33. τοῦ Ἀδμείν τοῦ Ἀρνεί τοῦ Ἑσρών τοῦ Φαρές τοῦ Ἰούδα 3.34. τοῦ Ἰακώβ τοῦ Ἰσαάκ τοῦ Ἀβραάμ τοῦ Θαρά τοῦ Ναχώρ 3.35. τοῦ Σερούχ τοῦ Ῥαγαύ τοῦ Φάλεκ τοῦ Ἔβερ τοῦ Σαλά 3.36. τοῦ Καινάμ τοῦ Ἀρφαξάδ τοῦ Σήμ τοῦ Νῶε τοῦ Λάμεχ 3.37. τοῦ Μαθουσαλά τοῦ Ἑνώχ τοῦ Ἰάρετ τοῦ Μαλελεήλ τοῦ Καινάμ 3.38. τοῦ Ἐνώς τοῦ Σήθ τοῦ Ἀδάμ τοῦ θεοῦ. 4.5. Καὶ ἀναγαγὼν αὐτὸν ἔδειξεν αὐτῷ πάσας τὰς βασιλείας τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐν στιγμῇ χρόνου· 4.6. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ διάβολος Σοὶ δώσω τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταύτην ἅπασαν καὶ τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν, ὅτι ἐμοὶ παραδέδοται καὶ ᾧ ἂν θέλω δίδωμι αὐτήν· 4.7. σὺ οὖν ἐὰν προσκυνήσῃς ἐνώπιον ἐμοῦ, ἔσται σοῦ πᾶσα. 6.35. πλὴν ἀγαπᾶτε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ὑμῶν καὶ ἀγαθοποιεῖτε καὶ δανίζετε μηδὲν ἀπελπίζοντες· καὶ ἔσται ὁ μισθὸς ὑμῶν πολύς, καὶ ἔσεσθε υἱοὶ Ὑψίστου, ὅτι αὐτὸς χρηστός ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀχαρίστους καὶ πονηρούς. 6.36. Γίνεσθε οἰκτίρμονες καθὼς ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν οἰκτίρμων ἐστίν· 9.23. Ἔλεγεν δὲ πρὸς πάντας Εἴ τις θέλει ὀπίσω μου ἔρχεσθαι, ἀρνησάσθω ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἀράτω τὸν σταυρὸν αὐτοῦ καθʼ ἡμέραν, καὶ ἀκολουθείτω μοι. 9.24. ὃς γὰρ ἂν θέλῃ τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ σῶσαι, ἀπολέσει αὐτήν· ὃς δʼ ἂν ἀπολέσῃ τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ, οὗτος σώσει αὐτήν. 9.25. τί γὰρ ὠφελεῖται ἄνθρωπος κερδήσας τὸν κόσμον ὅλον ἑαυτὸν δὲ ἀπολέσας ἢ ζημιωθείς; 21.12. πρὸ δὲ τούτων πάντων ἐπιβαλοῦσιν ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῶν καὶ διώξουσιν, παραδιδόντες εἰς τὰς συναγωγὰς καὶ φυλακάς, ἀπαγομένους ἐπὶ βασιλεῖς καὶ ἡγεμόνας ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀνόματός μου· 21.13. ἀποβήσεται ὑμῖν εἰς μαρτύριον. 21.14. θέτε οὖν ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ὑμῶν μὴ προμελετᾷν ἀπολογηθῆναι, 21.15. ἐγὼ γὰρ δώσω ὑμῖν στόμα καὶ σοφίαν ᾗ οὐ δυνήσονται ἀντιστῆναι ἢ ἀντειπεῖν ἅπαντες οἱ ἀντικείμενοι ὑμῖν. 23.34. ⟦ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἔλεγεν Πάτερ, ἄφες αὐτοῖς, οὐ γὰρ οἴδασιν τί ποιοῦσιν.⟧ διαμεριζόμενοι δὲ τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ ἔβαλον κλῆρον. 23.41. ἄξια γὰρ ὧν ἐπράξαμεν ἀπολαμβάνομεν· οὗτος δὲ οὐδὲν ἄτοπον ἔπραξεν. 23.42. καὶ ἔλεγεν Ἰησοῦ, μνήσθητί μου ὅταν ἔλθῃς εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν σου. 23.43. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ἀμήν σοι λέγω, σήμερον μετʼ ἐμοῦ ἔσῃ ἐν τῷ παραδείσῳ. 24.11. καὶ ἐφάνησαν ἐνώπιον αὐτῶν ὡσεὶ λῆρος τὰ ῥήματα ταῦτα, καὶ ἠπίστουν αὐταῖς. 24.47. καὶ κηρυχθῆναι ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι αὐτοῦ μετάνοιαν εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν εἰς πάντα τὰ ἔθνὴ, — ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ Ἰερουσαλήμ· | 2.4. Joseph also went up from Galilee, out of the city of Nazareth, into Judea, to the city of David, which is called Bethlehem, because he was of the house and family of David; 3.23. Jesus himself, when he began to teach, was about thirty years old, being the son (as was supposed) of Joseph, the son of Heli, 3.24. the son of Matthat, the son of Levi, the son of Melchi, the son of Jannai, the son of Joseph, 3.25. the son of Mattathias, the son of Amos, the son of Nahum, the son of Esli, the son of Naggai, 3.26. the son of Maath, the son of Mattathias, the son of Semein, the son of Joseph, the son of Judah, 3.27. the son of Joa, the son of Rhesa, the son of Zerubbabel, the son of Shealtiel, the son of Neri, 3.28. the son of Melchi, the son of Addi, the son of Cosam, the son of Elmodam, the son of Er, 3.29. the son of Josa, the son of Eliezer, the son of Jorim, the son of Matthat, the son of Levi, 3.30. the son of Simeon, the son of Judah, the son of Joseph, the son of Jo, the son of Eliakim, 3.31. the son of Melea, the son of Me, the son of Mattatha, the son of Nathan, the son of David, 3.32. the son of Jesse, the son of Obed, the son of Boaz, the son of Salmon, the son of Nahshon, 3.33. the son of Amminadab, the son of Aram, the son of Joram, the son of Hezron, the son of Perez, the son of Judah, 3.34. the son of Jacob, the son of Isaac, the son of Abraham, the son of Terah, the son of Nahor, 3.35. the son of Serug, the son of Reu, the son of Peleg, the son of Eber, the son of Shelah 3.36. the son of Cai, the son of Arphaxad, the son of Shem, the son of Noah, the son of Lamech, 3.37. the son of Methuselah, the son of Enoch, the son of Jared, the son of Mahalaleel, the son of Cai, 3.38. the son of Enos, the son of Seth, the son of Adam, the son of God. 4.5. The devil, leading him up on a high mountain, showed him all the kingdoms of the world in a moment of time. 4.6. The devil said to him, "I will give you all this authority, and their glory, for it has been delivered to me; and I give it to whomever I want. 4.7. If you therefore will worship before me, it will all be yours." 6.35. But love your enemies, and do good, and lend, expecting nothing back; and your reward will be great, and you will be sons of the Most High; for he is kind toward the unthankful and evil. 6.36. Therefore be merciful, Even as your Father is also merciful. 9.23. He said to all, "If anyone desires to come after me, let him deny himself, take up his cross, and follow me. 9.24. For whoever desires to save his life will lose it, but whoever will lose his life for my sake, the same will save it. 9.25. For what does it profit a man if he gains the whole world, and loses or forfeits his own self? 21.12. But before all these things, they will lay their hands on you and will persecute you, delivering you up to synagogues and prisons, bringing you before kings and governors for my name's sake. 21.13. It will turn out as a testimony for you. 21.14. Settle it therefore in your hearts not to meditate beforehand how to answer, 21.15. for I will give you a mouth and wisdom which all your adversaries will not be able to withstand or to contradict. 23.34. Jesus said, "Father, forgive them, for they don't know what they are doing."Dividing his garments among them, they cast lots. 23.41. And we indeed justly, for we receive the due reward for our deeds, but this man has done nothing wrong." 23.42. He said to Jesus, "Lord, remember me when you come into your kingdom." 23.43. Jesus said to him, "Assuredly I tell you, today you will be with me in Paradise." 24.11. These words seemed to them to be nonsense, and they didn't believe them. 24.47. and that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in his name to all the nations, beginning at Jerusalem. |
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105. New Testament, John, 5.24, 12.40, 18.3, 18.12, 19.1, 20.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period •roman empire, imperial security forces •new testament studies, roman imperial power and Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 770, 779; Brodd and Reed (2011) 146; Despotis and Lohr (2022) 316, 320| 5.24. Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι ὁ τὸν λόγον μου ἀκούων καὶ πιστεύων τῷ πέμψαντί με ἔχει ζωὴν αἰώνιον, καὶ εἰς κρίσιν οὐκ ἔρχεται ἀλλὰ μεταβέβηκεν ἐκ τοῦ θανάτου εἰς τὴν ζωήν. 12.40. Τετύφλωκεν αὐτῶν τοῦς ὀφθαλμοὺς καὶ ἐπώρωσεν αὐτῶν τὴν καρδίαν, ἵνα μὴ ἴδωσιν τοις ὀφθαλμοῖς καὶ νοήσωσιν τῇ καρδίᾳ καὶ στραφῶσιν, καὶ ἰάσομαι αὐτούς. 18.3. ὁ οὖν Ἰούδας λαβὼν τὴν σπεῖραν καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἀρχιερέων καὶ [ἐκ] τῶν Φαρισαίων ὑπηρέτας ἔρχεται ἐκεῖ μετὰ φανῶν καὶ λαμπάδων καὶ ὅπλων. 18.12. Ἡ οὖν σπεῖρα καὶ ὁ χιλίαρχος καὶ οἱ ὑπηρέται τῶν Ἰουδαίων συνέλαβον τὸν Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἔδησαν αὐτὸν 19.1. Τότε οὖν ἔλαβεν ὁ Πειλᾶτος τὸν Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἐμαστίγωσεν. 20.16. λέγει αὐτῇ Ἰησοῦς Μαριάμ. στραφεῖσα ἐκείνη λέγει αὐτῷ Ἐβραϊστί Ῥαββουνεί ?̔ὃ λέγεται Διδάσκαλἐ. | 5.24. "Most assuredly I tell you, he who hears my word, and believes him who sent me, has eternal life, and doesn't come into judgment, but has passed out of death into life. 12.40. "He has blinded their eyes and he hardened their heart, Lest they should see with their eyes, And perceive with their heart, And would turn, And I would heal them." 18.3. Judas then, having taken a detachment of soldiers and officers from the chief priests and the Pharisees, came there with lanterns, torches, and weapons. 18.12. So the detachment, the commanding officer, and the officers of the Jews, seized Jesus and bound him, 19.1. So Pilate then took Jesus, and flogged him. 20.16. Jesus said to her, "Mary."She turned and said to him, "Rhabbouni!" which is to say, "Teacher!" |
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106. New Testament, Titus, 2.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology Found in books: deSilva (2022) 79| 2.14. ὃς ἔδωκεν ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἵνα λυτρώσηται ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ πάσης ἀνομίας καὶκαθαρίσῃ ἑαυτῷ λαὸν περιούσιον,ζηλωτὴν καλῶν ἔργων. | 2.14. who gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify for himself a people for his own possession, zealous for good works. |
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| 107. Lucan, Pharsalia, 5.86-5.224, 6.770-6.773, 6.791 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215, 225; Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 36 |
| 108. Martial, Epigrams, 1.61.11-1.61.12, 8.73.9-8.73.10, 10.103.3-10.103.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 224; Verhagen (2022) 224 |
| 109. Martial, Epigrams, 1.61.11-1.61.12, 8.73.9-8.73.10, 10.103.3-10.103.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 224; Verhagen (2022) 224 |
| 110. Mishnah, Avodah Zarah, None (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 179 |
111. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, 7.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 54, 55, 149| 7.3. "מִצְוַת הַנֶּהֱרָגִים, הָיוּ מַתִּיזִין אֶת רֹאשׁוֹ בְסַיִף כְּדֶרֶךְ שֶׁהַמַּלְכוּת עוֹשָׂה. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, נִוּוּל הוּא זֶה, אֶלָּא מַנִּיחִין אֶת רֹאשׁוֹ עַל הַסַּדָּן וְקוֹצֵץ בְּקוֹפִיץ. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אֵין מִיתָה מְנֻוֶּלֶת מִזּוֹ. מִצְוַת הַנֶּחֱנָקִין, הָיוּ מְשַׁקְּעִין אוֹתוֹ בַזֶּבֶל עַד אַרְכֻּבּוֹתָיו וְנוֹתְנִין סוּדָר קָשָׁה לְתוֹךְ הָרַכָּה וְכוֹרֵךְ עַל צַוָּארוֹ, זֶה מוֹשֵׁךְ אֶצְלוֹ וְזֶה מוֹשֵׁךְ אֶצְלוֹ, עַד שֶׁנַּפְשׁוֹ יוֹצְאָה: \n", | 7.3. "Slaying by the sword was performed thus: they would cut off his head by the sword, as is done by the civil authorities. R. Judah says: “This is a disgrace! Rather his head was laid on a block and severed with an axe. They said to him: “No death is more disgraceful than this.” Strangulation was performed thus: the condemned man was lowered into dung up to his armpits, then a hard cloth was placed within a soft one, wound round his neck, and the two ends pulled in opposite directions until he was dead.", |
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112. New Testament, 1 Peter, 2.9, 2.11-2.17, 4.3-4.4, 4.12-4.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology •new testament studies, roman imperial power and •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 144, 146; Maier and Waldner (2022) 46; deSilva (2022) 79| 2.9. ὑμεῖς δὲ γένος ἐκλεκτόν, βασίλειον ἱεράτευμα, ἔθνος ἅγιον, λαὸς εἰς περιποίησιν, ὅπως τὰς ἀρετὰς ἐξαγγείλητε τοῦ ἐκ σκότους ὑμᾶς καλέσαντος εἰς τὸ θαυμαστὸν αὐτοῦ φῶς· 2.11. Ἀγαπητοί, παρακαλῶ ὡςπαροίκους καὶ παρεπιδήμουςἀπέχεσθαι τῶν σαρκικῶν ἐπιθυμιῶν, αἵτινες στρατεύονται κατὰ τῆς ψυχῆς· 2.12. τὴν ἀναστροφὴν ὑμῶν ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἔχοντες καλήν, ἵνα, ἐν ᾧ καταλαλοῦσιν ὑμῶν ὡς κακοποιῶν, ἐκ τῶν καλῶν ἔργων ἐποπτεύοντες δοξάσωσι τὸν θεὸνἐν ἡμέρᾳ ἐπισκοπῆς. 2.13. Ὑποτάγητε πάσῃ ἀνθρωπίνῃ κτίσει διὰ τὸν κύριον· 2.14. εἴτε βασιλεῖ ὡς ὑπερέχοντι, εἴτε ἡγεμόσιν ὡς διʼ αὐτοῦ πεμπομένοις εἰς ἐκδίκησιν κακοποιῶν ἔπαινον δὲ ἀγαθοποιῶν· ?̔ 2.15. ὅτι οὕτως ἐστὶν τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ, ἀγαθοποιοῦντας φιμοῖν τὴν τῶν ἀφρόνων ἀνθρώπων ἀγνωσίαν·̓ 2.16. ὡς ἐλεύθεροι, καὶ μὴ ὡς ἐπικάλυμμα ἔχοντες τῆς κακίας τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ἀλλʼ ὡς θεοῦ δοῦλοι. 2.17. πάντας τιμήσατε, τὴν ἀδελφότητα ἀγαπᾶτε,τὸν θεὸν φοβεῖσθε, τὸν βασιλέατιμᾶτε. 4.3. ἀρκετὸς γὰρ ὁ παρεληλυθὼς χρόνος τὸ βούλημα τῶν ἐθνῶν κατειργάσθαι, πεπορευμένους ἐν ἀσελγείαις, ἐπιθυμίαις, οἰνοφλυγίαις, κώμοις, πότοις, καὶ ἀθεμίτοις εἰδωλολατρίαις. 4.4. ἐν ᾧ ξενίζονται μὴ συντρεχόντων ὑμῶν εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν τῆς ἀσωτίας ἀνάχυσιν, βλασφημοῦντες· 4.12. Ἀγαπητοί, μὴ ξενίζεσθε τῇ ἐν ὑμῖν πυρώσει πρὸς πειρασμὸν ὑμῖν γινομένῃ ὡς ξένου ὑμῖν συμβαίνοντος, 4.13. ἀλλὰ καθὸ κοινωνεῖτε τοῖς τοῦ Χριστοῦ παθήμασιν χαίρετε, ἵνα καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει τῆς δόξης αὐτοῦ χαρῆτε ἀγαλλιώμενοι. 4.14. εἰὀνειδίζεσθεἐν ὀνόματιΧριστοῦ,μακάριοι, ὅτι τὸ τῆς δόξης καὶτὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πνεῦμα ἐφʼὑμᾶςἀναπαύεται. 4.15. μὴ γάρ τις ὑμῶν πασχέτω ὡς φονεὺς ἢ κλέπτης ἢ κακοποιὸς ἢ ὡς ἀλλοτριεπίσκοπος· 4.16. εἰ δὲ ὡς Χριστιανός, μὴ αἰσχυνέσθω, δοξαζέτω δὲ τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ. 4.17. ὅτι [ὁ] καιρὸς τοῦἄρξασθαιτὸ κρίμαἀπὸ τοῦ οἴκουτοῦ θεοῦ· εἰ δὲ πρῶτον ἀφʼ ἡμῶν, τί τὸ τέλος τῶν ἀπειθούντων τῷ τοῦ θεοῦ εὐαγγελίῳ; 4.18. καὶ εἰὁ δίκαιος μόλις σώζεται, ὁ [δὲ] ἀσεβὴς καὶ ἁμαρτωλὸς ποῦ φανεῖται; 4.19. ὥστε καὶ οἱ πάσχοντες κατὰ τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ πιστῷ κτίστῃ παρατιθέσθωσαν τὰς ψυχὰς ἐν ἀγαθοποιίᾳ. | 2.9. But you are a chosen race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a people for God's own possession, that you may show forth the excellencies of him who called you out of darkness into his marvelous light: 2.11. Beloved, I beg you as sojourners and pilgrims, to abstain from fleshly lusts, which war against the soul; 2.12. having good behavior among the nations, so in that which they speak against you as evil-doers, they may by your good works, which they see, glorify God in the day of visitation. 2.13. Therefore subject yourselves to every ordice of man for the Lord's sake: whether to the king, as supreme; 2.14. or to governors, as sent by him for vengeance on evil-doers and for praise to those who do well. 2.15. For this is the will of God, that by well-doing you should put to silence the ignorance of foolish men: 2.16. as free, and not using your freedom for a cloak of wickedness, but as bondservants of God. 2.17. Honor all men. Love the brotherhood. Fear God. Honor the king. 4.3. For we have spent enough of our past time living in doing the desire of the Gentiles, and to have walked in lewdness, lusts, drunken binges, orgies, carousings, and abominable idolatries. 4.4. They think it is strange that you don't run with them into the same excess of riot, blaspheming: 4.12. Beloved, don't be astonished at the fiery trial which has come upon you, to test you, as though a strange thing happened to you. 4.13. But because you are partakers of Christ's sufferings, rejoice; that at the revelation of his glory also you may rejoice with exceeding joy. 4.14. If you are insulted for the name of Christ, blessed are you; because the Spirit of glory and of God rests on you. On their part he is blasphemed, but on your part he is glorified. 4.15. For let none of you suffer as a murderer, or a thief, or an evil doer, or as a meddler in other men's matters. 4.16. But if one of you suffers for being a Christian, let him not be ashamed; but let him glorify God in this matter. 4.17. For the time has come for judgment to begin at the house of God. If it begins first with us, what will happen to those who don't obey the gospel of God? 4.18. "If it is hard for the righteous to be saved, what will happen to the ungodly and the sinner?" 4.19. Therefore let them also who suffer according to the will of God in doing good entrust their souls to him, as to a faithful Creator. |
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113. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.19, 5.7-5.8, 8.4-8.13, 9.15, 10.16-10.20, 12.12-12.13, 15.34, 16.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balberg (2017) 89; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 65; Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168, 329; Maier and Waldner (2022) 133; deSilva (2022) 212| 1.19. γέγραπται γάρ 5.7. ἐκκαθάρατε τὴν παλαιὰν ζύμην, ἵνα ἦτε νέον φύραμα, καθώς ἐστε ἄζυμοι. καὶ γὰρτὸ πάσχαἡμῶνἐτύθηΧριστός· 5.8. ὥστε ἑορτάζωμεν, μὴ ἐν ζύμῃ παλαιᾷ μηδὲ ἐν ζύμῃ κακίας καὶ πονηρίας, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἀζύμοις εἰλικρινίας καὶ ἀληθείας. 8.4. Περὶ τῆς βρώσεως οὖν τῶν εἰδωλοθύτων οἴδαμεν ὅτι οὐδὲν εἴδωλον ἐν κόσμῳ, καὶ ὅτι οὐδεὶς θεὸς εἰ μὴ εἷς. 8.5. καὶ γὰρ εἴπερ εἰσὶν λεγόμενοι θεοὶ εἴτε ἐν οὐρανῷ εἴτε ἐπὶ γῆς, ὥσπερ εἰσὶν θεοὶ πολλοὶ καὶ κύριοι πολλοί, 8.6. [ἀλλʼ] ἡμῖν εἷς θεὸς ὁ πατήρ, ἐξ οὗ τὰ πάντα καὶ ἡμεῖς εἰς αὐτόν, καὶ εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστός, διʼ οὗ τὰ πάντα καὶ ἡμεῖς διʼ αὐτοῦ. Ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐν πᾶσιν ἡ γνῶσις· 8.7. τινὲς δὲ τῇ συνηθείᾳ ἕως ἄρτι τοῦ εἰδώλου ὡς εἰδωλόθυτον ἐσθίουσιν, καὶ ἡ συνείδησις αὐτῶν ἀσθενὴς οὖσα μολύνεται. 8.8. βρῶμα δὲ ἡμᾶς οὐ παραστήσει τῷ θεῷ· οὔτε ἐὰν μὴ φάγωμεν, ὑστερούμεθα, οὔτε ἐὰν φάγωμεν, περισσεύομεν. 8.9. βλέπετε δὲ μή πως ἡ ἐξουσία ὑμῶν αὕτη πρόσκομμα γένηται τοῖς ἀσθενέσιν. 8.10. ἐὰν γάρ τις ἴδῃ [σὲ] τὸν ἔχοντα γνῶσιν ἐν εἰδωλίῳ κατακείμενον, οὐχὶ ἡ συνείδησις αὐτοῦ ἀσθενοῦς ὄντος οἰκοδομηθήσεται εἰς τὸ τὰ εἰδωλόθυτα ἐσθίειν; 8.11. ἀπόλλυται γὰρ ὁ ἀσθενῶν ἐν τῇ σῇ γνώσει, ὁ ἀδελφὸς διʼ ὃν Χριστὸς ἀπέθανεν. 8.12. οὕτως δὲ ἁμαρτάνοντες εἰς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τύπτοντες αὐτῶν τὴν συνείδησιν ἀσθενοῦσαν εἰς Χριστὸν ἁμαρτάνετε. 8.13. διόπερ εἰ βρῶμα σκανδαλίζει τὸν ἀδελφόν μου, οὐ μὴ φάγω κρέα εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα, ἵνα μὴ τὸν ἀδελφόν μου σκανδαλίσω. 9.15. ἐγὼ δὲ οὐ κέχρημαι οὐδενὶ τούτων. Οὐκ ἔγραψα δὲ ταῦτα ἵνα οὕτως γένηται ἐν ἐμοί, καλὸν γάρ μοι μᾶλλον ἀποθανεῖν ἢ - τὸ καύχημά μου οὐδεὶς κενώσει. 10.16. Τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμεν, οὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ χριστοῦ; τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν, οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ χριστοῦ ἐστίν; 10.17. ὅτι εἷς ἄρτος, ἓν σῶμα οἱ πολλοί ἐσμεν, οἱ γὰρ πάντες ἐκ τοῦ ἑνὸς ἄρτου μετέχομεν. βλέπετε τὸν Ἰσραὴλ κατὰ σάρκα· 10.18. οὐχ οἱ ἐσθίοντες τὰς θυσίας κοινωνοὶ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου εἰσίν; 10.19. τί οὖν φημί; ὅτι εἰδωλόθυτόν τί ἐστιν, ἢ ὅτι εἴδωλόν τί ἐστιν; 10.20. ἀλλʼ ὅτι ἃ θύουσιν [τὰ ἔθνη],δαιμονίοις καὶ οὐ θεῷ θύουσιν,οὐ θέλω δὲ ὑμᾶς κοινωνοὺς τῶν δαιμονίων γίνεσθαι. 12.12. Καθάπερ γὰρ τὸ σῶμα ἕν ἐστιν καὶ μέλη πολλὰ ἔχει, πάντα δὲ τὰ μέλη τοῦ σώματος πολλὰ ὄντα ἕν ἐστιν σῶμα, οὕτως καὶ ὁ χριστός· 12.13. καὶ γὰρ ἐν ἑνὶ πνεύματι ἡμεῖς πάντες εἰς ἓν σῶμα ἐβαπτίσθημεν, εἴτε Ἰουδαῖοι εἴτε Ἕλληνες, εἴτε δοῦλοι εἴτε ἐλεύθεροι, καὶ πάντες ἓν πνεῦμα ἐποτίσθημεν. 15.34. φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρηστὰ ὁμιλίαι κακαί· ἐκνήψατε δικαίως καὶ μὴ ἁμαρτάνετε, ἀγνωσίαν γὰρ θεοῦ τινὲς ἔχουσιν· πρὸς ἐντροπὴν ὑμῖν λαλῶ. 16.13. Γρηγορεῖτε, στήκετε ἐν τῇ πίστει, ἀνδρίζεσθε, κραταιοῦσθε. | 1.19. For it is written,"I will destroy the wisdom of the wise,I will bring the discernment of the discerning to nothing." 5.7. Purge out the old yeast, that you may bea new lump, even as you are unleavened. For indeed Christ, ourPassover, has been sacrificed in our place. 5.8. Therefore let us keepthe feast, not with old yeast, neither with the yeast of malice andwickedness, but with the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth. 8.4. Therefore concerning the eating of things sacrificed to idols, we knowthat no idol is anything in the world, and that there is no other Godbut one. 8.5. For though there are things that are called "gods,"whether in the heavens or on earth; as there are many "gods" and many"lords;" 8.6. yet to us there is one God, the Father, of whom are allthings, and we for him; and one Lord, Jesus Christ, through whom areall things, and we live through him. 8.7. However, that knowledgeisn't in all men. But some, with consciousness of the idol until now,eat as of a thing sacrificed to an idol, and their conscience, beingweak, is defiled. 8.8. But food will not commend us to God. Forneither, if we don't eat, are we the worse; nor, if we eat, are we thebetter. 8.9. But be careful that by no means does this liberty ofyours become a stumbling block to the weak. 8.10. For if a man seesyou who have knowledge sitting in an idol's temple, won't hisconscience, if he is weak, be emboldened to eat things sacrificed toidols? 8.11. And through your knowledge, he who is weak perishes, thebrother for whose sake Christ died. 8.12. Thus, sinning against thebrothers, and wounding their conscience when it is weak, you sinagainst Christ. 8.13. Therefore, if food causes my brother to stumble,I will eat no meat forevermore, that I don't cause my brother tostumble. 9.15. But Ihave used none of these things, and I don't write these things that itmay be done so in my case; for I would rather die, than that anyoneshould make my boasting void. 10.16. Thecup of blessing which we bless, isn't it a communion of the blood ofChrist? The bread which we break, isn't it a communion of the body ofChrist? 10.17. Because we, who are many, are one bread, one body; forwe all partake of the one bread. 10.18. Consider Israel after theflesh. Don't those who eat the sacrifices have communion with the altar? 10.19. What am I saying then? That a thing sacrificed to idols isanything, or that an idol is anything? 10.20. But I say that thethings which the Gentiles sacrifice, they sacrifice to demons, and notto God, and I don't desire that you would have communion with demons. 12.12. For as the body is one, and has many members, and all themembers of the body, being many, are one body; so also is Christ. 12.13. For in one Spirit we were all baptized into one body, whetherJews or Greeks, whether bond or free; and were all given to drink intoone Spirit. 15.34. Wake up righteously, and don't sin, for some have no knowledgeof God. I say this to your shame. 16.13. Watch! Stand firm in the faith! Be courageous! Be strong! |
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114. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 1.3, 1.9, 2.2, 2.9, 4.11, 4.16-4.17, 5.1-5.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology •roman imperial period •roman empire, imperial power •power, roman imperial Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168, 320; Nasrallah (2019) 237, 238, 239; deSilva (2022) 52, 329| 1.3. ἀδιαλείπτως μνημονεύοντες ὑμῶν τοῦ ἔργου τῆς πίστεως καὶ τοῦ κόπου τῆς ἀγάπης καὶ τῆς ὑπομονῆς τῆς ἐλπίδος τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἡμῶν, 1.9. αὐτοὶ γὰρ περὶ ἡμῶν ἀπαγγέλλουσιν ὁποίαν εἴσοδον ἔσχομεν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ πῶς ἐπεστρέψατε πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἀπὸ τῶν εἰδώλων δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι καὶ ἀληθινῷ, 2.2. ἀλλὰ προπαθόντες καὶ ὑβρισθέντες καθὼς οἴδατε ἐν Φιλίπποις ἐπαρρησιασάμεθα ἐν τῷ θεῷ ἡμῶν λαλῆσαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν πολλῷ ἀγῶνι. 2.9. μνημονεύετε γάρ, ἀδελφοί, τὸν κόπον ἡμῶν καὶ τὸν μόχθον· νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ἐργαζόμενοι πρὸς τὸ μὴ ἐπιβαρῆσαί τινα ὑμῶν ἐκηρύξαμεν εἰς ὑμᾶς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ θεοῦ. 4.11. καὶ φιλοτιμεῖσθαι ἡσυχάζειν καὶ πράσσειν τὰ ἴδια καὶ ἐργάζεσθαι ταῖς χερσὶν ὑμῶν, καθὼς ὑμῖν παρηγγείλαμεν, 4.16. ὅτι αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος ἐν κελεύσματι, ἐν φωνῇ ἀρχαγγέλου καὶ ἐν σάλπιγγι θεοῦ, καταβήσεται ἀπʼ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ἀναστήσονται πρῶτον, 4.17. ἔπειτα ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες οἱ περιλειπόμενοι ἅμα σὺν αὐτοῖς ἁρπαγησόμεθα ἐν νεφέλαις εἰς ἀπάντησιν τοῦ κυρίου εἰς ἀέρα· καὶ οὕτως πάντοτε σὺν κυρίῳ ἐσόμεθα. 5.1. Περὶ δὲ τῶν χρόνων καὶ τῶν καιρῶν, ἀδελφοί, οὐ χρείαν ἔχετε ὑμῖν γράφεσθαι, 5.2. αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἀκριβῶς οἴδατε ὅτι ἡμέρα Κυρίου ὡς κλέπτης ἐν νυκτὶ οὕτως ἔρχεται. 5.3. ὅταν λέγωσιν Εἰρήνη καὶ ἀσφάλεια, τότε αἰφνίδιος αὐτοῖς ἐπίσταται ὄλεθρος ὥσπερ ἡ ὠδὶν τῇ ἐν γαστρὶ ἐχούσῃ, καὶ οὐ μὴ ἐκφύγωσιν. 5.4. ὑμεῖς δέ, ἀδελ φοί, οὐκ ἐστὲ ἐν σκότει, ἵνα ἡ ἡμέρα ὑμᾶς ὡς κλέπτας καταλάβῃ, 5.5. πάντες γὰρ ὑμεῖς υἱοὶ φωτός ἐστε καὶ υἱοὶ ἡμέρας. Οὐκ ἐσμὲν νυκτὸς οὐδὲ σκότους· 5.6. ἄρα οὖν μὴ καθεύδωμεν ὡς οἱ λοιποί, ἀλλὰ γρηγορῶμεν καὶ νήφωμεν. 5.7. οἱ γὰρ καθεύδοντες νυκτὸς καθεύδουσιν, καὶ οἱ μεθυσκόμενοι νυκτὸς μεθύουσιν· 5.8. ἡμεῖς δὲ ἡμέρας ὄντες νήφωμεν,ἐνδυσάμενοι θώρακαπίστεως καὶ ἀγάπης καὶπερικε φαλαίανἐλπίδασωτηρίας· 5.9. ὅτι οὐκ ἔθετο ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς εἰς ὀργὴν ἀλλὰ εἰς περιποίησιν σωτηρίας διὰ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ [Χριστοῦ], 5.10. τοῦ ἀποθανόντος περὶ ἡμῶν ἵνα εἴτε γρηγορῶμεν εἴτε καθεύδωμεν ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν. 5.11. Διὸ παρακαλεῖτε ἀλλήλους καὶ οἰκοδομεῖτε εἷς τὸν ἕνα, καθὼς καὶ ποιεῖτε. | 1.3. remembering without ceasing your work of faith and labor of love and patience of hope in our Lord Jesus Christ, before our God and Father. 1.9. For they themselves report concerning us what kind of a reception we had from you; and how you turned to God from idols, to serve a living and true God, 2.2. but having suffered before and been shamefully treated, as you know, at Philippi, we grew bold in our God to tell you the gospel of God in much conflict. 2.9. For you remember, brothers, our labor and travail; for working night and day, that we might not burden any of you, we preached to you the gospel of God. 4.11. and that you make it your ambition to lead a quiet life, and to do your own business, and to work with your own hands, even as we charged you; 4.16. For the Lord himself will descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of the archangel, and with God's trumpet. The dead in Christ will rise first, 4.17. then we who are alive, who are left, will be caught up together with them in the clouds, to meet the Lord in the air. So we will be with the Lord forever. 5.1. But concerning the times and the seasons, brothers, you have no need that anything be written to you. 5.2. For you yourselves know well that the day of the Lord comes like a thief in the night. 5.3. For when they are saying, "Peace and safety," then sudden destruction will come on them, like birth pains on a pregt woman; and they will in no way escape. 5.4. But you, brothers, aren't in darkness, that the day should overtake you like a thief. 5.5. You are all sons of light, and sons of the day. We don't belong to the night, nor to darkness, 5.6. so then let's not sleep, as the rest do, but let's watch and be sober. 5.7. For those who sleep, sleep in the night, and those who are drunken are drunken in the night. 5.8. But let us, since we belong to the day, be sober, putting on the breastplate of faith and love, and, for a helmet, the hope of salvation. 5.9. For God didn't appoint us to wrath, but to the obtaining of salvation through our Lord Jesus Christ, 5.10. who died for us, that, whether we wake or sleep, we should live together with him. 5.11. Therefore exhort one another, and build each other up, even as you also do. |
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| 115. Josephus Flavius, Life, 17-18, 60, 19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013) 64 |
116. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 2.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 188| 2.4. ὃς πάντας ἀνθρώπους θέλει σωθῆναι καὶ εἰς ἐπίγνωσιν ἀληθείας ἐλθεῖν. | 2.4. who desires all people to be saved and come to full knowledge of the truth. |
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117. New Testament, 2 Thessalonians, 1.1, 2.3, 2.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology •roman empire, imperial power •power, roman imperial Found in books: Nasrallah (2019) 239; deSilva (2022) 52| 1.1. ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΣΙΛΟΥΑΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΙΜΟΘΕΟΣ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ Θεσσαλονικέων ἐν θεῷ πατρὶ ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίῳ Ἰησοῦ 2.3. μή τις ὑμᾶς ἐξαπατήσῃ κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον· ὅτι ἐὰν μὴ ἔλθῃ ἡ ἀποστασία πρῶτον καὶ ἀποκαλυφθῇ ὁ ἄνθρωπος τῆς ἀνομίας, ὁ υἱὸς τῆς ἀπωλείας, 2.16. Αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς καὶ [ὁ] θεὸς ὁ πατὴρ ἡμῶν, ὁ ἀγαπήσας ἡμᾶς καὶ δοὺς παράκλησιν αἰωνίαν καὶ ἐλπίδα ἀγαθὴν ἐν χάριτι, | 1.1. Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy, to the assembly of the Thessalonians in God our Father, and the Lord Jesus Christ: 2.3. Let no one deceive you in any way. For it will not be, unless the falling away comes first, and the man of sin is revealed, the son of destruction, 2.16. Now our Lord Jesus Christ himself, and God our Father, who loved us and gave us eternal comfort and good hope through grace, |
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118. New Testament, Apocalypse, 1.3, 1.5, 1.10-1.13, 2.2, 2.4-2.6, 2.9-2.10, 2.13-2.16, 2.22-2.23, 3.2-3.3, 3.9, 4.1, 4.4, 4.10-4.11, 5.11, 6.8, 8.9, 9.7-9.10, 12.9, 13.3-13.5, 13.11-13.18, 14.1, 14.14, 15.4, 16.1-16.17, 17.1-17.2, 17.4, 17.6-17.14, 18.3-18.4, 18.9, 18.11, 18.17, 18.22-18.23, 19.2, 19.11-19.16, 20.1, 20.3, 20.11-20.12, 21.9, 21.24, 22.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 62, 63, 64, 65, 70, 72, 216; Brodd and Reed (2011) 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 148; Maier and Waldner (2022) 43, 46; Marek (2019) 537| 1.3. μακάριος ὁ ἀναγινώσκων καὶ οἱ ἀκούοντες τοὺς λόγους τῆς προφητείας καὶ τηροῦντες τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ γεγραμμένα, ὁ γὰρ καιρὸς ἐγγύς. 1.5. καὶ ἀπὸ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ,ὁ μάρτυς ὁ πιστός,ὁπρωτότοκοςτῶν νεκρῶν καὶ ὁἄρχων τῶν βασιλέων τῆς γῆς.Τῷ ἀγαπῶντι ἡμᾶς καὶλύσαντιἡμᾶςἐκ τῶν αμαρτιῶν[ἡμῶν] ἐν τῷ αἵματι αὐτοῦ, 1.10. ἐγενόμην ἐν πνεύματι ἐν τῇ κυριακῇ ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ ἤκουσα ὀπίσω μου φωνὴν μεγάλην ὡς σάλπιγγος 1.11. λεγούσης Ὃ βλέπεις γράψον εἰς βιβλίον καὶ πέμψον ταῖς ἑπτὰ ἐκκλησίαις, εἰς Ἔφεσον καὶ εἰς Σμύρναν καὶ εἰς Πέργαμον καὶ εἰς Θυάτειρα καὶ εἰς Σάρδεις καὶ εἰς Φιλαδελφίαν καὶ εἰς Λαοδικίαν. 1.12. Καὶ ἐπέστρεψα βλέπειν τὴν φωνὴν ἥτις ἐλάλει μετʼ ἐμοῦ· καὶ ἐπιστρέψας εἶδον ἑπτὰ λυχνίας χρυσᾶς, 1.13. καὶ ἐν μέσῳ τῶν λυχνιῶνὅμοιον υἱὸν ἀνθρώπου, ἐνδεδυμένον ποδήρηκαὶπεριεζωσμένονπρὸς τοῖς μαστοῖς ζώνην χρυσᾶν· 2.2. Οἶδα τὰ ἔργα σου, καὶ τὸν κόπον καὶ τὴν ὑπομονήν σου, καὶ ὅτι οὐ δύνῃ βαστάσαι κακούς, καὶ ἐπείρασας τοὺς λέγοντας ἑαυτοὺς ἀποστόλους, καὶ οὐκ εἰσίν, καὶ εὗρες αὐτοὺς ψευδεῖς· 2.4. ἀλλὰ ἔχω κατὰ σοῦ ὅτι τὴν ἀγάπην σου τὴν πρώτην ἀφῆκες. 2.5. μνημόνευε οὖν πόθεν πέπτωκες, καὶ μετανόησον καὶ τὰ πρῶτα ἔργα ποίησον· εἰ δὲ μή, ἔρχομαί σοι, καὶ κινήσω τὴν λυχνίαν σου ἐκ τοῦ τόπου αὐτῆς, ἐὰν μὴ μετανοήσῃς. 2.6. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο ἔχεις ὅτι μισεῖς τὰ ἔργα τῶν Νικολαϊτῶν, ἃ κἀγὼ μισῶ. 2.9. Οἶδά σου τὴν θλίψιν καὶ τὴν πτωχείαν, ἀλλὰ πλούσιος εἶ, καὶ τὴν βλασφημίαν ἐκ τῶν λεγόντων Ἰουδαίους εἶναι ἑαυτούς, καὶ οὐκ εἰσίν, ἀλλὰ συναγωγὴ τοῦ Σατανᾶ. 2.10. μὴ φοβοῦ ἃ μέλλεις πάσχειν. ἰδοὺ μέλλει βάλλειν ὁ διάβολος ἐξ ὑμῶν εἰς φυλακὴν ἵναπειρασθῆτε,καὶ ἔχητε θλίψινἡμερῶν δέκα.γίνου πιστὸς ἄχρι θανάτου, καὶ δώσω σοι τὸν στέφανον τῆς ζωῆς. 2.13. Οἶδα ποῦ κατοικεῖς, ὅπου ὁ θρόνος τοῦ Σατανᾶ, καὶ κρατεῖς τὸ ὄνομά μου, καὶ οὐκ ἠρνήσω τὴν πίστιν μου καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις Ἀντίπας, ὁ μάρτυς μου, ὁ πιστός [μου], ὃς ἀπεκτάνθη παρʼ ὑμῖν, ὅπου ὁ Σατανᾶς κατοικεῖ. 2.14. ἀλλὰ ἔχω κατὰ σοῦ ὀλίγα, ὅτι ἔχεις ἐκεῖ κρατοῦντας τὴν διδαχὴνΒαλαάμ,ὃς ἐδίδασκεν τῷ Βαλὰκ βαλεῖν σκάνδαλον ἐνώπιοντῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραήλ, φαγεῖν εἰδωλόθυτα καὶ πορνεῦσαι· 2.15. οὕτως ἔχεις καὶ σὺ κρατοῦντας τὴν διδαχὴν Νικολαϊτῶν ὁμοίως. 2.16. μετανόησον οὖν· εἰ δὲ μή, ἔρχομαί σοι ταχύ, καὶ πολεμήσω μετʼ αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ ῥομφαίᾳ τοῦ στόματός μου. 2.22. καὶ τοὺς μοιχεύοντας μετʼ αὐτῆς εἰς θλίψιν μεγάλην, ἐὰν μὴ μετανοήσουσιν ἐκ τῶν ἔργων αὐτῆς· 2.23. καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτῆς ἀποκτενῶ ἐν θανάτῳ· καὶ γνώσονται πᾶσαι αἱ ἐκκλησίαι ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι ὁἐραυνῶν νεφροὺς καὶ καρδίας,καὶδώσωὑμῖνἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργαὑμῶν. 3.2. γίνου γρηγορῶν, καὶ στήρισον τὰ λοιπὰ ἃ ἔμελλον ἀποθανεῖν, οὐ γὰρ εὕρηκά σου ἔργα πεπληρωμένα ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ μου· 3.3. μνημόνευε οὖν πῶς εἴληφας καὶ ἤκουσας καὶ τήρει, καὶ μετανόησον· ἐὰν οὖν μὴ γρηγορήσῃς, ἥξω ὡς κλέπτης, καὶ οὐ μὴ γνῷς ποίαν ὥραν ἥξω ἐπὶ σέ· 3.9. ἰδοὺ διδῶ ἐκ τῆς συναγωγῆς τοῦ Σατανᾶ, τῶν λεγόντων ἑαυτοὺς Ἰουδαίους εἶναι, καὶ οὐκ εἰσὶν ἀλλὰ ψεύδονται, — ἰδοὺ ποιήσω αὐτοὺς ἵναἥξουσιν καὶ προσκυνήσουσινἐνώπιον τῶν ποδῶνσου,καὶ γνῶσιν 4.1. Μετὰ ταῦτα εἶδον, καὶ ἰδοὺ θύρα ἠνεῳγμένη ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ, καὶ ἡ φωνὴ ἡ πρώτη ἣν ἤκουσα ὡςσάλπιγγοςλαλούσης μετʼ ἐμοῦ, λέγωνἈνάβαὧδε, καὶ δείξω σοιἃ δεῖ γενέσθαι. 4.4. καὶ κυκλόθεν τοῦ θρόνου θρόνοι εἴκοσι τέσσαρες, καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς θρόνους εἴκοσι τέσσαρας πρεσβυτέρους καθημένους περιβεβλημένους ἱματίοις λευκοῖς, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν στεφάνους χρυσοῦς. 4.10. πεσοῦνται οἱ εἴκοσι τέσσαρες πρεσβύτεροι ἐνώπιον τοῦκαθημένου ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου,καὶ προσκυνήσουσιντῷ ζῶντι εἰς τοὺς αἰῶναςτῶν αἰώνων, καὶ βαλοῦσιν τοὺς στεφάνους αὐτῶν ἐνώπιον τοῦ θρόνου, λέγοντες 4.11. 5.11. καὶ εἶδον, καὶ ἤκουσα φωνὴν ἀγγέλων πολλῶν κύκλῳ τοῦ θρόνου καὶ τῶν ζῴων καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, καὶ ἦν ὁ ἀριθμὸς αὐτῶνμυριάδες μυριάδων καὶ χιλιάδες χιλιάδων, 6.8. καὶ εἶδον, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἵππος χλωρός, καὶ ὁ καθήμενος ἐπάνω [αὐτοῦ] ὄνομα αὐτῷ [Ὁ]Θάνατος,καὶὁ ᾄδηςᾐκολούθει μετʼ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐδόθη αὐτοῖς ἐξουσία ἐπὶ τὸ τέταρτον τῆς γῆς, ἀποκτεῖναι ἐνῥομφαίᾳ καὶἐνλιμῷ καίἐνθανάτῳ καὶὑπὸ τῶνθηρίων τῆς γῆς. 8.9. καὶ ἀπέθανε τὸ τρίτον τῶν κτισμάτων τῶν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, τὰ ἔχοντα ψυχάς, καὶ τὸ τρίτον τῶν πλοίων διεφθάρησαν. 9.7. καὶτὰ ὁμοιώματατῶν ἀκρίδωνὅμοια ἵπποιςἡτοιμασμένοις εἰς πόλεμον, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν ὡς στέφανοι ὅμοιοι χρυσῷ, καὶ τὰ πρόσωπα αὐτῶν ὡς πρόσωπα ἀνθρώπων, 9.8. καὶ εἶχαν τρίχας ὡς τρίχας γυναικῶν, καὶοἱ ὀδόντες αὐτῶν ὡς λεόντωνἦσαν, 9.9. καὶ εἶχαν θώρακας ὡς θώρακας σιδηροῦς, καὶ ἡ φωνὴ τῶν πτερύγων αὐτῶνὡς φωνὴ ἁρμάτωνἵππων πολλῶντρεχόντων εἰς πόλεμον· 9.10. καὶ ἔχουσιν οὐρὰς ὁμοίας σκορπίοις καὶ κέντρα, καὶ ἐν ταῖς οὐραῖς αὐτῶν ἡ ἐξουσία αὐτῶν ἀδικῆσαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους μῆνας πέντε. 12.9. καὶ ἐβλήθη ὁ δράκων ὁ μέγας,ὁ ὄφιςὁ ἀρχαῖος, ὁ καλούμενοςΔιάβολοςκαὶ ὉΣατανᾶς,ὁ πλανῶν τὴν οἰκουμένην ὅλην, — ἐβλήθη εἰς τὴν γῆν, καὶ οἱ ἄγγελοι αὐτοῦ μετʼ αὐτοῦ ἐβλήθησαν. 13.3. καὶ μίαν ἐκ τῶν κεφαλῶν αὐτοῦ ὡς ἐσφαγμενην εἰς θάνατον, καὶ ἡ πληγὴ τοῦ θανάτου αὐτοῦ ἐθεραπεύθη. 13.4. καὶ ἐθαυμάσθη ὅλη ἡ γῆ ὀπίσω τοῦ θηρίου, καὶ προσεκύνησαν τῷ δράκοντι ὅτι ἔδωκεν τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῷ θηρίῳ, καὶ προσεκύνησαν τῷ θηρίῳ λέγοντες Τίς ὅμοιος τῷ θηρίῳ, καὶ τίς δύναται πολεμῆσαι μετʼ αὐτοῦ; 13.5. καὶ ἐδόθη αὐτῷστόμα λαλοῦν μεγάλακαὶ βλασφημίας, καὶ ἐδόθη αὐτῷ ἐξουσίαποιῆσαιμῆνας τεσσεράκοντα [καὶ] δύο. 13.11. Καὶ εἶδον ἄλλο θηρίον ἀναβαῖνον ἐκ τῆς γῆς, καὶ εἶχεν κέρατα δύο ὅμοια ἀρνίῳ, καὶ ἐλάλει ὡς δράκων. 13.12. καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ πρώτου θηρίου πᾶσαν ποιεῖ ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ. καὶ ποιεῖ τὴν γῆν καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ κατοικοῦντας ἵνα προσκυνήσουσιν τὸ θηρίον τὸ πρῶτον, οὗ ἐθεραπεύθη ἡ πληγὴ τοῦ θανάτου αὐτοῦ. 13.13. καὶ ποιεῖ σημεῖα μεγάλα, ἵνα καὶ πῦρ ποιῇ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καταβαίνειν εἰς τὴν γῆν ἐνώπιον τῶν ἀνθρώπων. 13.14. καὶ πλανᾷ τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς διὰ τὰ σημεῖα ἃ ἐδόθη αὐτῷ ποιῆσαι ἐνώπιον τοῦ θηρίου, λέγων τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ποιῆσαι εἰκόνα τῷ θηρίῳ ὃς ἔχει τὴν πληγὴν τῆς μαχαίρης καὶ ἔζησεν. 13.15. καὶ ἐδόθη αὐτῇ δοῦναι πνεῦμα τῇ εἰκόνι τοῦ θηρίου, ἵνα καὶ λαλήσῃ ἡ εἰκὼν τοῦ θηρίου καὶ ποιήσῃ [ἵνα] ὅσοι ἐὰν μὴπροσκυνήσωσιν τῇ εἰκόνιτοῦ θηρίου ἀποκτανθῶσιν. 13.16. καὶ ποιεῖ πάντας, τοὺς μικροὺς καὶ τοὺς μεγάλους, καὶ τοὺς πλουσίους καὶ τοὺς πτω χούς, καὶ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους καὶ τοὺς δούλους, ἵνα δῶσιν αὐτοῖς χάραγμα ἐπὶ τῆς χειρὸς αὐτῶν τῆς δεξιᾶς ἢ ἐπὶ τὸ μέτωπον αὐτῶν, 13.17. [καὶ] ἵνα μή τις δύνηται ἀγοράσαι ἢ πωλῆσαι εἰ μὴ ὁ ἔχων τὸ χάραγμα, τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ θηρίου ἢ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦ ὀνόματος αὐτοῦ. 13.18. Ὧδε ἡ σοφία ἐστίν· ὁ ἔχων νοῦν ψηφισάτω τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦ θηρίου, ἀριθμὸς γὰρ ἀνθρώπου ἐστίν· καὶ ὁ ἀριθμὸς αὐτοῦ ἑξακόσιοι ἑξήκοντα ἕξ. 14.1. Καὶ εἶδον, καὶ ἰδοὺ τὸ ἀρνίον ἑστὸς ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος Σιών, καὶ μετʼ αὐτοῦ ἑκατὸν τεσσεράκοντα τέσσαρες χιλιάδες ἔχουσαι τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ γεγραμμένονἐπὶ τῶν μετώπωναὐτῶν. 14.14. Καὶεἶδον, καὶ ἰδοὺνεφέλη λευκή, καὶἐπὶτὴννεφέληνκαθήμενονὅμοιον υἱὸν ἀνθρώπου,ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ στέφανον χρυσοῦν καὶ ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ δρέπανον ὀξύ. 15.4. τίς οὐ μὴ φοβηθῇ, κύριε, καὶ δοξάσει τὸ ὄνομά σου, ὅτι μόνος ὅσιος; ὅτι πάντα τὰ ἔθνη ἥξουσιν καὶ προσκυνήσουσιν ἐνώπιόν σου, ὅτι τὰ δικαιώματά σου ἐφανερώθησαν. 16.1. Καὶ ἤκουσα μεγάληςφωνῆς ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦλεγούσης τοῖς ἑπτὰ ἀγγέλοις Ὑπάγετε καὶἐκχέετετὰς ἑπτὰ φιάλαςτοῦ θυμοῦτοῦ θεοῦεἰς τὴν γῆν. 16.2. Καὶ ἀπῆλθεν ὁ πρῶτος καὶ ἐξέχεεν τὴν φιάλην αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν γῆν·καὶ ἐγένετο ἕλκοςκακὸν καὶπονηρὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπουςτοὺς ἔχοντας τὸ χάραγμα τοῦ θηρίου καὶ τοὺς προσκυνοῦντας τῇ εἰκόνι αὐτοῦ. 16.3. Καὶ ὁ δεύτερος ἐξέχεεν τὴν φιάλην αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν·καὶ ἐγένετο αἷμαὡς νεκροῦ, καὶ πᾶσα ψυχὴ ζωῆςἀπέθανεν, τὰ ἐντῇ θαλάσσῃ. 16.4. Καὶ ὁ τρίτος ἐξέχεεν τὴν φιάλην αὐτοῦ εἰςτοὺς ποταμοὺςκαὶ τὰς πηγὰς τῶν ὑδάτων·καὶ ἐγένετο αἷμα. 16.5. Καὶ ἤκουσα τοῦ ἀγγέλου τῶν ὑδάτων λέγοντοςΔίκαιος εἶ, ὁ ὢνκαὶ ὁ ἦν, [ὁ]ὅσιος,ὅτι ταῦτα ἔκρινας, 16.6. ὅτιαἷμαἁγίων καὶ προφητῶνἐξέχεαν,καὶ αἷμα αὐτοῖς δέδωκας πεῖν· ἄξιοί εἰσιν. 16.7. Καὶ ἤκουσα τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου λέγοντος Ναί,κύριε, ὁ θεός, ὁ παντοκράτωρ, ἀληθιναὶκαὶ δίκαιαι αἱ κρίσεις 16.8. σου. Καὶ ὁ τέταρτος ἐξέχεεν τὴν φιάλην αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν ἥλιον· καὶ ἐδόθη αὐτῷ καυματίσαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐν πυρί, 16.9. καὶ ἐκαυματίσθησαν οἱ ἄνθρωποι καῦμα μέγα· καὶ ἐβλασφήμησαν τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἔχοντος τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐπὶ τὰς πληγὰς ταύτας, καὶ οὐ μετενόησαν δοῦναι αὐτῷ δόξαν. 16.10. Καὶ ὁ πέμπτος ἐξέχεεν τὴν φιάλην αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν θρόνον τοῦ θηρίου· καὶἐγένετοἡ βασιλεία αὐτοῦἐσκοτωμένη,καὶ ἐμασῶντο τὰς γλώσσας αὐτῶν ἐκ τοῦ πόνου, 16.11. καὶ ἐβλασφήμησαντὸν θεὸν τοῦ οὐρανοῦἐκ τῶν πόνων αὐτῶν καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἑλκῶν αὐτῶν, καὶ οὐ μετενόησαν ἐκ τῶν ἔργων αὐτῶν. 16.12. Καὶ ὁ ἕκτος ἐξέχεεν τὴν φιάλην αὐτοῦ ἐπὶτὸν ποταμὸντὸν μέγαν [τὸν] Εὐφράτην· καὶἐξηράνθη τὸ ὕδωραὐτοῦ, ἵνα ἑτοιμασθῇ ἡ ὁδὸς τῶν βασιλέων τῶνἀπὸ ἀνατολῆς ἡλίου. 16.13. Καὶ εἶδον ἐκ τοῦ στόματος τοῦ δράκοντος καὶ ἐκ τοῦ στόματος τοῦ θηρίου καὶ ἐκ τοῦ στόματος τοῦ ψευδοπροφήτου πνεύματα τρία ἀκάθαρτα ὡςβάτραχοι· 16.14. εἰσὶν γὰρ πνεύματα δαιμονίων ποιοῦντα σημεῖα, ἃ ἐκπορεύεται ἐπὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς τῆς οἰκουμένης ὅλης, συναγαγεῖν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον τῆς ἡμέρας τῆς μεγάληςτοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ παντοκράτορος.— Ἰδοὺ ἔρχομαι ὡς κλέπτης. 16.15. μακάριος ὁ γρηγορῶν καὶ τηρῶν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ, ἵνα μὴ γυμνὸς περιπατῇ καὶ βλέπωσιν τὴν ἀσχημοσύνην αὐτοῦ. 16.16. — καὶ συνήγαγεν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸν τόπον τὸν καλούμενον Ἐβραϊστί ἋρΜαγεδών. 16.17. Καὶ ὁ ἕβδομος ἐξέχεεν τὴν φιάλην αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν ἀέρα· — καὶ ἐξῆλθενφωνὴμεγάληἐκ τοῦ ναοῦἀπὸ τοῦ θρόνου λέγουσα Γέγονεν· 17.1. Καὶ ἦλθεν εἷς ἐκ τῶν ἑπτὰ ἀγγέλων τῶν ἐχόντων τὰς ἑπτὰ φιάλας, καὶ ἐλάλησεν μετʼ ἐμοῦ λέγων Δεῦρο, δείξω σοι τὸ κρίμα τῆς πόρνης τῆς μεγάλης τῆς καθημένης ἐπὶ ὑδάτων πολλῶν, 17.2. μεθʼ ἧς ἐπόρνευσαν οἱ βασιλεῖς τῆς γῆς, καὶἐμεθύσθησανοἱ κατοικοῦντεςτὴν γῆν ἐκ τοῦ οἴνουτῆς πορνείαςαὐτῆς. 17.4. καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἦν περιβεβλημένη πορφυροῦν καὶ κόκκινον, καὶ κεχρυσωμένη χρυσίῳ καὶ λίθῳ τιμίῳ καὶ μαργαρίταις, ἔχουσαποτήριον χρυσοῦνἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτῆς γέμον βδελυγμάτων καὶ τὰ ἀκάθαρτα τῆς πορνείας αὐτῆς, 17.6. καὶ εἶδον τὴν γυναῖκα μεθύουσαν ἐκ τοῦ αἵματος τῶν ἁγίων καὶ ἐκ τοῦ αἵματος τῶν μαρτύρων Ἰησοῦ. 17.7. Καὶ ἐθαύμασα ἰδὼν αὐτὴν θαῦμα μέγα· καὶ εἶπέν μοι ὁ ἄγγελος Διὰ τί ἐθαύμασας; ἐγὼ ἐρῶ σοι τὸ μυστήριον τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τοῦ θηρίου τοῦ βαστάζοντος αὐτήν, τοῦ ἔχοντος τὰς ἑπτὰ κεφαλὰς καὶ τὰ δέκα κέρατα. 17.8. τὸ θηρίον ὃ εἶδες ἦν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν, καὶ μέλλει ἀναβαίνειν ἐκ τῆς ἀβύσσου, καὶ εἰς ἀπώλειαν ὑπάγει· καὶ θαυμασθήσονται οἱ κατοικοῦντες ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς,ὧνοὐγέγραπταιτὸ ὄνομαἐπὶ τὸ βιβλίον τῆς ζωῆςἀπὸ καταβολῆς κόσμου, βλεπόντων τὸ θηρίον ὄτι ἦν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν καὶ πάρεσται. 17.9. Ὧδε ὁ νοῦς ὁ ἔχων σοφίαν. αἱ ἑπτὰ κεφαλαὶ ἑπτὰ ὄρη εἰσίν, ὅπου ἡ γυνὴ κάθηται ἐπʼ αὐτῶν. καὶ βασιλεῖς ἑπτά εἰσιν· 17.10. οἱ πέντε ἔπεσαν, ὁ εἷς ἔστιν, ὁ ἄλλος οὔπω ἦλθεν, καὶ ὅταν ἔλθῃ ὀλίγον αὐτὸν δεῖ μεῖναι, 17.11. καὶ τὸ θηρίον ὃ ἦν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν. καὶ αὐτὸς ὄγδοός ἐστιν καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἑπτά ἐστιν, καὶ εἰς ἀπώλειαν ὑπάγει. 17.12. καὶ τὰ δέκα κέραταἃ εἶδεςδέκα βασιλεῖς εἰσίν,οἵτινες βασιλείαν οὔπω ἔλαβον, ἀλλὰ ἐξουσίαν ὡς βασιλεῖς μίαν ὥραν λαμβάνουσιν μετὰ τοῦ θηρίου. 17.13. οὗτοι μίαν γνώμην ἔχουσιν, καὶ τὴν δύναμιν καὶ ἐξουσίαν αὐτῶν τῷ θηρίῳ διδόασιν. 17.14. οὗτοι μετὰ τοῦ ἀρνίου πολεμήσουσιν, καὶ τὸ ἀρνίον νικήσει αὐτούς, ὅτικύριος κυρίων ἐστὶν καὶ βασιλεὺς βασιλέων,καὶ οἱ μετʼ αὐτοῦ κλητοὶ καὶ ἐκλεκτοὶ καὶ πιστοί. 18.3. ὅτιἐκ [τοῦ οἴνου] τοῦ θυμοῦ τῆς πορνείαςαὐτῆς πέπτωκανπάντατὰ ἔθνη,καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς τῆς γῆς μετʼ αὐτῆς ἐπόρνευσαν, καὶ οἱ ἔμποροι τῆς γῆς ἐκ τῆς δυνάμεως τοῦ στρήνους αὐτῆς ἐπλούτησαν. 18.4. Καὶ ἤκουσα ἄλλην φωνὴν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ λέγουσανἘξέλθατε, ὁ λαός μου, ἐξ αὐτῆς,ἵνα μὴ συνκοινωνήσητε ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις αὐτῆς, καὶ ἐκ τῶν πληγῶν αὐτῆς ἵνα μὴ λάβητε· 18.9. καὶ κλαύσουσιν καὶ κόψονται ἐπ̓αὐτὴνοἱ βασιλεῖς τῆς γῆς οἱ μετʼ αὐτῆς πορνεύσαντεςκαὶ στρηνιάσαντες, ὅταν βλέπωσιν τὸν καπνὸν τῆς πυρώσεως αὐτῆς, 18.11. καὶοἱ ἔμποροιτῆς γῆςκλαίουσιν καὶ πενθοῦσινἐπʼ αὐτήν, ὅτι τὸν γόμον αὐτῶν οὐδεὶς ἀγοράζει οὐκέτι, 18.17. καὶ πᾶςκυβερνήτηςκαὶ πᾶς ὁ ἐπὶ τόπον πλέων,καὶ ναῦται καὶ ὅσοι τὴν θάλασσανἐργάζονται, ἀπὸ μακρόθενἔστησαν 18.22. καὶ φωνὴ κιθαρῳδῶν καὶ μουσικῶν καὶ αὐλητῶν καὶ σαλπιστῶνοὐ μὴ ἀκουσθῇἐνσοὶ ἔτι,καὶ πᾶς τεχνίτης [πάσης τέχνης] οὐ μὴ εὑρεθῇ ἐν σοὶ ἔτι,καὶ φωνὴ μύλουοὐ μὴ ἀκουσθῇ ἐν σοὶ ἔτι, 18.23. καὶ φῶς λύχνουοὐ μὴ φάνῃ ἐν σοὶ ἔτι,καὶ φωνὴ νυμφίου καὶ νύμφηςοὐ μὴ ἀκουσθῇ ἐν σοὶ ἔτι· ὅτι [οἱ]ἔμποροίσου ἦσανοἱ μεγιστᾶνες τῆς γῆς,ὅτιἐν τῇ φαρμακίᾳ σουἐπλανήθησαν πάντα τὰ ἔθνη, 19.2. ὅτι ἀληθιναὶ καὶ δίκαιαι αἱ κρίσεις αὐτοῦ· ὅτι ἔκρινεν τὴν πόρνην τὴν μεγάλην ἥτις ἔφθειρεν τὴν γῆν ἐν τῇ πορνείᾳ αὐτῆς, καὶ ἐξεδίκησεν τὸ αἷμα τῶν δουλων αὐτοῦ ἐκ χειρὸς αὐτῆς. καὶ δεύτερον εἴρηκαν Ἁλληλουιά· 19.11. Καὶ εἶδον τὸν οὐρανὸν ἠνεῳγμένον,καὶ ἰδοὺ ἵππος λευκός, καὶ ὁ καθήμενος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν πιστὸς [καλούμενος] καὶ ἀληθινός, καὶἐν δικαιοσύνῃ κρίνεικαὶ πολεμεῖ. 19.12. οἱ δὲ ὀφθαλμοὶ αὐτοῦφλὸξπυρός,καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ διαδήματα πολλά, ἔχων ὄνομα γεγραμμένον ὃ οὐδεὶς οἶδεν εἰ μὴ αὐτός, 19.13. καὶ περιβεβλημένος ἱμάτιον ῤεραντισμένον αἵματι, καὶ κέκληται τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ὁ Λόγος τοῦ Θεοῦ. 19.14. καὶ τὰ στρατεύματα τὰ ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ ἐφʼ ἵπποις λευκοῖς, ἐνδεδυμένοιβύσσινον λευκὸν καθαρόν. 19.15. καὶ ἐκτοῦ στόματοςαὐτοῦ ἐκπορεύεται ῥομφαία ὀξεῖα, ἵνα ἐν αὐτῇπατάξῃ τὰ ἔθνη,καὶ αὐτὸςποιμανεῖ αὐτοὺς ἐν ῥάβδῳ σιδηρᾷ·καὶ αὐτὸςπατεῖ τὴν ληνὸντοῦ οἴνου τοῦ θυμοῦ τῆς ὀργῆςτοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ παντοκράτορος. 19.16. καὶ ἔχει ἐπὶ τὸ ἱμάτιον καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν μηρὸν αὐτοῦ ὄνομα γεγραμμένον ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΚΥΡΙΩΝ. 20.1. Καὶ εἶδον ἄγγελον καταβαίνοντα ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, ἔχοντα τὴν κλεῖν τῆς ἀβύσσου καὶ ἅλυσιν μεγάλην ἐπὶ τὴν χεῖρα αὐτοῦ. 20.3. καὶ ἔβαλεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἄβυσσον, καὶ ἔκλεισεν καὶ ἐσφράγισεν ἐπάνω αὐτοῦ, ἵνα μὴ πλανήσῃ ἔτι τὰ ἔθνη, ἄχρι τελεσθῇ τὰ χίλια ἔτη· μετὰ ταῦτα δεῖ λυθῆναι αὐτὸν μικρὸν χρόνον. 20.11. Καὶ εἶδον θρόνονμέγαν λευκὸν καὶ τὸνκαθήμενονἐπʼ αὐτοῦ, οὗἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου ἔφυγεν ἡ γῆκαὶ ὁ οὐρανός, καὶ τόπος οὐχ εὑρέθη αὐτοῖς. 20.12. καὶ εἶδον τοὺς νεκρούς, τοὺς μεγάλους καὶ τοὺς μικρούς, ἑστῶτας ἐνώπιον τοῦ θρόνου,καὶ βιβλία ἠνοίχθησαν·καὶ ἄλλοβιβλίονἠνοίχθη, ὅ ἐστιντῆς ζωῆς·καὶ ἐκρίθησαν οἱ νεκροὶ ἐκ τῶν γεγραμμένων ἐν τοῖς βιβλίοιςκατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν. 21.9. Καὶ ἦλθεν εἷς ἐκ τῶν ἑπτὰ ἀγγέλων τῶν ἐχόντων τὰς ἑπτὰ φιάλας, τῶν γεμόντων τῶν ἑπτὰ πληγῶν τῶν ἐσχάτων, καὶ ἐλάλησεν μετʼ ἐμοῦ λέγων Δεῦρο, δείξω σοι τὴν νύμφην τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀρνίου. 21.24. καὶ περιπατήσουσιν τὰ ἔθνη διὰ τοῦ φωτὸςαὐτῆς·καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖςτῆς γῆςφέρουσιν τὴν δόξαναὐτῶν εἰς αὐτήν· 22.9. καὶ λέγει μοι Ὅρα μή· σύνδουλός σού εἰμι καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν σου τῶν προφητῶν καὶ τῶν τηρούντων τοὺς λόγους τοῦ βιβλίου τούτου· τῷ θεῷ προσκύνησον. | 1.3. Blessed is he who reads and those who hear the words of the prophecy, and keep the things that are written in it, for the time is at hand. 1.5. and from Jesus Christ, the faithful witness, the firstborn of the dead, and the ruler of the kings of the earth. To him who loves us, and washed us from our sins by his blood; 1.10. I was in the Spirit on the Lord's day, and I heard behind me a loud voice, as of a trumpet 1.11. saying, "What you see, write in a book and send to the seven assemblies: to Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamum, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and to Laodicea." 1.12. I turned to see the voice that spoke with me. Having turned, I saw seven golden lampstands. 1.13. And in the midst of the lampstands was one like a son of man, clothed with a robe reaching down to his feet, and with a golden sash around his chest. 2.2. "I know your works, and your toil and perseverance, and that you can't tolerate evil men, and have tested those who call themselves apostles, and they are not, and found them false. 2.4. But I have this against you, that you left your first love. 2.5. Remember therefore from where you have fallen, and repent and do the first works; or else I am coming to you swiftly, and will move your lampstand out of its place, unless you repent. 2.6. But this you have, that you hate the works of the Nicolaitans, which I also hate. 2.9. "I know your works, oppression, and your poverty (but you are rich), and the blasphemy of those who say they are Jews, and they are not, but are a synagogue of Satan. 2.10. Don't be afraid of the things which you are about to suffer. Behold, the devil is about to throw some of you into prison, that you may be tested; and you will have oppression for ten days. Be faithful to death, and I will give you the crown of life. 2.13. "I know your works and where you dwell, where Satan's throne is. You hold firmly to my name, and didn't deny my faith in the days of Antipas my witness, my faithful one, who was killed among you, where Satan dwells. 2.14. But I have a few things against you, because you have there some who hold the teaching of Balaam, who taught Balak to throw a stumbling block before the children of Israel , to eat things sacrificed to idols, and to commit sexual immorality. 2.15. So you also have some who hold to the teaching of the Nicolaitans in the same way. 2.16. Repent therefore, or else I am coming to you quickly, and I will make war against them with the sword of my mouth. 2.22. Behold, I will throw her into a bed, and those who commit adultery with her into great oppression, unless they repent of her works. 2.23. I will kill her children with Death, and all the assemblies will know that I am he who searches the minds and hearts. I will give to each one of you according to your deeds. 3.2. Wake up, and keep the things that remain, which you were about to throw away, for I have found no works of yours perfected before my God. 3.3. Remember therefore how you have received and heard. Keep it, and repent. If therefore you won't watch, I will come as a thief, and you won't know what hour I will come upon you. 3.9. Behold, I give of the synagogue of Satan, of those who say they are Jews, and they are not, but lie. Behold, I will make them to come and worship before your feet, and to know that I have loved you. 4.1. After these things I looked and saw a door opened in heaven, and the first voice that I heard, like a trumpet speaking with me, was one saying, "Come up here, and I will show you the things which must happen after this." 4.4. Around the throne were twenty-four thrones. On the thrones were twenty-four elders sitting, dressed in white garments, with crowns of gold on their heads. 4.10. the twenty-four elders fall down before him who sits on the throne, and worship him who lives forever and ever, and throw their crowns before the throne, saying, 4.11. "Worthy are you, our Lord and our God, the Holy One, to receive the glory, the honor, and the power, for you created all things, and because of your desire they existed, and were created!" 5.11. I saw, and I heard something like a voice of many angels around the throne, the living creatures, and the elders; and the number of them was ten thousands of ten thousands, and thousands of thousands; 6.8. And behold, a pale horse, and he who sat on him, his name was Death. Hades followed with him. Authority over one fourth of the earth, to kill with the sword, with famine, with death, and by the wild animals of the earth was given to him. 8.9. and one third of the creatures which were in the sea died, those who had life. One third of the ships were destroyed. 9.7. The shapes of the locusts were like horses prepared for war. On their heads were something like golden crowns, and their faces were like men's faces. 9.8. They had hair like women's hair, and their teeth were like those of lions. 9.9. They had breastplates, like breastplates of iron. The sound of their wings was like the sound of chariots, or of many horses rushing to war. 9.10. They have tails like those of scorpions, and stings. In their tails they have power to harm men for five months. 12.9. The great dragon was thrown down, the old serpent, he who is called the devil and Satan, the deceiver of the whole world. He was thrown down to the earth, and his angels were thrown down with him. 13.3. One of his heads looked like it had been wounded fatally. His fatal wound was healed, and the whole earth marveled at the beast. 13.4. They worshiped the dragon, because he gave his authority to the beast, and they worshiped the beast, saying, "Who is like the beast? Who is able to make war with him?" 13.5. A mouth speaking great things and blasphemy was given to him. Authority to make war for forty-two months was given to him. 13.11. I saw another beast coming up out of the earth. He had two horns like a lamb, and he spoke like a dragon. 13.12. He exercises all the authority of the first beast in his presence. He makes the earth and those who dwell in it to worship the first beast, whose fatal wound was healed. 13.13. He performs great signs, even making fire come down out of the sky on the earth in the sight of men. 13.14. He deceives my own people who dwell on the earth because of the signs which it was given to him to do in front of the beast; saying to those who dwell on the earth, that they should make an image to the beast who had the sword wound and lived. 13.15. It was given to him to give breath to it, to the image of the beast, that the image of the beast should both speak, and cause as many as wouldn't worship the image of the beast to be killed. 13.16. He causes all, the small and the great, the rich and the poor, and the free and the slave, so that they should give them marks on their right hand, or on their forehead; 13.17. and that no one would be able to buy or to sell, unless he has that mark, the name of the beast or the number of his name. 13.18. Here is wisdom. He who has understanding, let him calculate the number of the beast, for it is the number of a man. His number is six hundred sixty-six. 14.1. I saw, and behold, the Lamb standing on Mount Zion, and with him a number, one hundred forty-four thousand, having his name, and the name of his Father, written on their foreheads. 14.14. I looked, and behold, a white cloud; and on the cloud one sitting like a son of man, having on his head a golden crown, and in his hand a sharp sickle. 15.4. Who wouldn't fear you, Lord, And glorify your name? For you only are holy. For all the nations will come and worship before you. For your righteous acts have been revealed. 16.1. I heard a loud voice out of the temple, saying to the seven angels, "Go and pour out the seven bowls of the wrath of God on the earth!" 16.2. The first went, and poured out his bowl into the earth, and it became a harmful and evil sore on the men who had the mark of the beast, and who worshiped his image. 16.3. The second angel poured out his bowl into the sea, and it became blood as of a dead man. Every living thing in the sea died. 16.4. The third poured out his bowl into the rivers and springs of water, and it became blood. 16.5. I heard the angel of the waters saying, "You are righteous, who are and who were, you Holy One, because you judged this way. 16.6. For they poured out the blood of the saints and the prophets, and you have given them blood to drink. They deserve this." 16.7. I heard the altar saying, "Yes, Lord God, the Almighty, true and righteous are your judgments." 16.8. The fourth poured out his bowl on the sun, and it was given to him to scorch men with fire. 16.9. People were scorched with great heat, and people blasphemed the name of God who has the power over these plagues. They didn't repent and give him glory. 16.10. The fifth poured out his bowl on the throne of the beast, and his kingdom was darkened. They gnawed their tongues because of the pain, 16.11. and they blasphemed the God of heaven because of their pains and their sores. They didn't repent of their works. 16.12. The sixth poured out his bowl on the great river, the Euphrates. Its water was dried up, that the way might be made ready for the kings that come from the sunrise. 16.13. I saw coming out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits, something like frogs; 16.14. for they are spirits of demons, performing signs; which go forth to the kings of the whole inhabited earth, to gather them together for the war of that great day of God, the Almighty. 16.15. "Behold, I come like a thief. Blessed is he who watches, and keeps his clothes, so that he doesn't walk naked, and they see his shame." 16.16. He gathered them together into the place which is called in Hebrew, Megiddo. 16.17. The seventh poured out his bowl into the air. A loud voice came forth out of the temple of heaven, from the throne, saying, "It is done!" 17.1. One of the seven angels who had the seven bowls came and spoke with me, saying, "Come here. I will show you the judgment of the great prostitute who sits on many waters, 17.2. with whom the kings of the earth committed sexual immorality, and those who dwell in the earth were made drunken with the wine of her sexual immorality." 17.4. The woman was dressed in purple and scarlet, and decked with gold and precious stones and pearls, having in her hand a golden cup full of abominations and the impurities of the sexual immorality of the earth. 17.6. I saw the woman drunken with the blood of the saints, and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus. When I saw her, I wondered with great amazement. 17.7. The angel said to me, "Why do you wonder? I will tell you the mystery of the woman, and of the beast that carries her, which has the seven heads and the ten horns. 17.8. The beast that you saw was, and is not; and is about to come up out of the abyss, and to go into destruction. Those who dwell on the earth will wonder, whose name has not been written in the book of life from the foundation of the world, when they see that the beast was, and is not, and will pe present. 17.9. Here is the mind that has wisdom. The seven heads are seven mountains, on which the woman sits. 17.10. They are seven kings. Five have fallen, the one is, the other has not yet come. When he comes, he must continue a little while. 17.11. The beast that was, and is not, is himself also an eighth, and is of the seven; and he goes to destruction. 17.12. The ten horns that you saw are ten kings who have received no kingdom as yet, but they receive authority as kings, with the beast, for one hour. 17.13. These have one mind, and they give their power and authority to the beast. 17.14. These will war against the Lamb, and the Lamb will overcome them, for he is Lord of lords, and King of kings. They also will overcome who are with him, called and chosen and faithful." 18.3. For all the nations have drunk of the wine of the wrath of her sexual immorality, the kings of the earth committed sexual immorality with her, and the merchants of the earth grew rich from the abundance of her luxury." 18.4. I heard another voice from heaven, saying, "Come forth, my people, out of her, that you have no participation in her sins, and that you don't receive of her plagues, 18.9. The kings of the earth, who committed sexual immorality and lived wantonly with her, will weep and wail over her, when they look at the smoke of her burning, 18.11. The merchants of the earth weep and mourn over her, for no one buys their merchandise any more; 18.17. For in an hour such great riches are made desolate.' Every shipmaster, and everyone who sails anywhere, and mariners, and as many as gain their living by sea, stood far away, 18.22. The voice of harpers and minstrels and flute players and trumpeters will be heard no more at all in you. No craftsman, of whatever craft, will be found any more at all in you. The sound of a mill will be heard no more at all in you. 18.23. The light of a lamp will shine no more at all in you. The voice of the bridegroom and of the bride will be heard no more at all in you; for your merchants were the princes of the earth; for with your sorcery all the nations were deceived. 19.2. for true and righteous are his judgments. For he has judged the great prostitute, her who corrupted the earth with her sexual immorality, and he has avenged the blood of his servants at her hand." 19.11. I saw the heaven opened, and behold, a white horse, and he who sat on it is called Faithful and True. In righteousness he judges and makes war. 19.12. His eyes are a flame of fire, and on his head are many crowns. He has names written and a name written which no one knows but he himself. 19.13. He is clothed in a garment sprinkled with blood. His name is called "The Word of God." 19.14. The armies which are in heaven followed him on white horses, clothed in white, pure, fine linen. 19.15. Out of his mouth proceeds a sharp, double-edged sword, that with it he should strike the nations. He will rule them with a rod of iron. He treads the winepress of the fierceness of the wrath of God, the Almighty. 19.16. He has on his garment and on his thigh a name written, "KING OF KINGS, AND LORD OF LORDS." 20.1. I saw an angel coming down out of heaven, having the key of the abyss and a great chain in his hand. 20.3. and cast him into the abyss, and shut it, and sealed it over him, that he should deceive the nations no more, until the thousand years were finished. After this, he must be freed for a short time. 20.11. I saw a great white throne, and him who sat on it, from whose face the earth and the heaven fled away. There was found no place for them. 20.12. I saw the dead, the great and the small, standing before the throne, and they opened books. Another book was opened, which is the book of life. The dead were judged out of the things which were written in the books, according to their works. 21.9. One of the seven angels who had the seven bowls, who were laden with the seven last plagues came, and he spoke with me, saying, "Come here. I will show you the wife, the Lamb's bride." 21.24. The nations will walk in its light. The kings of the earth bring the glory and honor of the nations into it. 22.9. He said to me, "See you don't do it! I am a fellow bondservant with you and with your brothers, the prophets, and with those who keep the words of this book. Worship God." |
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119. New Testament, Colossians, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168| 4.2. Τῇ προσευχῇ προσκαρτερεῖτε, γρηγοροῦντες ἐν αὐτῇ ἐν εὐχαριστίᾳ, | 4.2. Continue steadfastly in prayer, watching therein with thanksgiving; |
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120. New Testament, Ephesians, 1.1-1.14, 2.1-2.22, 3.1-3.21, 4.6-4.16, 4.30, 6.10-6.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168; deSilva (2022) 51, 52, 79, 80, 81, 82, 178, 179, 212, 213, 329, 330| 1.1. ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ἀπόστολος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ διὰ θελήματος θεοῦ τοῖς ἁγίοις τοῖς οὖσιν [ἐν Ἐφέσῳ] καὶ πιστοῖς ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ· 1.2. χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 1.3. Εὐλογητὸς ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ὁ εὐλογήσας ἡμᾶς ἐν πάσῃ εὐλογίᾳ πνευματικῇ ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις ἐν Χριστῷ, 1.4. καθὼς ἐξελέξατο ἡμᾶς ἐν αὐτῷ πρὸ καταβολῆς κόσμου, εἶναι ἡμᾶς ἁγίους καὶ ἀμώμους κατενώπιον αὐτοῦ ἐν ἀγάπῃ, 1.5. προορίσας ἡμᾶς εἰς υἱοθεσίαν διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ εἰς αὐτόν, κατὰ τὴν εὐδοκίαν τοῦ θελήματος αὐτοῦ, 1.6. εἰς ἔπαινον δόξης τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ ἧς ἐχαρίτωσεν ἡμᾶς ἐν τῷ ἠγαπημένῳ, 1.7. ἐν ᾧ ἔχομεν τὴν ἀπολύτρωσιν διὰ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτοῦ, τὴν ἄφεσιν τῶν παραπτωμάτων, 1.8. κατὰ τὸ πλοῦτος τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ 1.9. ἧς ἐπερίσσευσεν εἰς ἡμᾶς ἐν πάσῃ σοφίᾳ καὶ φρονήσει γνωρίσας ἡμῖν τὸ μυστήριον τοῦ θελήματος αὐτοῦ, κατὰ τὴν εὐδοκίαν αὐτοῦ ἣν προέθετο ἐν αὐτῷ 1.10. εἰς οἰκονομίαν τοῦ πληρώματος τῶν καιρῶν, ἀνακεφαλαιώσασθαι τὰ πάντα ἐν τῷ χριστῷ, τὰ ἐπὶ τοῖς οὐρανοῖς καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς· ἐν αὐτῷ, 1.11. ἐν ᾧ καὶ ἐκληρώθημεν προορισθέντες κατὰ πρόθεσιν τοῦ τὰ πάντα ἐνεργοῦντος κατὰ τὴν βουλὴν τοῦ θελήματος αὐτοῦ, 1.12. εἰς τὸ εἶναι ἡμᾶς εἰς ἔπαινον δόξης αὐτοῦ τοὺς προηλπικότας ἐν τῷ χριστῷ· 1.13. ἐν ᾧ καὶ ὑμεῖς ἀκούσαντες τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας, τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς σωτηρίας ὑμῶν, ἐν ᾧ καὶ πιστεύσαντες, ἐσφραγίσθητε τῷ πνεύματι τῆς ἐπαγγελίας τῷ ἁγίῳ, 1.14. ὅ ἐστιν ἀρραβὼν τῆς κληρονομίας ἡμῶν, εἰς ἀπολύτρωσιν τῆς περιποιήσεως, εἰς ἔπαινον τῆς δόξης αὐτοῦ. 2.1. καὶ ὑμᾶς ὄντας νεκροὺς τοῖς παραπτώμασιν καὶ ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις ὑμῶν, 2.2. ἐν αἷς ποτὲ περιεπατήσατε κατὰ τὸν αἰῶνα τοῦ κόσμου τούτου, κατὰ τὸν ἄρχοντα τῆς ἐξουσίας τοῦ ἀέρος, τοῦ πνεύματος τοῦ νῦν ἐνεργοῦντος ἐν τοῖς υἱοῖς τῆς ἀπειθίας· 2.3. ἐν οἷς καὶ ἡμεῖς πάντες ἀνεστράφημέν ποτε ἐν ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις τῆς σαρκὸς ἡμῶν, ποιοῦντες τὰ θελήματα τῆς σαρκὸς καὶ τῶν διανοιῶν, καὶ ἤμεθα τέκνα φύσει ὀργῆς ὡς καὶ οἱ λοιποί·— 2.4. ὁ δὲ θεὸς πλούσιος ὢν ἐν ἐλέει, διὰ τὴν πολλὴν ἀγάπην αὐτοῦ ἣν ἠγάπησεν ἡμᾶς, 2.5. καὶ ὄντας ἡμᾶς νεκροὺς τοῖς παραπτώμασιν συνεζωοποίησεν τῷ χριστῷ,— χάριτί ἐστε σεσωσμένοι, καὶ 2.6. — συνήγειρεν καὶ συνεκάθισεν ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, 2.7. ἵνα ἐνδείξηται ἐν τοῖς αἰῶσιν τοῖς ἐπερχομένοις τὸ ὑπερβάλλον πλοῦτος τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ ἐν χρηστότητι ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ. τῇ γὰρ χάριτί ἐστε σεσωσμένοι διὰ πίστεως· 2.8. καὶ τοῦτο 2.9. οὐκ ἐξ ὑμῶν, θεοῦ τὸ δῶρον· οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων, ἵνα μή τις καυχήσηται. 2.10. αὐτοῦ γάρ ἐσμεν ποίημα, κτισθέντες ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ ἐπὶ ἔργοις ἀγαθοῖς οἷς προητοίμασεν ὁ θεὸς ἵνα ἐν αὐτοῖς περιπατήσωμεν. 2.11. Διὸ μνημονεύετε ὅτι ποτὲ ὑμεῖς τὰ ἔθνη ἐν σαρκί, οἱ λεγόμενοι ἀκροβυστία ὑπὸ τῆς λεγομένης περιτομῆς ἐν σαρκὶ χειροποιήτου, 2.12. — ὅτι ἦτε τῷ καιρῷ ἐκείνῳ χωρὶς Χριστοῦ, ἀπηλλοτριωμένοι τῆς πολιτείας τοῦ Ἰσραὴλ καὶ ξένοι τῶν διαθηκῶν τῆς ἐπαγγελίας, ἐλπίδα μὴ ἔχοντες καὶ ἄθεοι ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ. 2.13. νυνὶ δὲ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ ὑμεῖς οἵ ποτε ὄντες μακρὰν ἐγενήθητε ἐγγὺς ἐν τῷ αἵματι τοῦ χριστοῦ. 2.14. Αὐτὸς γάρ ἐστιν ἡ εἰρήνη ἡμῶν, ὁ ποιήσας τὰ ἀμφότερα ἓν καὶ τὸ μεσότοιχον τοῦ φραγμοῦ λύσας, τὴν ἔχθραν 2.15. ἐν τῇ σαρκὶ αὐτοῦ, τὸν νόμον τῶν ἐντολῶν ἐν δόγμασιν καταργήσας, ἵνα τοὺς δύο κτίσῃ ἐν αὑτῷ εἰς ἕνα καινὸν ἄνθρωπον ποιῶν εἰρήνην, 2.16. καὶ ἀποκαταλλάξῃ τοὺς ἀμφοτέρους ἐν ἑνὶ σώματι τῷ θεῷ διὰ τοῦ σταυροῦ ἀποκτείνας τὴν ἔχθραν ἐν αὐτῷ· 2.17. καὶ ἐλθὼν εὐηγγελίσατο εἰρήνην ὑμῖν τοῖς μακρὰν καὶ εἰρήνην τοῖς ἐγγύς· 2.18. ὅτι διʼ αὐτοῦ ἔχομεν τὴν προσαγωγὴν οἱ ἀμφότεροι ἐν ἑνὶ πνεύματι πρὸς τὸν πατέρα. 2.19. Ἄρα οὖν οὐκέτι ἐστὲ ξένοι καὶ πάροικοι, ἀλλὰ ἐστὲ συνπολῖται τῶν ἁγίων καὶ οἰκεῖοι τοῦ θεοῦ, 2.20. ἐποικοδομηθέντες ἐπὶ τῷ θεμελίῳ τῶν ἀποστόλων καὶ προφητῶν, ὄντος ἀκρογωνιαίου αὐτοῦ Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ, 2.21. ἐν ᾧ πᾶσα οἰκοδομὴ συναρμολογουμένη αὔξει εἰς ναὸν ἅγιον ἐν κυρίῳ, 2.22. ἐν ᾧ καὶ ὑμεῖς συνοικοδομεῖσθε εἰς κατοικητήριον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν πνεύματι. 3.1. Τούτου χάριν ἐγὼ Παῦλος ὁ δέσμιος τοῦ χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν τῶν ἐθνῶν,— 3.2. εἴ γε ἠκούσατε τὴν οἰκονομίαν τῆς χάριτος τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς δοθείσης μοι εἰς ὑμᾶς, 3.3. [ὅτι] κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν ἐγνωρίσθη μοι τὸ μυστήριον, καθὼς προέγραψα ἐν ὀλίγῳ, 3.4. πρὸς ὃ δύνασθε ἀναγινώσκοντες νοῆσαι τὴν σύνεσίν μου ἐν τῷ μυστηρίῳ τοῦ χριστοῦ, 3.5. ὃ ἑτέραις γενεαῖς οὐκ ἐγνωρίσθη τοῖς υἱοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὡς νῦν ἀπεκαλύφθη τοῖς ἁγίοις ἀποστόλοις αὐτοῦ καὶ προφήταις ἐν πνεύματι, 3.6. εἶναι τὰ ἔθνη συνκληρονόμα καὶ σύνσωμα καὶ συνμέτοχα τῆς ἐπαγγελίας ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ διὰ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, 3.7. οὗ ἐγενήθην διάκονος κατὰ τὴν δωρεὰν τῆς χάριτος τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς δοθείσης μοι κατὰ τὴν ἐνέργειαν τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ — 3.8. ἐμοὶ τῷ ἐλαχιστοτέρῳ πάντων ἁγίων ἐδόθη ἡ χάρις αὕτη — τοῖς ἔθνεσιν εὐαγγελίσασθαι τὸ ἀνεξιχνίαστον πλοῦτος τοῦ χριστοῦ, 3.9. καὶ φωτίσαι τίς ἡ οἰκονομία τοῦ μυστηρίου τοῦ ἀποκεκρυμμένου ἀπὸ τῶν αἰώνων ἐν τῷ θεῷ τῷ τὰ πάντα κτίσαντι, 3.10. ἵνα γνωρισθῇ νῦν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς καὶ ταῖς ἐξουσίαις ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις διὰ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἡ πολυποίκιλος σοφία τοῦ θεοῦ, 3.11. κατὰ πρόθεσιν τῶν αἰώνων ἣν ἐποίησεν ἐν τῷ χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ τῷ κυρίῳ ἡμῶν, 3.12. ἐν ᾧ ἔχομεν τὴν παρρησίαν καὶ προσαγωγὴν ἐν πεποιθήσει διὰ τῆς πίστεως αὐτοῦ. 3.13. Διὸ αἰτοῦμαι μὴ ἐνκακεῖν ἐν ταῖς θλίψεσίν μου ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν, ἥτις ἐστὶν δόξα ὑμῶν. 3.14. Τούτου χάριν κάμπτω τὰ γόνατά μου πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, 3.15. ἐξ οὗ πᾶσα πατριὰ ἐν οὐρανοῖς καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς ὀνομάζεται, 3.16. ἵνα δῷ ὑμῖν κατὰ τὸ πλοῦτος τῆς δόξης αὐτοῦ δυνάμει κραταιωθῆναι διὰ τοῦ πνεύματος αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸν ἔσω ἄνθρωπον, 3.17. κατοικῆσαι τὸν χριστὸν διὰ τῆς πίστεως ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ὑμῶν ἐν ἀγάπῃ· ἐρριζωμένοι καὶ τεθεμελιωμένοι, 3.18. ἵνα ἐξισχύσητε καταλαβέσθαι σὺν πᾶσιν τοῖς ἁγίοις τί τὸ πλάτος καὶ μῆκος καὶ ὕψος καὶ βάθος, 3.19. γνῶναί τε τὴν ὑπερβάλλουσαν τῆς γνώσεως ἀγάπην τοῦ χριστοῦ, ἵνα πληρωθῆτε εἰς πᾶν τὸ πλήρωμα τοῦ θεοῦ. 3.20. Τῷ δὲ δυναμένῳ ὑπὲρ πάντα ποιῆσαι ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ ὧν αἰτούμεθα ἢ νοοῦμεν κατὰ τὴν δύναμιν τὴν ἐνεργουμένην ἐν ἡμῖν, 3.21. αὐτῷ ἡ δόξα ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ εἰς πάσας τὰς γενεὰς τοῦ αἰῶνος τῶν αἰώνων· ἀμήν. 4.6. ὁ ἐπὶ πάντων καὶ διὰ πάντων καὶ ἐν πᾶσιν. 4.7. Ἑνὶ δὲ ἑκάστῳ ἡμῶν ἐδόθη [ἡ] χάρις κατὰ τὸ μέτρον τῆς δωρεᾶς τοῦ χριστοῦ. 4.8. διὸ λέγει Ἀναβὰς εἰς ὕψος ᾐχμαλώτευσεν αἰχμαλωσίαν, [καὶ] ἔδωκεν δόματα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. 4.9. τὸ δέ Ἀνέβη τί ἐστιν εἰ μὴ ὅτι καὶ κατέβη εἰς τὰ κατώτερα μέρη τῆς γῆς; 4.10. ὁ καταβὰς αὐτός ἐστιν καὶ ὁ ἀναβὰς ὑπεράνω πάντων τῶν οὐρανῶν, ἵνα πληρώσῃ τὰ πάντα. 4.11. καὶ αὐτὸς ἔδωκεν τοὺς μὲν ἀποστόλους, τοὺς δὲ προφήτας, τοὺς δὲ εὐαγγελιστάς, τοὺς δὲ ποιμένας καὶ διδασκάλους, 4.12. πρὸς τὸν καταρτισμὸν τῶν ἁγίων εἰς ἔργον διακονίας, εἰς οἰκοδομὴν τοῦ σώματος τοῦ χριστοῦ, 4.13. μέχρι καταντήσωμεν οἱ πάντες εἰς τὴν ἑνότητα τῆς πίστεως καὶ τῆς ἐπιγνώσεως τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰς ἄνδρα τέλειον, εἰς μέτρον ἡλικίας τοῦ πληρώματος τοῦ χριστοῦ, 4.14. ἵνα μηκέτι ὦμεν νήπιοι, κλυδωνιζόμενοι καὶ περιφερόμενοι παντὶ ἀνέμῳ τῆς διδασκαλίας ἐν τῇ κυβίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐν πανουργίᾳ πρὸς τὴν μεθοδίαν τῆς πλάνης, 4.15. ἀληθεύοντες δὲ ἐν ἀγάπῃ αὐξήσωμεν εἰς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα, ὅς ἐστιν ἡ κεφαλή, Χριστός, 4.16. ἐξ οὗ πᾶν τὸ σῶμα συναρμολογούμενον καὶ συνβιβαζόμενον διὰ πάσης ἁφῆς τῆς ἐπιχορηγίας κατʼ ἐνέργειαν ἐν μέτρῳ ἑνὸς ἑκάστου μέρους τὴν αὔξησιν τοῦ σώματος ποιεῖται εἰς οἰκοδομὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἐν ἀγάπῃ. 4.30. καὶ μὴ λυπεῖτε τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον τοῦ θεοῦ, ἐν ᾧ ἐσφραγίσθητε εἰς ἡμέραν ἀπολυτρώσεως. 6.10. Τοῦ λοιποῦ ἐνδυναμοῦσθε ἐν κυρίῳ καὶ ἐν τῷ κράτει τῆς ἰσχύος αὐτοῦ. 6.11. ἐνδύσασθε τὴν πανοπλίαν τοῦ θεοῦ πρὸς τὸ δύνασθαι ὑμᾶς στῆναι πρὸς τὰς μεθοδίας τοῦ διαβόλου· 6.12. ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν ἡ πάλη πρὸς αἷμα καὶ σάρκα, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς ἀρχάς, πρὸς τὰς ἐξουσίας, πρὸς τοὺς κοσμοκράτορας τοῦ σκότους τούτου, πρὸς τὰ πνευματικὰ τῆς πονηρίας ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις. 6.13. διὰ τοῦτο ἀναλάβετε τὴν πανοπλίαν τοῦ θεοῦ, ἵνα δυνηθῆτε ἀντιστῆναι ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ πονηρᾷ καὶ ἅπαντα κατεργασάμενοι στῆναι. 6.14. στῆτε οὖν περιζωσάμενοι τὴν ὀσφὺν ὑμῶν ἐν ἀληθεία, καὶ ἐνδυσάμενοι τὸν θώρακα τῆς δικαιοσύνης, 6.15. καὶ ὑποδησάμενοι τους πόδας ἐν ἑτοιμασίᾳ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου τῆς εἰρήνης, 6.16. ἐν πᾶσιν ἀναλαβόντες τὸν θυρεὸν τῆς πίστεως, ἐν ᾧ δυνήσεσθε πάντα τὰ βέλη τοῦ πονηροῦ [τὰ] πεπυρωμένα σβέσαι· 6.17. καὶ τὴν περικεφαλαίαν τοῦ σωτηρίου δέξασθε, καὶ τὴν μάχαιραν τοῦ πνεύματος, 6.18. ὅ ἐστιν ῥῆμα θεοῦ, διὰ πάσης προσευχῆς καὶ δεήσεως, προσευχόμενοι ἐν παντὶ καιρῷ ἐν πνεύματι, καὶ εἰς αὐτὸ ἀγρυπνοῦντες ἐν πάσῃ προσκαρτερήσει καὶ δεήσει περὶ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων, 6.19. καὶ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ, ἵνα μοι δοθῇ λόγος ἐν ἀνοίξει τοῦ στόματός μου, ἐν παρρησίᾳ γνωρίσαι τὸ μυστήριον [τοῦ εὐαγγελίου] ὑπὲρ οὗ πρεσβεύω ἐν ἁλύσει, 6.20. ἵνα ἐν αὐτῷ παρρησιάσωμαι ὡς δεῖ με λαλῆσαι. | 1.1. Paul, an apostle of Christ Jesus through the will of God, to the saints who are at Ephesus, and the faithful in Christ Jesus: 1.2. Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. 1.3. Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who has blessed us with every spiritual blessing in the heavenly places in Christ; 1.4. even as he chose us in him before the foundation of the world, that we would be holy and without blemish before him in love; 1.5. having predestined us for adoption as sons through Jesus Christ to himself, according to the good pleasure of his desire, 1.6. to the praise of the glory of his grace, by which he freely bestowed favor on us in the Beloved, 1.7. in whom we have our redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of our trespasses, according to the riches of his grace, 1.8. which he made to abound toward us in all wisdom and prudence, 1.9. making known to us the mystery of his will, according to his good pleasure which he purposed in him 1.10. to an administration of the fullness of the times, to sum up all things in Christ, the things in the heavens, and the things on the earth, in him; 1.11. in whom also we were assigned an inheritance, having been foreordained according to the purpose of him who works all things after the counsel of his will; 1.12. to the end that we should be to the praise of his glory, we who had before hoped in Christ: 1.13. in whom you also, having heard the word of the truth, the gospel of your salvation, -- in whom, having also believed, you were sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise, 1.14. who is a pledge of our inheritance, to the redemption of God's own possession, to the praise of his glory. 2.1. You were made alive when you were dead in transgressions and sins, 2.2. in which you once walked according to the course of this world, according to the prince of the powers of the air, the spirit who now works in the sons of disobedience; 2.3. among whom we also all once lived in the lust of our flesh, doing the desires of the flesh and of the mind, and were by nature children of wrath, even as the rest. 2.4. But God, being rich in mercy, for his great love with which he loved us, 2.5. even when we were dead through our trespasses, made us alive together with Christ (by grace you have been saved), 2.6. and raised us up with him, and made us to sit with him in the heavenly places in Christ Jesus, 2.7. that in the ages to come he might show the exceeding riches of his grace in kindness toward us in Christ Jesus; 2.8. for by grace you have been saved through faith, and that not of yourselves; it is the gift of God, 2.9. not of works, that no one would boast. 2.10. For we are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus for good works, which God prepared before that we would walk in them. 2.11. Therefore remember that once you, the Gentiles in the flesh, who are called "uncircumcision" by that which is called "circumcision," (in the flesh, made by hands); 2.12. that you were at that time separate from Christ, alienated from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers from the covets of the promise, having no hope and without God in the world. 2.13. But now in Christ Jesus you who once were far off are made near in the blood of Christ. 2.14. For he is our peace, who made both one, and broke down the middle wall of partition, 2.15. having abolished in the flesh the hostility, the law of commandments contained in ordices, that he might create in himself one new man of the two, making peace; 2.16. and might reconcile them both in one body to God through the cross, having killed the hostility thereby. 2.17. He came and preached peace to you who were far off and to those who were near. 2.18. For through him we both have our access in one Spirit to the Father. 2.19. So then you are no longer strangers and sojourners, but you are fellow citizens with the saints, and of the household of God, 2.20. being built on the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Christ Jesus himself being the chief cornerstone; 2.21. in whom the whole building, fitted together, grows into a holy temple in the Lord; 2.22. in whom you also are built together for a habitation of God in the Spirit. 3.1. For this cause I, Paul, am the prisoner of Christ Jesus on behalf of you Gentiles, 3.2. if it is so that you have heard of the administration of that grace of God which was given me toward you; 3.3. how that by revelation the mystery was made known to me, as I wrote before in few words, 3.4. by which, when you read, you can perceive my understanding in the mystery of Christ; 3.5. which in other generations was not made known to the sons of men, as it has now been revealed to his holy apostles and prophets in the Spirit; 3.6. that the Gentiles are fellow heirs, and fellow members of the body, and fellow partakers of his promise in Christ Jesus through the gospel, 3.7. whereof I was made a servant, according to the gift of that grace of God which was given me according to the working of his power. 3.8. To me, the very least of all saints, was this grace given, to preach to the Gentiles the unsearchable riches of Christ, 3.9. and to make all men see what is the administration of the mystery which for ages has been hidden in God, who created all things through Jesus Christ; 3.10. to the intent that now through the assembly the manifold wisdom of God might be made known to the principalities and the powers in the heavenly places, 3.11. according to the eternal purpose which he purposed in Christ Jesus our Lord; 3.12. in whom we have boldness and access in confidence through our faith in him. 3.13. Therefore I ask that you may not lose heart at my troubles for you, which are your glory. 3.14. For this cause, I bow my knees to the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, 3.15. from whom every family in heaven and on earth is named, 3.16. that he would grant you, according to the riches of his glory, that you may be strengthened with power through his Spirit in the inward man; 3.17. that Christ may dwell in your hearts through faith; to the end that you, being rooted and grounded in love, 3.18. may be strengthened to comprehend with all the saints what is the breadth and length and height and depth, 3.19. and to know Christ's love which surpasses knowledge, that you may be filled with all the fullness of God. 3.20. Now to him who is able to do exceedingly abundantly above all that we ask or think, according to the power that works in us, 3.21. to him be the glory in the assembly and in Christ Jesus to all generations forever and ever. Amen. 4.6. one God and Father of all, who is over all, and through all, and in us all. 4.7. But to each one of us was the grace given according to the measure of the gift of Christ. 4.8. Therefore he says, "When he ascended on high, he led captivity captive, and gave gifts to men." 4.9. Now this, "He ascended," what is it but that he also first descended into the lower parts of the earth? 4.10. He who descended is the one who also ascended far above all the heavens, that he might fill all things. 4.11. He gave some to be apostles; and some, prophets; and some, evangelists; and some, shepherds and teachers; 4.12. for the perfecting of the saints, to the work of serving, to the building up of the body of Christ; 4.13. until we all attain to the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, to a full grown man, to the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ; 4.14. that we may no longer be children, tossed back and forth and carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the trickery of men, in craftiness, after the wiles of error; 4.15. but speaking truth in love, we may grow up in all things into him, who is the head, Christ; 4.16. from whom all the body, being fitted and knit together through that which every joint supplies, according to the working in measure of each individual part, makes the body increase to the building up of itself in love. 4.30. Don't grieve the Holy Spirit of God, in whom you were sealed for the day of redemption. 6.10. Finally, be strong in the Lord, and in the strength of his might. 6.11. Put on the whole armor of God, that you may be able to stand against the wiles of the devil. 6.12. For our wrestling is not against flesh and blood, but against the principalities, against the powers, against the world's rulers of the darkness of this age, and against the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places. 6.13. Therefore, put on the whole armor of God, that you may be able to withstand in the evil day, and, having done all, to stand. 6.14. Stand therefore, having the utility belt of truth buckled around your waist, and having put on the breastplate of righteousness, 6.15. and having fitted your feet with the preparation of the gospel of peace; 6.16. above all, taking up the shield of faith, with which you will be able to quench all the fiery darts of the evil one. 6.17. And take the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God; 6.18. with all prayer and requests, praying at all times in the Spirit, and being watchful to this end in all perseverance and requests for all the saints: 6.19. on my behalf, that utterance may be given to me in opening my mouth, to make known with boldness the mystery of the gospel, 6.20. for which I am an ambassador in chains; that in it I may speak boldly, as I ought to speak. |
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121. New Testament, Galatians, 1.3-1.4, 1.9, 2.20, 4.4-4.7, 4.9, 4.11-4.12, 4.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 320; Marek (2019) 530; Nasrallah (2019) 122; deSilva (2022) 52, 212, 213| 1.3. χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, 1.4. τοῦ δόντος ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἡμῶν ὅπως ἐξέληται ἡμᾶς ἐκ τοῦ αἰῶνος τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος πονηροῦ κατὰ τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἡμῶν, 1.9. ὡς προειρήκαμεν, καὶ ἄρτι πάλιν λέγω, εἴ τις ὑμᾶς εὐαγγελίζεται παρʼ ὃ παρελάβετε, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. 2.20. ζῶ δὲ οὐκέτι ἐγώ, ζῇ δὲ ἐν ἐμοὶ Χριστός· ὃ δὲ νῦν ζῶ ἐν σαρκί, ἐν πίστει ζῶ τῇ τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἀγαπήσαντός με καὶ παραδόντος ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ. 4.4. ὅτε δὲ ἦλθεν τὸ πλήρωμα τοῦ χρόνου, ἐξαπέστειλεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, γενόμενον ἐκ γυναικός, γενόμενον ὑπὸ νόμον, 4.5. ἵνα τοὺς ὑπὸ νόμον ἐξαγοράσῃ, ἵνα τὴν υἱοθεσίαν ἀπολάβωμεν. 4.6. Ὅτι δέ ἐστε υἱοί, ἐξαπέστειλεν ὁ θεὸς τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ εἰς τὰς καρδίας ἡμῶν, κρᾶζον Ἀββά ὁ πατήρ. 4.7. ὥστε οὐκέτι εἶ δοῦλος ἀλλὰ υἱός· εἰ δὲ υἱός, καὶ κληρονόμος διὰ θεοῦ. 4.9. νῦν δὲ γνόντες θεόν, μᾶλλον δὲ γνωσθέντες ὑπὸ θεοῦ, πῶς ἐπιστρέφετε πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰ ἀσθενῆ καὶ πτωχὰ στοιχεῖα, οἷς πάλιν ἄνωθεν δουλεῦσαι θέλετε; 4.11. φοβοῦμαι ὑμᾶς μή πως εἰκῇ κεκοπίακα εἰς ὑμᾶς. 4.12. Γίνεσθε ὡς ἐγώ, ὅτι κἀγὼ ὡς ὑμεῖς, ἀδελφοί, δέομαι ὑμῶν. 4.22. γέγραπται γὰρ ὅτι Ἀβραὰμ δύο υἱοὺς ἔσχεν, ἕνα ἐκ τῆς παιδίσκης καὶ ἕνα ἐκ τῆς ἐλευθέρας· | 1.3. Grace to you and peace from God the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, 1.4. who gave himself for our sins, that he might deliver us out of this present evil age, according to the will of our God and Father -- 1.9. As we have said before, so Inow say again: if any man preaches to you any gospel other than thatwhich you received, let him be cursed. 2.20. I have been crucified with Christ, andit is no longer I that live, but Christ living in me. That life which Inow live in the flesh, I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me,and gave himself up for me. 4.4. But when the fullness of the time came,God sent out his Son, born to a woman, born under the law, 4.5. thathe might redeem those who were under the law, that we might receive theadoption of sons. 4.6. And because you are sons, God sent out theSpirit of his Son into your hearts, crying, "Abba, Father!" 4.7. Soyou are no longer a bondservant, but a son; and if a son, then an heirof God through Christ. 4.9. But now thatyou have come to know God, or rather to be known by God, why do youturn back again to the weak and miserable elements, to which you desireto be in bondage all over again? 4.11. I am afraid for you, that I might havewasted my labor for you. 4.12. I beg you, brothers, become as I am,for I also have become as you are. You did me no wrong, 4.22. For it is written that Abraham had two sons, one by thehandmaid, and one by the free woman. |
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122. New Testament, Hebrews, 9.12, 9.22, 12.2, 13.10-13.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legislation, rabbinic, versus christian/roman imperial thought •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Balberg (2017) 92; Maier and Waldner (2022) 6| 9.12. οὐδὲ διʼ αἵματος τράγων καὶ μόσχων διὰ δὲ τοῦ ἰδίου αἵματος, εἰσῆλθεν ἐφάπαξ εἰς τὰ ἅγια, αἰωνίαν λύτρωσιν εὑράμενος. 9.22. καὶ σχεδὸν ἐν αἵματι πάντα καθαρίζεται κατὰ τὸν νόμον, καὶ χωρὶς αἱματεκχυσίας οὐ γίνεται ἄφεσις. 12.2. ἀφορῶντες εἰς τὸν τῆς πίστεως ἀρχηγὸν καὶ τελειωτὴν Ἰησοῦν, ὃς ἀντὶ τῆς προκειμένης αὐτῷ χαρᾶς ὑπέμεινεν σταυρὸν αἰσχύνης καταφρονήσας,ἐν δεξιᾷτε τοῦ θρόνου τοῦ θεοῦκεκάθικεν. 13.10. ἔχομεν θυσιαστήριον ἐξ οὗ φαγεῖν οὐκ ἔχουσιν [ἐξουσίαν] οἱ τῇ σκηνῇ λατρεύοντες. 13.11. ὧν γὰρεἰσφέρεταιζῴωντὸ αἷμα περὶ ἁμαρτίας εἰς τὰ ἅγιαδιὰ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, τούτων τὰ σώματακατα καίεται ἔξω τῆς παρεμβολῆς· 13.12. διὸ καὶ Ἰησοῦς, ἵνα ἁγιάσῃ διὰ τοῦ ἰδίου αἵματος τὸν λαόν, ἔξω τῆς πύλης ἔπαθεν. | 9.12. nor yet through the blood of goats and calves, but through his own blood, entered in once for all into the Holy Place, having obtained eternal redemption. 9.22. According to the law, nearly everything is cleansed with blood, and apart from shedding of blood there is no remission. 12.2. looking to Jesus, the author and perfecter of faith, who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising shame, and has sat down at the right hand of the throne of God. 13.10. We have an altar from which those who serve the holy tabernacle have no right to eat. 13.11. For the bodies of those animals, whose blood is brought into the holy place by the high priest as an offering for sin, are burned outside of the camp. 13.12. Therefore Jesus also, that he might sanctify the people through his own blood, suffered outside of the gate. |
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123. New Testament, Philippians, 1.2, 1.13, 1.19-1.20, 2.5-2.11, 3.2-3.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nasrallah (2019) 117, 120, 122; deSilva (2022) 52, 213, 329| 1.2. χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 1.13. ὥστε τοὺς δεσμούς μου φανεροὺς ἐν Χριστῷ γενέσθαι ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ πραιτωρίῳ καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς πᾶσιν, 1.19. οἶδα γὰρ ὅτιτοῦτό μοι ἀποβήσεται εἰς σωτηρίανδιὰ τῆς ὑμῶν δεήσεως καὶ ἐπιχορηγίας τοῦ πνεύματος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, 1.20. κατὰ τὴν ἀποκαραδοκίαν καὶ ἐλπίδα μου ὅτι ἐν οὐδενὶ αἰσχυνθήσομαι, ἀλλʼ ἐν πάσῃ παρρησίᾳ ὡς πάντοτε καὶ νῦν μεγαλυνθήσεται Χριστὸς ἐν τῷ σώματί μου, εἴτε διὰ ζωῆς εἴτε διὰ θανάτου. 2.5. τοῦτο φρονεῖτε ἐν ὑμῖν ὃ καὶ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, 2.6. ὃς ἐν μορφῇ θεοῦ ὑπάρχων οὐχ ἁρπαγμὸν ἡγήσατο τὸ εἶναι ἴσα θεῷ, 2.7. ἀλλὰ ἑαυτὸν ἐκένωσεν μορφὴν δούλου λαβών, ἐν ὁμοιώματι ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος· καὶ σχήματι εὑρεθεὶς ὡς ἄνθρωπος 2.8. ἐταπείνωσεν ἑαυτὸν γενόμενος ὑπήκοος μέχρι θανάτου, θανάτου δὲ σταυροῦ· 2.9. διὸ καὶ ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὑπερύψωσεν, καὶ ἐχαρίσατο αὐτῷ τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ὑπὲρ πᾶν ὄνομα, 2.10. ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦπᾶν γόνυ κάμψῃἐπουρανίων καὶ ἐπιγείων καὶ καταχθονίων, 2.11. καὶ πᾶσα γλῶσσα ἐξομολογήσηταιὅτι ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ ΧΡΙΣΤΟΣ εἰς δόξανθεοῦπατρός. 3.2. Βλέπετε τοὺς κύνας, βλέπετε τοὺς κακοὺς ἐργάτας, βλέπετε τὴν κατατομήν. 3.3. ἡμεῖς γάρ ἐσμεν ἡ περιτομή, οἱ πνεύματι θεοῦ λατρεύοντες καὶ καυχώμενοι ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ καὶ οὐκ ἐν σαρκὶ πεποιθότες, | 1.2. Grace to you, and peace from God, our Father, and the Lord Jesus Christ. 1.13. so that it became evident to the whole praetorian guard, and to all the rest, that my bonds are in Christ; 1.19. For I know that this will turn out to my salvation, through your supplication and the supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ, 1.20. according to my earnest expectation and hope, that I will in no way be put to shame, but with all boldness, as always, now also Christ will be magnified in my body, whether by life, or by death. 2.5. Have this in your mind, which was also in Christ Jesus, 2.6. who, existing in the form of God, didn't consider it robbery to be equal with God, 2.7. but emptied himself, taking the form of a servant, being made in the likeness of men. 2.8. And being found in human form, he humbled himself, becoming obedient to death, yes, the death of the cross. 2.9. Therefore God also highly exalted him, and gave to him the name which is above every name; 2.10. that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of those in heaven, those on earth, and those under the earth, 2.11. and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father. 3.2. Beware of the dogs, beware of the evil workers, beware of the false circumcision. 3.3. For we are the circumcision, who worship God in the Spirit, and rejoice in Christ Jesus, and have no confidence in the flesh; |
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124. New Testament, Romans, 1.3-1.4, 2.4, 5.8, 5.10, 8.4, 8.32, 11.26, 13.11-13.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 145; Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168, 320; deSilva (2022) 212, 213| 1.3. περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, τοῦ γενομένου ἐκ σπέρματος Δαυεὶδ κατὰ σάρκα, 1.4. τοῦ ὁρισθέντος υἱοῦ θεοῦ ἐν δυνάμει κατὰ πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν, Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν, 2.4. ἢ τοῦ πλούτου τῆς χρηστότητος αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀνοχῆς καὶ τῆς μακροθυμίας καταφρονεῖς, ἀγνοῶν ὅτι τὸ χρηστὸν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰς μετάνοιάν σε ἄγει; 5.8. συνίστησιν δὲ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀγάπην εἰς ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς ὅτι ἔτι ἁμαρτωλῶν ὄντων ἡμῶν Χριστὸς ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἀπέθανεν. 5.10. εἰ γὰρ ἐχθροὶ ὄντες κατηλλάγημεν τῷ θεῷ διὰ τοῦ θανάτου τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, πολλῷ μᾶλλον καταλλαγέντες σωθησόμεθα ἐν τῇ ζωῇ αὐτοῦ· 8.4. ἵνα τὸ δικαίωμα τοῦ νόμου πληρωθῇ ἐν ἡμῖν τοῖς μὴ κατὰ σάρκα περιπατοῦσιν ἀλλὰ κατὰ πνεῦμα· 8.32. ὅς γε τοῦ ἰδίου υἱοῦ οὐκ ἐφείσατο, ἀλλὰ ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν πάντων παρέδωκεν αὐτόν, πῶς οὐχὶ καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα ἡμῖν χαρίσεται; 11.26. καθὼς γέγραπται 13.11. Καὶ τοῦτο εἰδότες τὸν καιρόν, ὅτι ὥρα ἤδη ὑμᾶς ἐξ ὕπνου ἐγερθῆναι, νῦν γὰρ ἐγγύτερον ἡμῶν ἡ σωτηρία ἢ ὅτε ἐπιστεύσαμεν. 13.12. ἡ νὺξ προέκοψεν, ἡ δὲ ἡμέρα ἤγγικεν. ἀποθώμεθα οὖν τὰ ἔργα τοῦ σκότους, ἐνδυσώμεθα [δὲ] τὰ ὅπλα τοῦ φωτός. 13.13. ὡς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ εὐσχημόνως περιπατήσωμεν, μὴ κώμοις καὶ μέθαις, μὴ κοίταις καὶ ἀσελγείαις, μὴ ἔριδι καὶ ζήλῳ. 13.14. ἀλλὰ ἐνδύσασθε τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, καὶ τῆς σαρκὸς πρόνοιαν μὴ ποιεῖσθε εἰς ἐπιθυμίας. | 1.3. concerning his Son, who was born of the seed of David according to the flesh, 1.4. who was declared to be the Son of God with power, according to the Spirit of holiness, by the resurrection from the dead, Jesus Christ our Lord, 2.4. Or do you despise the riches of his goodness, forbearance, and patience, not knowing that the goodness of God leads you to repentance? 5.8. But God commends his own love toward us, in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. 5.10. For if, while we were enemies, we were reconciled to God through the death of his Son, much more, being reconciled, we will be saved by his life. 8.4. that the ordice of the law might be fulfilled in us, who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. 8.32. He who didn't spare his own Son, but delivered him up for us all, how would he not also with him freely give us all things? 11.26. and so all Israel will be saved. Even as it is written, "There will come out of Zion the Deliverer, And he will turn away ungodliness from Jacob. 13.11. Do this, knowing the time, that it is already time for you to awaken out of sleep, for salvation is now nearer to us than when we first believed. 13.12. The night is far gone, and the day is near. Let's therefore throw off the works of darkness, and let's put on the armor of light. 13.13. Let us walk properly, as in the day; not in reveling and drunkenness, not in sexual promiscuity and lustful acts, and not in strife and jealousy. 13.14. But put on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make no provision for the flesh, for its lusts. |
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125. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 3.16, 5.20, 7.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period •roman imperial ideology Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 320; deSilva (2022) 329| 3.16. ἡνίκα δὲ ἐὰν ἐπιστρέψῃ πρὸξ Κύριον, περιαιρεῖται τὸ κάλυμμα. 5.20. Ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ οὖν πρεσβεύομεν ὡς τοῦ θεοῦ παρακαλοῦντος διʼ ἡμῶν· δεόμεθα ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ, καταλλάγητε τῷ θεῷ. 7.9. οὐχ ὅτι ἐλυπήθητε, ἀλλʼ ὅτι ἐλυπήθητε εἰς μετάνοιαν, ἐλυπήθητε γὰρ κατὰ θεόν, ἵνα ἐν μηδενὶ ζημιωθῆτε ἐξ ἡμῶν. | |
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126. Anon., Epistle of Barnabas, 5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legislation, rabbinic, versus christian/roman imperial thought Found in books: Balberg (2017) 92 | 5.1. For to this end the Lord endured to deliver His flesh unto corruption, that by the remission of sins we might be cleansed, which cleansing is through the blood of His sprinkling. |
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| 127. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 3.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166 |
| 128. Ptolemy, Geography, 5.6.17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 329 |
| 129. Suetonius, Claudius, 43 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman era, imperial age Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 178 |
| 130. Suetonius, Domitianus, 2, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 342 |
| 131. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.25.8, 2.19.34, 2.22.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman era, imperial age •roman imperial period Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 178; Despotis and Lohr (2022) 212, 220 |
132. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.116 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 225, 226; Verhagen (2022) 225, 226 | 31.116. Well, I once heard a man make an off-hand remark to the effect that there are other peoples also where one can see this practice being carried on; and again, another man, who said that even in Athens many things are done now which any one, not without justice, could censure, these being not confined to ordinary matters, but having to do even with the conferring of honours. "Why, they have conferred the title of 'Olympian,' " he alleged, upon a certain person he named, "though he was not an Athenian by birth, but a Phoenician fellow who came, not from Tyre or Sidon, but from some obscure village or from the interior, a man, what is more, who has his arms depilated and wears stays"; and he added that another, whom he also named, that very slovenly poet, who once gave a recital here in Rhodes too, they not only have set up in bronze, but even placed his statue next to that of Meder. Those who disparage their city and the inscription on the statue of Nicanor are accustomed to say that it actually bought Salamis for them. |
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133. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 47.1-47.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, imperial power •power, roman imperial Found in books: Nasrallah (2019) 238, 239| 47.1. Ἀναλάβετε τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τοῦ μακαρίου Παύλου τοῦ ἀποστόλου. 47.2. τί πρῶτον ὑμῖν ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου ἔγραψεν ; 47.3. ἐπ̓ ἀληθείας πνευματικῶς ἐπέστειλεν ὑμῖν περὶ ἑαυτοῦ τε καὶ Κηφᾶ τε καὶ Ἀπολλώ, διὰ τὸ καὶ τότε προσκλίσεις ὑμᾶς πεποιῆσθαι. | |
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| 134. Suetonius, Nero, 33.2, 49.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 178; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 170; Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 34 |
| 135. Suetonius, Tiberius, 37.4, 49.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 326, 405 |
| 136. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 8.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 341 |
| 137. Tacitus, Agricola, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 29.4, 30, 30.1-32.3, 42.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 182 |
| 138. Arrian, Epicteti Dissertationes, 4.7.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, christians Found in books: Marek (2019) 537 |
139. Tacitus, Histories, 1.5, 1.11, 1.47, 2.55, 4.3, 4.5-4.8, 4.74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 353; Galinsky (2016) 157, 158; Marek (2019) 392; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 170 | 2.55. Yet at Rome there was no disorder. The festival of Ceres was celebrated in the usual manner. When it was announced in the theatre on good authority that Otho was no more and that Flavius Sabinus, the city prefect, had administered to all the soldiers in the city the oath of allegiance to Vitellius, the audience greeted the name of Vitellius with applause. The people, bearing laurel and flowers, carried busts of Galba from temple to temple, and piled garlands high in the form of a burial mound by the Lacus Curtius, which the dying Galba had stained with his blood. The senate at once voted for Vitellius all the honours that had been devised during the long reigns of other emperors; besides they passed votes of praise and gratitude to the troops from Germany and dispatched a delegation to deliver this expression of their joy. Letters from Fabius Valens to the consuls were read, written in quite moderate style; but greater satisfaction was felt at Caecina's modesty in not writing at all. 4.3. During these same days Lucilius Bassus was sent with a force of light armed cavalry to restore order in Campania, where the people of the towns were rather at variance with one another than rebellious toward the emperor. The sight of the soldiers restored order, and the smaller towns escaped punishment. Capua, however, had the Third legion quartered on it for the winter, and its nobler houses were ruined; while the people of Tarracina, on the other hand, received no assistance: so much easier is it to repay injury than to reward kindness, for gratitude is regarded as a burden, revenge as gain. The Tarracines, however, found comfort in the fact that the slave of Verginius Capito, who had betrayed them, was crucified wearing the very rings that he had received from Vitellius. But at Rome the senators voted to Vespasian all the honours and privileges usually given the emperors. They were filled with joy and confident hope, for it seemed to them that civil warfare, which, breaking out in the Gallic and Spanish provinces, had moved to arms first the Germanies, then Illyricum, and which had traversed Egypt, Judea, Syria, and all provinces and armies, was now at an end, as if the expiation of the whole world had been completed: their zeal was increased by a letter from Vespasian, written as if war were still going on. That at least was the impression that it made at first; but in reality Vespasian spoke as an emperor, with humility of himself, magnificently of the state. Nor did the senate fail in homage: it elected Vespasian consul with his son Titus, and bestowed a praetorship with consular power on Domitian. 4.5. Since I have again had occasion to mention a man of whom I shall have cause to speak many times, I think that I ought to give a brief account of his life and interests, and of the vicissitudes of fortune that he experienced. Helvidius Priscus was born in the town of Cluviae [in the district of Caracina]. His father had been a centurion of the first rank. In his early youth Helvidius devoted his extraordinary talents to the higher studies, not as most youths do, in order to cloak a useless leisure with a pretentious name, but that he might enter public life better fortified against the chances of fortune. He followed those teachers of philosophy who count only those things "good" which are morally right and only those things "evil" which are base, and who reckon power, high birth, and everything else that is beyond the control of the will as neither good nor bad. After he had held only the quaestorship, he was selected by Paetus Thrasea to be his son-inâlaw; from the character of his father-inâlaw he derived above everything the spirit of freedom; as citizen, senator, husband, son-inâlaw, and friend he showed himself equal to all of life's duties, despising riches, determined in the right, unmoved by fear. 4.6. Some thought that he was rather too eager for fame, since the passion for glory is that from which even philosophers last divest themselves. Driven into exile by the ruin of his father, he returned under Galba and brought charges against Marcellus Eprius, who had informed against Thrasea. This attempt to avenge him, at once notable and just, divided the senators: for if Marcellus fell, it was the ruin of a host of the guilty. At first the struggle was threatening, as is proved by the elsewhere speeches on both sides; later, since Galba's attitude was uncertain, Priscus yielded to many appeals from his fellow senators and gave up the prosecution. This action called forth varied comments according to the nature of those who made them, some praising his moderation, others regretting his lack of firmness. However, at the meeting of the senate at which Vespasian was voted the imperial power, the senators decided to send a delegation to the emperor. This gave rise to a sharp difference between Helvidius and Eprius, for Helvidius demanded that the representatives be chosen by the magistrates under oath, Marcellus demanded a selection by lot, as the consul designate had proposed. 4.7. The interest that Marcellus felt was prompted by his personal vanity and his fear that others might be chosen and so he might seem neglected. Gradually the disputants were swept on in their wrangling to make long and bitter speeches. Helvidius asked Marcellus why he was so afraid of the decision of the magistrates. "You have," he said, "wealth and eloquence in which you would be superior to many, if you were not burdened with men's memory of your crimes. The lot and urn do not judge character; voting and the judgment of the senate have been devised as means to penetrate into the life and reputation of the individual. It is for the interests of the state and it touches the honour to be done Vespasian to have the delegation that meets him made up of the men whom the senate considers freest from reproach, that they may fill the emperor's ears with honourable counsels. Vespasian was once the friend of Thrasea, Soranus, and Sentius. Even if it is not well to punish their accusers, we ought not to make a display of them. By its decision in this matter the senate will, in a way, suggest to the emperor whom to approve, whom to fear. For a good government there is no greater instrument at hand than the possession of good friends. You, Marcellus, must be satisfied with the fact that you induced Nero to put to death so many innocent men. Enjoy your rewards and immunity; leave Vespasian to better men." 4.8. Marcellus replied that it was not his proposal, but that of the consul designate that was attacked; and it was a proposal that conformed to the ancient precedents, which prescribed that delegates should be chosen by lot, that there might be no room for self-seeking or for hate. Nothing had occurred to give reason for abandoning long-established customs or for turning the honour due an emperor into an insult to any man: they could all pay homage. What they must try to avoid was allowing the wilfulness of certain individuals to irritate the mind of the emperor, who was as yet unbiassed, being newly come to power and watchful of every look and every word. For his own part he remembered the time in which he was born, the form of government that their fathers and grandfathers had established; he admired the earlier period, but adapted himself to the present; he prayed for good emperors, but endured any sort. It was not by his speech any more than by the judgment of the senate that Thrasea had been brought to ruin; Nero's cruel nature found its delight in such shows of justice, and such a friendship caused him no less anxiety than exile in others. In short, let them set Helvidius on an equality with Cato and Brutus in firmness and courage: for himself, he was only one of a senate which accepted a common servitude. He would also advise Priscus not to exalt himself above an emperor, not to try to check by his precepts a man of ripe age as Vespasian was, a man who had gained the insignia of a triumph, and who had sons grown to man's estate. Just as the worst emperors wish for absolute tyrannical power, even the best desire some limit to the freedom of their subjects. These arguments, which were hurled back and forth with great vehemence, were received with different feelings. The party prevailed that favoured the selection of the envoys by lot, for even the ordinary senators were eager to preserve precedent, and all the most prominent also inclined to the same course, fearing to excite envy if they should be selected themselves. 4.74. "There were always kings and wars throughout Gaul until you submitted to our laws. Although often provoked by you, the only use we have made of our rights as victors has been to impose on you the necessary costs of maintaining peace; for you cannot secure tranquillity among nations without armies, nor maintain armies without pay, nor provide pay without taxes: everything else we have in common. You often command our legions; you rule these and other provinces; we claim no privileges, you suffer no exclusion. You enjoy the advantage of the good emperors equally with us, although you dwell far from the capital: the cruel emperors assail those nearest them. You endure barren years, excessive rains, and all other natural evils; in like manner endure the extravagance or greed of your rulers. There will be vices so long as there are men, but these vices are not perpetual and they are compensated for by the coming of better times: unless perchance you hope that you will enjoy a milder rule if Tutor and Classicus reign over you, or that the taxes required to provide armies to keep out the Germans and Britons will be less than now. For, if the Romans are driven out â which Heaven forbid â what will follow except universal war among all peoples? The good fortune and order of eight hundred years have built up this mighty fabric which cannot be destroyed without overwhelming its destroyers: moreover, you are in the greatest danger, for you possess gold and wealth, which are the chief causes of war. Therefore love and cherish peace and the city wherein we, conquerors and conquered alike, enjoy an equal right: be warned by the lessons of fortune both good and bad not to prefer defiance and ruin to obedience and security." With such words Cerialis quieted and encouraged his hearers, who feared severer measures. |
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| 140. Appian, Civil Wars, 5.75 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •judea (jewish palestine), incorporation of, into roman imperial structure Found in books: Udoh (2006) 122 |
141. Tosefta, Avodah Zarah, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 49, 52| 2.2. "אחד העובד כוכבים ואחד הכותי מוסרין להם שדות גזוזות תבואה קצורה ואילנות קצוצין ר' יהודה אומר שחת לגוז על מנת שתיגוז תבואה לקצור על מנת שתקצר אילנות לקוץ על מנת לקוצצן. העולה לסרטיאות של עובדי כוכבים אסור משום עבודת כוכבים דברי ר' מאיר וחכמים אומרים בזמן שמזבלין אסור משום עבודת כוכבים ואם אינם מזבלין אסור משום מושב לצים. ההולך לצטריונין ורואה את הנחשים ואת החברים מוליון סגילאדין סגילאדה אסור משום מושב לצים שנאמר (תהילים א׳:א׳) ובמושב לצים לא ישב אלה מדות שמביאין את האדם לידי בטול תלמוד תורה. העולה לתרטיאות של עובדי כוכבים אם צווח מפני צורך מותר ואם מתחשב ה\"ז אסור. היושב באסטרין הרי זה שופך דמים ר' נתן מתיר משום שני דברים מפני שצוח ומציל את הנפשות ומעיד על האשה שתנשא. הולכין לצטריונין מפני שצווח ומציל את הנפשות ולכרקמים מפני יישוב מדינה ואם מתחשב הרי זה אסור.", | |
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| 142. Tosefta, Horayot, 2.20-2.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, and roman imperialism Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2018) 11 |
143. Tosefta, Pesahim, 7.7-7.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legislation, rabbinic, versus christian/roman imperial thought Found in books: Balberg (2017) 89| 7.7. "המוכר עולתו ושלמיו לא עשה כלום [המעות גזל ביד בעלים] ואצ\"ל בחטאת ואשם בני חבורה שמתו מקצתן או שנטמאו מקצתן השאר אוכלין ואין חוששין בני חבורה שהיה [אחד בהן שהיו] ידיו [רפות] רשאין לומר לו טול חלקך [שלך] ולא מפני שהוא פסח אלא [אף בני חבורה שעשו חבול והיה בהן אחד שהיו ידיו רפות] רשאין לומר לו טול חלקך [שלך] רצו לעשות עמו טובה בא ואוכל [מהן] מצורע מוסגר שוחטין עליו בשביעי מוחלט שוחטין עליו בח' יולדת שוחטין עליה ביום מ' לזכר [ויום] פ' לנקבה וכולן שנטמאו בין לפני זריקת דמים בין לאחר זריקת דמים הרי הן כמפקח הגל וצריכין לעשות פסח שני רבי [ישמעאל ב\"ר] יוחנן בן ברוקה אומר [פעמים שהן כמפקח הגל ופעמים שאין מפקח הגל כיוצא בהן כיצד היה גל ארוך בדק בצד זה ונמצאת טומאה בצד השני הרי הן כיוצא בו וצריכין לעשות פסח שני וכולן שנטמאו לפני זריקת דמים הרי הן כיוצא בהן וצריכין לעשות פסח שני].", 7.8. "היה טמא בשעת שחיטה וטהור בשעת זריקה טהור בשעת שחיטה וטמא בשעת זריקה הרי זה אינו אוכל וצריך לעשות פסח שני חולה בשעת שחיטה ואינו יכול לאכול כזית [חלים בשעת זריקה ויכול לוכל כזית] חלים בשעת שחיטה ויכול [לוכל כזית חולה] בשעת זריקה ואינו יכול [לוכל] כזית הרי זה אינו אוכל וצריך לעשות פסח שני לעולם אינו יוצא ידי חובתו עד שיהא חלים בשעת שחיטה ובשעת זריקה וכולן ספק נזרק עליהם דם ספק לא נזרק עליהן דם ספק יש [בהן] כזית לכל אחד ואחד ספק אין [בהן] ספק טמאין ספק טהורין פטורין מלעשות פסח שני זה הכלל כל הספיקות פטורין מלעשות פסח שני רבי יוסי בר' יהודה אומר שומרת יום כנגד יום שנזרק עליה דם ואח\"כ ראתה הרי זה אינה אוכלת ופטורה מלעשות פסח שני שכבר יצתה בזריקה אבל ערל שנזרק עליו דם ואח\"כ מל ה\"ז אינו אוכל וחייב לעשות פסח שני.", 7.9. "אמר [ר\"א בר צדוק מודים בית שמאי ובית הלל בערל זר שמקבל הזאה ואוכל] על מה נחלקו על ערל נכרי שבית שמאי אומרים טובל ואוכל פסחו לערב ובה\"א הפורש מן הערלה כפורש מן הקבר אחד נכרי שמל ואחד שפחה שטבלה רבי אליעזר בר צדוק אומר [שטרדיוטות ושומרי] צירין [היו] בירושלים שטובלין ואוכלין פסחיהן לערב.", | |
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| 144. Tosefta, Yevamot, 8.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166 |
| 145. Arrian, Periplus, 6, 17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 348 |
| 146. Suetonius, Caligula, 27 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 59 |
| 147. Suetonius, Augustus, 49.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •administration, roman imperial •roads, roman imperial road system Found in books: Marek (2019) 380 |
| 148. Tacitus, Annals, 1.72.2, 2.42.2, 2.43.1, 2.46, 2.56, 2.68, 2.77, 2.83, 3.4.2, 3.17.4, 3.18.3, 3.22, 3.40.1, 4.5, 4.36, 4.55.3, 4.56.1, 6.31, 6.41, 12.22, 12.45, 12.49-12.50, 12.49.2, 13.15.3, 13.31, 13.35, 13.37.3, 13.50, 14.14.1, 14.15, 14.15.6, 14.20.5, 14.49.1, 14.65.2, 15.24, 15.33.2, 15.44, 15.44.10, 16.21-16.35, 16.21.1-16.21.2, 16.24.2, 16.28.1-16.28.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 182 |
| 149. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 7.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on living law ideal in roman imperialism •roman imperialism, and living law, ideal •seneca, on living law ideal in roman imperialism •living law ideal, and roman imperialism Found in books: Martens (2003) 51 |
| 150. Seneca The Younger, Oedipus, 530-587, 589-626, 588 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 225 |
| 151. Statius, Siluae, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 229, 230; Verhagen (2022) 229, 230 |
| 152. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 33.4, 72.9-72.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 220, 329 |
| 153. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 1.6.1-1.6.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 46, 74 |
| 154. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 1.4.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology Found in books: deSilva (2022) 51 |
| 155. Statius, Achilleis, 1.1-1.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 217, 218, 219, 221, 231; Verhagen (2022) 217, 218, 219, 221, 231 |
| 156. Silius Italicus, Punica, 8.253-8.256, 11.511-11.512 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 218; Verhagen (2022) 218 |
| 157. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.8.5, 2.6.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on living law ideal in roman imperialism •roman imperialism, and living law, ideal •seneca, on living law ideal in roman imperialism •living law ideal, and roman imperialism •roman imperial discourse Found in books: Martens (2003) 51; Matthews (2010) 184 |
| 158. Statius, Thebais, 1.3, 1.9-1.15, 1.33-1.37, 6.242-6.248, 7.628-7.631, 10.445-10.448, 10.786-10.788, 12.811-12.812, 12.814-12.815 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 217, 218, 222, 230, 231; Verhagen (2022) 217, 218, 222, 230, 231 |
159. Justin, Second Apology, 5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 45 | 5. But if this idea take possession of some one, that if we acknowledge God as our helper, we should not, as we say, be oppressed and persecuted by the wicked; this, too, I will solve. God, when He had made the whole world, and subjected things earthly to man, and arranged the heavenly elements for the increase of fruits and rotation of the seasons, and appointed this divine law - for these things also He evidently made for man - committed the care of men and of all things under heaven to angels whom He appointed over them. But the angels transgressed this appointment, and were captivated by love of women, and begot children who are those that are called demons; and besides, they afterwards subdued the human race to themselves, partly by magical writings, and partly by fears and the punishments they occasioned, and partly by teaching them to offer sacrifices, and incense, and libations, of which things they stood in need after they were enslaved by lustful passions; and among men they sowed murders, wars, adulteries, intemperate deeds, and all wickedness. Whence also the poets and mythologists, not knowing that it was the angels and those demons who had been begotten by them that did these things to men, and women, and cities, and nations, which they related, ascribed them to god himself, and to those who were accounted to be his very offspring, and to the offspring of those who were called his brothers, Neptune and Pluto, and to the children again of these their offspring. For whatever name each of the angels had given to himself and his children, by that name they called them. |
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160. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 13, 24 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balberg (2017) 92 | 24. Justin: Now, sirs, it is possible for us to show how the eighth day possessed a certain mysterious import, which the seventh day did not possess, and which was promulgated by God through these rites. But lest I appear now to diverge to other subjects, understand what I say: the blood of that circumcision is obsolete, and we trust in the blood of salvation; there is now another covet, and another law has gone forth from Zion. Jesus Christ circumcises all who will - as was declared above- with knives of stone; Joshua 5:2; Isaiah 26:2-3 that they may be a righteous nation, a people keeping faith, holding to the truth, and maintaining peace. Come then with me, all who fear God, who wish to see the good of Jerusalem. Come, let us go to the light of the Lord; for He has liberated His people, the house of Jacob. Come, all nations; let us gather ourselves together at Jerusalem, no longer plagued by war for the sins of her people. 'For I was manifest to them that sought Me not; I was found of them that asked not for Me;' Isaiah 65:1-3 He exclaims by Isaiah: 'I said, Behold Me, unto nations which were not called by My name. I have spread out My hands all the day unto a disobedient and gainsaying people, which walked in a way that was not good, but after their own sins. It is a people that provokes Me to my face.' Isaiah 65:1-3 |
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| 161. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 10.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 72 |
162. Tertullian, Apology, 2.8, 21.1, 22.1-22.12, 23.5-23.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, christians •roman empire, imperial legislation and judaism •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 45; Marek (2019) 537; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 136| 2.8. Si damnas, cur non et inquiris? si non inquiris, cur non et absolvis? Latronibus vestigandis per universas provincias militaris statio sortitur. In reos maiestatis et publicos hostes omnis homo miles est; ad socios, ad conscios usque inquisitio extenditur. 21.1. praesumptionis abscondat, 22.1. bono. Omnes sciunt poetae; etiam vulgus indoctum in usum maledicti frequentat. Nam et Sata, principem huius mali generis, proinde de propria conscientia animae eadem execramenti voce pronuntiat. Angelos quoque etiam Plato non negavit. 22.2. 22.3. quomodo de angelis quibusdam sua sponte corruptis corruptior gens daemonum evaserit, damnata a deo cum generis auctoribus et cum eo quem diximus principe, apud litteras sanctas ordo cognoscitur. 22.4. et tenuitas sua. Multum spiritalibus viribus licet, ut invisibiles et insensibiles in effectu potius quam in actu suo appareant, si poma, si fruges nescio quod aurae latens vitium in flore praecipitat, in germine exanimat,in pubertate convulnerat, ac si caeca ratione temptatus aer pestilentes haustus suos offundit. 22.5. 22.6. sanguinis procuret simulacris imaginibus oblata. 22.7. cogitatu verae divinitatis avertat praestigiis falsis? Quas et ipsas quomodo operetur expediam. 22.8. volunt eorum quae adnuntiant. Et sunt plane malorum nonnunquam, bonorum tamen nunquam. Dispositiones etiam dei et tunc prophetis contiotibus exceperunt1 et nunc lectionibus resotibus carpunt. Ita et hinc sumentes quasdam temporum sortes aemulantur divinitatem, dum furantur divinationem. 22.9. 22.10. 22.11. desinunt laedere, et curasse creduntur. 22.12. edisseram? phantasmata Castorum, et aquam cribro gestatam, et navem cingulo promotam, et barbam tactu inrufatam, ut numina lapides crederentur, ut deus verus non quaereretur? 23.5. 23.6. Christiani procacissimi sanguinem fundite! Quid isto opere manifestius? Quid hac probatione fidelius? Simplicitas veritatis in medio est. virtus illi sua adsistit; nihil suspicari licebit. Magia aut aliqua eiusmodi fallacia fieri dicitis? | |
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| 163. Tertullian, On The Soul, 43 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168 |
164. Tertullian, On The Games, 27.3, 30.1-30.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 46, 71| 30.1. admirer? Quid rideam? Ubi gaudeam, ubi exultem, tot spectans reges, qui in caelum recepti nuntiabantur, cum Iove ipso et ipsis suis testibus in imis tenebris congemescentes? Item praesides persecutores dominici nominis saevioribus quam ipsi flammis saevierunt insultantes contra Christianos liquescentes? Quos praeterea? Sapientes illos philosophos coram discipulis suis una conflagrantibus erubescentes, quibus nihil ad deum pertinere suadebant, quibus animas aut nullas aut non in pristina corpora redituras adfirmabant? Etiam poetas non ad Rhadamanthi nec ad Minonis, sed ad inopinati Christi tribunal palpitantes? Tunc magis tragoedi audiendi, magis scilicet vocales in sua propria calamitate; tunc histriones cognoscendi, solutiores multo per ignem; tunc spectandus auriga in flammea rota totus ruber; tunc xystici contemplandi, non in gymnasiis, sed in igne . . . iaculati, nisi quod ne tunc quidem illos velim visos, ut qui malim ad eos potius conspectum insatiabilem conferre, qui in dominum desaevierunt. Hic est ille, dicam, fabri aut quaestuariae filius, sabbati destructor, Samarites et daemonium habens; hic est quem a Iuda redemistis, hic est ille harundine et colaphis diverberatus, sputamentis dedecoratus, felle et aceto potatus; hic est, quem clam discentes subripuerunt, ut surrexisse dicatur, vel hortulanus detraxit, ne lactucae suae frequentia commeantium adlaederentur. Ut talia spectes, ut talibus exultes, quis tibi praetor aut consul aut quaestor aut sacerdos de sua liberalitate praestabit? Et tamen haec iam quodammodo habemus per fidem spiritu imagite repraesentata. Ceterum qualia illa sunt, quae nec oculus vidit nec auris audivit nec in cor hominis ascenderunt? Credo, circo et utraque cavea et omni stadio gratiora. | 21. The heathen, who have not a full revelation of the truth, for they are not taught of God, hold a thing evil and good as it suits self-will and passion, making that which is good in one place evil in another, and that which is evil in one place in another good. So it strangely happens, that the same man who can scarcely in public lift up his tunic, even when necessity of nature presses him, takes it off in the circus, as if bent on exposing himself before everybody; the father who carefully protects and guards his virgin daughter's ears from every polluting word, takes her to the theatre himself, exposing her to all its vile words and attitudes; he, again, who in the streets lays hands on or covers with reproaches the brawling pugilist, in the arena gives all encouragement to combats of a much more serious kind; and he who looks with horror on the corpse of one who has died under the common law of nature, in the amphitheatre gazes down with most patient eyes on bodies all mangled and torn and smeared with their own blood; nay, the very man who comes to the show, because he thinks murderers ought to suffer for their crime, drives the unwilling gladiator to the murderous deed with rods and scourges; and one who demands the lion for every manslayer of deeper dye, will have the staff for the savage swordsman, and rewards him with the cap of liberty. Yes and he must have the poor victim back again, that he may get a sight of his face - with zest inspecting near at hand the man whom he wished torn in pieces at safe distance from him: so much the more cruel he if that was not his wish. |
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| 165. Anon., Sifre Deuteronomy, 129, 322 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166 |
166. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.15, 1.20 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •agriculture, roman imperial period •administration, roman imperial Found in books: Marek (2019) 392, 404| 1.15. διέτριψέ τε τοὺς τῆς σιωπῆς χρόνους τὸν μὲν ἐν Παμφύλοις, τὸν δὲ ἐν Κιλικίᾳ, καὶ βαδίζων δι' οὕτω τρυφώντων ἐθνῶν οὐδαμοῦ ἐφθέγξατο, οὐδ' ὑπήχθη γρύξαι. ὁπότε μὴν στασιαζούσῃ πόλει ἐντύχοι, πολλαὶ δὲ ἐστασίαζον ὑπὲρ θεαμάτων οὐ σπουδαίων, παρελθὼν ἂν καὶ δείξας ἑαυτὸν καί τι καὶ μελλούσης ἐπιπλήξεως τῇ χειρὶ καὶ τῷ προσώπῳ ἐνδειξάμενος ἐξῄρητ' ἂν ἀταξία πᾶσα καὶ ὥσπερ ἐν μυστηρίοις ἐσιώπων. καὶ τὸ μὲν τοὺς ὀρχηστῶν τε καὶ ἵππων ἕνεκα στασιάζειν ὡρμηκότας ἀνασχεῖν οὔπω μέγα, οἱ γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοιούτων ἀτακτοῦντες, ἂν πρὸς ἄνδρα ἴδωσιν, ἐρυθριῶσί τε καὶ αὑτῶν ἐπιλαμβάνονται καὶ ῥᾷστα δὴ ἐς νοῦν ἥκουσι, λιμῷ δὲ πεπιεσμένην πόλιν οὐ ῥᾴδιον εὐηνίῳ καὶ πιθανῷ λόγῳ μεταδιδάξαι καὶ ὀργῆς παῦσαι. ἀλλ' ̓Απολλωνίῳ καὶ ἡ σιωπὴ πρὸς τοὺς οὕτω διακειμένους ἤρκει. ἀφίκετο μὲν γὰρ ἐς ̓́Ασπενδον τὴν Παμφύλων — πρὸς Εὐρυμέδοντι δὲ οἰκεῖται ποταμῷ ἡ πόλις αὕτη, τρίτη τῶν ἐκεῖ — ὄροβοι δ' ὤνιοι καὶ τὰ ἐς βρῶσιν ἀναγκαῖα διέβοσκεν αὐτούς, τὸν γὰρ σῖτον οἱ δυνατοὶ ξυγκλείσαντες εἶχον, ἵν' ἐκκαπηλευθείη τῆς χώρας. ἀνηρέθιστο δὴ ἐπὶ τὸν ἄρχοντα ἡλικία πᾶσα καὶ πυρὸς ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἥπτοντο καίτοι προσκείμενον τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀνδριᾶσιν, οἳ καὶ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ φοβερώτεροι ἦσαν τότε καὶ ἀσυλότεροι, Τιβερίου γε ὄντες, ἐφ' οὗ λέγεταί τις ἀσεβῆσαι δόξαι τυπτήσας τὸν ἑαυτοῦ δοῦλον φέροντα δραχμὴν ἀργυρᾶν νενομισμένην ἐς Τιβέριον. προσελθὼν οὖν τῷ ἄρχοντι ἤρετο αὐτὸν τῇ χειρί, ὅ τι εἴη τοῦτο, τοῦ δὲ ἀδικεῖν μὲν οὐδὲν φήσαντος, ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ μετὰ τοῦ δήμου, λόγου δ' εἰ μὴ τύχοι, ξυναπολεῖσθαι τῷ δήμῳ, μετεστράφη τε εἰς τοὺς περιεστηκότας ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος καὶ ἔνευσεν ὡς χρὴ ἀκοῦσαι, οἱ δὲ οὐ μόνον ἐσιώπησαν ὑπ' ἐκπλήξεως τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ πῦρ ἔθεντο ἐπὶ τῶν βωμῶν τῶν αὐτόθι. ἀναθαρρήσας οὖν ὁ ἄρχων “ὁ δεῖνα” ἔφη “καὶ ὁ δεῖνα” πλείους εἰπὼν “τοῦ λιμοῦ τοῦ καθεστηκότος αἴτιοι, τὸν γὰρ σῖτον ἀπολαβόντες φυλάττουσι κατ' ἄλλος ἄλλο τῆς χώρας.” διακελευομένων δὲ τῶν ̓Ασπενδίων ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀγροὺς φοιτᾶν, ἀνένευσεν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος μὴ πράττειν τοῦτο, μετακαλεῖν δὲ μᾶλλον τοὺς ἐν τῇ αἰτίᾳ καὶ παρ' ἑκόντων εὑρέσθαι τὸν σῖτον. ἀφικομένων δὲ μικροῦ μὲν ἐδέησε καὶ φωνὴν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς ῥῆξαι, παθών τι πρὸς τὰ τῶν πολλῶν δάκρυα — καὶ γὰρ παιδία ξυνερρυήκει καὶ γύναια, καὶ ὠλοφύροντο οἱ γεγηρακότες, ὡς αὐτίκα δὴ ἀποθανούμενοι λιμῷ — τιμῶν δὲ τὸ τῆς σιωπῆς δόγμα γράφει ἐς γραμματεῖον ἐπίπληξιν καὶ δίδωσιν ἀναγνῶναι τῷ ἄρχοντι: ἡ δὲ ἐπίπληξις ὧδε εἶχεν: “̓Απολλώνιος σιτοκαπήλοις ̓Ασπενδίων. ἡ γῆ πάντων μήτηρ, δικαία γάρ, ὑμεῖς δὲ ἄδικοι ὄντες πεποίησθε αὐτὴν αὑτῶν μόνων μητέρα, καὶ εἰ μὴ παύσεσθε, οὐκ ἐάσω ὑμᾶς ἐπ' αὐτῆς ἑστάναι.” ταῦτα δείσαντες ἐνέπλησαν τὴν ἀγορὰν σίτου καὶ ἀνεβίω ἡ πόλις. 1.20. παριόντας δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὴν μέσην τῶν ποταμῶν ὁ τελώνης ὁ ἐπιβεβλημένος τῷ Ζεύγματι πρὸς τὸ πινάκιον ἦγε καὶ ἠρώτα, ὅ τι ἀπάγοιεν, ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “ἀπάγω” ἔφη “σωφροσύνην δικαιοσύνην ἀρετὴν ἐγκράτειαν ἀνδρείαν ἄσκησιν,” πολλὰ καὶ οὕτω θήλεα εἴρας ὀνόματα. ὁ δ' ἤδη βλέπων τὸ ἑαυτοῦ κέρδος “ἀπόγραψαι οὖν” ἔφη “τὰς δούλας”. ὁ δὲ “οὐκ ἔξεστιν,” εἶπεν “οὐ γὰρ δούλας ἀπάγω ταύτας, ἀλλὰ δεσποίνας.” τὴν δὲ τῶν ποταμῶν μέσην ὁ Τίγρις ἀποφαίνει καὶ ὁ Εὐφράτης ῥέοντες μὲν ἐξ ̓Αρμενίας καὶ Ταύρου λήγοντος, περιβάλλοντες δὲ ἤπειρον, ἐν ᾗ καὶ πόλεις μέν, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον κῶμαι, ἔθνη τε ̓Αρμένια καὶ ̓Αράβια, ἃ ξυγκλέίσαντες οἱ ποταμοὶ ἔχουσιν, ὧν καὶ νομάδες οἱ πολλοὶ στείχουσιν, οὕτω τι νησιώτας ἑαυτοὺς νομίζοντες, ὡς ἐπὶ θάλαττάν τε καταβαίνειν φάσκειν, ὅτ' ἐπὶ τοὺς ποταμοὺς βαδίζοιεν, ὅρον τε ποιεῖσθαι τῆς γῆς τὸν τῶν ποταμῶν κύκλον: ἀποτορνεύσαντες γὰρ τὴν προειρημένην ἤπειρον ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἵενται θάλατταν. εἰσὶ δ', οἵ φασιν ἐς ἕλος ἀφανίζεσθαι τὸ πολὺ τοῦ Εὐφράτου καὶ τελευτᾶν τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦτον ἐν τῇ γῇ. λόγου δ' ἔνιοι θρασυτέρου ἐφάπτονται, φάσκοντες αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῇ γῇ ῥέοντα ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀναφαίνεσθαι καὶ Νείλῳ συγκεράννυσθαι. ἀκριβολογίας μὲν δὴ ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν παραλελεῖφθαί μοι τῶν γεγραμμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ Δάμιδος ἐβουλόμην ἂν καὶ τὰ διὰ τῶν βαρβάρων τούτων ̔πορευομένοις' σπουδασθέντα εἰπεῖν, ξυνελαύνει δὲ ἡμᾶς ὁ λόγος ἐς τὰ μείζω τε καὶ θαυμασιώτερα, οὐ μὴν ὡς δυοῖν γε ἀμελῆσαι τούτοιν, τῆς τε ἀνδρείας, ᾗ χρώμενος ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος διεπορεύθη βάρβαρα ἔθνη καὶ λῃστρικά, οὐδ' ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις πω ὄντα, τῆς τε σοφίας, ᾗ τὸν ̓Αράβιον τρόπον ἐς ξύνεσιν τῆς τῶν ζῴων φωνῆς ἦλθεν. ἔμαθε δὲ τοῦτο διὰ τουτωνὶ τῶν ̓Αραβίων πορευόμενος ἄριστα γιγνωσκόντων τε αὐτὸ καὶ πραττόντων. ἔστι γὰρ τῶν ̓Αραβίων ἤδη κοινὸν καὶ τῶν ὀρνίθων ἀκούειν μαντευομένων, ὁπόσα οἱ χρησμοί, ξυμβάλλονται δὲ τῶν ἀλόγων σιτούμενοι τῶν δρακόντων οἱ μὲν καρδίαν φασίν, οἱ δὲ ἧπαρ. | 1.15. THESE years of silence he spent partly in Pamphylia and partly in Cilicia; and though his paths lay through such effeminate races as these, he never spoke nor was even induced to murmur. Whenever, however, he came on a city engaged in civil conflict (and many were divided into fractions over spectacles of a low kind), he would advance and show himself, and by indicating part of his intended rebuke by manual gesture or by look on his face, he would put an end to all the disorder, and people hushed their voices, as if they were engaged in the mysteries. Well, it is not so very difficult to restrain those who have started a quarrel about dances and horses, for those who are rioting about such matters, if they turn their eyes to a real man, blush and check themselves and easily recover their senses; but a city hard pressed by famine is not so tractable, nor so easily brought to a better mood by persuasive words and its passion quelled. But in the case of Apollonius, mere silence on his part was enough for those so affected. Anyhow, when he came to Aspendus in Pamphylia (and this city is built on the river Eurymedon, lesser only than two others about there), he found vetches on sale in the market, and the citizens were feeding upon this and on anything else they could get; for the rich men had shut up all the grain and were holding it up for export from the country. Consequently an excited crowd of all ages had set upon the governor, and were lighting a fire to burn him alive, although he was clinging to the statues of the Emperor, which were more dreaded at that time and more inviolable than the Zeus in Olympia; for they were statues of Tiberius, in whose reign a master is said to have been held guilty of impiety, merely because he struck his own slave when he had on his person a silver drachma coined with the image of Tiberius. Apollonius then went up to the governor and with a sign of his hand asked him what was the matter; and he answered that he had done no wrong, but was indeed being wronged quite as much as the populace; but, he said, if he could not get a hearing, he would perish along with the populace. Apollonius then turned to the bystanders, and beckoned to them that they must listen; and they not only held their tongues from wonderment at him, but they laid the brands they had kindled on the altars which were there. The governor then plucked up courage and said: This man and that man, and he named several, are to blame for the famine which has arisen; for they have taken away the grain and are keeping it, one in one part of the country and another in another. The inhabitants of Aspendus thereupon passed the word to one another to make for these men's estates, but Apollonius signed with his head, that they should do no such thing, but rather summon those who were to blame and obtain the grain from them with their consent. And when, after a little time the guilty parties arrived, he very nearly broke out in speech against them, so much was he affected by the tears of the crowd; for the children and women had all flocked together, and the old men were groaning and moaning as if they were on the point of dying by hunger. However, he respected his vow of silence and wrote on a writing board his indictment of the offenders and handed it to the governor to read out aloud; and his indictment ran as follows: Apollonius to the grain dealers of Aspendus. The earth is mother of us all, for she is just; but you, because you are unjust have pretended that she is your mother alone; and if you do not stop, I will not permit you to remain upon her. They were so terrified by these words, that they filled the market-place with grain and the city revived. 1.20. SUCH was the companion and admirer that he had met with, and in common with him most of his travels and life were passed. And as they fared on into Mesopotamia, the tax-gatherer who presided over the Bridge (Zeugma) led them into the registry and asked them what they were taking out of the country with them. And Apollonius replied: I am taking with me temperance, justice, virtue, continence, valor, discipline. And in this way he strung together a number of feminine nouns or names. The other, already scenting his own perquisites, said: You must then write down in the register these female slaves. Apollonius answered: Impossible, for they are not female slaves that I am taking out with me, but ladies of quality.Now Mesopotamia is bordered on one side by the Tigris, and on the other by the Euphrates, rivers which flow from Armenia and from the lowest slopes of Taurus; but they contain a tract like a continent, in which there are some cities, though for the most part only villages, and the races that inhabit them are the Armenian and the Arab. These races are so shut in by the rivers that most of them, who lead the life of nomads, are so convinced that they are islanders, as to say that they are going down to the sea, when they are merely on their way to the rivers, and think that these rivers border the earth and encircle it. For they curve around the continental tract in question, and discharge their waters into the same sea. But there are people who say that the greater part of the Euphrates is lost in a marsh, and that this river ends in the earth. But some have a bolder theory to which they adhere, and declare that it runs under the earth to turn up in Egypt and mingle itself with the Nile. Well, for the sake of accuracy and truth, and in order to leave out nothing of the things that Damis wrote, I should have liked to relate all the incidents that occurred on their journey through these barbarous regions; but my subject hurries me on to greater and more remarkable episodes. Nevertheless, I must perforce dwell upon two topics: on the courage which Apollonius showed, in making a journey through races of barbarians and robbers, which were not at that time even subject to the Romans, and at the cleverness with which after the matter of the Arabs he managed to understand the language of the animals. For he learnt this on his way through these Arab tribes, who best understand and practice it. For it is quite common for the Arabs to listen to the birds prophesying like any oracles, but they acquire this faculty of understanding them by feeding themselves, so they say, either on the heart or liver of serpents. |
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| 167. Lucian, Alexander The False Prophet, 27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350 |
| 168. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 19.1, 33.6, 42.14, 50.103 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 351, 352, 418 |
169. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 3.12.11, 3.13.9, 4.27.4, 5.11.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •galaxidi, roman imperial era medallion with birth of aphrodite found at •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 216; Simon (2021) 257| 3.12.11. πρὸς δὲ τῇ Σκιάδι οἰκοδόμημά ἐστι περιφερές, ἐν δὲ αὐτῷ Διὸς καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ἀγάλματα ἐπίκλησιν Ὀλυμπίων· τοῦτο Ἐπιμενίδην κατασκευάσαι λέγουσιν, οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντες τὰ ἐς αὐτὸν Ἀργείοις, ὅπου μηδὲ πολεμῆσαί φασι πρὸς Κνωσσίους. 3.13.9. ξόανον δὲ ἀρχαῖον καλοῦσιν Ἀφροδίτης Ἥρας· ἐπὶ δὲ θυγατρὶ γαμουμένῃ νενομίκασι τὰς μητέρας τῇ θεῷ θύειν. τοῦ λόφου δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἐς δεξιὰν ὁδὸν Ἑτοιμοκλέους ἐστὶν εἰκών· τῷ δὲ Ἑτοιμοκλεῖ καὶ αὐτῷ καὶ Ἱπποσθένει τῷ πατρὶ πάλης εἰσὶν Ὀλυμπικαὶ νῖκαι, καὶ συναμφοτέροις μὲν μία τε καὶ δέκα, τῷ δὲ Ἱπποσθένει μιᾷ νίκῃ τὸν υἱὸν παρελθεῖν ὑπῆρξεν. 4.27.4. μάλιστα δὲ τὸν Ἐπαμινώνδαν ἐς τὸν οἰκισμὸν οἱ Βάκιδος ἐνῆγον χρησμοί. Βάκιδι γὰρ μανέντι ἐκ Νυμφῶν ἐς ἄλλους τέ ἐστιν Ἑλλήνων καὶ ἐς τὴν Μεσσηνίων κάθοδον προειρημένα καὶ τότε δὴ Σπάρτης μὲν ἀπʼ ἀγλαὸν ἄνθος ὀλεῖται, Μεσσήνη δʼ αὖτις οἰκήσεται ἤματα πάντα. ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς Εἴρας, ὅντινα ἁλώσοιτο τρόπον, Βάκιν ἐφώρασα εἰρηκότα· καί οἱ καὶ τόδε ἐστὶ τῶν χρησμῶν, οἵ τʼ ἀπὸ Μεσσήνης πατάγῳ κρουνοῖς τε δαμείσης. 5.11.8. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ βάθρου τοῦ τὸν θρόνον τε ἀνέχοντος καὶ ὅσος ἄλλος κόσμος περὶ τὸν Δία, ἐπὶ τούτου τοῦ βάθρου χρυσᾶ ποιήματα, ἀναβεβηκὼς ἐπὶ ἅρμα Ἤλιος καὶ Ζεύς τέ ἐστι καὶ Ἥρα, ἔτι δὲ Ἥφαιστος, παρὰ δὲ αὐτὸν Χάρις· ταύτης δὲ Ἑρμῆς ἔχεται, τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ δὲ Ἑστία· μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑστίαν Ἔρως ἐστὶν ἐκ θαλάσσης Ἀφροδίτην ἀνιοῦσαν ὑποδεχόμενος, τὴν δὲ Ἀφροδίτην στεφανοῖ Πειθώ· ἐπείργασται δὲ καὶ Ἀπόλλων σὺν Ἀρτέμιδι Ἀθηνᾶ τε καὶ Ἡρακλῆς, καὶ ἤδη τοῦ βάθρου πρὸς τῷ πέρατι Ἀμφιτρίτη καὶ Ποσειδῶν Σελήνη τε ἵππον ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ἐλαύνουσα. τοῖς δέ ἐστιν εἰρημένα ἐφʼ ἡμιόνου τὴν θεὸν ὀχεῖσθαι καὶ οὐχ ἵππου, καὶ λόγον γέ τινα ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμιόνῳ λέγουσιν εὐήθη. | 3.12.11. By the Canopy is a circular building, and in it images of Zeus and Aphrodite surnamed Olympian. This, they say, was set up by Epimenides, but their account of him does not agree with that of the Argives, for the Lacedaemonians deny that they ever fought with the Cnossians. 3.13.9. An old wooden image they call that of Aphrodite Hera. A mother is wont to sacrifice to the goddess when a daughter is married. On the road to the right of the hill is a statue of Hetoemocles. Both Hetoemocles himself and his father Hipposthenes won Olympic victories for wrestling the two together won eleven, but Hipposthenes succeeded in beating his son by one victory. 4.27.4. Epaminondas was most strongly drawn to the foundation by the oracles of Bacis, who was inspired by the Nymphs and left prophecies regarding others of the Greeks as well as the return of the Messenians: Then indeed shall the bright bloom of Sparta perish and Messene again shall be inhabited for all time. I have discovered that Bacis also told in what manner Eira would be captured, and this too is one of his oracles: The men of Messene o'ercome by the thunder's roll and spouting rain. 5.11.8. On the pedestal supporting the throne and Zeus with all his adornments are works in gold: the Sun mounted on a chariot, Zeus and Hera, Hephaestus, and by his side Grace. Close to her comes Hermes, and close to Hermes Hestia. After Hestia is Eros receiving Aphrodite as she rises from the sea, and Aphrodite is being crowned by Persuasion. There are also reliefs of Apollo with Artemis, of Athena and of Heracles; and near the end of the pedestal Amphitrite and Poseidon, while the Moon is driving what I think is a horse. Some have said that the steed of the goddess is a mule not a horse, and they tell a silly story about the mule. |
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| 170. Hierocles Stoicus, Commentary On The Golden Verses of Pythagoras, 14.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 211 |
| 171. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •agriculture, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 401 |
172. Anon., Acts of John, 81 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial discourse Found in books: Matthews (2010) 184 | 81. And when she had clothed herself, she turned and saw Fortunatus lying, and said unto John: Father, let this man also rise, even if he did assay to become my betrayer. But Callimachus, when he heard her say that, said: Do not, I beseech thee, Drusiana, for the voice which I heard took no thought of him, but declared concerning thee only, and I saw and believed: for if he had been good, perchance God would have had mercy on him also and would have raised him by means of the blessed John: he knew therefore that the man was come to a bad end [Lat. he judged him worthy to die whom he did not declare worthy to rise again]. And John said to him: We have not learned, my child, to render evil for evil: for God, though we have done much ill and no good toward him, hath not given retribution unto us, but repentance, and though we were ignorant of his name he did not neglect us but had mercy on us, and when we blasphemed him, he did not punish but pitied us, and when we disbelieved him he bore us no grudge, and when we persecuted his brethren he did not recompense us evil but put into our minds repentance and abstinence from evil, and exhorted us to come unto him, as he hath thee also, my son Callimachus, and not remembering thy former evil hath made thee his servant, waiting upon his mercy. Wherefore if thou allowest not me to raise up Fortunatus, it is for Drusiana so to do. |
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| 173. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 11.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, christians Found in books: Marek (2019) 537 |
| 174. Anon., Sifra, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •legislation, rabbinic, versus christian/roman imperial thought Found in books: Balberg (2017) 89 |
| 175. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 520, 548, 563, 577-581, 583, 582 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 352 |
| 176. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 2.12-2.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 263 |
177. Anon., The Acts of John, 81 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial discourse Found in books: Matthews (2010) 184 | 81. And when she had clothed herself, she turned and saw Fortunatus lying, and said unto John: Father, let this man also rise, even if he did assay to become my betrayer. But Callimachus, when he heard her say that, said: Do not, I beseech thee, Drusiana, for the voice which I heard took no thought of him, but declared concerning thee only, and I saw and believed: for if he had been good, perchance God would have had mercy on him also and would have raised him by means of the blessed John: he knew therefore that the man was come to a bad end [Lat. he judged him worthy to die whom he did not declare worthy to rise again]. And John said to him: We have not learned, my child, to render evil for evil: for God, though we have done much ill and no good toward him, hath not given retribution unto us, but repentance, and though we were ignorant of his name he did not neglect us but had mercy on us, and when we blasphemed him, he did not punish but pitied us, and when we disbelieved him he bore us no grudge, and when we persecuted his brethren he did not recompense us evil but put into our minds repentance and abstinence from evil, and exhorted us to come unto him, as he hath thee also, my son Callimachus, and not remembering thy former evil hath made thee his servant, waiting upon his mercy. Wherefore if thou allowest not me to raise up Fortunatus, it is for Drusiana so to do. |
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| 178. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168 |
| 179. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 4.22.139.1-141.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168 |
| 180. Irenaeus, Demonstration of The Apostolic Teaching, 69 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial discourse Found in books: Matthews (2010) 184 |
| 181. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 3.2, 3.9, 4.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 352, 353, 354 |
182. Pliny The Younger, Letters, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 46; Marek (2019) 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 379, 384, 436, 437, 438, 442, 465; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 151 | 4.30. To Licinius Sura. * I have brought you as a present from my native district a problem which is fully worthy even of your profound learning. A spring rises in the mountain-side; it flows down a rocky course, and is caught in a little artificial banqueting house. After the water has been retained there for a time it falls into the Larian lake. There is a wonderful phenomenon connected with it, for thrice every day it rises and falls with fixed regularity of volume. Close by it you may recline and take a meal, and drink from the spring itself, for the water is very cool, and meanwhile it ebbs and flows at regular and stated intervals. If you place a ring or anything else on a dry spot by the edge, the water gradually rises to it and at last covers it, and then just as gradually recedes and leaves it bare; while if you watch it for any length of time, you may see both processes twice or thrice repeated. Is there any unseen air which first distends and then tightens the orifice and mouth of the spring, resisting its onset and yielding at its withdrawal? We observe something of this sort in jars and other similar vessels which have not a direct and free opening, for these, when held either perpendicularly or aslant, pour out their contents with a sort of gulp, as though there were some obstruction to a free passage. Or is this spring like the ocean, and is its volume enlarged and lessened alternately by the same laws that govern the ebb and flow of the tide? Or again, just as rivers on their way to the sea are driven back on themselves by contrary winds and the opposing tide, is there anything that can drive back the outflow of this spring? Or is there some latent reservoir which diminishes and retards the flow while it is gradually collecting the water that has been drained off, and increases and quickens the flow when the process of collection is complete? Or is there some curiously hidden and unseen balance which, when emptied, raises and thrusts forth the spring, and, when filled, checks and stifles its flow? Please investigate the causes which bring about this wonderful result, for you have the ability to do so; it is more than enough for me if I have described the phenomenon with accuracy. ** Farewell. 10.21. To Trajan. Gabius Bassus, Sir, the prefect of the coast of Pontus, has come to me in a most respectful and dutiful manner, and has spent several days in my company. So far as I can read his character, he is an excellent man and worthy of your favour. I told him that you had given orders that he should be content with ten privileged soldiers, two horsemen, and one centurion, out of the cohorts which you desired me to command. His answer was that this number was quite inadequate, and that he would himself write to you. That is the reason why I did not think it proper to at once recall from his command those above the assigned number. 10.23. To Trajan. The people of Prusa, Sir, have a public bath which is in a neglected and dilapidated state. They wish, with your kind permission, to restore it; but I think a new one ought to be built, and I reckon that you can safely comply with their wishes. The money for its erection will be forthcoming, for first there are the sums I spoke of * which I have already begun to claim and demand from private individuals, and secondly there is the money usually collected for a free distribution of oil which they are now prepared to utilise for the construction of a new bath. Besides, the dignity of the city and the glory of your reign demand its erection. 10.32. Trajan to Pliny. Let us not forget that you were sent to your province for the express reason that there seemed to be many abuses rampant there which required correction. And most certainly we must redress such a scandal as that persons condemned to penalties should not only, as you say, be released therefrom without authorisation, but even be placed in stations which ought to be filled by honest servants. So all those who were sentenced within the last ten years and released on insufficient authority must be sent back to work out their sentences, and if there are any whose condemnation dates back beyond the last ten years and are now old men, let us apportion them to fulfil duties which are not far removed from being penal. For it is the custom to send such cases to work in the public baths, to clean out the sewers, and to repair the roads and streets. 10.33. To Trajan. While I was visiting a distant part of the province a most desolating fire broke out at Nicomedia and destroyed a number of private houses and two public buildings, the almshouse * and temple of Isis, although a road ran between them. The fire was allowed to spread farther than it need have done, first, owing to the violence of the wind, and, secondly, to the laziness of the inhabitants, it being generally agreed that they stood idly by without moving and merely watched the catastrophe. Moreover, there is not a single public fire-engine ** or bucket in the place, and not one solitary appliance for mastering an outbreak of fire. However, these will be provided in accordance with the orders I have already given. But, Sir, I would have you consider whether you think a guild of firemen, of about 150 men, should be instituted. I will take care that no one who is not a genuine fireman should be admitted, and that the guild should not misapply the charter granted to it, and there would be no difficulty in keeping an eye on so small a body. 0 10.37. To Trajan. Sir, the people of Nicomedia spent 3,329,000 sesterces upon an aqueduct, which was left in an unfinished state, and I may say in ruin, and they also levied taxes to the extent of two millions for a second one. This too has been abandoned, and to obtain a water-supply those who have wasted these enormous sums must go to new expense. I have myself visited a splendidly clear spring, from which it seems to me the supply ought to be brought to the town as indeed they tried to do by their first scheme - by an aqueduct of arches, so that it might not be confined only to the low-lying and level parts of the city. Very few of the arches are still standing; some could be built from the shaped blocks {lapis quadratus} which were taken from the earlier work, and part again, in my opinion, should be constructed of brick {opus testaceum}, * which is both cheaper and more easily handled, but the first thing that might be done is for you to send an engineer skilled in such work, or an architect, to prevent a repetition of the former failures. I can at least vouch for this, that such an undertaking would be well worthy of your reign owing to its public utility and its imposing design. 10.39. To Trajan. The theatre at Nicaea, Sir, the greater part of which has already been constructed, though it is still incomplete, has already cost more than ten million sesterces, - so at least I am told, for the accounts have not been made out, - and I am afraid the money has been thrown away. For the building has sunk, and there are great gaping crevices to be seen, either because the ground is soft and damp, or owing to the brittleness and crumbling character of the stone, and so it is worth consideration whether it should be finished or abandoned, or even pulled down. For the props and buttresses by which it is shored up seem to me to be more costly than strength-giving. Many parts of this theatre were promised by private persons, as for example the galleries and porticos above the pit, but all these are postponed now that the work, which had to be finished first, has come to a stop. The same people of Nicaea began, before my arrival here, to restore the public gymnasium, which had been destroyed by fire, on a more extensive and wider scale than the old building, and they have already disbursed a considerable sum thereon, and I fear to very little purpose, for the structure is not well put together, and looks disjointed. Moreover, the architect - though it is true he is the rival of the man who began the work - declares that the walls, in spite of their being twenty-two feet thick, cannot bear the weight placed upon them, because they have not been put together with cement in the middle, and have not been strengthened with brickwork. The people of Claudiopolis, again, are excavating rather than constructing an immense public bath in a low-lying situation with a mountain hanging over it, and they are using for the purpose the sums which the senators, who were added to the local council by your kindness, have either paid as their entrance fee, * or are paying according as I ask them for it. Consequently, as I am afraid that the public money at Nicaea may be unprofitably spent, and that - what is more precious than any money - your kindness at Claudiopolis may be turned to unprofitable account, I beg you not only for the sake of the theatre, but also for these baths, to send an architect to see which is the better course to adopt, either, after the money which has already been expended, to finish by hook or by crook the works as they have been begun, or to repair them where they seem to require it, or if necessary change the sites entirely, lest in our anxiety to save the money already disbursed we should lay out the remaining sums with just as poor results. 10.41. To Trajan. I consider the splendour of your position and the loftiness of your mind, it seems to me most fitting that I should point out to you schemes which would be worthy of your eternal fame and glory, and which would not only be imposing to the imagination, but of great public utility. There lies in the territory of the people of Nicomedia a most spacious lake, * by which marble, grain, timber, and bulky articles can be brought by barges to the high road with but little expense and labour, though it is a very laborious and costly business to take them down on waggons to the sea. ** [ (?) To connect the lake with the sea ] would demand a large supply of workmen, but they are to be found on the spot, for in the country districts labourers are plentiful, and they are still more plentiful in the city, while it is quite certain that all would be perfectly willing to help in an undertaking which would be of profit to everyone. It only remains for you, if you think fit, to send a surveyor or an architect to make careful observations and find out whether the lake lies at a higher level than the sea, for the engineers in this district hold that it is forty cubits higher. I find that one of the earlier kings † dug a trench over the same site, but it is doubtful whether his object was to drain off the moisture from the surrounding fields, or to join the waters of the lake and the river. For the trench was not completed, and it is not known whether the work was abandoned because of the king's death, or because the success of the enterprise was despaired of. But this only fires my desire and anxiety - you will pardon my eager ambition for your glory - that you should complete what the kings merely commenced. 10.43. To Trajan. When I asked for a statement of the expenditure of the city of Byzantium - which is abnormally high - it was pointed out to me, Sir, that a delegate was sent every year with a complimentary decree to pay his respects to you, and that he received the sum of twelve thousand sesterces for so doing. Remembering your instructions, I determined to order that the delegate should be kept at home, and that only the decree should be forwarded, in order to lighten the expenses without interfering with the performance of their public act of homage. Again, a tax of three thousand sesterces has been levied upon the same city, which is given every year as travelling expenses to the delegate who is sent to pay the homage of the city to the governor of Moesia. This, too, I decided to do away with for the future. I beg, Sir, that, by writing and telling me what you think of these matters, you will deign either to approve my decision or correct me if you think I have been at fault. 10.60. Trajan to Pliny. It is possible, of course, that Domitian was unaware of the true circumstances in which Archippus was situated when he wrote in such a flattering strain about the honour to be paid him. However, it suits my way of thinking better to suppose that he was restored to his old position by the intervention of the Emperor, especially as the honour of a statue was so often decreed to Archippus by persons who were thoroughly aware of the sentence passed upon him by the proconsul Paullus. These facts, however, my dear Pliny, do not mean that you should consider any new charge brought against him as the less deserving of attention. I have read the memorials of Furia Prima, his accuser, and of Archippus himself, which you enclosed in your second letter. %%% |
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183. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.2, 10.56, 10.96-10.97, 10.97.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperialism, and living law, ideal •living law ideal, and roman imperialism •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 46; Martens (2003) 49 | 3.2. To Maximus. I think I am justified in asking you to grant to one of my friends a favour which I should certainly have offered to friends of yours, had I the same opportunity for conferring them as you have. Arrianus Maturus is the leading man in Altinum; and when I say that, I mean not that he is the richest man there - though he possesses considerable property - but I refer to his character, to his chastity, justice, weight, and wisdom. I turn to him in business for advice, and for criticism in literary matters, for he is wonderfully loyal, straightforward, and shrewd. He has the same regard for me as you have, and I cannot conceive a more ardent affection than that. He is by no means an ambitious man, and for that reason, though he might easily have attained the highest rank in the state, he has been content to remain in the equestrian order. Yet I feel that I must do something to add to his honours and give him some token of my regard. And so I am very anxious to heap some dignity upon him, though he does not expect it, knows nothing about it, and perhaps even would rather I did not - but it must be a real distinction and one that involves no troublesome responsibilities. So I ask you to confer upon him such a favour at your earliest opportunity, and I shall be profoundly obliged to you. And he will be also, for though he does not run after honours, he welcomes them as thankfully as if his heart were set upon them. Farewell. 10.56. To Trajan. I thank you. Sir, most sincerely that in the midst of your most pressing business of state you have deigned to give me directions on the matters about which I have consulted you, and I beg that you will do the same now. For a certain person came to me and informed me that some enemies of his who had been banished for three years by that distinguished man, Servilius Calvus, * were still lingering in the province, while they on the other hand declared that the sentence against them had been revoked - also by Calvus - and read out to me his edict. That is why I think it necessary to refer the whole matter to you just as it stands. For while your instructions warn me against recalling those who have been banished by others or by myself, they do not cover the case of those who have been banished and recalled from banishment by another governor. Hence, Sir, I thought I ought to consult you as to the course you would wish me to adopt, not only in the instances I have quoted, but also when persons are discovered in the province who have been banished for ever and have not had the sentence revoked. A case of this sort came under my notice in my judicial capacity. For a man was brought before me who had been banished for ever by the proconsul, Julius Bassus. ** Knowing as I did that the decrees of Bassus had been rescinded, and that the senate had given permission to all who had been sentenced by him to have their cases tried over again, if they brought their appeal within two years, I asked this man who had been banished by Bassus which proconsul he had approached and told his story to. He said he had not laid his case before anyone. It is this which made me consult you whether I should hand him over to complete his sentence or inflict additional punishment, and I should like to know what course you think I ought to adopt towards him and others who may be found to be similarly situated. I enclose with this letter the decree of Calvus and his edict, and also the decree of Bassus. 0 |
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184. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 170 | 62.15. 7. When many of those who had assembled at Antium perished, Nero made this an occasion for a festival.,1a. A certain Thrasea expressed the opinion that for a senator the extreme penalty should be exile.,1. To such lengths did Nero's licence go that he actually drove chariots in public. And on one occasion after exhibiting a wild-beast hunt he immediately piped water into the theatre and produced a sea-fight; then he let the water out again and arranged a gladiatorial combat. Last of all, he flooded the place once more and gave a costly public banquet.,2. Tigellinus had been appointed director of the banquet and everything had been provided on a lavish scale. The arrangements were made as follows. In the centre of the lake there had first been lowered the great wooden casks used for holding wine, and on top of these, planks had been fastened,,3. while round about this platform taverns and booths had been erected. Thus Nero and Tigellinus and their fellow-banqueters occupied the centre, where they held their feast on purple rugs and soft cushions, while all the rest made merry in the taverns.,4. They would also enter the brothels and without let or hindrance have intercourse with any of the women who were seated there, among whom were the most beautiful and distinguished in the city, both slaves and free, courtesans and virgins and married women; and these were not merely of the common people but also of the very noblest families, both girls and grown women.,5. Every man had the privilege of enjoying whichever one he wished, as the women were not allowed to refuse anyone. Consequently, indiscriminate rabble as the throng was, they not only drank greedily but also wantoned riotously; and now a slave would debauch his mistress in the presence of his master, and now a gladiator would debauch a girl of noble family before the eyes of her father.,6. The pushing and fighting and general uproar that took place, both on the part of those who were actually going in and on the part of those who were standing around outside, were disgraceful. Many men met their death in these encounters, and many women, too, some of the latter being suffocated and some being seized and carried off. |
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| 185. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 4.36.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial discourse Found in books: Matthews (2010) 184 |
| 186. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 15.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •agriculture, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 403 |
| 187. Anon., Marytrdom of Polycarp, 10.1, 15.1 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power •roman empire, imperial security forces Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 770; Maier and Waldner (2022) 97, 179 |
188. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 22.9 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 75| 22.9. רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ דְּסִכְנִין בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי לֵוִי אָמַר, כְּתִיב (תהלים לז, יד): חֶרֶב פָּתְחוּ רְשָׁעִים וגו', חֶרֶב פָּתְחוּ רְשָׁעִים וְדָרְכוּ קַשְׁתָּם, זֶה קַיִן. (תהלים לז, יד): לְהַפִּיל עָנִי וְאֶבְיוֹן לִטְבוֹחַ יִשְׁרֵי דָרֶךְ זֶה הֶבֶל. (תהלים לז, טו): חַרְבָּם תָּבוֹא בְלִבָּם וגו', (בראשית ד, יב): נָע וְנָד תִּהְיֶה בָּאָרֶץ. (בראשית ד, ט): וַיֹּאמֶר ה' אֶל קַיִן אֵי הֶבֶל אָחִיךָ וגו', מָשָׁל לְאִיפַּרְכוֹס שֶׁהָיָה מְהַלֵּךְ בְּאֶמְצַע פְּלַטְיָא, מָצָא הָרוּג וְאֶחָד עוֹמֵד עַל גַּבָּיו, אָמַר לוֹ מִי הֲרָגוֹ, וַאֲמַר לֵיהּ אֲנָא בָּעֵי לֵיהּ גַּבָּךְ, וְאַתְּ בָּעֵי לֵיהּ גַּבִּי, אֲמַר לֵיהּ לֹא אָמַרְתָּ כְּלוּם, מָשָׁל לְאֶחָד שֶׁנִּכְנַס לְגִנָּה וְלִקֵּט תּוּתִין וְאָכַל, וְהָיָה בַּעַל הַגִּנָּה רָץ אַחֲרָיו אָמַר לוֹ מַה בְּיָדְךָ, אָמַר לוֹ אֵין בְּיָדִי כְּלוּם, אָמַר לוֹ וַהֲרֵי יָדֶיךָ מְלֻכְלָכוֹת. כָּךְ אָמַר לוֹ קַיִן לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא (בראשית ד, ט): הֲשֹׁמֵר אָחִי אָנֹכִי, אָמַר לוֹ הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא הָא רָשָׁע (בראשית ד, י): קוֹל דְּמֵי אָחִיךָ צֹעֲקִים וגו', מָשָׁל לְאֶחָד שֶׁנִכְנַס לְמִרְעֶה וְחָטַף גְּדִי אֶחָד וְהִפְשִׁילוֹ לַאֲחוֹרָיו, וְהָיָה בַּעַל הַמִּרְעֶה רָץ אַחֲרָיו אָמַר לוֹ מַה בְּיָדְךָ, אָמַר לוֹ אֵין בְּיָדִי כְּלוּם, אָמַר לוֹ וַהֲרֵי הוּא מַפְעֶה אַחֲרֶיךָ. כָּךְ אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְקַיִן: קוֹל דְּמֵי אָחִיךָ וגו'. רַבִּי יוּדָן וְרַבִּי הוּנָא וְרַבָּנָן. רַבִּי יוּדָן אוֹמֵר דַּם אָחִיךָ אֵין כְּתִיב כָּאן אֶלָּא דְּמֵי אָחִיךָ, דָּמוֹ וְדַם זַרְעִיּוֹתָיו. רַבִּי הוּנָא אָמַר (מלכים ב ט, כו): אֶת דְּמֵי נָבוֹת, דַּם נָבוֹת וְדַם בָּנָיו אֵין כְּתִיב כָּאן, אֶלָּא אֶת דְּמֵי נָבוֹת וְאֶת דְּמֵי בָנָיו, דָּמוֹ וְדַם זַרְעִיּוֹתָיו. רַבָּנָן אָמְרִין (דברי הימים ב כד, כה): וַיָּמָת בְּדַם יְהוֹיָדָע, אֵין כְּתִיב כָּאן, אֶלָּא בִּדְמֵי יְהוֹיָדָע, דָּמוֹ וְדַם זַרְעִיּוֹתָיו. אָמַר רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן יוֹחָאי קָשֶׁה הַדָּבָר לְאָמְרוֹ וְאִי אֶפְשָׁר לַפֶּה לְפָרְשׁוֹ, לִשְׁנֵי אַתְּלִיטִין שֶׁהָיוּ עוֹמְדִין וּמִתְגּוֹשְׁשִׁים לִפְנֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ, אִלּוּ רָצָה הַמֶּלֶךְ פֵּרְשָׁן, וְלֹא רָצָה הַמֶּלֶךְ לְפָרְשָׁן, נִתְחַזֵּק אֶחָד עַל חֲבֵרוֹ וַהֲרָגוֹ, וְהָיָה מְצַוֵּחַ וְאָמַר מַאן יִבְעֵי דִּינִי קֳדָם מַלְכָּא, כָּךְ קוֹל דְּמֵי אָחִיךָ צוֹעֲקִים אֵלַי מִן הָאֲדָמָה, לַעֲלוֹת לְמַעְלָה לֹא הָיְתָה יְכוֹלָה שֶׁעֲדַיִן לֹא עָלְתָה לְשָׁם נְשָׁמָה, וּלְמַטָּה לֹא הָיְתָה יְכוֹלָה לַעֲמֹד שֶׁעֲדַיִן לֹא נִקְבַּר שָׁם אָדָם, וְהָיָה דָּמוֹ מֻשְׁלָךְ עַל הָעֵצִים וְעַל הָאֲבָנִים. | 22.9. "... The voice of your brother’s bloods [are] screaming to me from [the surface of] the ground” [Gn 4:10]—[this means that] she (the voice of Hevel’s blood) could not go up above/l’ma`lah, for as yet no soul/n’shamah had gone up to there; and below/l’matah she could not stand (i.e., stay or sink into the ground), for as yet no adam had been buried there, and [so] “his blood was cast upon the trees and the stones.", |
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189. Origen, Against Celsus, 3.59-3.69, 7.3-7.4, 7.68 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period •roman imperial period, Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 419, 434; Edmonds (2019) 215 | 3.59. Immediately after this, Celsus, perceiving that he has slandered us with too great bitterness, as if by way of defense expresses himself as follows: That I bring no heavier charge than what the truth compels me, any one may see from the following remarks. Those who invite to participation in other mysteries, make proclamation as follows: 'Every one who has clean hands, and a prudent tongue;' others again thus: 'He who is pure from all pollution, and whose soul is conscious of no evil, and who has lived well and justly.' Such is the proclamation made by those who promise purification from sins. But let us hear what kind of persons these Christians invite. Every one, they say, who is a sinner, who is devoid of understanding, who is a child, and, to speak generally, whoever is unfortunate, him will the kingdom of God receive. Do you not call him a sinner, then, who is unjust, and a thief, and a housebreaker, and a poisoner, and a committer of sacrilege, and a robber of the dead? What others would a man invite if he were issuing a proclamation for an assembly of robbers? Now, in answer to such statements, we say that it is not the same thing to invite those who are sick in soul to be cured, and those who are in health to the knowledge and study of divine things. We, however, keeping both these things in view, at first invite all men to be healed, and exhort those who are sinners to come to the consideration of the doctrines which teach men not to sin, and those who are devoid of understanding to those which beget wisdom, and those who are children to rise in their thoughts to manhood, and those who are simply unfortunate to good fortune, or - which is the more appropriate term to use - to blessedness. And when those who have been turned towards virtue have made progress, and have shown that they have been purified by the word, and have led as far as they can a better life, then and not before do we invite them to participation in our mysteries. For we speak wisdom among them that are perfect. 3.60. And as we teach, moreover, that wisdom will not enter into the soul of a base man, nor dwell in a body that is involved in sin, Wisdom 1:4 we say, Whoever has clean hands, and therefore lifts up holy hands to God, and by reason of being occupied with elevated and heavenly things, can say, The lifting up of my hands is as the evening sacrifice, let him come to us; and whoever has a wise tongue through meditating on the law of the Lord day and night, and by reason of habit has his senses exercised to discern between good and evil, let him have no reluctance in coming to the strong and rational sustece which is adapted to those who are athletes in piety and every virtue. And since the grace of God is with all those who love with a pure affection the teacher of the doctrines of immortality, whoever is pure not only from all defilement, but from what are regarded as lesser transgressions, let him be boldly initiated in the mysteries of Jesus, which properly are made known only to the holy and the pure. The initiated of Celsus accordingly says, Let him whose soul is conscious of no evil come. But he who acts as initiator, according to the precepts of Jesus, will say to those who have been purified in heart, He whose soul has, for a long time, been conscious of no evil, and especially since he yielded himself to the healing of the word, let such an one hear the doctrines which were spoken in private by Jesus to His genuine disciples. Therefore in the comparison which he institutes between the procedure of the initiators into the Grecian mysteries, and the teachers of the doctrine of Jesus, he does not know the difference between inviting the wicked to be healed, and initiating those already purified into the sacred mysteries! 3.61. Not to participation in mysteries, then, and to fellowship in the wisdom hidden in a mystery, which God ordained before the world to the glory of His saints, do we invite the wicked man, and the thief, and the housebreaker, and the poisoner, and the committer of sacrilege, and the plunderer of the dead, and all those others whom Celsus may enumerate in his exaggerating style, but such as these we invite to be healed. For there are in the divinity of the word some helps towards the cure of those who are sick, respecting which the word says, They that be whole need not a physician, but they that are sick; others, again, which to the pure in soul and body exhibit the revelation of the mystery, which was kept secret since the world began, but now is made manifest by the Scriptures of the prophets, and by the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ, which appearing is manifested to each one of those who are perfect, and which enlightens the reason in the true knowledge of things. But as he exaggerates the charges against us, adding, after his list of those vile individuals whom he has mentioned, this remark, What other persons would a robber summon to himself by proclamation? we answer such a question by saying that a robber summons around him individuals of such a character, in order to make use of their villainy against the men whom they desire to slay and plunder. A Christian, on the other hand, even though he invite those whom the robber invites, invites them to a very different vocation, viz., to bind up these wounds by His word, and to apply to the soul, festering amid evils, the drugs obtained from the word, and which are analogous to the wine and oil, and plasters, and other healing appliances which belong to the art of medicine. 3.62. In the next place, throwing a slur upon the exhortations spoken and written to those who have led wicked lives, and which invite them to repentance and reformation of heart, he asserts that we say that it was to sinners that God has been sent. Now this statement of his is much the same as if he were to find fault with certain persons for saying that on account of the sick who were living in a city, a physician had been sent them by a very benevolent monarch. God the Word was sent, indeed, as a physician to sinners, but as a teacher of divine mysteries to those who are already pure and who sin no more. But Celsus, unable to see this distinction - for he had no desire to be animated with a love of truth - remarks, Why was he not sent to those who were without sin? What evil is it not to have committed sin? To which we reply, that if by those who were without sin he means those who sin no more, then our Saviour Jesus was sent even to such, but not as a physician. While if by those who were without sin he means such as have never at any time sinned - for he made no distinction in his statement - we reply that it is impossible for a man thus to be without sin. And this we say, excepting, of course, the man understood to be in Christ Jesus, who did no sin. It is with a malicious intent, indeed, that Celsus says of us that we assert that God will receive the unrighteousness man if he humble himself on account of his wickedness, but that He will not receive the righteous man, although he look up to Him, (adorned) with virtue from the beginning. Now we assert that it is impossible for a man to look up to God (adorned) with virtue from the beginning. For wickedness must necessarily first exist in men. As Paul also says, When the commandment came, sin revived, and I died. Moreover, we do not teach regarding the unrighteous man, that it is sufficient for him to humble himself on account of his wickedness in order to his being accepted by God, but that God will accept him if, after passing condemnation upon himself for his past conduct, he walk humbly on account of it, and in a becoming manner for the time to come. 3.63. After this, not understanding how it has been said that every one who exalted himself shall be abased; nor (although taught even by Plato) that the good and virtuous man walks humbly and orderly; and ignorant, moreover, that we give the injunction, Humble yourselves, therefore, under the mighty hand of God, that He may exalt you in due time; he says that those persons who preside properly over a trial make those individuals who bewail before them their evil deeds to cease from their piteous wailings, lest their decisions should be determined rather by compassion than by a regard to truth; whereas God does not decide in accordance with truth, but in accordance with flattery. Now, what words of flattery and piteous wailing are contained in the Holy Scriptures when the sinner says in his prayers to God, I have acknowledged my sin, and mine iniquity have I not hid. I said, I will confess my transgression to the Lord, etc., etc.? For is he able to show that a procedure of this kind is not adapted to the conversion of sinners, who humble themselves in their prayers under the hand of God? And, becoming confused by his efforts to accuse us, he contradicts himself; appearing at one time to know a man without sin, and a righteous man, who can look up to God (adorned) with virtue from the beginning; and at another time accepting our statement that there is no man altogether righteous, or without sin; for, as if he admitted its truth, he remarks, This is indeed apparently true, that somehow the human race is naturally inclined to sin. In the next place, as if all men were not invited by the word, he says, All men, then, without distinction, ought to be invited, since all indeed are sinners. And yet, in the preceding pages, we have pointed out the words of Jesus: Come unto Me, all you that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest. All men, therefore, labouring and being heavy laden on account of the nature of sin, are invited to the rest spoken of in the word of God, for God sent His word, and healed them, and delivered them from their destructions. 3.64. But since he says, in addition to this, What is this preference of sinners over others? and makes other remarks of a similar nature, we have to reply that absolutely a sinner is not preferred before one who is not a sinner; but that sometimes a sinner, who has become conscious of his own sin, and for that reason comes to repentance, being humbled on account of his sins, is preferred before one who is accounted a lesser sinner, but who does not consider himself one, but exalts himself on the ground of certain good qualities which he thinks he possesses, and is greatly elated on their account. And this is manifest to those who are willing to peruse the Gospels in a spirit of fairness, by the parable of the publican, who said, Be merciful to me a sinner, and of the Pharisee who boasted with a certain wicked self-conceit in the words, I thank You that I am not as other men are, extortioners, unjust, adulterers, or even as this publican. For Jesus subjoins to his narrative of them both the words: This man went down to his house justified rather than the other: for every one that exalts himself shall be abased; and he that humbles himself shall be exalted. We utter no blasphemy, then, against God, neither are we guilty of falsehood, when we teach that every man, whoever he may be, is conscious of human infirmity in comparison with the greatness of God, and that we must ever ask from Him, who alone is able to supply our deficiencies, what is wanting to our (mortal) nature. 3.65. He imagines, however, that we utter these exhortations for the conversion of sinners, because we are able to gain over no one who is really good and righteous, and therefore open our gates to the most unholy and abandoned of men. But if any one will fairly observe our assemblies we can present a greater number of those who have been converted from not a very wicked life, than of those who have committed the most abominable sins. For naturally those who are conscious to themselves of better things, desire that those promises may be true which are declared by God regarding the reward of the righteous, and thus assent more readily to the statements (of Scripture) than those do who have led very wicked lives, and who are prevented by their very consciousness (of evil) from admitting that they will be punished by the Judge of all with such punishment as befits those who have sinned so greatly, and as would not be inflicted by the Judge of all contrary to right reason. Sometimes, also, when very abandoned men are willing to accept the doctrine of (future) punishment, on account of the hope which is based upon repentance, they are prevented from so doing by their habit of sinning, being constantly dipped, and, as it were, dyed in wickedness, and possessing no longer the power to turn from it easily to a proper life, and one regulated according to right reason. And although Celsus observes this, he nevertheless, I know not why, expresses himself in the following terms: And yet, indeed, it is manifest to every one that no one by chastisement, much less by merciful treatment, could effect a complete change in those who are sinners both by nature and custom, for to change nature is an exceedingly difficult thing. But they who are without sin are partakers of a better life. 3.66. Now here Celsus appears to me to have committed a great error, in refusing to those who are sinners by nature, and also by habit, the possibility of a complete transformation, alleging that they cannot be cured even by punishment. For it clearly appears that all men are inclined to sin by nature, and some not only by nature but by practice, while not all men are incapable of an entire transformation. For there are found in every philosophical sect, and in the word of God, persons who are related to have undergone so great a change that they may be proposed as a model of excellence of life. Among the names of the heroic age some mention Hercules and Ulysses, among those of later times, Socrates, and of those who have lived very recently, Musonius. Not only against us, then, did Celsus utter the calumny, when he said that it was manifest to every one that those who were given to sin by nature and habit could not by any means - even by punishments - be completely changed for the better, but also against the noblest names in philosophy, who have not denied that the recovery of virtue was a possible thing for men. But although he did not express his meaning with exactness, we shall nevertheless, though giving his words a more favourable construction, convict him of unsound reasoning. For his words were: Those who are inclined to sin by nature and habit, no one could completely reform even by chastisement; and his words, as we understood them, we refuted to the best of our ability. 3.67. It is probable, however, that he meant to convey some such meaning as this, that those who were both by nature and habit given to the commission of those sins which are committed by the most abandoned of men, could not be completely transformed even by punishment. And yet this is shown to be false from the history of certain philosophers. For who is there that would not rank among the most abandoned of men the individual who somehow submitted to yield himself to his master, when he placed him in a brothel, that he might allow himself to be polluted by any one who liked? And yet such a circumstance is related of Ph do! And who will not agree that he who burst, accompanied with a flute-player and a party of revellers, his profligate associates, into the school of the venerable Xenocrates, to insult a man who was the admiration of his friends, was not one of the greatest miscreants among mankind? Yet, notwithstanding this, reason was powerful enough to effect their conversion, and to enable them to make such progress in philosophy, that the one was deemed worthy by Plato to recount the discourse of Socrates on immortality, and to record his firmness in prison, when he evinced his contempt of the hemlock, and with all fearlessness and tranquillity of mind treated of subjects so numerous and important, that it is difficult even for those to follow them who are giving their utmost attention, and who are disturbed by no distraction; while Polemon, on the other hand, who from a profligate became a man of most temperate life, was successor in the school of Xenocrates, so celebrated for his venerable character. Celsus then does not speak the truth when he says that sinners by nature and habit cannot be completely reformed even by chastisement. 3.68. That philosophical discourses, however, distinguished by orderly arrangement and elegant expression, should produce such results in the case of those individuals just enumerated, and upon others who have led wicked lives, is not at all to be wondered at. But when we consider that those discourses, which Celsus terms vulgar, are filled with power, as if they were spells, and see that they at once convert multitudes from a life of licentiousness to one of extreme regularity, and from a life of wickedness to a better, and from a state of cowardice or unmanliness to one of such high-toned courage as to lead men to despise even death through the piety which shows itself within them, why should we not justly admire the power which they contain? For the words of those who at the first assumed the office of (Christian) ambassadors, and who gave their labours to rear up the Churches of God - nay, their preaching also - were accompanied with a persuasive power, though not like that found among those who profess the philosophy of Plato, or of any other merely human philosopher, which possesses no other qualities than those of human nature. But the demonstration which followed the words of the apostles of Jesus was given from God, and was accredited by the Spirit and by power. And therefore their word ran swiftly and speedily, or rather the word of God through their instrumentality, transformed numbers of persons who had been sinners both by nature and habit, whom no one could have reformed by punishment, but who were changed by the word, which moulded and transformed them according to its pleasure. 3.69. Celsus continues in his usual manner, asserting that to change a nature entirely is exceedingly difficult. We, however, who know of only one nature in every rational soul, and who maintain that none has been created evil by the Author of all things, but that many have become wicked through education, and perverse example, and surrounding influences, so that wickedness has been naturalized in some individuals, are persuaded that for the word of God to change a nature in which evil has been naturalized is not only not impossible, but is even a work of no very great difficulty, if a man only believe that he must entrust himself to the God of all things, and do everything with a view to please Him with whom it cannot be that Both good and bad are in the same honour, Or that the idle man and he who laboured much Perish alike. But even if it be exceedingly difficult to effect a change in some persons, the cause must be held to lie in their own will, which is reluctant to accept the belief that the God over all things is a just Judge of all the deeds done during life. For deliberate choice and practice avail much towards the accomplishment of things which appear to be very difficult, and, to speak hyperbolically, almost impossible. Has the nature of man, when desiring to walk along a rope extended in the air through the middle of the theatre, and to carry at the same time numerous and heavy weights, been able by practice and attention to accomplish such a feat; but when desiring to live in conformity with the practice of virtue, does it find it impossible to do so, although formerly it may have been exceedingly wicked? See whether he who holds such views does not bring a charge against the nature of the Creator of the rational animal rather than against the creature, if He has formed the nature of man with powers for the attainment of things of such difficulty, and of no utility whatever, but has rendered it incapable of securing its own blessedness. But these remarks may suffice as an answer to the assertion that entirely to change a nature is exceedingly difficult. He alleges, in the next place, that they who are without sin are partakers of a better life; not making it clear what he means by those who are without sin, whether those who are so from the beginning (of their lives), or those who become so by a transformation. of those who were so from the beginning of their lives, there cannot possibly be any; while those who are so after a transformation (of heart) are found to be few in number, being those who have become so after giving in their allegiance to the saving word. And they were not such when they gave in their allegiance. For, apart from the aid of the word, and that too the word of perfection, it is impossible for a man to become free from sin. 7.3. Celsus goes on to say of us: They set no value on the oracles of the Pythian priestess, of the priests of Dodona, of Clarus, of Branchid , of Jupiter Ammon, and of a multitude of others; although under their guidance we may say that colonies were sent forth, and the whole world peopled. But those sayings which were uttered or not uttered in Judea, after the manner of that country, as indeed they are still delivered among the people of Phœnicia and Palestine - these they look upon as marvellous sayings, and unchangeably true. In regard to the oracles here enumerated, we reply that it would be possible for us to gather from the writings of Aristotle and the Peripatetic school not a few things to overthrow the authority of the Pythian and the other oracles. From Epicurus also, and his followers, we could quote passages to show that even among the Greeks themselves there were some who utterly discredited the oracles which were recognised and admired throughout the whole of Greece. But let it be granted that the responses delivered by the Pythian and other oracles were not the utterances of false men who pretended to a divine inspiration; and let us see if, after all, we cannot convince any sincere inquirers that there is no necessity to attribute these oracular responses to any divinities, but that, on the other hand, they may be traced to wicked demons- to spirits which are at enmity with the human race, and which in this way wish to hinder the soul from rising upwards, from following the path of virtue, and from returning to God in sincere piety. It is said of the Pythian priestess, whose oracle seems to have been the most celebrated, that when she sat down at the mouth of the Castalian cave, the prophetic Spirit of Apollo entered her private parts; and when she was filled with it, she gave utterance to responses which are regarded with awe as divine truths. Judge by this whether that spirit does not show its profane and impure nature, by choosing to enter the soul of the prophetess not through the more becoming medium of the bodily pores which are both open and invisible, but by means of what no modest man would ever see or speak of. And this occurs not once or twice, which would be more permissible, but as often as she was believed to receive inspiration from Apollo. Moreover, it is not the part of a divine spirit to drive the prophetess into such a state of ecstasy and madness that she loses control of herself. For he who is under the influence of the Divine Spirit ought to be the first to receive the beneficial effects; and these ought not to be first enjoyed by the persons who consult the oracle about the concerns of natural or civil life, or for purposes of temporal gain or interest; and, moreover, that should be the time of clearest perception, when a person is in close intercourse with the Deity. 7.4. Accordingly, we can show from an examination of the sacred Scriptures, that the Jewish prophets, who were enlightened as far as was necessary for their prophetic work by the Spirit of God, were the first to enjoy the benefit of the inspiration; and by the contact - if I may so say - of the Holy Spirit they became clearer in mind, and their souls were filled with a brighter light. And the body no longer served as a hindrance to a virtuous life; for to that which we call the lust of the flesh it was deadened. For we are persuaded that the Divine Spirit mortifies the deeds of the body, and destroys that enmity against God which the carnal passions serve to excite. If, then, the Pythian priestess is beside herself when she prophesies, what spirit must that be which fills her mind and clouds her judgment with darkness, unless it be of the same order with those demons which many Christians cast out of persons possessed with them? And this, we may observe, they do without the use of any curious arts of magic, or incantations, but merely by prayer and simple adjurations which the plainest person can use. Because for the most part it is unlettered persons who perform this work; thus making manifest the grace which is in the word of Christ, and the despicable weakness of demons, which, in order to be overcome and driven out of the bodies and souls of men, do not require the power and wisdom of those who are mighty in argument, and most learned in matters of faith. 7.68. After all that we have already said concerning Jesus, it would be a useless repetition for us to answer these words of Celsus: It is easy to convict them of worshipping not a god, not even demons, but a dead person. Leaving, then, this objection for the reason assigned, let us pass on to what follows: In the first place, I would ask why we are not to serve demons? Is it not true that all things are ordered according to God's will, and that His providence governs all things? Is not everything which happens in the universe, whether it be the work of God, of angels, of other demons, or of heroes, regulated by the law of the Most High God? Have these not had assigned them various departments of which they were severally deemed worthy? Is it not just, therefore, that he who worships God should serve those also to whom God has assigned such power? Yet it is impossible, he says, for a man to serve many masters. Observe here again how he settles at once a number of questions which require considerable research, and a profound acquaintance with what is most mysterious in the government of the universe. For we must inquire into the meaning of the statement, that all things are ordered according to God's will, and ascertain whether sins are or are not included among the things which God orders. For if God's government extends to sins not only in men, but also in demons and in any other spiritual beings who are capable of sin, it is for those who speak in this manner to see how inconvenient is the expression that all things are ordered by the will of God. For it follows from it that all sins and all their consequences are ordered by the will of God, which is a different thing from saying that they come to pass with God's permission. For if we take the word ordered in its proper signification, and say that all the results of sin were ordered, then it is evident that all things are ordered according to God's will, and that all, therefore, who do evil do not offend against His government. And the same distinction holds in regard to providence. When we say that the providence of God regulates all things, we utter a great truth if we attribute to that providence nothing but what is just and right. But if we ascribe to the providence of God all things whatsoever, however unjust they may be, then it is no longer true that the providence of God regulates all things, unless we refer directly to God's providence things which flow as results from His arrangements. Celsus maintains also, that whatever happens in the universe, whether it be the work of God, of angels, of other demons, or of heroes, is regulated by the law of the Most High God. But this also is incorrect; for we cannot say that transgressors follow the law of God when they transgress; and Scripture declares that it is not only wicked men who are transgressors, but also wicked demons and wicked angels. |
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| 190. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 2.1-64(45), 2.1-64(55), 4.1331-1389(1295), 4.1390-1496(1435), 4.2006-2125(2074), 4.3209-54(3229) (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 175 |
| 191. Nag Hammadi, Apocalypse of Peter, 8, 13 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 74 |
| 192. Nag Hammadi, The Apocalypse of Paul, 35-36, 34 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 214 |
| 193. Athanasius, Against The Pagans, 9.43 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 347 |
| 194. Firmicus Maternus Julius., De Errore Profanarum Religionum, 1.1-1.34, 3.385-3.399 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 233 |
| 195. Commodianus, Instructiones, 41 (3rd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 216 |
196. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 168b. ופלוני ופלוני עדיו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר איזהו קיומו במותב תלתא הוינא אנו פלוני ופלוני ופלוני הוציא פלוני בן פלוני שטר מחוק לפנינו ביום פלוני ופלוני ופלוני עדיו ואם כתוב בו הוזקקנו לעדותן של עדים ונמצאת עדותן מכוונת גובה ואינו צריך להביא ראיה ואם לאו צריך להביא ראיה,נקרע פסול נתקרע כשר נמחק או נטשטש אם רישומו ניכר כשר,ה"ד נקרע ה"ד נתקרע אמר רב יהודה נקרע קרע של בית דין נתקרע קרע שאינו של ב"ד,היכי דמי קרע של בית דין א"ר יהודה מקום עדים ומקום הזמן ומקום התורף אביי אמר שתי וערב,הנהו ערבאי דאתו לפומבדיתא דהוו קא אנסי ארעתא דאינשי אתו מרוותיהו לקמיה דאביי א"ל ליחזי מר שטרי' ולכתוב לן מר שטרא אחרינא עליה דאי מיתניס חד נקיטינן חד בידן,אמר להו מאי אעביד לכו דאמר רב ספרא אין כותבין שני שטרות על שדה אחת דלמא טריף והדר טריף,הוו קא טרדי ליה אמר ליה לספריה זיל כתוב להו הוא על המחק ועדיו על הנייר דפסול,אמר ליה רב אחא בר מניומי לאביי ודלמא רישומו ניכר ותניא נמחק או נטשטש אם רישומו ניכר כשר אמר ליה מי קאמינא שטרא מעליא אל"ף בי"ת בעלמא קאמינא,תנו רבנן הרי שבא ואמר אבד שטר חובי אע"פ שאמרו עדים אנו כתבנו וחתמנו ונתננו לו אין כותבין לו את השטר בד"א בשטרי הלואה אבל שטרי מקח וממכר כותבין חוץ מן האחריות שבו | 168b. b and so-and-so and so-and-so were its witnesses. /b The ratification document is signed, and it may be used as a replacement for the erased document., strong GEMARA: /strong b The Sages taught /b ( i Tosefta /i , i Bava Metzia /i 1:16): b What is /b the text of b the ratification /b document b of /b an erased document? The court writes as follows: b We, so-and-so and so-and-so and so-and-so, were sitting as three /b judges, and b so-and-so, son of so-and-so, produced an erased document before us, /b which was written b on such and such a date, and so-and-so and so-and-so /b were b its witnesses. And if it is written in /b this ratification document also: b We engaged in /b the investigation of b the testimony of the witnesses and their testimony has been found /b to be b congruent, /b the creditor can b collect /b his debt on the basis of this ratification document, b and he does not need to bring /b further b proof. But if /b this formula is b not /b written, the creditor b needs to bring /b further b proof /b of the loan in order to collect it.,The i baraita /i continues with its discussion of damaged documents: If a promissory note was b torn /b intentionally it is b not valid, /b but if it b became torn /b accidentally it is b valid. /b In a case where it b was erased or smudged, if its imprint is recognizable, /b i.e., if the words are still legible, though barely, it is b valid. /b ,The Gemara seeks to clarify the terms in the second part of the i baraita /i : b What are the circumstances, /b i.e., what are the defining characteristics, of a document that was b torn, /b and b what are the circumstances /b of a document that b became torn? Rav Yehuda says: /b A document that was b torn /b means that it had b a tear /b created b by the court, /b because they wished to render it not valid due to payment of the loan or some other circumstance. A document that b became torn /b means it had b a tear that /b was b not /b created b by the court. /b ,The Gemara seeks further clarification: b What are the circumstances, /b i.e., what are the signs, of a document that had b a tear /b created b by the court? Rav Yehuda says: /b The document has a tear that ruins b the place of the witnesses’ /b signatures b and the place of the date and the place of the essential part /b of a document. b Abaye says: /b It has b a tear /b that goes both b lengthwise and widthwise. /b ,§ The Gemara relates: There was once b a certain /b group of b Arabs who came to Pumbedita /b and b who would rob people’s land /b and force the victims to surrender the deeds to their property to prevent subsequent legal action. b The owners of /b land who had not yet had fallen victim to these Arabs b came before Abaye /b and b said to him: Let the Master look at our deeds /b to our property b and let the Master write us another deed for it, /b so b that if one /b of the deeds b is robbed we will have /b the other b one in our possession. /b ,Abaye b said to them: What can I do for you? /b I cannot comply with your request, b as Rav Safra says: /b One may b not write two deeds /b of ownership b for one field, lest /b the owner of that land b repossess property /b once b and /b then b go back and repossess /b it once again. Generally, whenever real estate is sold there is a guarantee given to the purchaser in the event that the land is repossessed by the seller’s creditor or by someone else who proves that the land rightfully belongs to him. If the seller of the repossessed land has no money to honor the guarantee, the purchaser can repossess property from others who had purchased property from the same seller subsequent to the sale of the repossessed land. In order to do so, he would have to produce the bill of sale proving that he had purchased the repossessed property. If he has two such deeds, he would be able to collect payment twice. To eliminate this possibility, duplicate property deeds are not written.,The landowners b kept badgering /b Abaye to write the duplicate documents, until, in order to be rid of them, b he said to his scribe: Go write /b the document b for them, /b but first write on paper and then erase it, and then write the desired document over the erased text, so that the text of the document will be written b over an erasure, and /b the signatures of b its witnesses /b will be b on /b a part of b the paper /b where the writing had not been erased, a situation in b which /b the document is b not valid. /b , b Rav Aḥa bar Minyumi said to Abaye: But perhaps /b the first writing on the paper was not erased thoroughly, so b its imprint is recognizable, and it is taught /b in the i baraita /i that in a case where the writing on a document b was erased or smudged, if its imprint is recognizable, /b the document is b valid. /b Abaye b said to him: Did I say /b that he should write b a proper document /b and then erase it? b I said, /b i.e., I intended, that he should b merely /b write letters of the b alphabet [ i alef beit /i ], /b not actual words.,§ b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : In a case where one b came /b to court b and said: My promissory note was lost, even if witnesses said: We wrote and signed /b such a promissory note b and gave /b it b to /b this man, the court may b not write /b a new b document for him. /b The Gemara asks: b In what /b case b is this statement said? In /b the case of b documents /b detailing b loans. But /b in a case of b deeds of buying and selling /b land, the court may b write /b a replacement document, b excluding the /b standard b guarantee that /b was b in /b the first document, which states that if the field is repossessed the seller will compensate the purchaser for his loss. |
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| 197. Menander of Laodicea, Rhet., (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 63 |
| 198. Origen, On Pascha, 43.33-43.36 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 125 |
199. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.2.3, 4.9, 6.33.4, 7.11.22, 8.10.2, 8.13.7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •law, roman imperial period, christians •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power •roman empire, imperial security forces Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 770; Maier and Waldner (2022) 94, 187; Marek (2019) 346, 537 | 4.2.3. In the first attack it happened that they were victorious over the Greeks, who fled to Alexandria and imprisoned and slew the Jews that were in the city. But the Jews of Cyrene, although deprived of their aid, continued to plunder the land of Egypt and to devastate its districts, under the leadership of Lucuas. Against them the emperor sent Marcius Turbo with a foot and naval force and also with a force of cavalry. 6.33.4. The elder brethren among us have handed down many other facts respecting Origen which I think proper to omit, as not pertaining to this work. But whatever it has seemed necessary to record about him can be found in the Apology in his behalf written by us and Pamphilus, the holy martyr of our day. We prepared this carefully and did the work jointly on account of faultfinders. 7.11.22. For as you have inquired of our affairs and desire us to tell you how we are situated, you have heard fully that when we — that is, myself and Gaius and Faustus and Peter and Paul — were led away as prisoners by a centurion and magistrates, with their soldiers and servants, certain persons from Mareotis came and dragged us away by force, as we were unwilling to follow them. 8.10.2. Having before them all these examples and models and noble tokens which are given us in the Divine and Sacred Scriptures, the blessed martyrs who were with us did not hesitate, but directing the eye of the soul in sincerity toward the God over all, and having their mind set upon death for religion, they adhered firmly to their calling. For they understood that our Lord Jesus Christ had become man on our account, that he might cut off all sin and furnish us with the means of entrance into eternal life. For 'he counted it not a prize to be on an equality with God, but emptied himself taking the form of a servant; and being found in fashion as a man, he humbled himself unto death, even the death of the cross.' 8.13.7. The virtue of his manly deeds we have recorded in the proper place. of those who suffered death illustriously at Alexandria and throughout Egypt and Thebais, Peter, bishop of Alexandria, one of the most excellent teachers of the religion of Christ, should first be mentioned; and of the presbyters with him Faustus, Dius and Ammonius, perfect martyrs of Christ; also Phileas, Hesychius, Pachymius and Theodorus, bishops of Egyptian churches, and besides them many other distinguished persons who are commemorated by the parishes of their country and region.It is not for us to describe the conflicts of those who suffered for the divine religion throughout the entire world, and to relate accurately what happened to each of them. This would be the proper work of those who were eye-witnesses of the events. I will describe for posterity in another work those which I myself witnessed. |
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| 200. Porphyry, Against The Christians Fragments, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, imperial security forces Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 782 |
201. Babylonian Talmud, Eruvin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 68a. מה הזאה שבות ואינה דוחה את השבת אף אמירה לנכרי שבות ואינה דוחה את השבת,א"ל ולא שני לך בין שבות דאית ביה מעשה לשבות דלית ביה מעשה דהא מר לא אמר לנכרי זיל אחים,א"ל רבה בר רב חנן לאביי מבואה דאית ביה תרי גברי רברבי כרבנן לא ליהוי ביה לא עירוב ולא שיתוף א"ל מאי נעביד מר לאו אורחיה אנא טרידנא בגירסאי אינהו לא משגחי,ואי אקני להו פיתא בסלא כיון דאי בעו לה מינאי ולא אפשר ליתבה נהלייהו בטיל שיתוף,דתניא אחד מבני מבוי שביקש יין ושמן ולא נתנו לו בטל השיתוף,ונקני להו מר רביעתא דחלא בחביתא תניא אין משתתפין באוצר,והא תניא משתתפין אמר רב אושעיא ל"ק הא ב"ש הא ב"ה,דתנן המת בבית ולו פתחים הרבה כולן טמאין,נפתח אחד מהן הוא טמא וכולן טהורין חישב להוציאו באחד מהן או בחלון שיש בו ארבעה על ארבעה מציל על כל הפתחים כולן,בית שמאי אומרים והוא שחישב עד שלא ימות המת וב"ה אומרים אף משימות המת,ההוא ינוקא דאישתפוך חמימיה אמר להו רבא נישיילה לאימיה אי צריכא נחים ליה נכרי אגב אימיה,אמר ליה רב משרשיא לרבא אימיה קא אכלה תמרי א"ל אימור תונבא בעלמא הוא דנקט לה,ההוא ינוקא דאישתפוך חמימיה אמר להו רבא פנו לי מאני מבי גברי לבי נשי ואיזיל ואיתיב התם ואיבטיל להו הא חצר,א"ל רבינא לרבא והאמר שמואל אין ביטול רשות מחצר לחצר אמר ליה אנא כר' יוחנן סבירא לי דאמר יש ביטול מחצר לחצר,ואי לא סבר לה מר כשמואל | 68a. b Just as sprinkling /b the water of purification is prohibited by b rabbinic decree and does not override Shabbat, /b even for the purpose of a mitzva, b so too, telling a gentile /b to perform a prohibited labor Shabbat is prohibited by b rabbinic decree and does not override Shabbat. /b How, then, could Rabba suggest that they instruct a gentile and thus transgress a rabbinic decree?,Rav Yosef b said to him: But do you not differentiate between a rabbinic decree that involves an action and a rabbinic decree that does not involve an action? As the Master, /b Rabba, b did not say to the gentile: Go and heat /b water on Shabbat, but only told him to transfer something from one domain to another, which does not involve an action and is therefore less severe.,Upon hearing of this incident and the ensuing discussion, b Rabba bar Rav Ḥa said to Abaye: /b In b an alleyway that contains two such great people as the Sages /b Rabba and Abaye, is it possible that b there could be neither an i eiruv /i nor a merging /b of alleyways? Abaye b said to him: What should we do? /b As for b the Master, /b Rabba, it b is not his manner /b to go and collect for the i eiruv /i from all the residents of the alleyway. As for b myself, I am busy with my studies /b and do not have time to take care of this issue. And b they, /b the other residents of the alleyway, b do not attend to /b such matters., b And if I were to transfer to /b the residents of the alleyway a share of the b bread in /b my b basket, /b so as to allow them to join a merging of alleyways, b since if they would want /b to take it b from me it would be impossible /b for me b to give it to them /b because I am poor and need the small amount of bread that I can afford for myself, the b merging /b of alleyways would therefore b be invalid. /b , b As it was taught /b in a i baraita /i : If b one of the residents of an alleyway requested wine or oil /b from the merging of alleyways, b and they did not give him /b any, b the merging /b of alleyways b is invalid. /b This is because it has become evident that he is not considered a true partner in it.,Rabba bar Rav Ḥanin further asked: b But let the Master transfer to them a quarter- /b i log /i b of vinegar in /b one of his b barrels; /b certainly even Abaye could afford to provide such a small amount of vinegar for the rest of the residents. Abaye replied: b It was taught /b in a i baraita /i : b One may not use /b food in a b storeroom for a merging /b of alleyways, as it is not clear which specific portion of the food is being set aside for that purpose. The same i halakha /i would apply to an unspecified quarter- i log /i of vinegar in a barrel.,Rabba bar Rav Ḥanin raised a difficulty. b Wasn’t it taught /b in a different i baraita /i : b One may use /b stored food b for a merging /b of alleyways? b Rav Oshaya said: /b This is b not difficult. This /b source, the i baraita /i that states that one may not use stored food for a merging of alleyways, is in accordance with the opinion of b Beit Shammai. /b And b that /b source, the i baraita /i that states that it is permitted to do so, is in accordance with the opinion of b Beit Hillel. /b Beit Shammai and Beit Hillel disagree about whether or not to apply the principle of retroactive clarification., b As we learned /b in a mishna: If b a corpse is in a house, /b and the house b has many entrances, they are all ritually impure. /b It is currently unknown through which entrance the corpse will be removed from the house, and any of the entrances might be used for this purpose. Therefore, they all contract impurity imparted by a corpse in a tent as though the corpse had already passed through each of them.,However, b if /b only b one of them was open, that /b particular entrance b is ritually impure, /b as the corpse will certainly be removed through it, b while all of the others are ritually pure. /b If b one decided /b from the outset b to remove /b the corpse b through one of /b the entrances, b or through a window that is four by four /b handbreadths in size, b it saves all of the /b other b entrances /b from contracting impurity., b Beit Shammai say: This /b applies only b if he had decided /b on an entrance b before the person died, /b so that the entrance through which his body would be removed was already determined at the time of death. b But Beit Hillel say: /b This applies b even /b if he decided the matter only b after the person had died, /b as the principle of retroactive selection is invoked and the entrance through which the deceased will be removed has been retroactively established. The same dispute applies to a merging of alleyways with an unspecified portion of stored food, and it revolves around whether it can be retroactively established that a specific portion had been set aside for the merging of alleyways.,The Gemara relates another story about b a certain baby whose warm water, /b which had been prepared for his Shabbat circumcision, b spilled. Rava said to /b those who had brought the matter to his attention: b Let us ask the /b baby’s b mother. If /b the warm water is b necessary /b for her health, b let a gentile heat /b water b for /b the baby b indirectly, through his mother. /b In other words, the water may be heated for the mother, as a woman after childbirth is regarded as being in a life-threatening situation., b Rav Mesharshiya said to Rava: /b The baby’s b mother /b is healthy enough that b she is eating dates. /b Certainly her condition is not precarious enough to necessitate the heating of water. Rava b said to him: /b It is possible to b say /b that b it was merely a ravenous hunger that had seized her, /b and she is unaware of what she is eating, but in fact she is still dangerously ill.,The Gemara relates yet another similar incident: There was once b a certain baby whose warm water, /b which had been prepared for his Shabbat circumcision, b spilled. Rava, /b who had water in his courtyard but had not established a joint i eiruv /i with the adjacent courtyard where the baby was located, b said to /b those who asked him about the matter: b Clear away my belongings from the men’s chamber, /b which opens directly into my courtyard, b to the /b inner b women’s chamber, /b which does not. Rava was concerned that he would come to carry his belongings into the courtyard, which would be prohibited once he had renounced his rights to it. b And I will go and sit there, /b in the women’s chamber, b and I will renounce /b my rights to b this courtyard in favor of /b the residents of the baby’s courtyard, so that they will be able to transfer the warm water from one courtyard to the other., b Ravina said to Rava: Didn’t Shmuel say: There is no renunciation of rights from one courtyard to another. /b How, then, can you renounce your rights to your courtyard in this manner? Rava b said to him: I hold in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yoḥa, who said: There is renouncing of rights from one courtyard to another. /b ,Ravina then asked Rava: b But if the Master does not hold in accordance with /b the opinion of b Shmuel, /b |
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| 202. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 2.6.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 347 |
203. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 19a. ואי ס"ד דלא ידעי כי אמר להו מאי הוי אלא מאי דידעי למה לי' למימר להו לאחזוקי ליה טיבותא למשה,אמר רבי יצחק כל המספר אחרי המת כאלו מספר אחרי האבן איכא דאמרי דלא ידעי ואיכא דאמרי דידעי ולא איכפת להו,איני והא אמר רב פפא חד אישתעי מילתא בתריה דמר שמואל ונפל קניא מטללא ובזעא לארנקא דמוחיה,שאני צורבא מרבנן דקודשא בריך הוא תבע ביקריה,אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי כל המספר אחר מטתן של תלמידי חכמים נופל בגיהנם שנא' (תהלים קכה, ה) והמטים עקלקלותם יוליכם ה' את פועלי האון שלום על ישראל אפילו בשעה ששלום על ישראל יוליכם ה' את פועלי האון,תנא דבי ר' ישמעאל אם ראית תלמיד חכם שעבר עבירה בלילה אל תהרהר אחריו ביום שמא עשה תשובה שמא סלקא דעתך אלא ודאי עשה תשובה והני מילי בדברים שבגופו אבל בממונא עד דמהדר למריה:,ואמר ר' יהושע בן לוי בכ"ד מקומות בית דין מנדי' על כבוד הרב וכולן שנינו במשנתנו אמר ליה ר' אלעזר היכא אמר ליה לכי תשכח,נפק דק ואשכח תלת המזלזל בנטילת ידים והמספר אחר מטתן של תלמידי חכמי' והמגיס דעתו כלפי מעלה,המספר אחר מטתן של תלמידי חכמים מאי היא דתנן הוא היה אומר אין משקין לא את הגיורת ולא את המשוחררת וחכמים אומרים משקין ואמרו לו מעשה בכרכמית שפחה משוחררת בירושלים והשקוה שמעיה ואבטליון ואמר להם דוגמא השקוה ונדוהו ומת בנדויו וסקלו בית דין את ארונו,והמזלזל בנטילת ידים מאי היא דתנן א"ר יהודה חס ושלום שעקביא בן מהללאל נתנדה שאין עזרה ננעלת על כל אדם בישראל בחכמה ובטהרה וביראת חטא כעקביא בן מהללאל אלא את מי נדו את אלעזר בן חנוך שפקפק בנטילת ידים וכשמת שלחו בית דין והניחו אבן גדולה על ארונו ללמדך שכל המתנדה ומת בנדויו ב"ד סוקלין את ארונו,המגיס דעתו כלפי מעלה מאי היא דתנן שלח לו שמעון בן שטח לחוני המעגל צריך אתה להתנדות ואלמלא חוני אתה גוזרני עליך נדוי אבל מה אעשה שאתה מתחטא לפני המקום ועושה לך רצונך כבן שמתחטא לפני אביו ועושה לו רצונו ועליך הכתוב אומר (משלי כג, כה) ישמח אביך ואמך ותגל יולדתך,ותו ליכא והא איכא דתני רב יוסף תודוס איש רומי הנהיג את בני רומי להאכילן גדיים מקולסין בלילי פסחים שלח ליה שמעון בן שטח אלמלא תודוס אתה גוזרני עליך נדוי שאתה מאכיל את ישראל קדשים בחוץ,במשנתנו קאמרינן והא ברייתא היא,ובמתני' ליכא והא איכא הא דתנן חתכו חוליות ונתן חול בין חוליא לחוליא ר' אליעזר מטהר וחכמים מטמאים וזהו תנורו של עכנאי,מאי עכנאי אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל מלמד שהקיפוהו הלכות כעכנאי זה וטמאוהו,ותניא אותו היום הביאו כל טהרות שטיהר ר"א ושרפום לפניו ולבסוף ברכוהו,אפילו הכי נדוי במתני' לא תנן אלא בכ"ד מקומות היכא משכחת לה ר' יהושע בן לוי מדמה מילתא למילתא ור' אלעזר לא מדמה מילתא למילתא:, נושאי המטה וחלופיהן: ת"ר אין מוציאין את המת סמוך לק"ש ואם התחילו אין מפסיקין איני והא רב יוסף אפקוהו סמוך לק"ש אדם חשוב שאני:,שלפני המטה ושלאחר המטה: ת"ר העוסקים בהספד בזמן שהמת מוטל לפניהם נשמטין אחד אחד וקורין אין המת מוטל לפניהם הן יושבין וקורין והוא יושב ודומם הם עומדים ומתפללין והוא עומד ומצדיק עליו את הדין ואומר רבון העולמים הרבה חטאתי לפניך ולא נפרעת ממני אחד מני אלף יהי רצון מלפניך ה' אלהינו שתגדור פרצותינו ופרצות כל עמך בית ישראל ברחמים,אמר אביי לא מבעי ליה לאינש למימר הכי דארשב"ל וכן תנא משמיה דרבי יוסי לעולם אל יפתח אדם פיו לשטן,ואמר רב יוסף מאי קראה שנאמר (ישעיהו א, ט) כמעט כסדום היינו מאי אהדר להו נביא שמעו דבר ה' קציני סדום:,קברו את המת וחזרו וכו': אם יכולים להתחיל ולגמור את כולה אין אבל פרק אחד או פסוק אחד לא ורמינהו קברו את המת וחזרו אם יכולין להתחיל ולגמור אפילו פרק אחד או פסוק אחד,הכי נמי קאמר אם יכולין להתחיל ולגמור אפי' פרק אחד או אפילו פסוק אחד עד שלא יגיעו לשורה יתחילו ואם לאו לא יתחילו | 19a. b And if it should enter your mind that /b the dead b do not know, then what of it if he tells them? /b The Gemara rejects this: b Rather what /b will you say, b that /b they b know? /b Then b why does he /b need b to tell them? /b The Gemara replies: This is not difficult, as he is telling them so that b they will give credit to Moses. /b ,On this subject, b Rabbi Yitzḥak said: Anyone who speaks /b negatively b after the deceased it is as if /b he b speaks after the stone. /b The Gemara offers two interpretations of this: b Some say /b this is because the dead b do not know, and some say /b that b they know, /b but b they do not care /b that they are spoken of in such a manner.,The Gemara asks: b Is that so? Didn’t Rav Pappa say: /b There was once b someone who spoke /b disparagingly b after /b the death of b Mar Shmuel and a reed fell from the ceiling, fracturing his skull? /b Obviously, the dead care when people speak ill of them.,The Gemara rejects this: This is no proof that the dead care. Rather, a b Torah scholar is different, as God /b Himself b demands /b that b his honor /b be upheld.,Rabbi Yehoshua b ben Levi said /b similarly: b One who speaks /b disparagingly b after the biers of Torah scholars /b and maligns them after their death will b fall in Gehenna, as it is stated: “But those who turn aside unto their crooked ways, the Lord will lead them away with the workers of iniquity; peace be upon Israel” /b (Psalms 125:5). b Even /b if he speaks ill of them b when there is peace upon Israel, /b after death, when they are no longer able to fight those denouncing them ( i Tosafot /i ); nevertheless b the Lord will lead them away with the workers of iniquity, /b to Gehenna.,On a similar note, b it was taught in the school of Rabbi Yishmael: If you saw a /b Torah b scholar transgress a prohibition at night, do not think /b badly b of him during the day; perhaps he has repented /b in the meantime. The Gemara challenges this: b Does it enter your mind /b that only b perhaps /b he has repented? Shouldn’t he be given the benefit of the doubt? b Rather, he has certainly repented. /b The Gemara notes: b The idea /b that one must always give a Torah scholar the benefit of the doubt and assume that he has repented refers specifically to b matters /b affecting b himself, but, /b if one witnesses a Torah scholar committing a transgression b involving the property /b of another, one is not required to give him the benefit of the doubt. Rather, he should not assume that he has repented b until /b he sees him b return /b the money to b its owner. /b ,Since matters relating to the respect due Torah scholars were raised, the Gemara continues, citing b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, /b who b said: There are twenty-four places in which the court ostracizes over /b matters of b respect /b due b the rabbi, and we learned them all in our Mishna. Rabbi Elazar said to him: Where /b are those cases to be found? Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi b said to him: When /b you look, b you /b will b find /b them., b He went out, analyzed, and found three /b examples: b One who demeans /b the ritual of b washing of the hands, one who speaks /b disparagingly b after the bier of Torah scholars, and one who is arrogant vis-à-vis Heaven. /b The Gemara cites sources for each of these cases., b What is /b the source for b one who speaks /b disparagingly b after the biers of Torah scholars? As we learned /b in the mishna: Akavya ben Mahalalel b would say: /b In the case of a woman whose husband suspects her of adultery, who was warned by her husband not to seclude herself with another man and she did not listen (see Numbers 5), the court b does not administer /b the bitter water potion of a i sota /i to b a convert or an emancipated /b maidservant. b And the Rabbis say: /b The court b administers /b the bitter water potion to them. b And /b the Rabbis b said to him /b as proof: b There is the story of Kharkemit, an emancipated maidservant in Jerusalem, and Shemaya and Avtalyon administered her /b the bitter waters. Akavya ben Mahalalel b said to /b the Sages: That is no proof. Shemaya and Avtalyon, who were also from families of converts, required the maidservant b to drink /b the potion because she was b like them [ i dugma /i ]. And /b since Akavya ben Mahalalel cast aspersion on the deceased Torah scholars, b he was ostracized and died /b while b he /b was still under the ban of b ostracism. And /b in accordance with the i halakha /i with regard to one who dies while under a ban of ostracism, the court b stoned his coffin. /b Apparently, one who deprecates a deceased Torah scholar is sentenced to ostracism.,And b what is /b the source for b one who demeans /b the ritual of b washing of the hands? We learned /b later in the same mishna: b Rabbi Yehuda said: /b That story related with regard to the ostracism of Akavya ben Mahalalel is completely untrue; b God forbid that Akavya ben Mahalalel was ostracized, as the Temple courtyard is not closed on any Jew, /b meaning that even when all of Israel made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, when each of the three groups that gathered to offer the Paschal lamb filled the courtyard, leading the Temple administration to close the courtyard, there was no one there as perfect b in wisdom, purity and fear of sin as Akavya ben Mahalalel. Rather, whom did they excommunicate? Elazar ben Ḥanokh, /b because he b doubted /b and demeaned the rabbinic ordice of b washing of the hands. And when he died, the court sent /b instructions b and they placed a large rock upon his coffin /b in order b to teach you that one who is ostracized and dies in /b a state of b ostracism, the court stones his coffin, /b as if symbolically stoning him. Apparently, one who makes light of the ritual of washing of the hands is sentenced to ostracism., b What is /b the source for the third case, b one who is arrogant vis-à-vis Heaven? /b The mishna relates that Ḥoni HaMe’aggel, the circle-drawer, drew a circle and stood inside it, and said that he would not leave the circle until it rained, and he went so far as to make demands in terms of the manner in which he wanted the rain to fall. After it rained, b Shimon ben Shataḥ, /b the i Nasi /i of the Sanhedrin, relayed to b Ḥoni HaMe’aggel: /b Actually, b you should be ostracized /b for what you said, b and if you were not Ḥoni, I would have decreed ostracism upon you, but what can I do? You nag God and He does your bidding, like a son who nags his father and /b his father b does his bidding /b without reprimand. After all, the rain fell as you requested. b About you, the verse states: “Your father and mother will be glad and she who bore you will rejoice” /b (Proverbs 23:25). Apparently, one who is arrogant vis-à-vis Heaven would ordinarily merit excommunication.,The Gemara challenges this: b And are there no more /b cases of excommunication or threats of excommunication? b Surely there are /b additional cases like the one in the i baraita /i b taught by Rav Yosef: /b It is told that b Theodosius of Rome, /b leader of the Jewish community there, b instituted the custom for the Roman /b Jews b to eat whole kids, /b young goats roasted with their entrails over their heads, as was the custom when roasting the Paschal lamb, b on the eve of Passover, /b as they did in the Temple. b Shimon ben Shataḥ sent /b a message b to him: If you were not Theodosius, /b an important person, b I would have decreed ostracism upon you, as /b it appears as if b you are feeding Israel consecrated food, /b which may only be eaten in and around the Temple itself, b outside /b the Temple.,The Gemara responds: This case should not be included, as Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said that there were twenty-four cases b in our Mishna, /b and b this is /b merely b a i baraita /i . /b ,The Gemara asks: b And are there none in the Mishna? Isn’t there that which we learned /b in the mishna: b One /b who b cut /b an earthenware oven horizontally b into /b ring-shaped b pieces and put sand between the pieces, Rabbi Eliezer deems /b the oven b ritually pure, /b i.e., it is no longer susceptible to ritual impurity. He holds that, although the fragments of the oven were pieced together, it is not considered an intact vessel but, rather, as a collection of fragments, and a broken earthenware vessel cannot become ritually impure. b And the Rabbis deem it ritually impure. /b Since the oven continues to serve its original function, it is still considered a single entity and a whole vessel despite the sand put between the pieces. b And this is /b called b the oven of i akhnai /i , snake. /b ,The Gemara asks: b What is /b the meaning of oven of the b snake? Rav Yehuda said /b that b Shmuel said: /b It is called snake b to teach that /b the Rabbis b surrounded /b Rabbi Eliezer b with /b i halakhot /i and proofs b like a snake /b surrounds its prey, b and declared /b the oven and its contents b ritually impure. /b , b And it was taught /b in a i baraita /i : b On that day, they gathered all /b of b the ritually pure /b food items that had come into contact with the oven b that Rabbi Eliezer had declared ritually pure, and burned them before him, /b and because he did not accept the decision of the majority, b in the end they “blessed,” /b a euphemism for ostracized, b him. /b This is another case that ended in ostracism.,The Gemara answers: b Even so, we did not learn /b the ruling with regard to his b ostracism in the mishna. /b The Gemara asks: Then b where do you find /b the b twenty-four places /b mentioned in Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi’s statement? The Gemara responds: b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi likens one matter to another /b similar b matter. /b Whenever he would encounter a case in a mishna where one of the Sages expressed himself inappropriately in reference to other Sages, he concluded that they should have been excommunicated. b Rabbi Elazar does not liken one matter to another /b similar b matter, /b and therefore located only three explicit cases of ostracism.,We learned in the mishna that b the pallbearers and their replacements /b are exempt from the recitation of i Shema /i . On this subject, the Gemara cites that which the b Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b The deceased may not be taken out /b to be buried b adjacent to /b the time for b the recitation of i Shema /i , /b but should be buried later. b And if they /b already b started /b to take him out, b they need not stop /b in order to recite i Shema /i . The Gemara challenges: b Is that so? Didn’t they take Rav Yosef out /b to be buried b adjacent to /b the time for b the recitation of i Shema /i ? /b The Gemara resolves this contradiction: The case of b an important person is different, /b and they are more lenient in order to honor him at his burial.,In the mishna, we learned the i halakha /i with regard to the pallbearers and their obligation to recite i Shema /i , and a distinction was made between those b who are before the bier and /b those b after the bier. Our Rabbis taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Those involved in eulogy must slip away /b from the eulogy b one by one while the deceased is laid out before them and recite /b i Shema /i elsewhere. And b if the deceased is not laid out before them, /b the eulogizers must b sit and recite /b i Shema /i b while /b the bereaved b sits silently. They stand and pray and he stands and justifies God’s judgment, saying: Master of the Universe, I have sinned greatly against You, and You have not collected even one one-thousandth /b of my debt. b May it be Your will, Lord our God, to mercifully repair the breaches in our /b fence b and the breaches of Your nation, the House of Israel. /b , b Abaye said: A person should not say that, as Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish said, and it was also taught in the name of Rabbi Yosei: One must never open his mouth to the Satan, /b i.e., one must not leave room for or raise the possibility of disaster or evil. This formula, which states that the entire debt owed due to his transgressions has not been collected, raises the possibility that further payment will be exacted from him., b And Rav Yosef said: What is the verse /b from which b it /b is derived? b As it is stated: “We should have almost been as Sodom, /b we should have been like unto Gomorrah” (Isaiah 1:9), after which b what did /b the prophet b reply to them? “Hear the word of the Lord, rulers of Sodom; /b give ear unto the law of our God, people of Gomorrah” (Isaiah 1:10).,We learned in the mishna that, in a case when b they buried the deceased and returned, /b if they have sufficient time to begin to recite i Shema /i and conclude before they arrive at the row formed by those who came to console the bereaved, they should begin. Here, the Gemara clarifies: This is the case only b if they can begin and complete /b recitation of i Shema /i b in its entirety. However, /b if they can only complete b one chapter or one verse, /b they should b not /b stop to do so. The Gemara b raises a contradiction /b from that which we learned in the i baraita /i : After b they buried the deceased and returned, if they can begin /b the recitation of i Shema /i b and finish even a single chapter or verse, /b they should begin.,The Gemara responds: b That is also what /b the i tanna /i of the mishna b said /b and this is the conclusion drawn from his statement: b If one can begin and conclude even one chapter or one verse before they arrive at the row /b of consolers, b they should begin. And if not, they should not begin. /b |
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204. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 83b. פועל בכניסתו משלו ביציאתו משל בעל הבית שנאמר (תהלים קד, כב) תזרח השמש יאספון ואל מעונתם ירבצון יצא אדם לפעלו ולעבודתו עדי ערב,וליחזי היכי נהיגי בעיר חדשה וניחזי מהיכא קא אתו בנקוטאי איבעית אימא דאמר להו דאגריתו לי כפועל דאורייתא,דרש רבי זירא ואמרי לה תני רב יוסף מאי דכתיב (תהלים קד, כ) תשת חשך ויהי לילה בו תרמוש כל חיתו יער תשת חשך ויהי לילה זה העולם הזה שדומה ללילה בו תרמוש כל חיתו יער אלו רשעים שבו שדומין לחיה שביער,תזרח השמש יאספון ואל מעונתם ירבצון תזרח השמש לצדיקים יאספון רשעים לגיהנם ואל מעונתם ירבצון אין לך כל צדיק וצדיק שאין לו מדור לפי כבודו יצא אדם לפעלו יצאו צדיקים לקבל שכרן ולעבודתו עדי ערב במי שהשלים עבודתו עדי ערב,ר' אלעזר ב"ר שמעון אשכח לההוא פרהגונא דקא תפיס גנבי אמר ליה היכי יכלת להו לאו כחיותא מתילי דכתיב בו תרמוש כל חיתו יער איכא דאמרי מהאי קרא קאמר ליה (תהלים י, ט) יארב במסתר כאריה בסוכו דלמא שקלת צדיקי ושבקת רשיעי,א"ל ומאי אעביד הרמנא דמלכא הוא אמר תא אגמרך היכי תעביד עול בארבע שעי לחנותא כי חזית איניש דקא שתי חמרא וקא נקיט כסא בידיה וקא מנמנם שאול עילויה,אי צורבא מרבנן הוא וניים אקדומי קדים לגרסיה אי פועל הוא קדים קא עביד עבידתיה ואי עבידתיה בליליא רדודי רדיד ואי לא גנבא הוא ותפסיה,אישתמע מילתא בי מלכא אמרו קריינא דאיגרתא איהו ליהוי פרונקא אתיוה לרבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון וקא תפיס גנבי ואזיל שלח ליה ר' יהושע בן קרחה חומץ בן יין עד מתי אתה מוסר עמו של אלהינו להריגה,שלח ליה קוצים אני מכלה מן הכרם שלח ליה יבא בעל הכרם ויכלה את קוציו יומא חד פגע ביה ההוא כובס קרייה חומץ בן יין אמר מדחציף כולי האי שמע מינה רשיעא הוא אמר להו תפסוהו תפסוהו,לבתר דנח דעתיה אזל בתריה לפרוקיה ולא מצי קרי עליה (משלי כא, כג) שומר פיו ולשונו שומר מצרות נפשו זקפוהו קם תותי זקיפא וקא בכי אמרו ליה רבי אל ירע בעיניך שהוא ובנו בעלו נערה מאורסה ביום הכפורים,הניח ידו על בני מעיו אמר שישו בני מעי שישו ומה ספיקות שלכם כך ודאית שלכם על אחת כמה וכמה מובטח אני בכם שאין רמה ותולעה שולטת בכם,ואפי' הכי לא מייתבא דעתיה אשקיוהו סמא דשינתא ועיילוהו לביתא דשישא וקרעו לכריסיה הוו מפקו מיניה דיקולי דיקולי דתרבא ומותבי בשמשא בתמוז ואב ולא מסרחי,כל תרבא נמי לא סריח כל תרבא לא סריח שורייקי סומקי מסריח הכא אף על גב דאיכא שורייקי סומקי לא מסריח קרי אנפשיה (תהלים טז, ט) אף בשרי ישכון לבטח,ואף ר' ישמעאל ברבי יוסי מטא | 83b. b A laborer’s entrance /b into the city from the field at the end of a day’s work is b at his own /b expense, i.e., he must work until the very end of the day before returning home, and he is not paid for his travel time. In contrast, b his departure /b to work is b at /b his b employer’s /b expense, i.e., he may travel after sunrise, which is time that he is paid for. The source for this is b as it is stated: “The sun rises; they slink away and couch in their dens; man goes forth to his work and to his labor until the evening” /b (Psalms 104:22–23). This verse indicates that people set out to work only from sunrise, but they work until the very end of the day.,The Gemara asks: b But /b if employment practices are in accordance with regional custom, how can a source be cited from a verse? b Let us see how /b they b are accustomed /b to working in that place. The Gemara answers: The statement of Reish Lakish is b with regard to a new city, /b which does not yet have an accepted practice. The Gemara asks: Even so, b let us see from which city /b the laborers originally b came, /b and let them follow the customs of that city. The Gemara answers: This is a case b of an eclectic /b group of laborers, who came from many different cities. The Gemara offers an alternative answer: b If you wish, say /b instead b that /b the employer b said to /b the laborer: b I am hiring you as a laborer by Torah law. /b According to this explanation, Reish Lakish is detailing the i halakha /i by Torah law.,With regard to the aforementioned psalm, the Gemara notes: b Rabbi Zeira interpreted /b a verse b homiletically, and some say /b that b Rav Yosef taught /b in a i baraita /i : b What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “You make darkness and it is night, in which all the beasts of the forest creep forth” /b (Psalms 104:20)? b “You make darkness and it is night”; this /b is referring to b this world, which resembles nighttime. “In which all the beasts of the forest creep forth”; these are the wicked in /b this world, b who resemble a beast of the forest, /b as the wicked have great influence in this world.,With regard to the World-to-Come, the verse states: b “The sun rises; they slink away and couch in their dens” /b (Psalms 104:22). b “The sun rises” for the righteous, /b and b “they slink away,” /b i.e., b the wicked /b go b to Gehenna. /b As for the phrase: b “And couch in their dens,” /b it is interpreted as follows: b You will not have a single righteous person who will not have his /b own b residence /b in the World-to-Come, as b befitting his dignity. /b With regard to the phrase: b “Man goes forth to his work,” /b it indicates that b the righteous go forth to receive their reward. /b Finally, the phrase: b “And to his labor until the evening” /b (Psalms 104:22), teaches that the verse is referring b to one who has completed his labor by the evening, /b i.e., before the evening of his lifetime, his death.,The Gemara relates a story that involves rising early. b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, found a certain officer [ i parhagavna /i ] whose /b responsibility was to b arrest thieves. He said to /b the officer: b How are you able /b to arrest b them? Aren’t they likened to beasts, as it is written: /b “You make darkness and it is night, b in which all the beasts of the forest creep forth” /b (Psalms 104:20)? b There are /b those b who say that he said to him /b a proof b from this verse: “He lies in wait in a secret place as a lion in his lair, /b he lies in wait to catch the poor; he catches the poor when he draws him up in his net” (Psalms 10:9). Since the wicked are so devious, b perhaps you apprehend the righteous and leave the wicked /b alone?,The officer b said to him: But what should I do? It is the king’s edict [ i harmana /i ] /b that I must arrest thieves, and I am perform-ing my job to the best of my ability. Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b said /b to him: b Come /b and b I will instruct you how you should do /b it. b At the fourth hour /b of the day b enter the tavern. When you see someone drinking wine, holding /b his b cup in his hand, and dozing, inquire about his /b background., b If he is a Torah scholar and is dozing, /b assume that he rose b early /b in the morning b for his studies. If he is /b a daytime b laborer, /b assume that he rose b early /b and b performed his work. And if his work is at night /b and no one heard him working, it is possible that this is because b he draws /b copper wires, which is a form of labor that does not produce noise. b And if /b he is b none /b of these, b he is a thief, and /b you should b arrest him, /b as it can be assumed that he was awake the previous night because he was stealing, and that is why he is now dozing off.,This b matter /b of the advice of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b was heard /b in b the king’s palace. /b The king’s ministers b said: Let the reader of the letter be its messenger [ i parvanka /i ], /b i.e., since Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, offered this advice, he should be the one to implement it. b They brought Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, /b to the authorities who appointed him to this task, b and he proceeded to arrest thieves. Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa sent /b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, the following message: You are b vinegar, son of wine, /b i.e., you are wicked in comparison to your father, the righteous Rabbi Shimon, just as vinegar is spoiled wine. b Until when will you inform on the nation of our God to /b be sentenced to b execution /b by a gentile king’s court?,Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b sent /b a message back to b him: I am /b merely b eradicating thorns from the vineyard, /b i.e., I am removing the wicked from the Jewish people. Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa b sent /b back b to him: Let the Owner of the vineyard, /b i.e., God, b come and eradicate His /b own b thorns. /b It is not your place to do this. The Gemara relates: b One day, a certain laundryman met /b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b and called him vinegar, son of wine. /b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b said: From /b the fact b that /b this man b acted so insolently /b by vilifying a Torah scholar, one can b conclude /b that b he is a wicked person. He told /b the authorities: b Arrest /b that man. b They arrested him /b and condemned him to death., b After his mind settled, /b i.e., when his anger abated, Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, regretted his hasty decision. b He went after /b the laundryman in order b to ransom him /b and save him from execution, b but he was unable /b to do so. b He read /b the verse b about him: “Whoever keeps his mouth and his tongue, keeps his soul from troubles” /b (Proverbs 21:23), i.e., had the laundryman not issued his derogatory comment he would have been spared this fate. Ultimately, b they hanged /b the laundryman. Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b stood beneath the gallows and wept. /b Those who were present b said to him: Our teacher, let it not be bad in your eyes /b that you caused his death, as this laundryman was a wholly wicked person; you should know b that he and his son /b both b engaged in intercourse with a betrothed young woman on Yom Kippur. /b ,Upon hearing this, Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b placed his hand upon /b his belly, over b his innards, /b and b said: Rejoice, my innards, rejoice! If your /b mere b suspicions are so /b accurate, b all the more so your certainties /b must be correct. If the condemnation of this man based upon the suspicions raised by his insolence proved to be correct, the identification of thieves in accordance with logical reasoning must certainly be accurate. b I am assured about you, /b my innards, b that worm and maggot will not affect you, /b which is a sign of a completely righteous person., b Nevertheless, his mind was not calmed. /b He decided to test himself. He arranged for people b to give him a sedative to drink, and they brought him into a house of marble, /b where surgeries were performed, b and cut /b open b his belly. They removed baskets /b upon b baskets of fat from it, placed them in the /b hot b sun in /b the summer months b of Tammuz and Av, and /b the fat b did not putrefy. /b In this manner, Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, received proof that his decisions were correct and that he was a wholly righteous individual.,The Gemara questions what the proof was: This is not sufficient proof, as b all fat /b that is not attached to flesh b does not putrefy. /b The Gemara answers: True, b all fat /b not attached to flesh b does not putrefy, /b but the b red veins /b within the fat b do putrefy. Here, /b by contrast, b although there were red veins /b in the fat, b they did not putrefy, /b which is a sign of his righteousness. Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b read /b the verses b about himself: /b “I have set the Lord always before me…therefore my heart is glad, and my glory rejoices; b my flesh also dwells in safety” /b (Psalms 16:8–9).,The Gemara relates: b And a similar incident also occurred to Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei, /b i.e., he too was appointed head officer. |
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| 205. Babylonian Talmud, Moed Qatan, 25 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 179 |
206. Babylonian Talmud, Nedarim, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 20b. בניך יפיפין ביותר אמרה להן אינו מספר עמי לא בתחלת הלילה ולא בסוף הלילה אלא בחצות הלילה וכשהוא מספר מגלה טפח ומכסה טפח ודומה עליו כמי שכפאו שד,ואמרתי לו מה טעם ואמר לי כדי שלא אתן את עיני באשה אחרת ונמצאו בניו באין לידי ממזרות,לא קשיא הא במילי דתשמיש הא במילי אחרנייתא,אמר רבי יוחנן זו דברי יוחנן בן דהבאי אבל אמרו חכמים אין הלכה כיוחנן בן דהבאי אלא כל מה שאדם רוצה לעשות באשתו עושה משל לבשר הבא מבית הטבח רצה לאוכלו במלח אוכלו צלי אוכלו מבושל אוכלו שלוק אוכלו וכן דג הבא מבית הצייד,אמר אמימר מאן מלאכי השרת רבנן דאי תימא מלאכי השרת ממש אמאי אמר רבי יוחנן אין הלכה כיוחנן בן דהבאי הא אינהו בקיאי בצורת הולד טפי ואמאי קרו להו מלאכי השרת דמצייני כמלאכי השרת,ההיא דאתאי לקמיה דרבי אמרה לו רבי ערכתי לו שולחן והפכו אמר לה בתי תורה התירתך ואני מה אעשה ליך ההיא דאתאי לקמיה דרב אמרה לו רבי ערכתי לו שולחן והפכו אמר מאי שנא מן ביניתא,ולא תתורו אחרי לבבכם מכאן אמר רבי אל ישתה אדם בכוס זה ויתן עיניו בכוס אחר אמר רבינא לא נצרכא אלא דאפילו שתי נשיו,וברותי מכם המורדים והפושעים בי אמר רבי לוי אלו בני תשע מדות בני אסנ"ת משגע"ח,בני אימה בני אנוסה בני שנואה בני נידוי בני תמורה בני מריבה בני שכרות בני גרושת הלב בני ערבוביא בני חצופה,איני והאמר רבי שמואל בר נחמני אמר רבי יונתן כל אדם שאשתו תובעתו הויין לו בנים שאפילו בדורו של משה רבינו לא היו כמותם שנאמר הבו לכם אנשים חכמים ונבונים וכתיב ואקח את ראשי שבטיכם ולא כתיב נבונים,וכתיב יששכר חמור גרם וכתיב מבני יששכר יודעי בינה לעתים,ההיא דמרציא ארצויי:, br br big strongהדרן עלך ואלו מותרין /strong /big br br,מתני׳ big strongארבעה /strong /big נדרים התירו חכמים נדרי זרוזין ונדרי הבאי ונדרי שגגות ונדרי אונסין נדרי זרוזין כיצד היה מוכר חפץ ואמר קונם שאיני פוחת לך מן הסלע והלה אומר קונם שאיני מוסיף לך על השקל | 20b. b are your children so beautiful? She said to them: /b My husband b does not converse with me /b while engaging in sexual intercourse, b neither at the beginning of the night nor at the end of the night, /b but b rather at midnight. And when he converses /b with me while engaging in sexual intercourse, b he reveals a handbreadth /b of my body b and covers a handbreadth, and /b he covers himself up b as though he were being coerced by a demon /b and is covering himself out of fear., b And I said to /b my husband: b What is the reason /b for this behavior? b And he said to me: /b It is b so that I will not set my eyes on another woman, /b i.e., think about another woman; if a man thinks about another woman during sexual intercourse with his wife, b his children consequently come /b close b to /b receiving b a i mamzer /i status, /b i.e., the nature of their souls is tantamount to that of a i mamzer /i . Therefore I engage in sexual intercourse with you at an hour when there are no people in the street, and in this manner. In any event, it can be seen from her words that a Sage conversed with his wife while engaging in sexual intercourse with her.,The Gemara answers: This is b not difficult. This /b permission to converse with her is b with regard to matters of sexual intercourse, /b whereas b that /b restriction of conversation is b with regard to other matters /b that are not related to sexual intercourse., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: That is the statement of Yoḥa ben Dehavai. However, the Rabbis said: The i halakha /i is not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Yoḥa ben Dehavai. Rather, whatever a man wishes to do with his wife he may do. /b He may engage in sexual intercourse with her in any manner that he wishes, and need not concern himself with these restrictions. As b an allegory, /b it is b like meat that comes from the butcher. /b If b he wants to eat it with salt, he may eat it /b that way. If he wants to eat it b roasted, he may eat it /b roasted. If he wants to eat it b cooked, he may eat it /b cooked. If he wants to eat it b boiled, he may eat it /b boiled. b And likewise /b with regard to b fish that come from the fisherman. /b , b Ameimar said: Who are the ministering angels /b that Rabbi Yoḥa ben Dehavai mentioned? He was referring to b the Sages, /b for whom he employed the honorary title: Ministering angels. b Because if you say /b that he was referring to b actual ministering angels, why did Rabbi Yoḥa say /b that b the i halakha /i is not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Yoḥa ben Dehavai? /b The ministering angels b are more knowledgeable about the forming of the fetus /b than people are. Clearly, if the ministering angels were the source for the ruling of Rabbi Yoḥa ben Dehavai it would have been imperative to heed his instructions. b And why are /b the Sages b called ministering angels? Because they stand out like ministering angels, /b as they are recognized by their clothing.,The Gemara relates: b A certain woman, who came before Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi to complain about her husband, b said to him: My teacher, I set him a table, /b using a euphemism to say that she lay before him during intimacy, b and he turned it over. /b Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi b said to her: My daughter, the Torah permitted /b him to engage in sexual intercourse with b you /b even in an atypical manner, b and what can I do for you /b if he does so? Similarly, b a certain woman who came before Rav said to him: My teacher, I set a table for him and he turned it over. He said /b to her: In b what /b way b is /b this case b different from a fish [ i binnita /i ] /b that one may eat any way he wishes?,§ The verse states: b “And that you not go about after your own heart” /b (Numbers 15:39). b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b said /b that it is derived b from here /b that b a man should not drink from this cup while setting his eyes on another cup, /b i.e., one should not engage in sexual intercourse with one woman while thinking about another woman. b Ravina said: /b This statement is not necessary with regard to an unrelated woman. Rather, it b is necessary only /b to state b that even /b with regard to b his /b own b two wives, /b he should not engage in sexual intercourse with one while thinking about the other.,The verse states: b “And I will purge out from among you the rebels, and those that transgress against Me” /b (Ezekiel 20:38). b Rabbi Levi said: These are children of /b those who have b nine traits, /b who are defective from their conception and from whom rebels and transgressors emerge. The mnemonic for these nine traits is b children of /b the acronym b i aleph /i , i samekh /i , i nun /i , i tav /i , i mem /i , i shin /i , i gimmel /i , i ayin /i , i ḥet /i . /b ,The children of nine traits are as follows: b Children of fear [ i eima /i ], /b i.e., where the wife was afraid of her husband and engaged in sexual intercourse with him out of fear; b children of a woman who was raped [ i anusa /i ]; children of a hated woman [ i senua /i ], /b i.e., a woman who was hated by her husband; b children of ostracism [ i niddui /i ], /b i.e., one of the parents was ostracized by the court; b children of substitution [ i temura /i ], /b i.e., while engaging in intercourse with the woman, the man thought that she was another woman; b children of strife [ i meriva /i ], /b i.e., the parents engaged in intercourse while they were quarreling; b children of drunkenness [ i shikhrut /i ], /b i.e., the parents engaged in intercourse while they were drunk; b children of a woman who was divorced in the heart [ i gerushat halev /i ], /b i.e., the husband had already decided to divorce her when they engaged in intercourse; b children of mixture [ i irbuveya /i ], /b i.e., the man did not know with which woman he was engaging in intercourse; b children of a shameless woman [ i ḥatzufa /i ] /b who demands of her husband that he engage in intercourse with her.,The Gemara asks: b Is that so? But didn’t Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani say /b that b Rabbi Yonatan said: Any man whose wife demands of him /b that he engage in sexual intercourse with her b will have children the likes of whom did not exist even in the generation of Moses our teacher? As it is stated: “Get you wise men, and understanding, /b and well known from each one of your tribes, and I will make them head over you” (Deuteronomy 1:13); b and it is written /b subsequently: b “So I took the heads of your tribes, /b wise men, and well known” (Deuteronomy 1:15). b And it does not say /b that they were b understanding. /b Evidently, even Moses could not find understanding men in his generation., b And /b by contrast, b it is written: “Issachar is a large-boned donkey” /b (Genesis 49:14). The Sages transmitted a tradition that this is an allusion to the incident when Jacob came in from the field riding on a donkey, and Leah went out to greet him, saying: “You must come in to me; for I have hired you with my son’s mandrakes” (Genesis 30:16). Issachar was conceived from their subsequent sexual intercourse. b And it is written: “And of the children of Issachar, men that had understanding of the times” /b (I Chronicles 12:33). The descendants of Issachar were understanding men. It is derived from here that a woman who demands from her husband that he engage in sexual intercourse with her has a positive effect on their children.,The Gemara answers: b That /b i baraita /i is not referring to a woman who demands intercourse explicitly, but rather to one b who entices /b her husband, so that he understands that she wants to engage in sexual intercourse with him. They consequently have excellent children.,, strong MISHNA: /strong b The Sages dissolved four /b types of b vows /b without the requirement of a request to a halakhic authority: b Vows of exhortation, vows of exaggeration, vows that are unintentional, and vows /b whose fulfillment is impeded by b circumstances beyond /b one’s b control. /b The mishna explains: b Vows of exhortation /b are those by which one encourages another using vow terminology that is exaggerated. b How so? One was selling an item and said: I will not lower /b the price b for you /b to less b than a i sela /i , /b as b that is i konam /i , /b forbidden b as if /b it were b an offering, /b for me. b And the other one, /b the buyer, b says: I will not raise /b my payment b to you /b to b more than a shekel, /b as b that is i konam /i /b for me. |
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207. Babylonian Talmud, Pesahim, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 87b. דבלים דבה רעה בת דבה רעה ושמואל אמר שמתוקה בפי הכל כדבלה ורבי יוחנן אמר שהכל דשין בה כדבלה,דבר אחר גומר אמר רבי יהודה שבקשו לגמר ממונן של ישראל בימיה רבי יוחנן אמר בזזו וגמרו שנאמר (מלכים ב יג, ז) כי אבדם מלך ארם וישימם כעפר לדוש,(הושע א, ג) ותהר ותלד לו בן ויאמר ה' אליו קרא שמו יזרעאל כי עוד מעט ופקדתי את דמי יזרעאל על בית יהוא והשבתי ממלכות בית ישראל ותהר עוד ותלד בת ויאמר לו קרא שמה לא רוחמה כי לא אוסיף עוד ארחם את בית ישראל כי נשא אשא להם ותהר ותלד בן ויאמר (ה' אליו) קרא שמו לא עמי כי אתם לא עמי ואנכי לא אהיה לכם,לאחר שנולדו [לו] שני בנים ובת אחת אמר לו הקב"ה להושע לא היה לך ללמוד ממשה רבך שכיון שדברתי עמו פירש מן האשה אף אתה בדול עצמך ממנה אמר לו רבש"ע יש לי בנים ממנה ואין אני יכול להוציאה ולא לגרשה,א"ל הקב"ה ומה אתה שאשתך זונה ובניך [בני] זנונים ואין אתה יודע אם שלך הן אם של אחרים הן כך ישראל שהן בני בני בחוני בני אברהם יצחק ויעקב אחד מארבעה קנינין שקניתי בעולמי,תורה קנין אחד דכתיב (משלי ח, כב) ה' קנני ראשית דרכו שמים וארץ קנין אחד דכתיב (בראשית יד, יט) קונה שמים וארץ בית המקדש קנין אחד דכתיב (תהלים עח, נד) הר זה קנתה ימינו ישראל קנין אחד דכתיב (שמות טו, טז) עם זו קנית ואתה אמרת העבירם באומה אחרת,כיון שידע שחטא עמד לבקש רחמים על עצמו אמר לו הקב"ה עד שאתה מבקש רחמים על עצמך בקש רחמים על ישראל שגזרתי עליהם שלש גזירות בעבורך,עמד ובקש רחמים ובטל גזירה והתחיל לברכן שנאמר (הושע ב, א) והיה מספר בני ישראל כחול הים וגו' והיה במקום אשר יאמר להם לא עמי אתם יאמר להם בני אל חי ונקבצו בני יהודה ובני ישראל יחדו וגו' (הושע ב, כה) וזרעתיה לי בארץ ורחמתי את לא רוחמה ואמרתי ללא עמי עמי אתה,אמר רבי יוחנן אוי לה לרבנות שמקברת את בעליה שאין לך כל נביא ונביא שלא קיפח ארבעה מלכים בימיו שנאמר (ישעיהו א, א) חזון ישעיהו בן אמוץ אשר חזה על יהודה וירושלים וגו',אמר ר' יוחנן מפני מה זכה ירבעם בן יואש מלך ישראל להמנות עם מלכי יהודה מפני שלא קבל לשון הרע על עמוס,מנלן דאימני דכתיב (הושע א, א) דבר ה' אשר היה אל הושע בן בארי בימי עוזיה יותם אחז יחזקיה מלכי יהודה ובימי ירבעם בן יואש מלך ישראל,ומנלן דלא קיבל לשון הרע דכתיב (עמוס ז, י) וישלח אמציה כהן בית אל אל ירבעם מלך ישראל לאמר קשר עליך וגו' וכתיב כי כה אמר עמוס בחרב ימות ירבעם וגו' אמר חס ושלום אמר אותו צדיק כך ואם אמר מה אעשה לו שכינה אמרה לו,אמר ר"א אפילו בשעת כעסו של הקב"ה זוכר את הרחמים שנאמר (הושע א, ו) כי לא אוסיף עוד ארחם את בית ישראל ר' יוסי בר ר' חנינא אמר מהכא כי נשא אשא להם,ואמר ר"א לא הגלה הקדוש ברוך הוא את ישראל לבין האומות אלא כדי שיתוספו עליהם גרים שנאמר (הושע ב, כה) וזרעתיה לי בארץ כלום אדם זורע סאה אלא להכניס כמה כורין,ור' יוחנן אמר מהכא (הושע ב, כה) ורחמתי את לא רוחמה,אמר רבי יוחנן משום ר' שמעון בן יוחי מאי דכתיב (משלי ל, י) אל תלשן עבד אל אדוניו פן יקללך ואשמת וכתיב (משלי ל, יא) דור אביו יקלל ואת אמו לא יברך משום דאביו יקלל ואת אמו לא יברך אל תלשן,אלא אפילו דור שאביו יקלל ואת אמו לא יברך אל תלשן עבד אל אדוניו מנלן מהושע,א"ר אושעיא מאי דכתיב (שופטים ה, יא) צדקת פרזונו בישראל צדקה עשה הקב"ה בישראל שפזרן לבין האומות והיינו דא"ל ההוא מינא לר' חנינא אנן מעלינן מינייכו כתיב בכו (מלכים א יא, טז) כי ששת חדשים ישב שם וגו' ואלו אנן איתינכו גבן כמה שני ולא קא עבדינן לכו מידי אמר לו רצונך יטפל לך תלמיד א',נטפל ליה ר' אושעיא א"ל משום דלא ידעיתו היכי תעבדו תכלינן כולהו ליתנהו גבייכו מאי דאיכא גבייכו קרי לכו מלכותא קטיעתא אמר ליה גפא דרומאי בהא נחתינן ובהא סלקינן:,תני רבי חייא מאי דכתיב (איוב כח, כג) אלהים הבין דרכה והוא ידע את מקומה יודע הקדוש ברוך הוא את ישראל שאינן יכולין לקבל גזירות אכזריות אדום לפיכך הגלה אותם לבבל ואמר רבי אלעזר לא הגלה הקדוש ברוך הוא את ישראל לבבל אלא מפני שעמוקה כשאול שנאמר (הושע יג, יד) מיד שאול אפדם ממות אגאלם רבי חנינא אמר מפני שקרוב לשונם ללשון תורה,רבי יוחנן אמר מפני ששיגרן לבית אמן משל לאדם שכעס על אשתו להיכן משגרה לבית אמה,והיינו דרבי אלכסנדרי דאמר שלשה חזרו למטעתן אלו הן ישראל כסף מצרים וכתב לוחות ישראל הא דאמרן כסף מצרים דכתיב (מלכים א יד, כה) ויהי בשנה החמישית למלך רחבעם עלה שישק מלך מצרים על ירושלים וגו' כתב הלוחות דכתיב (דברים ט, יז) ואשברם לעיניכם תנא לוחות נשברו ואותיות פורחות,עולא אמר כדי שיאכלו | 87b. b Diblaim”; /b the name Diblaim can be taken as the dual form of the word i dibba /i , ill repute. It suggests that she was a woman of b ill repute, daughter of /b a woman of b ill repute. And Shmuel said: /b The name Diblaim is the plural of the word i deveila /i , a cake of pressed figs, indicating that b she was as sweet as a cake of pressed figs, /b and therefore everyone used her services. b Rabbi Yoḥa, /b based on a similar derivation, b said /b the name signifies b that everyone would tread [ i dashin /i ] upon her, /b a euphemism for sexual relations, b like a cake of pressed figs. /b , b Alternatively, /b with regard to the name b Gomer, Rav Yehuda said: /b The name can be understood as deriving from the root i gamar /i , to finish. It alludes to the fact that the gentiles b sought to finish the money of the Jewish people in her days. Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b They did not just seek to do so, but were successful. b They plundered and finished /b it, b as it is stated: “For the king of Aram destroyed them and made them like the dust in threshing” /b (II Kings 13:7).,The passage in Hosea continues: b “And she conceived, and bore him a son. And the Lord said to him: Call his name Jezreel; for soon I will visit the blood of Jezreel upon the house of Jehu, and will obliterate the kingdom of the house of Israel…And she conceived again, and bore a daughter. And He said to him: Call her name Lo-ruhamah, for I will no more have compassion upon the house of Israel that I should bear them…And she conceived, and bore a son. And He said: Call his name Lo-ammi; for you are not My people, and I will not be yours” /b (Hosea 1:3–9)., b After two sons and one daughter had been born to him, the Holy One, Blessed be He, said to Hosea: Shouldn’t you have learned from /b the example of b your master Moses, who, once I spoke with him, separated from /b his b wife? You too, separate yourself from /b your wife. b He said to Him: Master of the Universe, I have sons from her and I am unable to dismiss her or to divorce her. /b ,In response to Hosea’s show of loyalty to his family, b the Holy One, Blessed be He, /b rebuked him and b said to him: Just as you, whose wife is a prostitute and your children /b from her b are children of prostitution, and you do not /b even b know if they are yours /b or b if they are /b children b of other /b men, despite this, you are still attached to them and will not forsake them, b so /b too, I am still attached to b the Jewish people, who are My sons, the sons of My /b faithful who withstood b ordeals, the sons of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. /b They are so special that they are b one of the four acquisitions that I acquired in My world. /b ,The Gemara proceeds to enumerate all four: b Torah is one acquisition, as it is written: “The Lord acquired me as the beginning of His way” /b (Proverbs 8:22). b Heaven and earth are one acquisition [ i kinyan /i ], as it is written: /b “Blessed be Abram of God Most High, b Creator [ i koneh /i ] of heaven and earth” /b (Genesis 14:19). b The Holy Temple is one acquisition, as it is written: /b “And He brought them to His sacred border, b to this mountain, which His right hand had acquired” /b (Psalms 78:54). b The Jewish people are one acquisition, as it is written: “The nation that You have acquired” /b (Exodus 15:16). b And you, /b Hosea, b said /b that I should b replace them with another nation? /b , b Once /b Hosea b realized that he had sinned, he got up to request /b that God have b compassion upon him /b for having spoken ill of the Jewish people. b The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to him: Before you request compassion upon yourself, /b first b request compassion upon the Jewish people, since I have /b already b decreed upon them three /b harsh b decrees on your account, /b in response to your condemnation of them. There is an allusion to these three decrees in the names of the children born of the prostitute. Jezreel is an allusion to a decree for Jehu’s actions in the Jezreel Valley (see II Kings 9–10). Lo-ruhamah, one that had not received compassion, suggests that God will no longer have compassion for the Jewish people. Lo-ammi, not My people, indicates that the Jewish people will no longer be considered God’s people.,Hosea b stood and requested compassion /b upon the Jewish people b and nullified /b the b decree. /b God responded b and began to bless them, as it is stated: “Yet the number of the children of Israel shall be as the sand of the sea, /b which cannot be measured nor numbered. b And it will be that instead of that which was said to them: You are not My people, it shall be said to them: You are the children of the living God. And the children of Judea and the children of Israel shall be gathered together” /b (Hosea 2:1). b And I will sow her to Me in the land; and I will have compassion upon her that had not received compassion; and I will say to them that were not My people: You are My people” /b (Hosea 2:25)., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: Woe to authority, which /b shortens the life and b buries its holders. /b This is evident from the fact b that you don’t have any prophet who did not outlast four kings in his lifetime, /b as the kings’ positions of authority caused them to die young. A prophet outliving four kings is demonstrated in the opening verses of Hosea, and similarly, b as it is stated /b with regard to Isaiah: b “The vision of Isaiah, the son of Amoz, which he saw concerning Judea and Jerusalem /b in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judea” (Isaiah 1:1)., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: Due to what /b reason was the less than righteous b Jeroboam, son of Joash, king of Israel, privileged to be counted /b in the verse together b with the /b righteous b kings of Judea? /b It is b due to /b the fact b that he did not accept slander about Amos. /b ,The Gemara asks: b From where do we /b derive b that he was counted /b together with the righteous kings of Judea? b As it is written: “The word of the Lord that came to Hosea, son of Beeri, in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judea, and in the days of Jeroboam, the son of Joash, king of Israel” /b (Hosea 1:1)., b And from where do we /b derive b that he did not accept slander? As it is written: “Then Amaziah the priest of Beth-El sent to Jeroboam king of Israel, saying: Amos has conspired against you /b in the midst of the house of Israel” (Amos 7:10). b And it is written: “For thus said Amos: Jeroboam shall die by the sword /b and Israel shall surely be led away captive out of his land” (Amos 7:11). Jeroboam b said: Heaven forfend /b that b that righteous person, /b Amos, b said this, /b that I will die by the sword; b and if he /b indeed b said /b it, b what shall I do to him /b and why should I punish him? b The Divine Presence said it to him, /b and he is required to transmit his prophecy., b Rabbi Elazar said: Even at /b the b time of /b the b anger of the Holy One, Blessed be He, He remembers the /b attribute of b compassion, as it is stated: “For I will no more have compassion upon the house of Israel” /b (Hosea 1:6). Even when implementing His attribute of justice, God still mentions His attribute of compassion. b Rabbi Yosei bar Rabbi Ḥanina said /b that this is also indicated b from here, /b from the continuation of the verse, which states: b “That I should bear them,” /b indicating that God promised to eventually bear Israel’s sins and pardon them., b And Rabbi Elazar said: The Holy One, Blessed be He, exiled Israel among the nations only so that converts would join them, as it is stated: “And I will sow her to Me in the land” /b (Hosea 2:25). b Does a person sow a i se’a /i /b of grain for any reason other b than to bring in several i kor /i /b of grain during the harvest? So too, the exile is to enable converts from the nations to join the Jewish people., b And Rabbi Yoḥa said /b that this idea may be derived b from here: “And I will have compassion upon her that had not received compassion; /b and I will say to them that were not My people: You are My people” (Hosea 2:25). Even those who were initially “not My people,” i.e., gentiles, will convert and become part of the Jewish nation., b Rabbi Yoḥa said in the name of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai: What is /b the meaning of b that which is written: “Slander not a servant to his master, lest he curse you, and you be found guilty” /b (Proverbs 30:10), b and it is /b then b written /b in the next verse: b “There is a generation that curses its father, and does not bless its mother” /b (Proverbs 30:11). Is it b because they curse their father and do not bless their mother /b that b you should not slander /b them? Clearly that is absurd., b Rather, /b the juxtaposition serves to emphasize that b even /b in a wicked b generation that curses its father and does not bless its mother, one should not slander a servant to his master. From where do we /b derive this? b From Hosea, /b whose criticism of the Jewish people, God’s servants, to God, their master, aroused His ire, despite the fact that it was a wicked generation., b Rabbi Oshaya said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “The righteous acts of His rulers [ i pirzono /i ] in Israel” /b (Judges 5:11)? b The Holy One, Blessed be He, performed a charitable deed toward Israel /b in b that He scattered them [ i pizran /i ] among the nations; /b had He exiled them to one place, they could have all been destroyed at once. b And this /b concept b is that which a certain apostate said to Rabbi Ḥanina: We /b gentiles b are superior to you /b Jews in that we have patience. b It is written of you: “For /b Joab and all Israel b remained there six months /b until he had cut off every male in Edom” (I Kings 11:16), b whereas we, /b although b you have been with us for several years, are not doing anything to you. He said to him: /b With b your consent, let one student deal with your /b assertion and answer you., b Rabbi Oshaya dealt with his /b assertion and b said to him: /b This is not a sign of your righteousness but is simply b because you do not know how to do /b it, to destroy us. If you seek b to destroy all of /b the Jewish people, you cannot because b they are not /b all b with you /b in your kingdom. If you destroy only b those /b Jews b who are with you /b in your kingdom, b you will be called a severed kingdom /b for murdering part of its own population. The apostate b said to him: /b I swear by b Gappa, /b god b of the Romans, with this /b problem b we lie down and with this /b problem b we rise up, /b for we are constantly struggling with the dilemma of how to eliminate the Jewish people., b Rabbi Ḥiyya teaches: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “God understands its ways and He knows its place” /b (Job 28:23)? b The Holy One, Blessed be He, knows the Jewish people, who are unable to withstand the /b harsh b decrees of the Romans. Therefore, He exiled them to Babylonia, /b whose people are less cruel. b And Rabbi Elazar said: The Holy One, Blessed be He, exiled Israel to Babylonia only due to /b the fact b it is /b a land b as deep as the netherworld, /b i.e., it is a land of plains and valleys, which alludes to that b which is stated: “I shall ransom them from the power of the netherworld, I shall redeem them from death” /b (Hosea 13:14). b Rabbi Ḥanina said: It is due to /b the fact b that their language, /b Aramaic, b is similar to the language of the Torah, /b which enables the Jews who live there to study Torah., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: It is due to /b the fact b that He sent them to their mother’s house, /b i.e., the birthplace of the forefathers of the Jewish people, who lived in Aram-Nahara’im, which is in Babylonia. This is b comparable to a man who is angry at his wife; to where does he send her? /b He sends her b to her mother’s house. /b , b And this is /b expressed in the statement of b Rabbi Alexandri, who said: /b There are b three /b that b returned to their /b points of b origin, /b and b these are they: The Jewish people, the money of Egypt, and the writing /b on the b Tablets /b of the Covet. b The Jewish people; that which we /b just b said, /b they returned to Babylonia. b The money of Egypt; as it is written: “And it came to pass in the fifth year of King Rehoboam, that Shishak, king of Egypt, came up against Jerusalem; /b and he took away the treasures of the house of the Lord and the treasures of the king’s house; he took everything” (I Kings 14:25–26). b The writing on the Tablets /b of the Covet; b as it is written: /b “And I took hold of the two tablets, and cast them out of my two hands, b and broke them before your eyes” /b (Deuteronomy 9:17). And b it was taught /b in the i Tosefta /i : b The tablets were broken and the letters are flying /b and returning to their point of origin., b Ulla said /b that Israel was exiled to Babylonia b in order /b to enable them b to eat /b |
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208. Babylonian Talmud, Ketuvot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 54a. כיון דלית לה כתובה לית לה מזוני או דלמא אמה דעבדא איסורא קנסוה רבנן איהי דלא עבדא איסורא לא קנסוה רבנן תיקו,בעי רבא בת ארוסה יש לה מזונות או אין לה מזונות כיון דאית לה כתובה אית לה או דלמא כיון דלא תקינו רבנן כתובה עד שעת נישואין לית לה תיקו:,בעי רב פפא בת אנוסה יש לה מזונות או אין לה מזונות אליבא דרבי יוסי ברבי יהודה לא תיבעי לך דאמר יש לה כתובה מנה,כי תיבעי לך אליבא דרבנן דאמרי יצא כסף קנסה בכתובתה מאי,כיון דלית לה כתובה לית לה מזוני או דלמא כתובה טעמא מאי כדי שלא תהא קלה בעיניו להוציאה והא לא מצי מפיק לה תיקו:,את תהא יתבא בביתי וכו': תני רב יוסף בביתי ולא בביקתי אבל מזוני אית לה מר בר רב אשי אמר אפילו מזוני נמי לית לה ולית הלכתא כמר בר רב אשי,אמר רב נחמן אמר שמואל תבעוה להנשא ונתפייסה אין לה מזונות הא לא נתפייסה יש לה מזונות אמר רב ענן לדידי מפרשא לי מיניה דמר שמואל אמרה מחמת פלוני בעלי יש לה מזונות מחמת בני אדם שאינן מהוגנין לה אין לה מזונות,אמר רב חסדא זינתה אין לה מזונות אמר רב יוסף כיחלה ופירכסה אין לה מזונות,מאן דאמר זינתה כל שכן כיחלה ופירכסה מאן דאמר כיחלה ופירכסה אבל זינתה אית לה מאי טעמא יצר אנסה,ולית הלכתא ככל הני שמעתתא אלא כי הא דאמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל התובעת כתובתה בבית דין אין לה מזונות,ולא והתניא מכרה כתובתה ומשכנה כתובתה עשתה כתובתה אפותיקי לאחר אין לה מזונות הני אין אבל תובעת לא,הני בין בבית דין בין שלא בבית דין תובעת בבית דין אין שלא בב"ד לא:,וכך היו אנשי ירושלים וכו': אתמר רב אמר הלכה כאנשי יהודה ושמואל אמר הלכה כאנשי גליל,בבל וכל פרוודהא נהוג כרב נהרדעא וכל פרוודהא נהוג כשמואל ההיא בת מחוזא דהות נסיבא לנהרדעא אתו לקמיה דרב נחמן שמעה לקלה דבת מחוזא היא,אמר להו בבל וכל פרוודהא נהוג כרב אמרו ליה והא לנהרדעא נסיבא אמר להו אי הכי נהרדעא וכל פרוודהא נהוג כשמואל ועד היכא נהרדעא עד היכא דסגי קבא דנהרדעא,איתמר אלמנה רב אמר שמין מה שעליה ושמואל אמר אין שמין מה שעליה אמר רב חייא בר אבין וחילופה בלקיט,רב כהנא מתני וכן בלקיט ומנח בה סימנא יתמא וארמלתא שלח ופוק,אמר רב נחמן אע"ג דתנן במתניתין כוותיה דשמואל הלכתא כוותיה דרב דתנן אחד המקדיש נכסיו ואחד המעריך את עצמו אין לו לא בכסות אשתו ולא בכסות בניו ולא בצבע שצבע לשמן ולא בסנדלים חדשים שלקח לשמן,אמר ליה רבא לרב נחמן וכי מאחר דתנן מתניתין כוותיה דשמואל אמאי הלכתא כוותיה דרב אמר ליה לכאורה כשמואל רהיטא כי מעיינת בה הלכתא כוותיה דרב,מאי טעמא כי אקני לה אדעתא למיקם קמיה אדעתא למשקל ולמיפק לא אקני לה:,כלתא דבי בר אלישיב הוה קא תבעה כתובתה מיתמי הוה קא ממטי להו לבי דינא אמרי זילא לן מילתא דתיזלי הכי אזלא לבישתינהו ואיכסתינהו לכוליה מנא אתו לקמיה דרבינא אמר להו הלכתא כוותיה דרב דאמר אלמנה שמין מה שעליה,ההוא דאמר להו נדוניא לברת זל נדוניא א"ר אידי בר אבין פורנא ליתמי,ההוא דאמר להו | 54a. Once again the Gemara explains the sides of the dilemma: b Since /b the Sages penalized the mother and declared that b she does not have a marriage contract, /b the daughter b does not have sustece /b either, as her sustece is guaranteed by her mother’s marriage contract. b Or perhaps, /b with regard to b her mother, who violated a prohibition, the Sages penalized her /b by depriving her of her marriage contract, whereas in the case of the daughter, b who did not violate a prohibition, the Sages did not penalize her. /b Once again the Gemara states that the dilemma b shall stand /b unresolved., b Rava raises a dilemma: /b In the case of the b daughter of a betrothed woman, /b i.e., a man betrothed a woman, fathered a daughter with her, and then died, does the daughter b have /b the right to receive b sustece /b from his estate, b or /b does b she not have /b the right to receive b sustece? Since /b the mother b has a marriage contract, /b as in this case the man wrote her a marriage contract after betrothing her, it may be argued that the daughter b has /b the right to receive sustece. b Or perhaps, since the Sages did not enact /b any requirement for a man to provide his wife with b a marriage contract until the time of marriage, /b the stipulations of the marriage contract do not apply until then, and therefore the daughter of this woman b does not have /b the right to receive sustece. Again, the Gemara states that the dilemma b shall stand /b unresolved., b Rav Pappa raises a dilemma: /b With regard to b the daughter /b of b a raped /b woman, i.e., a man raped a young woman, married her, had a child, and died, does b she have /b the right to receive b sustece /b from her father’s estate b or /b does b she not have /b the right to receive b sustece /b from his estate? The Gemara comments: b According to /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda, do not raise this dilemma, as he said /b that a raped woman b has a marriage contract of one hundred dinars, /b and therefore she is entitled to the stipulations of a marriage contract, one of which is that if she has a daughter with her husband, the daughter receives sustece from the husband’s estate.,Rather, b let the dilemma be raised according to /b the opinion of b the Rabbis, who say /b that the b money of her fine fulfilled /b his obligation to provide b her /b with a b marriage contract, /b i.e., since she has already received the fine in compensation for the rape, she is not entitled to further payment in the form of a marriage contract. According to this opinion, b what /b is the i halakha /i ?,The Gemara elaborates: It may be argued that b since /b the mother b does not have a marriage contract, /b the daughter b does not have /b the right to receive b sustece /b from her father’s estate. b Or perhaps /b one should consider the following: b What is the reason /b that b the marriage contract /b was enacted? b So that /b his wife b will not be demeaned in his eyes such that /b he will easily b divorce her. And this one, /b his rape victim, b he cannot divorce her /b by Torah law, as it is stated: “He may not send her away all his days” (Deuteronomy 22:29). It was therefore unnecessary for the Sages to require that he provide the woman with a marriage contract. However, the reasons for the stipulations included in a marriage contract, e.g., that his daughter receives sustece from his estate, still apply in this case. Consequently, the Sages stipulated that these provisions still be granted. Yet again the Gemara states that the dilemma b shall stand /b unresolved.,§ The mishna taught that one of the stipulations of a marriage contract is: b You will sit in my house /b and be sustained from my property all your days as a widow. b Rav Yosef taught: In my house, and not in my hovel [ i bikati /i ]. /b If there is no room for her in his house, the heirs are not obligated to allow her to stay there. b However, /b even in this case, b she has /b the right to receive her b sustece /b from the heirs. b Mar bar Rav Ashi said: She does not even have /b the right to receive her b sustece, /b as she is entitled to sustece only when she lives in her husband’s house. If she resides elsewhere, for whatever reason, she does not receive this payment. The Gemara concludes: b And the i halakha /i is not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Mar bar Rav Ashi. /b ,§ b Rav Naḥman said /b that b Shmuel said: /b If a man b proposed to marry /b a widow b and she agreed, /b even if she has not yet married him, b she no /b longer b has /b the right to receive b sustece /b from the heirs of her previous husband. The Gemara comments: It may be inferred from here that if she had b not agreed, /b even if the man had proposed marriage, b she /b still b has /b the right to receive b sustece. Rav A said: It was explained to me personally by Mar Shmuel /b that the i halakha /i varies in different cases. If b she said: /b I will not marry you b due to so-and-so, my /b deceased b husband, /b i.e., she still feels connected to him, b she /b still b has /b the right to receive b sustece /b from his estate. However, if she refused the offer b because /b the men who approached her are b people who are unsuitable for her, she does not have /b the right to continue to receive b sustece, /b as she has shown that in principle she is willing to remarry., b Rav Ḥisda said: /b If b she engaged in licentious sexual relations she does not have /b the right to continue receiving b sustece /b from his estate, as she is not acting in a manner befitting a widow. b Rav Yosef said: /b If b she painted /b her eyes b and dyed /b her hair she has clearly done so to attract men for the purposes of marriage, and therefore b she does not have /b the right to receive b sustece /b from her husband’s estate.,The Gemara comments: According to b the one who says /b that a widow who b engaged in licentious sexual relations /b loses her sustece, b all the more so /b if b she painted /b her eyes b and dyed /b her hair she loses her sustece, as her intention to marry is evident. However, according to b the one who says /b that if a widow b painted /b her eyes b and dyed /b her hair she forfeits her right to receive sustece from her husband’s estate, this ruling applies only to that particular situation. b However, /b if b she engaged in licentious sexual relations she /b still b has /b the right to receive sustece from his estate. b What is the reason? /b Her evil b inclination forced her, /b i.e., she did not make a decision to remarry but merely succumbed to temptation.,The Gemara concludes: b And the i halakha /i is not in accordance with all of these statements. Rather, /b the i halakha /i b is, in accordance with that which Rav Yehuda said /b that b Shmuel said: One who claims /b the payment specified in b her marriage contract in court does not have /b the right to continue receiving b sustece, /b as she has thereby demonstrated her desire to sever her ties with her late husband.,The Gemara asks: b And /b does she b not /b receive sustece? b But isn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b one who sold her marriage contract, or used her marriage contract as collateral, or established her marriage contract as designated repayment [ i apoteiki /i ] for /b a debt owed to b another /b individual, b she does not have /b the right to receive b sustece /b from her husband’s estate? The Gemara infers from this i baraita /i : In b these /b cases, b yes, /b she forfeits her right to continue to receive sustece. b However, /b in the case of a widow who b claims /b her marriage contract, b no, /b she does not lose the right to continue to receive sustece.,The Gemara answers that this argument is incorrect, and one should make the following inference instead: In b these /b cases listed in the i baraita /i , she forfeits her marriage contract b whether /b she took the action b in court /b or b whether /b she did b not /b do so b in court. /b However, with regard to b one who claims /b her marriage contract, if she issues this claim b in court, yes, /b she loses the right to continue to receive her sustece, but if her claim was b not /b issued b in court, no, /b she has not forfeited this right.,§ The mishna taught: b And the residents of Jerusalem /b and of the Galilee b would /b write the marriage contract b in this manner, /b i.e., that if the woman is widowed, she may remain in her husband’s house and receive her sustece from his property throughout her widowhood. Conversely, the residents of Judea would write that she may live in his house and be sustained from his estate until the heirs decide to give her the marriage contract. b It was stated /b that the i amora’im /i argued over this issue. b Rav said /b that b the i halakha /i is in accordance with /b the custom of b the residents of Judea, and Shmuel said /b that b the i halakha /i is in accordance with /b the custom of b the residents of the Galilee /b and Jerusalem.,The Gemara comments: b Babylonia and all /b of its surrounding b towns [ i parvadaha /i ] act in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rav; Neharde’a and all /b of its b towns act in accordance with /b the opinion of b Shmuel. /b The Gemara relates: There was b a certain woman of Meḥoza who was married to /b a man from b Neharde’a. They came before Rav Naḥman /b to discuss her marriage contract. b He heard from her voice that she was from Meḥoza, /b whose residents had a distinctive accent.,Rav Naḥman b said to them: Babylonia and all /b of its b towns act in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rav. They said to him: But she is marrying /b a resident of b Neharde’a. He said to them: If so, Neharde’a and all /b of its b towns act in accordance with /b the opinion of b Shmuel. /b The Gemara asks: b And until where /b is the boundary of b Neharde’a? Up to /b any place b where the i kav /i /b measurement b of Neharde’a is used. /b The entire area that utilizes the system of Neharde’a measurements is considered part of its surroundings for the purposes of this i halakha /i .,§ b It was stated /b that the i amora’im /i also argued about the i halakha /i of b a widow. Rav said: /b When she receives the payment of her marriage contract, the court b appraises /b the clothes b that are upon her /b and deducts their value from the payment she receives. b And Shmuel said /b that the court b does not appraise /b the clothes b that are upon her. Rav Ḥiyya bar Avin said: And the reverse /b is the case b with regard to a hired worker. /b With regard to a hired laborer who lived with his employer and the latter bought clothes for him, Rav and Shmuel disagreed as to whether these garments are appraised and their value deducted from the worker’s salary when he leaves his employer’s service. However, in this case Rav claims that his clothes are not appraised, whereas Shmuel maintains that they are appraised.,Conversely, b Rav Kahana /b would b teach: And likewise with regard to a hired worker, /b their respective opinions are the same in this case as well. Rav rules that one appraises the garments, while Shmuel claims that one does not. b And he would apply a mnemonic /b device for Rav’s opinion: b An orphan and a widow, disrobe and remove /b them. In other words, Rav maintains that both a widow and a hired worker, dubbed an orphan due to his typical poverty, should disrobe, as it were, when the court evaluates the payment to which they are entitled., b Rav Naḥman said: Even though we learned in a mishna in accordance with /b the opinion of b Shmuel, the i halakha /i is in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rav. As we learned /b in a mishna ( i Arakhin /i 24a): With regard to b both one who consecrates his property and one who valuates himself /b by donating his fixed value to the Temple, the Temple treasurer has the right to take b neither his wife’s clothing, nor his children’s clothing, nor /b new b dyed /b clothing b that he dyed /b specially b for them, /b even if they have yet to wear them, b nor new sandals that he bought for them. /b This mishna is apparently in accordance with the opinion of Shmuel that a woman’s garments are not considered her husband’s property., b Rava said to Rav Naḥman: Once we have learned a mishna in accordance with /b the opinion of b Shmuel, why is the i halakha /i in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rav? He said to him: It would seem [ i likhora /i ] /b that this mishna agrees b with /b the opinion of b Shmuel /b when it is b skimmed through /b and read superficially. However, b when you examine it /b you will see that b the i halakha /i is /b in fact b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rav. /b , b What is the reason /b for this? b When he bought her /b these clothes he did so b with the intention that she should stand before him /b and wear them when she is with him. b He did not buy /b them for b her with the intention that she should take /b them b and leave /b him. The reason for the mishna’s ruling is in fact that the husband acquires the clothes on behalf of his wife, but this applies only if she is living with him. Consequently, if she is living with him, the treasurer has no right to them. However, if she leaves him, she has no right to them, in accordance with the opinion of Rav.,§ The Gemara relates: The b daughter-in-law of the house of the son of Elyashiv was claiming /b payment of b her marriage contract from the orphans, /b and b she was /b in the process of b bringing them to the court. /b The orphans b said /b to her: It is b demeaning for us that you should go /b dressed b in this manner, /b in house clothes. We would rather you come in more suitable attire. b She went /b and b dressed and covered herself with all of her clothes. They came before Ravina, who said to them: The i halakha /i is in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rav, /b who b said /b that with regard to b a widow, /b the court b appraises /b the clothes b that are upon her. /b Therefore, the court takes everything she is wearing into account in the calculation of her marriage contract payment.,The Gemara relates another incident: b A certain /b person b said to /b his heirs, in his will: Give b a dowry to /b my b daughter. /b There was an established custom for the amount of money spent on a dowry, including clothing and jewelry. In the meantime, the cost of b a dowry depreciated, /b i.e., all these items could be acquired with less money. The question arose concerning the difference between the amount the father wished to give her when he wrote the will and the sum they paid in practice. b Rav Idi bar Avin said: /b The b profit [ i purna /i ], /b i.e., this difference in price, goes b to the /b male b orphans, /b not to the daughter.,The Gemara cites a related incident: b A certain /b person b said to /b his heirs, in his will: |
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209. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 65b. מתיב ר' זירא יצאו עדים זוממין שאין בהן מעשה ואמאי הא ליתנהו בלב,אמר רבא שאני עדים זוממין הואיל וישנו בקול,וקול לרבי יוחנן לאו מעשה הוא והא איתמר חסמה בקול והנהיגה בקול רבי יוחנן אמר חייב ור"ל אמר פטור,רבי יוחנן אמר חייב עקימת פיו הוי מעשה ר"ל אמר פטור עקימת פיו לא הוי מעשה,אלא אמר רבא שאני עדים זוממין הואיל וישנן בראיה,ת"ר בעל אוב זה המדבר בין הפרקים ומבין אצילי ידיו ידעוני זה המניח עצם ידוע בפיו והוא מדבר מאליו,מיתיבי (ישעיהו כט, ד) והיה כאוב מארץ קולך מאי לאו דמשתעי כי אורחיה לא דסליק ויתיב בין הפרקים ומשתעי,תא שמע (שמואל א כח, יג) ותאמר האשה אל שאול אלהים ראיתי עולים מן הארץ מאי לאו דמשתעי כי אורחיה לא דיתיב בין הפרקים ומשתעי,ת"ר בעל אוב אחד המעלה בזכורו ואחד הנשאל בגולגולת מה בין זה לזה מעלה בזכורו אינו עולה כדרכו ואינו עולה בשבת נשאל בגולגולת עולה כדרכו ועולה בשבת,עולה להיכא סליק הא קמיה מנח אלא אימא עונה כדרכו ועונה בשבת,ואף שאלה זו שאל טורנוסרופוס את ר"ע אמר לו ומה יום מיומים אמר לו ומה גבר מגוברין א"ל דמרי צבי שבת נמי דמרי צבי,א"ל הכי קאמינא לך מי יימר דהאידנא שבתא אמר לו נהר סבטיון יוכיח בעל אוב יוכיח קברו של אביו יוכיח שאין מעלה עשן בשבת אמר לו ביזיתו ביישתו וקיללתו,שואל אוב היינו ודורש אל המתים,דורש למתים כדתניא (דברים יח, יא) ודורש אל המתים זה המרעיב עצמו והולך ולן בבה"ק כדי שתשרה עליו רוח טומאה,וכשהיה ר"ע מגיע למקרא זה היה בוכה ומה המרעיב עצמו כדי שתשרה עליו רוח טומאה שורה עליו רוח טומאה המרעיב עצמו כדי שתשרה עליו רוח טהרה על אחת כמה וכמה אבל מה אעשה שעונותינו גרמו לנו שנאמר (ישעיהו נט, ב) כי [אם] עונותיכם היו מבדילים ביניכם לבין אלהיכם,אמר רבא אי בעו צדיקי ברו עלמא שנאמר כי עונותיכם היו מבדילים וגו',רבא ברא גברא שדריה לקמיה דר' זירא הוה קא משתעי בהדיה ולא הוה קא מהדר ליה אמר ליה מן חבריא את הדר לעפריך,רב חנינא ורב אושעיא הוו יתבי כל מעלי שבתא ועסקי בספר יצירה ומיברו להו עיגלא תילתא ואכלי ליה,תנו רבנן מעונן ר' שמעון אומר זה המעביר שבעה מיני זכור על העין וחכ"א זה האוחז את העינים ר"ע אומר זה המחשב עתים ושעות ואומר היום יפה לצאת למחר יפה ליקח לימודי ערבי שביעיות חיטין יפות עיקורי קטניות מהיות רעות,תנו רבנן מנחש זה האומר פתו נפלה מפיו מקלו נפלה מידו בנו קורא לו מאחריו עורב קורא לו צבי הפסיקו בדרך נחש מימינו ושועל משמאלו | 65b. b Rabbi Zeira raises an objection /b to Rava’s answer, as it is stated in a i baraita /i that one who unwittingly commits a transgression punishable by death is obligated to bring a sin-offering, b excluding conspiring witnesses, /b who are not obligated to bring a sin-offering, b as /b their transgressions b do not involve an action. /b Rabbi Zeira asks: b And why /b is a false witness’s testimony not considered a transgression that involves an action? The testimony is delivered through speech, which should be considered an action, as b this is not /b a transgression that is committed b in the heart; /b the witnesses are liable for what they said, and not for their intention., b Rava says: Conspiring witnesses are different, since /b their transgression b is /b committed b through /b their b voice. /b The essence of their transgression is not speech itself but rather making themselves heard by the court. Therefore, since the projection of one’s voice does not involve action, the transgression of conspiring witnesses is considered not be to involving action.,The Gemara asks: b And is /b projecting one’s b voice not /b considered b an action according to Rabbi Yoḥa? But wasn’t it stated /b that i amora’im /i engaged in a dispute concerning the following case: If one b muzzled /b an animal b by /b projecting his b voice, /b by berating it whenever it tried to eat, has he transgressed the prohibition of: “You shall not muzzle an ox while it treads out the corn” (Deuteronomy 25:4)? b And /b similarly, if one b led /b different species to work together b by /b projecting his b voice, /b without performing any action, has he transgressed the prohibition of: “You shall not plow with an ox and a donkey together” (Deuteronomy 22:10)? b Rabbi Yoḥa says /b he is b liable, and Reish Lakish says /b he is b exempt. /b ,The Gemara explains the reasoning behind their opinions: b Rabbi Yoḥa says /b he is b liable, /b as he maintains that b the twisting of /b one’s b mouth /b to speak b is /b considered b an action, /b whereas b Reish Lakish says /b he is b exempt, /b because he holds that that b the twisting of /b one’s b mouth /b to speak b is not /b considered b an action. /b Evidently, Rabbi Yoḥa holds that a transgression one commits by projecting his voice is considered to involve an action., b Rather, Rava says /b there is a different answer to Rabbi Zeira’s objection: b Conspiring witnesses are different, since they are /b rendered liable mainly b through sight, /b i.e., the important part of their testimony is what they saw, which is not considered an action.,§ b The Sages taught: A necromancer is one who /b causes the voice of the dead to be heard b speaking /b from b between /b his b joints or from his armpit. A sorcerer [ i yideoni /i ] is one who places a bone of /b an animal called b a i yadua /i in his mouth, and /b the bone b speaks on its own. /b ,The Gemara b raises an objection /b from the verse: b “And your voice shall be as a ghost out of the ground” /b (Isaiah 29:4). b What, does /b the dead person b not speak /b from the grave b on his own? /b The Gemara answers: b No, /b this is not so, b as /b the dead person b rises /b by sorcery b and sits between the joints /b of the necromancer b and speaks. /b ,The Gemara suggests: b Come /b and b hear /b a proof from the statement of the necromancer to King Saul: b “And the woman said to Saul, I see a godlike being coming up out of the earth” /b (I Samuel 28:13). b What, does /b the verse b not /b mean to say b that /b the dead person b spoke on his own? /b The Gemara refutes this proof: b No, /b this is not so, b as /b the dead person b sits between the joints /b of the necromancer b and speaks. /b , b The Sages taught: /b The category of b a necromancer /b includes b both one who raises /b the dead b with his i zekhur /i , /b which is a form of sorcery, b and one who inquires /b about the future b from a skull [ i begulgolet /i ]. What /b is the difference b between this /b type of necromancer b and that /b type of necromancer? When one b raises /b the dead b with his i zekhur /i , /b the dead b does not rise in its /b usual b manner, /b but appears upside-down, b and /b it b does not rise on Shabbat. /b By contrast, when one b inquires /b about the future b from a skull, /b the dead b rises in its /b usual b manner, and /b it b rises [ i oleh /i ] /b even b on Shabbat. /b ,The Gemara asks with regard to the wording of the last statement: b Rises? To where does /b it b rise? Isn’t /b the skull b lying before him? Rather, say /b as follows: The dead b answers in its /b usual b manner, and /b it b answers [ i ve’oneh /i ] /b even b on Shabbat. /b ,With regard to the statement that the dead do not rise on Shabbat, the Gemara relates: b The wicked Turnus Rufus, /b the Roman governor of Judea, b asked this question of Rabbi Akiva as well. /b Turnus Rufus b said to him: And what /b makes this b day, /b Shabbat, different b from /b other b days? /b Rabbi Akiva b said to him: And what /b makes this b man, /b referring to his interlocutor, more distinguished b than /b other b men? /b Turnus Rufus b said to him: /b I am more distinguished b because my master /b the emperor b wants /b it that way. Rabbi Akiva said to him: b Shabbat too /b is unique b because my Master wants /b it that way, as he has sanctified that day.,Turnus Rufus b said to him: This /b is what b I /b mean to b say to you: Who is to say that now is Shabbat? /b Perhaps a different day of the week is Shabbat. Rabbi Akiva b said to him: The Sabbatyon River can prove /b that today is Shabbat, as it is calm only on Shabbat. b A necromancer can /b also b prove /b this, as the dead do not rise on Shabbat. b The grave of his father, /b referring to Turnus Rufus’s father, b can /b also b prove /b this, b as it does not emit smoke on Shabbat, /b although smoke rises from it all week, as during the week he is being punished in Gehenna. Turnus Rufus b said to him: You have demeaned /b my father, b you have /b publicly b shamed him, and you have cursed him /b by saying that he is being punished in Gehenna.,§ The Gemara asks: b Isn’t /b one who b inquires /b about the future from b a necromancer /b the same as what is described in the verse: b “Or directs inquiries to the dead” /b (Deuteronomy 18:11)? Why are they mentioned separately in the verse?,The Gemara answers: One who b directs inquiries to the dead /b em-ploys a different method to contact the dead, b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b “Or directs inquiries to the dead”; this is one who starves himself and goes and sleeps /b overnight b in a graveyard so that a spirit of impurity should settle upon him, /b and he can listen to what the dead are saying., b And when Rabbi Akiva would arrive at this verse he would weep /b and say: b If one who starves himself so that a spirit of impurity will settle upon him /b succeeds in doing so, and b a spirit of impurity settles upon him, all the more so one who starves himself so that a spirit of purity will settle upon him /b should be successful, and a spirit of purity should settle upon him. b But what can I do, as our iniquities have caused us /b not to merit the spirit of sanctity and purity, b as it is stated: “But your iniquities have separated between you and your God, /b and your sins have hid His face from you, that He will not hear” (Isaiah 59:2)., b Rava says: If the righteous wish /b to do so, b they /b can b create a world, as it is stated: “But your iniquities have separated /b between you and your God.” In other words, there is no distinction between God and a righteous person who has no sins, and just as God created the world, so can the righteous.,Indeed, b Rava created a man, /b a golem, using forces of sanctity. Rava b sent /b his creation b before Rabbi Zeira. /b Rabbi Zeira b would speak to him but he would not reply. /b Rabbi Zeira b said to him: You /b were created b by /b one of the members of b the group, /b one of the Sages. b Return to your dust. /b ,The Gemara relates another fact substantiating the statement that the righteous could create a world if they so desired: b Rav Ḥanina and Rav Oshaya would sit every Shabbat eve and engage in /b the study of b i Sefer Yetzira /i , and a third-born calf [ i igla tilta /i ] would be created for them, and they would eat it /b in honor of Shabbat.,§ b The Sages taught: /b What is the definition of the b soothsayer /b mentioned in the verse: “There shall not be found among you…a soothsayer” (Deuteronomy 18:10)? b Rabbi Shimon says: This is one who applies seven types of semen [ i zekhur /i ] to /b one’s b eye /b in order to perform sorcery. b And the Rabbis say: This is one who deceives the eyes, /b as though he is performing sorcery. b Rabbi Akiva says: This is one who calculates /b the fortune of b times and hours, and says, /b for example: b Today is /b a b propitious /b day b for going away /b on a journey; b tomorrow is propitious for purchasing /b property successfully. Or he says that b on the eve of the Sabbatical /b Years, the b wheat /b harvest b is generally good; uprooting legumes /b rather than cutting them from above the ground prevents them b from going bad. /b , b The Sages taught: /b The b enchanter /b mentioned in the verse (Deuteronomy 18:10) b is /b one who relies on superstitious signs, e.g., b one who says: /b If one’s b bread fell from his mouth, /b that is a bad sign for him; or: If one’s b staff fell from his hand, /b it is a bad sign; or: If one’s b son calls him from behind, /b it is a sign that he should return from his journey; or: If b a raven calls to him, /b or if b a deer blocks him on the way, /b or if b a snake is to his right, or /b if b a fox is to his left, /b all of these are bad signs. An enchanter is one who relies on these as bad signs and consequently changes his course of action. |
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210. Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 71a. מטהר שבטים שבטו של לוי מטהר תחילה שנא' (מלאכי ג, ג) וישב מצרף ומטהר כסף וטיהר את בני לוי וזיקק אותם כזהב וככסף והיו לי"י מגישי מנחה בצדקה,אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי כסף מטהר ממזרים שנאמר וישב מצרף ומטהר כסף מאי מגישי מנחה בצדקה א"ר יצחק צדקה עשה הקב"ה עם ישראל שמשפחה שנטמעה נטמעה,גופא אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל כל ארצות עיסה לארץ ישראל וארץ ישראל עיסה לבבל בימי רבי בקשו לעשות בבל עיסה לארץ ישראל אמר להן קוצים אתם משימים לי בין עיני רצונכם יטפל עמכם ר' חנינא בר חמא,נטפל עמהם ר' חנינא בר חמא אמר להם כך מקובלני מר' ישמעאל בר' יוסי שאמר משום אביו כל ארצות עיסה לארץ ישראל וארץ ישראל עיסה לבבל,בימי רבי פנחס בקשו לעשות בבל עיסה לארץ ישראל אמר להם לעבדיו כשאני אומר שני דברים בבית המדרש טלוני בעריסה ורוצו כי עייל אמר להם אין שחיטה לעוף מן התורה,אדיתבי וקמעייני בה אמר להו כל ארצות עיסה לארץ ישראל וארץ ישראל עיסה לבבל נטלוהו בעריסה ורצו רצו אחריו ולא הגיעוהו ישבו ובדקו עד שהגיעו לסכנה ופירשו,א"ר יוחנן היכלא בידינו היא אבל מה אעשה שהרי גדולי הדור נטמעו בה סבר לה כר' יצחק דאמר ר' יצחק משפחה שנטמעה נטמעה,אמר אביי אף אנן נמי תנינא משפחת בית הצריפה היתה בעבר הירדן וריחקה בן ציון בזרוע עוד אחרת היתה וקירבה בן ציון בזרוע כגון אלו אליהו בא לטמא ולטהר לרחק ולקרב כגון אלו דידעין אבל משפחה שנטמעה נטמעה,תאנא עוד אחרת היתה ולא רצו חכמים לגלותה אבל חכמים מוסרים אותו לבניהם ולתלמידיהן פעם אחת בשבוע ואמרי לה פעמים בשבוע אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק מסתברא כמאן דאמר פעם אחת בשבוע כדתניא הריני נזיר אם לא אגלה משפחות יהיה נזיר ולא יגלה משפחות,אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר ר' יוחנן שם בן ארבע אותיות חכמים מוסרין אותו לתלמידיהן פעם אחת בשבוע ואמרי לה פעמים בשבוע אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק מסתברא כמאן דאמר פעם אחת בשבוע דכתיב (שמות ג, טו) זה שמי לעולם לעלם כתיב רבא סבר למידרשיה בפירקא א"ל ההוא סבא לעלם כתיב,רבי אבינא רמי כתיב (שמות ג, טו) זה שמי וכתיב (שמות ג, טו) זה זכרי אמר הקב"ה לא כשאני נכתב אני נקרא נכתב אני ביו"ד ה"י ונקרא באל"ף דל"ת,ת"ר בראשונה שם בן שתים עשרה אותיות היו מוסרין אותו לכל אדם משרבו הפריצים היו מוסרים אותו לצנועים שבכהונה והצנועים שבכהונה מבליעים אותו בנעימת אחיהם הכהנים תניא אמר רבי טרפון פעם אחת עליתי אחר אחי אמי לדוכן והטיתי אזני אצל כהן גדול ושמעתי שהבליע שם בנעימת אחיו הכהנים,אמר רב יהודה אמר רב שם בן ארבעים ושתים אותיות אין מוסרין אותו אלא למי שצנוע ועניו ועומד בחצי ימיו ואינו כועס ואינו משתכר ואינו מעמיד על מדותיו וכל היודעו והזהיר בו והמשמרו בטהרה אהוב למעלה ונחמד למטה ואימתו מוטלת על הבריות ונוחל שני עולמים העולם הזה והעולם הבא,אמר שמואל משמיה דסבא בבל בחזקת כשרה עומדת עד שיודע לך במה נפסלה שאר ארצות בחזקת פסול הן עומדות עד שיודע לך במה נכשרה ארץ ישראל מוחזק לפסול פסול מוחזק לכשר כשר,הא גופא קשיא אמרת מוחזק לפסול פסול הא סתמא כשר והדר תני מוחזק לכשר כשר הא סתמא פסול אמר רב הונא בר תחליפא משמיה דרב לא קשיא | 71a. b purifies /b the b tribes, /b i.e., clarifies their lineage, He will b purify /b that of b the tribe of Levi first, as it is stated /b with regard to the angel sent forth by God: b “And he shall sit as a refiner and purifier of silver; and he shall purify the sons of Levi, and purge them as gold and silver; and there shall be they that shall offer to the Lord offerings in righteousness” /b (Malachi 3:3)., b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: Money purifies i mamzerim /i . /b Money causes rich i mamzerim /i to become assimilated with Jews of unflawed lineage, since other families marry them despite their flawed lineage. In the future, God will not single them out as i mamzerim /i , b as it is stated: “And he shall sit as a refiner and purifier of silver,” /b which teaches that money, i.e., silver, purifies them. b What, /b then, is the connection to the next part of the verse: b “They that shall offer to the Lord offerings in righteousness”? Rabbi Yitzḥak says: The Holy One, Blessed be He, performed /b an act of b righteousness with the Jewish people /b by establishing b that a family that has become assimilated /b with Jews of unflawed lineage remains b assimilated. /b They are not removed from their tribe despite their flawed lineage.,§ With regard to b the /b matter b itself /b that was discussed earlier, the lineage of the Jews in various lands, b Rav Yehuda says /b that b Shmuel says: /b The lineage of residents of b all lands is muddled /b compared b to /b that of the residents of b Eretz Yisrael, and /b the lineage of residents of b Eretz Yisrael is muddled /b compared b to /b that of b Babylonia. /b The Gemara relates: b In the days of Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi, b they sought to establish /b the lineage of the Jews in b Babylonia /b as b muddled /b relative b to /b that of b Eretz Yisrael. /b In other words, the people of Eretz Yisrael wanted their lineage to be considered superior to that of the residents of Babylonia, so that if people from Eretz Yisrael would wish to marry Babylonians, they would have to investigate the lineage of the Babylonians. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi was descended from Hillel, a Babylonian, so b he said to /b those who put forth this suggestion: b Are you placing thorns between my eyes? /b Do you wish to insult me? b If you wish, Rabbi Ḥanina bar Ḥama will join you /b and explain it to you., b Rabbi Ḥanina bar Ḥama joined them /b and b said to them: This /b is the tradition that b I received from Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei, who says in the name of his father, /b who was from Eretz Yisrael: The lineage of residents of b all lands is muddled /b compared b to /b that of b Eretz Yisrael, and /b the lineage of residents of b Eretz Yisrael is muddled /b compared b to /b that of b Babylonia. /b ,The Gemara further relates with regard to the same issue: b In the days of Rabbi Pineḥas, they sought to establish /b the lineage of b Babylonia /b as b muddled /b relative b to /b that of b Eretz Yisrael. He said to his servants: When I have said two statements in the house of study, pick me up on a stretcher and run, /b so that I will not be attacked for my statements. b When he entered /b the house of study b he said to /b those studying there: b Slaughter of a bird is not /b obligatory b by Torah law. /b , b While they were sitting and scrutinizing this /b novel i halakha /i , b he said to them: /b The lineage of residents of b all lands is muddled /b compared b to /b that of b Eretz Yisrael, and /b the lineage of residents of b Eretz Yisrael is muddled /b compared b to /b that of b Babylonia. /b His servants b picked him up on a stretcher and ran. /b Those that were in the house of study b pursued him but could not catch him. /b Nevertheless, b they sat and examined /b the lineage of various families in order to determine whether in fact the lineage of the residents of Eretz Yisrael was problematic, b until they reached /b powerful families. It was b dangerous /b to accuse them of flaws due to their power, b and they withdrew /b from their inspections., b Rabbi Yoḥa says /b as an oath: By the b Sanctuary! It is in our power /b to reveal the identity of a family that has a flawed lineage, b but what can I do, as the greatest of the generation are assimilated into it? /b Consequently, I will not reveal its name. The Gemara comments: Rabbi Yoḥa b holds in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yitzḥak, as Rabbi Yitzḥak says: A family that has become assimilated /b remains b assimilated, /b and one should not reveal their flawed status., b Abaye said: We too learn /b in the mishna ( i Eduyyot /i 8:7): b There was a family /b known as b Beit HaTzerifa in Transjordan, and /b a person called b ben Tziyyon forcefully distanced it /b and proclaimed that its lineage was flawed, although its lineage was unflawed. b There was another /b one b that ben Tzion forcefully drew near, /b although its lineage was flawed. The mishna adds: Known families b such as these, Elijah comes to /b declare b impure and to /b declare b pure, to distance and to draw near. /b Abaye continues: When the mishna states: b Such as these, /b it means those b whose /b status b we know. But a family that has become assimilated, /b whose flawed lineage is unknown to the public, b has /b already b become assimilated, /b and not even Elijah will publicize its flaw.,The Sage b taught /b ( i Tosefta /i , i Eduyyot /i 3:4): b There was another /b family with flawed lineage, b but the Sages did not want to reveal its /b identity to all. b But the Sages transmit its /b name b to their children and to their students once every seven years, and some say twice every seven years, /b to prevent them from marrying into their family. b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: It stands to reason in accordance with the one who says /b that they transmit it b once every seven years, as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i ( i Tosefta /i , i Nazir /i 1:2): One who says: b I am hereby a nazirite if I do not reveal /b the names of b families /b of flawed lineage among the Jewish people, b he should be a nazirite and not reveal /b the identity of such b families. /b This shows that such information should be kept secret as much as possible.,§ The above statement, concerning a matter that the Sages transmitted privately and infrequently, leads the Gemara to teach a similar i halakha /i : b Rabba bar bar Ḥana says /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa says: The Sages transmit /b the correct pronunciation of b the four-letter name /b of God b to their students once every seven years, and some say twice every seven years. Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: It stands to reason in accordance with the one who says /b that they transmit it b once every seven years, as it is written: “This is My name forever [ i le’olam /i ]” /b (Exodus 3:15), which is b written /b so that it can be read b i le’alem /i , /b to hide. This indicates that the Divine Name must remain hidden. The Gemara relates: b Rava planned to expound /b and explain the proper way to say the name b in /b a public b discourse. A certain elder said to him: It is written /b so that it can be read b i le’alem /i , /b indicating that it must stay hidden., b Rabbi Avina raised a contradiction: It is written: “This is My name,” /b indicating that the name as written is that of God; b and it is written: “This is My remembrance” /b (Exodus 3:15), which indicates that it is not God’s actual name but merely a way of remembering His name. The explanation is as follows: b The Holy One, Blessed be He, said: Not as I am written am I pronounced. I am written with /b the letters b i yod /i , i heh /i , /b i vav /i , i heh /i , b while /b My name is b pronounced with /b the letters b i alef /i , i dalet /i , /b i nun /i , i yod /i ., b The Sages taught: Initially, /b the Sages b would transmit the twelve-letter name /b of God b to any person. When the uninhibited ones /b who used the name disrespectfully b increased, they would transmit it /b only b to discreet /b members b of the priesthood, and the discreet /b members b of the priesthood /b would pronounce the name during the Priestly Benediction. They would b conceal it /b by saying it b during the sweet /b melody b of their priestly brothers, /b so that it would not become publicly known. b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Tarfon, /b who was himself a priest, b said: /b On b one occasion I ascended after my mother’s brother to the platform /b to give the Priestly Benediction, b and I inclined my ear near the High Priest, and I heard him conceal the name during the sweet /b melody b of his priestly brothers. /b , b Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: The forty-two-letter name /b of God b may be transmitted only to one who is discreet, and humble, and stands at /b at least b half his life, and does not get angry, and does not get drunk, and does not insist upon his rights /b but is willing to yield. There is no concern that such a person might reveal the name in a fit of anger or drunkenness. b And anyone who knows /b this name b and is careful with it and guards it in purity is beloved above and treasured below; and fear of him is cast upon the creatures; and he inherits two worlds, this world and the World-to-Come. /b ,§ The Gemara returns to the issue of lineage: b Shmuel says in the name of /b a certain b elder: /b A family in b Babylonia has a presumptive status of unflawed /b lineage b until it becomes known to you in what way it was /b rendered of b flawed /b lineage. Conversely, a family from b other lands has a presumptive status of flawed /b lineage b until it becomes known to you in what way it was /b rendered b unflawed. /b As for families in b Eretz Yisrael, /b one who b has a presumptive status of flawed /b lineage is of b flawed /b lineage, whereas one who b has presumptive status of unflawed /b lineage is of b unflawed /b lineage.,The Gemara is puzzled by this last statement: b This matter itself is difficult: /b First, b you said /b that a family that b has a presumptive status of flawed /b lineage is of b flawed /b lineage, indicating that a family with b unspecified /b status is of b unflawed /b lineage. b And then /b you b teach: /b A family that b has a presumptive status of unflawed /b lineage is of b unflawed /b lineage, indicating that a family with b unspecified /b status is of b flawed /b lineage. b Rav Huna bar Taḥalifa said in the name of Rav: /b This is b not difficult. /b |
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211. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 23a. בעתם בלילי רביעיות ובלילי שבתות,שכן מצינו בימי שמעון בן שטח שירדו להם גשמים בלילי רביעיות ובלילי שבתות עד שנעשו חטים ככליות ושעורים כגרעיני זיתים ועדשים כדינרי זהב וצררו מהם דוגמא לדורות להודיע כמה החטא גורם שנאמר (ירמיהו ה, כה) עונותיכם הטו אלה וחטאתיכם מנעו הטוב מכם,וכן מצינו בימי הורדוס שהיו עוסקין בבנין בהמ"ק והיו יורדין גשמים בלילה למחר נשבה הרוח ונתפזרו העבים וזרחה החמה ויצאו העם למלאכתן וידעו שמלאכת שמים בידיהם:,מעשה ששלחו לחוני המעגל וכו': ת"ר פעם אחת יצא רוב אדר ולא ירדו גשמים שלחו לחוני המעגל התפלל וירדו גשמים התפלל ולא ירדו גשמים עג עוגה ועמד בתוכה כדרך שעשה חבקוק הנביא שנאמר (חבקוק ב, א) על משמרתי אעמדה ואתיצבה על מצור וגו',אמר לפניו רבונו של עולם בניך שמו פניהם עלי שאני כבן בית לפניך נשבע אני בשמך הגדול שאיני זז מכאן עד שתרחם על בניך התחילו גשמים מנטפין אמרו לו תלמידיו רבי ראינוך ולא נמות כמדומין אנו שאין גשמים יורדין אלא להתיר שבועתך,אמר לא כך שאלתי אלא גשמי בורות שיחין ומערות ירדו בזעף עד שכל טפה וטפה כמלא פי חבית ושיערו חכמים שאין טפה פחותה מלוג אמרו לו תלמידיו רבי ראינוך ולא נמות כמדומין אנו שאין גשמים יורדין אלא לאבד העולם,אמר לפניו לא כך שאלתי אלא גשמי רצון ברכה ונדבה ירדו כתיקנן עד שעלו כל העם להר הבית מפני הגשמים אמרו לו רבי כשם שהתפללת שירדו כך התפלל וילכו להם אמר להם כך מקובלני שאין מתפללין על רוב הטובה,אעפ"כ הביאו לי פר הודאה הביאו לו פר הודאה סמך שתי ידיו עליו ואמר לפניו רבש"ע עמך ישראל שהוצאת ממצרים אינן יכולין לא ברוב טובה ולא ברוב פורענות כעסת עליהם אינן יכולין לעמוד השפעת עליהם טובה אינן יכולין לעמוד יהי רצון מלפניך שיפסקו הגשמים ויהא ריוח בעולם מיד נשבה הרוח ונתפזרו העבים וזרחה החמה ויצאו העם לשדה והביאו להם כמהין ופטריות,שלח לו שמעון בן שטח אלמלא חוני אתה גוזרני עליך נידוי שאילו שנים כשני אליהו שמפתחות גשמים בידו של אליהו לא נמצא שם שמים מתחלל על ידך,אבל מה אעשה לך שאתה מתחטא לפני המקום ועושה לך רצונך כבן שמתחטא על אביו ועושה לו רצונו ואומר לו אבא הוליכני לרחצני בחמין שטפני בצונן תן לי אגוזים שקדים אפרסקים ורמונים ונותן לו ועליך הכתוב אומר (משלי כג, כה) ישמח אביך ואמך ותגל יולדתך,תנו רבנן מה שלחו בני לשכת הגזית לחוני המעגל (איוב כב, כח) ותגזר אומר ויקם לך ועל דרכיך נגה אור,ותגזר אומר אתה גזרת מלמטה והקדוש ברוך הוא מקיים מאמרך מלמעלה ועל דרכיך נגה אור דור שהיה אפל הארת בתפלתך,כי השפילו ותאמר גוה דור שהיה שפל הגבהתו בתפלתך ושח עינים יושיע דור ששח בעונו הושעתו בתפלתך ימלט אי נקי דור שלא היה נקי מלטתו בתפלתך ונמלט בבור כפיך מלטתו במעשה ידיך הברורין,אמר ר' יוחנן כל ימיו של אותו צדיק היה מצטער על מקרא זה (תהלים קכו, א) שיר המעלות בשוב ה' את שיבת ציון היינו כחולמים אמר מי איכא דניים שבעין שנין בחלמא,יומא חד הוה אזל באורחא חזייה לההוא גברא דהוה נטע חרובא אמר ליה האי עד כמה שנין טעין אמר ליה עד שבעין שנין אמר ליה פשיטא לך דחיית שבעין שנין אמר ליה האי [גברא] עלמא בחרובא אשכחתיה כי היכי דשתלי לי אבהתי שתלי נמי לבראי,יתיב קא כריך ריפתא אתא ליה שינתא נים אהדרא ליה משוניתא איכסי מעינא ונים שבעין שנין כי קם חזייה לההוא גברא דהוה קא מלקט מינייהו אמר ליה את הוא דשתלתיה א"ל בר בריה אנא אמר ליה שמע מינה דניימי שבעין שנין חזא לחמריה דאתיילידא ליה רמכי רמכי,אזל לביתיה אמר להו בריה דחוני המעגל מי קיים אמרו ליה בריה ליתא בר בריה איתא אמר להו אנא חוני המעגל לא הימנוהו אזל לבית המדרש שמעינהו לרבנן דקאמרי נהירן שמעתתין כבשני חוני המעגל דכי הוי עייל לבית מדרשא כל קושיא דהוו להו לרבנן הוה מפרק להו אמר להו אנא ניהו לא הימנוהו ולא עבדי ליה יקרא כדמבעי ליה חלש דעתיה בעי רחמי ומית אמר רבא היינו דאמרי אינשי או חברותא או מיתותא,אבא חלקיה בר בריה דחוני המעגל הוה וכי מצטריך עלמא למיטרא הוו משדרי רבנן לגביה ובעי רחמי ואתי מיטרא זימנא חדא איצטריך עלמא למיטרא שדור רבנן זוגא דרבנן לגביה למבעי רחמי דניתי מיטרא אזול לביתיה ולא אשכחוהו אזול בדברא ואשכחוהו דהוה קא רפיק יהבו ליה שלמא | 23a. b “In their season” /b means b on Wednesday eves, /b i.e., Tuesday nights, b and on Shabbat eves, /b i.e., Friday nights, because at these times people are not out in the streets, either due to fear of demonic forces that were thought to wander on Tuesday nights or due to the sanctity of Shabbat., b As we found /b in b the days of Shimon ben Shetaḥ that rain /b invariably b fell for them on Wednesday eves and on Shabbat eves, until wheat grew /b as big b as kidneys, and barley /b as big b as olive pits, and lentils as golden dinars. And they tied /b up some b of /b these crops as b an example [ i dugma /i ] for /b future b generations, to convey /b to them b how much /b damage b sin causes, as it is stated: /b “The Lord our God, Who gives rain, the former rain and the latter rain, in its season that keeps for us the appointed weeks of the harvest. b Your iniquities have turned away these things, and your sins have withheld the good from you” /b (Jeremiah 5:24–25)., b And we likewise found /b that b in the days of Herod /b that b they were occupied in the building of the Temple, and rain would fall at night. And the next day the wind would blow, the clouds would disperse, the sun would shine, and the people would go out to their work. And /b as rain would fall only at a time when it would not interfere with their labor, the nation b knew /b that b the work of Heaven /b was being performed b by their hands. /b ,§ The mishna taught: b An incident /b occurred in b which /b the people b sent /b a message b to Ḥoni HaMe’aggel. /b This event is related in greater detail in the following i baraita /i . b The Sages taught: Once, most of /b the month of b Adar had passed but rain had /b still b not fallen. They sent /b this message b to Ḥoni HaMe’aggel: Pray, and rain will fall. He prayed, but no rain fell. He drew a circle /b in the dust b and stood inside it, in the manner that the prophet Habakkuk did, as it is stated: “And I will stand upon my watch and set myself upon the tower, /b and I will look out to see what He will say to me, and what I shall answer when I am reproved” (Habakkuk 2:1). This verse is taken to mean that Habakkuk fashioned a kind of prison for himself where he sat.,Ḥoni b said before /b God: b Master of the Universe, Your children have turned their faces toward me, as I am like a member of Your household. /b Therefore, b I take an oath by Your great name that I will not move from here until you have mercy upon Your children /b and answer their prayers for rain. b Rain began to trickle /b down, but only in small droplets. b His students said to him: Rabbi, we have seen /b that b you /b can perform great wonders, b but /b this quantity of rain is not enough to ensure that b we will not die. It appears to us that /b a small amount of b rain is falling only /b to enable you b to dissolve your oath, /b but it is not nearly enough to save us.,Ḥoni b said /b to God: b I did not ask for this, but /b for b rain to /b fill the b cisterns, ditches, and caves. /b Rain b began to fall furiously, until each and every drop /b was as big b as the mouth of a barrel, and the Sages estimated that no drop was less than a i log /i /b in size. b His students said to him: Rabbi, we have seen /b that b you /b can call on God to perform miracles b and we will not die, /b but now b it appears to us that rain is falling only to destroy the world. /b ,Ḥoni again b said before /b God: b I did not ask for this /b harmful rain either, b but /b for b rain of benevolence, blessing, and generosity. /b Subsequently, the rains b fell in their standard manner, until all of the people /b sought higher ground and b ascended to the Temple Mount due to the rain. They said to him: Rabbi, just as you prayed that /b the rains b should fall, so too, pray that they should stop. He said to them: This is /b the tradition that b I received, that one does not pray over an excess of good. /b ,Ḥoni continued: b Nevertheless, bring me a bull. /b I will sacrifice it as b a thanks-offering /b and pray at the same time. b They brought him a bull /b for b a thanks-offering. He placed his two hands on its /b head b and said before /b God: b Master of the Universe, Your nation Israel, whom You brought out of Egypt, cannot /b bear b either an excess of good or an excess of punishment. You grew angry with them /b and withheld rain, b and they are unable to bear /b it. b You bestowed upon them /b too much b good, and they were /b also b unable to bear /b it. b May it be Your will that the rain stop and that there be relief for the world. Immediately, the wind blew, the clouds dispersed, the sun shone, and everyone went out to the fields and gathered for themselves truffles and mushrooms /b that had sprouted in the strong rain., b Shimon ben Shetaḥ relayed to /b Ḥoni HaMe’aggel: b If you were not Ḥoni, I would have decreed ostracism upon you. For were /b these b years like the years of Elijah, when the keys of rain /b were entrusted b in Elijah’s hands, /b and he swore it would not rain, b wouldn’t the name of Heaven have been desecrated by your /b oath not to leave the circle until it rained? Once you have pronounced this oath, either yours or Elijah’s must be falsified., b However, what can I do to you, as you nag God and He does your bidding, like a son who nags his father and /b his father b does his bidding. And /b the son b says to /b his father: b Father, take me to be bathed in hot water; wash me with cold water; give me nuts, almonds, peaches, and pomegranates. And /b his father b gives him. About you, the verse states: “Your father and mother will be glad and she who bore you will rejoice” /b (Proverbs 23:25)., b The Sages taught: What /b message did b the members of the Chamber of the Hewn Stone, /b the Great Sanhedrin, b send to Ḥoni HaMe’aggel? /b About you, the verse states: b “You shall also decree a matter, and it shall be established for you; and the light shall shine upon your ways. /b When they cast down, you will say: There is lifting up, for He saves the humble person. He will deliver the one who is not innocent and he will be delivered through the cleanness of your hands” (Job 22:28–30).,They interpreted: b “You shall also decree a matter”; you, /b Ḥoni, b decree from below, and the Holy One, Blessed be He, fulfills your statement from above. “And the light shall shine upon your ways”; a generation that was in darkness, you have illuminated /b it b with your prayer. /b , b “When they cast down, you will say: There is lifting up”; a generation that was cast down, you lifted it up with your prayer. “For He saves the humble person”; a generation that was humble in its transgression, you saved it through your prayer. “He will deliver the one who is not innocent”; a generation that was not innocent, you have delivered it through your prayer. “And he will be delivered through the cleanness of your hands”; you have delivered /b an undeserving generation b through the clean work of your hands. /b ,§ The Gemara relates another story about Ḥoni HaMe’aggel. b Rabbi Yoḥa said: All the days /b of the life b of that righteous man, /b Ḥoni, b he was distressed over /b the meaning of b this verse: “A song of Ascents: When the Lord brought back those who returned to Zion, we were like those who dream” /b (Psalms 126:1). b He said /b to himself: b Is there /b really a person b who can sleep and dream for seventy years? /b How is it possible to compare the seventy-year exile in Babylonia to a dream?, b One day, he was walking along the road /b when b he saw a certain man planting a carob tree. /b Ḥoni b said to him: This /b tree, b after how many years /b will it b bear /b fruit? The man b said to him: /b It will not produce fruit b until seventy years /b have passed. Ḥoni b said to him: Is it obvious to you that you will live seventy years, /b that you expect to benefit from this tree? b He said to him: That man /b himself b found a world /b full b of carob trees. Just as my ancestors planted for me, I too am planting for my descendants. /b ,Ḥoni b sat and ate bread. Sleep overcame him and he slept. A cliff formed around him, and he disappeared from sight and slept for seventy years. When he awoke, he saw a certain man gathering /b carobs from that tree. Ḥoni b said to him: /b Are b you the one who planted /b this tree? The man b said to him: I am his son’s son. /b Ḥoni b said to him: /b I can b learn from this that I /b have b slept for seventy years, /b and indeed b he saw that his donkey had sired several herds /b during those many years.,Ḥoni b went home and said to /b the members of the household: b Is the son of Ḥoni HaMe’aggel alive? They said to him: His son is no /b longer with us, but b his son’s son is /b alive. b He said to them: I am Ḥoni HaMe’aggel. They did not believe him. He went to the study hall, /b where he b heard the Sages say /b about one scholar: b His i halakhot /i are as enlightening /b and as clear b as in the years of Ḥoni HaMe’aggel, for when /b Ḥoni HaMe’aggel b would enter the study hall he would resolve for the Sages any difficulty they had. /b Ḥoni b said to them: I am he, but they did not believe him and did not pay him proper respect. /b Ḥoni b became very upset, prayed for mercy, and died. Rava said: This /b explains the folk saying b that people say: Either friendship or death, /b as one who has no friends is better off dead.,§ The Gemara relates another story, this time about Ḥoni HaMe’aggel’s descendants, who were also renowned for their righteous deeds. b Abba Ḥilkiyya was the son of Ḥoni HaMe’aggel’s son. And when the world was in need of rain they would send Sages to him, and he would pray for mercy, and rain would fall. Once the world was in need of rain, /b and b the Sages sent a pair of Sages to him /b so b that he would pray for mercy and rain would fall. They went to his house but they did not find him /b there. b They went to the field and found him hoeing /b the ground. b They greeted him, /b |
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212. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 63b. מן החטא מקרי ליה רב יהודה לרב יצחק בריה (קהלת ז, כו) ומוצא אני מר ממות את האשה א"ל כגון מאן כגון אמך,והא מתני ליה רב יהודה לרב יצחק בריה אין אדם מוצא קורת רוח אלא מאשתו ראשונה שנאמר (משלי ה, יח) יהי מקורך ברוך ושמח מאשת נעוריך וא"ל כגון מאן כגון אמך מתקיף תקיפא ועבורי מיעברא במלה,היכי דמי אשה רעה אמר אביי מקשטא ליה תכא ומקשטא ליה פומא רבא אמר מקשטא ליה תכא ומהדרא ליה גבא,אמר רבי חמא בר חנינא כיון שנשא אדם אשה עונותיו מתפקקין שנאמר (משלי יח, כב) מצא אשה מצא טוב ויפק רצון מה' במערבא כי נסיב אינש איתתא אמרי ליה הכי מצא או מוצא מצא דכתיב מצא אשה מצא טוב מוצא דכתיב ומוצא אני מר ממות את האשה,אמר רבא אשה רעה מצוה לגרשה דכתיב (משלי כב, י) גרש לץ ויצא מדון וישבות דין וקלון ואמר רבא אשה רעה וכתובתה מרובה צרתה בצדה דאמרי אינשי בחברתה ולא בסילתא ואמר רבא קשה אשה רעה כיום סגריר שנאמר (משלי כז, טו) דלף טורד ביום סגריר ואשת מדינים נשתוה,ואמר רבא בא וראה כמה טובה אשה טובה וכמה רעה אשה רעה כמה טובה אשה טובה דכתיב מצא אשה מצא טוב אי בגוה משתעי קרא כמה טובה אשה טובה שהכתוב משבחה אי בתורה משתעי קרא כמה טובה אשה טובה שהתורה נמשלה בה כמה רעה אשה רעה דכתיב ומוצא אני מר ממות את האשה אי בגוה משתעי קרא כמה רעה אשה רעה שהכתוב מגנה אי בגיהנם משתעי קרא כמה רעה אשה רעה שגיהנם נמשלה בה,(ירמיהו יא, יא) הנני מביא רעה אשר לא יוכלו לצאת ממנה אמר רב נחמן אמר רבה בר אבוה זו אשה רעה וכתובתה מרובה (איכה א, יד) נתנני ה' בידי לא אוכל קום אמר רב חסדא אמר מר עוקבא בר חייא זו אשה רעה וכתובתה מרובה במערבא אמרו זה שמזונותיו תלוין בכספו,(דברים כח, לב) בניך ובנותיך נתונים לעם אחר אמר רב חנן בר רבא אמר רב זו אשת האב (דברים לב, כא) בגוי נבל אכעיסם אמר רב חנן בר רבא אמר רב זו אשה רעה וכתובתה מרובה רבי אליעזר אומר אלו הצדוקים וכן הוא אומר (תהלים יד, א) אמר נבל בלבו אין אלהים וגו',במתניתא תנא אלו אנשי ברבריא ואנשי מרטנאי שמהלכין ערומים בשוק שאין לך משוקץ ומתועב לפני המקום יותר ממי שמהלך בשוק ערום רבי יוחנן אמר אלו חברים אמרו ליה לר' יוחנן אתו חברי לבבל שגא נפל אמרו ליה מקבלי שוחדא תריץ יתיב,גזרו על ג' מפני ג' גזרו על הבשר מפני המתנות גזרו על המרחצאות מפני הטבילה,קא מחטטי שכבי מפני ששמחים ביום אידם שנאמר (שמואל א יב, טו) והיתה יד ה' בכם ובאבותיכם אמר רבה בר שמואל זו חטוטי שכבי דאמר מר בעון חיים מתים מתחטטין,א"ל רבא לרבה בר מארי כתיב (ירמיהו ח, ב) לא יאספו ולא יקברו לדומן על פני האדמה יהיו וכתיב (ירמיהו ח, ג) ונבחר מות מחיים אמר ליה נבחר מות לרשעים שלא יחיו בעולם הזה ויחטאו ויפלו בגיהנם,כתוב בספר בן סירא אשה טובה מתנה טובה לבעלה וכתיב טובה בחיק ירא אלהים תנתן אשה רעה צרעת לבעלה מאי תקנתיה יגרשנה ויתרפא מצרעתו אשה יפה אשרי בעלה מספר ימיו כפלים,העלם עיניך מאשת חן פן תלכד במצודתה אל תט אצל בעלה למסוך עמו יין ושכר כי בתואר אשה יפה רבים הושחתו ועצומים כל הרוגיה רבים היו פצעי רוכל המרגילים לדבר ערוה כניצוץ מבעיר גחלת ככלוב מלא עוף כן בתיהם מלאים מרמה,אל תצר צרת מחר כי לא תדע מה ילד יום שמא מחר בא ואיננו נמצא מצטער על העולם שאין שלו מנע רבים מתוך ביתך ולא הכל תביא ביתך רבים יהיו דורשי שלומך גלה סוד לאחד מאלף,אמר רבי אסי אין בן דוד בא עד שיכלו כל הנשמות שבגוף שנאמר (ישעיהו נז, טז) כי רוח מלפני יעטוף ונשמות אני עשיתי תניא רבי אליעזר אומר כל מי שאין עוסק בפריה ורביה כאילו שופך דמים שנאמר (בראשית ט, ו) שופך דם האדם באדם דמו ישפך וכתיב בתריה ואתם פרו ורבו,רבי יעקב אומר כאילו ממעט הדמות שנאמר (בראשית ט, ו) כי בצלם אלהים עשה את האדם וכתיב בתריה ואתם פרו וגו' בן עזאי אומר כאילו שופך דמים וממעט הדמות שנאמר ואתם פרו ורבו,אמרו לו לבן עזאי יש נאה דורש ונאה מקיים נאה מקיים ואין נאה דורש ואתה נאה דורש ואין נאה מקיים אמר להן בן עזאי ומה אעשה שנפשי חשקה בתורה אפשר לעולם שיתקיים על ידי אחרים,תניא אידך רבי אליעזר אומר כל מי שאין עוסק בפריה ורביה כאילו שופך דמים שנאמר שופך דם האדם וסמיך ליה ואתם פרו וגו' רבי אלעזר בן עזריה אומר כאילו ממעט הדמות בן עזאי אומר וכו' אמרו לו לבן עזאי יש נאה דורש וכו',ת"ר (במדבר י, לו) ובנחה יאמר שובה ה' רבבות אלפי ישראל | 63b. b from sin. /b We should therefore show our gratitude to them. The Gemara cites a related incident: b Rav Yehuda /b was b teaching /b Torah b to Rav Yitzḥak, his son, /b and they encountered the verse: b “And I find more bitter than death the woman” /b (Ecclesiastes 7:26). His son b said to him: For example, whom? /b His father replied: b For example, your mother. /b ,The Gemara asks: b Didn’t Rav Yehuda teach Rav Yitzḥak, his son, /b the following i baraita /i : b A man finds peace of mind only with his first wife, as it is stated: “Let your fountain be blessed, and have joy from the wife of your youth” /b (Proverbs 5:18), b and /b his son b said to him: For example, whom, /b and his father responded in this case as well: b For example, your mother. /b This indicates that Rav Yehuda did find peace of mind with his wife. The Gemara answers: She was aggressive and b forceful, but /b she was b easily appeased. /b ,The Gemara asks: b What are the circumstances /b when a woman is considered b a bad wife? Abaye said: She arranges a table for him and arranges /b her b mouth for him /b at the same time. In other words, although she prepares food for him, she verbally abuses him while he eats. b Rava said: She arranges a table for him and /b then b turns /b her b back to him, /b displaying her lack of interest in his company., b Rabbi Ḥama bar Ḥanina said: Once a man marries a woman his iniquities crumble [ i mitpakekin /i ], as it is stated: “Whoever finds a wife finds good, and obtains [ i veyafek /i ] favor of the Lord” /b (Proverbs 18:22). b In the West, /b i.e., Eretz Yisrael, b when a man married a woman they would say to him as follows: i Matza /i or i motze /i ? /b In other words, they would ask the groom if the appropriate passage for his wife is that verse, which begins with the word b i matza /i , as it is written: Whoever finds [ i matza /i ] a wife finds good, /b or whether the more appropriate verse is the one beginning with the word b i motze /i , as it is written: “And I find [ i motze /i ] more bitter than death the woman” /b (Ecclesiastes 7:26)., b Rava said: It is a mitzva to divorce a bad wife, as it is written: “Cast out the scorner and contention will depart; strife and shame will cease” /b (Proverbs 22:10). b And Rava said: A bad wife whose marriage contract /b settlement b is /b too b large /b for her husband to pay in the event of a divorce, b her rival wife is at her side. /b In other words, the only way for him to improve matters is to take another wife. b As people say /b in the well-known adage: The way to trouble a woman is b with her peer and not with a thorn. And Rava said: A bad wife is as troublesome as a day of heavy rain, as it is stated: “A continual dropping on a very rainy day and a contentious woman are alike” /b (Proverbs 27:15)., b And Rava said: Come and see how good a good wife is and how bad a bad wife is. How good is a good wife? As it is written: Whoever finds a wife finds good. If the verse speaks of her, /b a wife, this demonstrates b how good a good wife is, as the Bible praises her. If the verse speaks /b metaphorically b of the Torah, /b it nevertheless indicates b how good a good wife is, as the Torah is compared to her. /b Conversely, b how bad is a bad wife? As it is written: “And I find more bitter than death the woman.” If the verse speaks of her, /b this demonstrates b how bad a bad wife is, as the Bible condemns her. If the verse speaks /b metaphorically b of Gehenna, /b it still demonstrates b how bad a bad wife is, as Gehenna is compared to her. /b ,The Gemara cites further statements on the same issue. The verse states: b “Behold, I will bring evil upon them, which they shall not be able to escape” /b (Jeremiah 11:11). b Rav Naḥman said /b that b Rabba bar Avuh said: This is a bad wife whose marriage contract is large. /b Similarly, with regard to the verse: b “The Lord has given me into the hands of those against whom I cannot stand” /b (Lamentations 1:14), b Rav Ḥisda said /b that b Mar Ukva bar Ḥiyya said: This is a bad wife whose marriage contract is large. In the West, /b Eretz Yisrael, b they said this /b verse is referring to one b whose food is dependent on his money. /b He is forced to purchase his food with cash, as he does not possess land of his own.,With regard to the verse: b “Your sons and your daughters shall be given to another people” /b (Deuteronomy 28:32), b Rav Ḥa bar Rava said /b that b Rav said: This is /b a reference to the children’s b father’s wife, /b their stepmother. With regard to the verse: b “I will provoke them with a vile nation” /b (Deuteronomy 32:21), b Rav Ḥa bar Rava said /b that b Rav said: This is a bad wife whose marriage contract is large. Rabbi Eliezer says /b that b these are apostates, and so too /b the verse b states: “The vile man has said in his heart: There is no God, /b they have dealt corruptly” (Psalms 14:1), which proves that an apostate is called vile., b It was taught in a i baraita /i /b with regard to the verse: “I will provoke them with a vile nation,” that b these are the inhabitants of Barbarya and the inhabitants of Martenai, who walk naked in the marketplace, as none is more despised and abominable before the Omnipresent than one who walks naked in the marketplace. Rabbi Yoḥa said: These are /b the b i Ḥabbarim /i , /b a sect of Persian priests. The Gemara relates: When b they said to Rabbi Yoḥa: /b The b i Ḥabbarim /i have come to Babylonia, he shuddered and fell /b of his chair, out of concern for the Jews living there. b They said to him: /b There is a way to deal with their persecution, as b they accept bribes. /b Upon hearing that not all was lost, b he straightened himself /b and b sat /b in his place once again.,Apropos the i Ḥabbarim /i , the Gemara cites the following statement of the Sages: The i Ḥabbarim /i were able to b issue decrees against /b the Jewish people with regard to b three /b matters, b due to three /b transgressions on the part of the Jewish people. b They decreed against meat, /b i.e., they banned ritual slaughter, b due to /b the failure of the Jewish people to give the priests b the gifts /b of the foreleg, the jaw, and the maw. b They decreed against /b Jews bathing in b bathhouses, due to /b their neglect of ritual b immersion. /b ,Third, b they exhumed the dead /b from their graves b because /b the Jews b rejoice on /b the b holidays /b of the gentiles, b as it is stated: “Then shall the hand of the Lord be against you and against your fathers” /b (I Samuel 12:15). b Rabba bar Shmuel said: This /b verse is referring to b exhuming the dead, /b which upsets both the living and the dead, b as the Master said: /b Due b to the iniquity of the living, the dead are exhumed. /b , b Rava said to Rabba bar Mari: It is written: “They shall not be gathered nor buried; they shall be for dung upon the face of the earth” /b (Jeremiah 8:2), b and it is written: “And death shall be chosen rather than life” /b (Jeremiah 8:3). If death will be so indecent that their bodies will not even be buried, why would people choose death over life? Rabba bar Mari b said to him: /b The latter verse does not refer to the previously described state of affairs, but rather it means: b Death is preferable for the wicked, /b as it is better b that they not live in this world and sin and /b consequently b descend into Gehenna. /b ,The Gemara cites more statements concerning women. b It is written in the book of Ben Sira: A good wife is a good gift for her husband. And it is written: A good one will be placed in the bosom of a God-fearing man; a bad wife is a plague to her husband. What is his remedy? He should divorce her and he will be cured of his plague. A beautiful wife, happy is her husband; the number of his days are doubled. /b His pleasure in her beauty makes him feel as though he has lived twice as long., b Turn your eyes from a graceful woman /b who is married to another man, b lest you be caught in her trap. Do not turn to her husband to mix wine and strong drink with him, /b which can lead to temptation. b For on /b account of b the countece of a beautiful woman many have been destroyed, and her slain is a mighty host. /b Furthermore, b many have been the wounded peddlers. /b This is referring to men who travel from place to place to sell women’s jewelry. Their frequent dealings with women lead their husbands to harm the peddlers. b Those who accustom /b themselves b to licentious matters are like a spark that ignites a coal. As a cage is full of birds, so are their houses full of deceit. /b ,The Gemara quotes additional statements from the book of Ben Sira: b Do not suffer from tomorrow’s trouble, /b that is, do not worry about problems that might arise in the future, b as you do not know what a day will bring. Perhaps /b when b tomorrow comes, /b the individual who was so worried will b not /b be among the living, and b he /b was b consequently upset over a world that is not his. Prevent a crowd from inside your house, /b do not let many people enter, b and do not /b even b bring all /b your friends into b your house. /b Make sure, however, that b a crowd seeks your welfare, /b and that you have many allies. b Reveal a secret to /b only b one in a thousand, /b since most people are unable to keep a secret., b Rabbi Asi said: The /b Messiah, b son of David, will not come until all the souls of the body have been finished, /b i.e., until all souls that are destined to inhabit physical bodies will do so. b As it is stated: “For the spirit that enwraps itself is from Me, and the souls that I have made” /b (Isaiah 57:16). b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Eliezer says: Anyone who does not engage in /b the mitzva to be b fruitful and multiply /b is considered b as though he sheds blood, as it is stated: “Whoever sheds the blood of man, by man shall his blood be shed” /b (Genesis 9:6), b and it is written /b immediately b afterward: “And you, be fruitful and multiply” /b (Genesis 9:7)., b Rabbi Ya’akov says: It is as though he diminishes the /b Divine b Image, as it is stated: “For in the image of God He made man” /b (Genesis 9:6), b and it is written /b immediately b afterward: “And you, be fruitful /b and multiply” (Genesis 9:7). b Ben Azzai says: /b It is b as though he sheds blood and /b also b diminishes the /b Divine b Image, as it is stated: “And you, be fruitful and multiply,” /b after the verse that alludes to both shedding blood and the Divine Image., b They said to ben Azzai: There /b is a type of scholar who b expounds well and fulfills /b his own teachings b well, /b and another who b fulfills well and does not expound well. But you, /b who have never married, b expound well /b on the importance of procreation, b and /b yet b you do not fulfill well /b your own teachings. b Ben Azzai said to them: What shall I do, as my soul yearns for Torah, /b and I do not wish to deal with anything else. b It is possible for the world to be maintained by others, /b who are engaged in the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply., b It is /b similarly b taught /b in b another /b i baraita /i that b Rabbi Eliezer says: Anyone who does not engage in /b the mitzva to be b fruitful and multiply /b is considered b as though he sheds blood, as it is stated: “Whoever sheds the blood of man,” and /b it is stated b near it: “And you, be fruitful /b and multiply.” b Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya says: /b It is b as though he diminishes the /b Divine b Image. Ben Azzai says: /b It is as though he both sheds blood and diminishes the Divine Image. b They said to ben Azzai: There is /b a type of scholar who b expounds well, etc. /b , b The Sages taught /b with regard to the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply: b “And when it rested, he would say: Return, Lord, to the ten thousands of the thousands of Israel” /b (Numbers 10:36). |
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| 213. Lactantius, Deaths of The Persecutors, 7.4, 14.4 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •administration, roman imperial •law, roman imperial period, “military anarchy,” •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 94; Marek (2019) 393 |
214. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166| 54b. נפלו ונתפצעו אחד שוגג ואחד מזיד לא יעלו דברי ר"מ ורבי יהודה רבי יוסי ור' שמעון אומרים בשוגג יעלו במזיד לא יעלו,והא הכא דמדאורייתא חד בתרי בטל ורבנן הוא דגזור וקא קניס ר' יהודה התם היינו טעמא דר' יהודה משום דאתי לאיערומי,ורמי דרבי יוסי אדרבי יוסי דתנן נטיעה של ערלה ושל כלאי הכרם שנתערבו בנטיעות אחרות הרי זה לא ילקט ואם ליקט יעלו באחד ומאתים ובלבד שלא יתכוין ללקט,ר' יוסי אומר אף המתכוין ללקט יעלו באחד ומאתים,הא אתמר עלה אמר רבא חזקה אין אדם אוסר את כרמו בנטיעה אחת וכן כי אתא רבין א"ר יוחנן חזקה אין אדם אוסר את כרמו בנטיעה אחת:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big הכהנים שפגלו במקדש מזידין חייבין:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר היה עושה עמו בטהרות ואמר לו טהרות שעשיתי עמך נטמאו היה עושה עמו בזבחים וא"ל זבחים שעשיתי עמך נתפגלו נאמן אבל אמר לו טהרות שעשיתי עמך ביום פלוני נטמאו וזבחים שעשיתי עמך ביום פלוני נתפגלו אינו נאמן,מאי שנא רישא ומאי שנא סיפא אמר אביי כל שבידו נאמן,רבא אמר כגון דאשכחיה ולא אמר ליה ולא מידי ולבתר הכי אשכחיה ואמר ליה,ההוא דאמר ליה לחבריה טהרות שעשיתי עמך ביום פלוני נטמאו אתא לקמיה דרבי אמי אמר ליה שורת הדין אינו נאמן אמר לפניו רבי אסי רבי אתה אומר כן הכי אמר ר' יוחנן משום רבי יוסי מה אעשה שהתורה האמינתו,היכן האמינתו א"ר יצחק בר ביסנא כהן גדול ביוה"כ יוכיח דכי אמר פגול מהימן ומנא ידעינן והכתיב (ויקרא טז, יז) וכל אדם לא יהיה באהל מועד אלא לאו משום דמהימן,ודלמא דשמעניה דפגיל אי לאו דמהימן אע"ג דשמעניה נמי לא מהימן דדלמא לבתר הכי קאמר,ודלמא דחזיניה בפישפש קשיא,ההוא דאתא לקמיה דרבי אמי אמר ליה ספר תורה שכתבתי לפלוני אזכרות שלו לא כתבתים לשמן אמר ליה ספר תורה ביד מי אמר ליה ביד לוקח אמר ליה נאמן אתה להפסיד שכרך ואי אתה נאמן להפסיד ספר תורה,אמר ליה רבי ירמיה נהי דהפסיד שכר אזכרות שכר דספר תורה כוליה מי הפסיד אמר ליה אין שכל ספר תורה שאין אזכרות שלו כתובות לשמן אינו שוה כלום,וליעבר עלייהו קולמוס וליקדשיה כמאן נימא דלא כרבי יהודה,דתנן הרי שהיה צריך לכתוב את השם ונתכוון לכתוב יהודה וטעה ולא הטיל בו דלת מעביר עליו קולמוס ומקדשו דברי רבי יהודה וחכמים אומרים אין השם מן המובחר,אפילו תימא רבי יהודה עד כאן לא קאמר רבי יהודה אלא בחדא אזכרה אבל דכולי ספר תורה לא משום דמיחזי כמנומר,ההוא דאתא לקמיה דר' אבהו א"ל ס"ת שכתבתי לפלוני גוילין שלו לא עיבדתים לשמן א"ל ספר תורה ביד מי א"ל ביד לוקח אמר לו מתוך שאתה נאמן להפסיד שכרך אתה נאמן להפסיד ספר תורה | 54b. If there are nuts from Perekh that are i orla /i , and b they fell /b into other nuts and became intermingled with them, the entire mixture is forbidden, even if the nuts that are i orla /i are few in number. This is because they are deemed significant when they are whole and they are not nullified in a mixture. If the nuts b were broken /b afterward, b whether /b they were broken b unintentionally or /b they were broken b intentionally, they are not nullified /b in the mixture, despite the fact that they are no longer regarded as significant and should therefore be subject to nullification; this is b the statement of Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Yehuda. Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Shimon /b disagree and b say: /b If they were broken b unintentionally, they are nullified, /b but if they were broken b intentionally, they are not nullified. /b ,The Gemara asks: b But here, by Torah law /b the forbidden substance b is nullified /b if its ratio in the mixture is not more than b one in two, /b i.e., when the majority of the mixture is permitted, b and /b it was b the Sages who decreed /b that significant items are not subject to nullification. b And /b nevertheless, b Rabbi Yehuda penalizes /b an unintentional offender due to an intentional offender. This seems to contradict what was stated previously, that Rabbi Yehuda does not impose a penalty for an unintentional offense if the transgression involves the violation of a rabbinic law. The Gemara answers: b There, this is the reasoning of Rabbi Yehuda, /b that a penalty was imposed in the case where he unintentionally broke the nuts b due to /b the concern b that /b without a penalty b he will come to employ artifice /b and intentionally break the nuts in order to effect nullification of the Perekh nuts.,The Gemara discusses the previous i baraita /i : b And they raised a contradiction between /b one statement b of Rabbi Yosei and /b another statement b of Rabbi Yosei, as we learned /b in a mishna ( i Orla /i 1:6): If b a sapling /b that has the status b of i orla /i or /b a grapevine sapling has the status b of diverse kinds in a vineyard, /b e.g., one vine in a vineyard had grain planted near it and become prohibited, and the grain was then uprooted, b became intermingled with other /b saplings, and one does not know which is the forbidden sapling, b he may not gather /b the produce of any of the saplings. b And if he gathered /b the produce, the forbidden produce b is nullified /b if its ratio in the mixture is not more than b one /b part forbidden produce b in two hundred /b parts permitted produce, b provided that he did not intend to gather /b the produce in order that the forbidden produce will become nullified., b Rabbi Yosei says: Even if he intentionally gathered /b the produce in order that the forbidden produce would become nullified, the forbidden produce b is nullified /b if its ratio in the mixture is not more than b one /b part forbidden produce b in two hundred /b parts permitted produce. This seems to contradict what Rabbi Yosei said in the i baraita /i cited previously with regard to nuts, that if the nuts were broken intentionally, they are not nullified.,The Gemara answers: b Wasn’t it /b already b stated with regard to /b that mishna in explanation of Rabbi Yosei’s opinion that b Rava says: /b There is b a presumption /b that b a person does not render his entire vineyard forbidden for the sake of one sapling. /b Therefore, it can be assumed that one does not intentionally plant a sapling that has the status of i orla /i or of diverse kinds in a vineyard among other saplings without properly marking it. If he did so, it is uncommon, and the Sages did not impose a penalty in an uncommon case. b And similarly, when Ravin came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said that b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b There is b a presumption /b that b a person does not render his vineyard forbidden for the sake of one sapling, /b and therefore the Sages did not impose a penalty., strong MISHNA: /strong If b priests disqualified an offering with improper intention in the Temple, /b by expressing, while sacrificing the offering, the intention of sprinkling the blood of the offering, burning its fats on the altar, or consuming it, after its appointed time, and they did so b intentionally, they are liable /b to pay the value of the offering to its owner, who must now bring another offering., strong GEMARA: /strong b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i ( i Tosefta /i , i Terumot /i 2:2): If one b was preparing ritually pure /b food b with /b another, b and he said to him: The ritually pure /b food b that I prepared with you became ritually impure, /b or if b he was preparing sacrifices with /b another person, b and he said to him: The sacrifices that I prepared with you became disqualified due to improper intention, /b he is b deemed credible /b with regard to these claims. b But /b if b he said to /b the other: b The ritually pure /b food b that I prepared with you on such and such a day became ritually impure, /b or b the sacrifices that I prepared with you on such and such a day became disqualified due to improper intention, he is not deemed credible. /b ,The Gemara asks: b What is different /b in b the first clause /b of the i baraita /i b and what is different /b in b the latter clause, /b that in the first clause he is deemed credible, whereas in the latter clause he is not? b Abaye says /b that the principle is as follows: b As long as it is /b still b in his power /b to do what he said he had done, he is b deemed credible. /b Therefore, while he is involved in the preparation of the ritually pure food or the sacrifices, and consequently he is still able to disqualify them, he is deemed credible when he says that they already became disqualified. But once he makes a statement about actions he performed in the past and he is no longer able to disqualify the objects of those actions, he is not deemed credible., b Rava said: /b Both the first clause and the latter clause deal with testimony about the past. The difference is that the latter clause is referring to a case b where he found him /b a first time b and told him nothing /b about disqualification, b and /b then b afterward he found him /b a second time b and told him /b what had purportedly happened. In such a case he is suspected of lying, as, if it were true that the pure food had become impure or the offering had become disqualified, he would have imparted that information earlier. Since he had said nothing at the time, and he spoke up only later, it is assumed that he was lying and that his intention was merely to annoy the other.,§ It is related that there was b a certain /b person b who said to another: The ritually pure /b food b that I prepared with you on such and such a day became ritually impure. /b The owner of the food b came before Rabbi Ami, /b asking him what to do. Rabbi Ami b said to him: /b You may continue to treat the food as ritually pure, as b in principle, /b the other person b is not deemed credible. Rabbi Asi said before him: My teacher, do you say this? So said Rabbi Yoḥa in the name of Rabbi Yosei: What can I do /b when I see b that the Torah deemed him credible /b in such a case?,The Gemara asks: b Where /b does it b deem him credible? Rabbi Yitzḥak bar Bisna says: The High Priest on Yom Kippur will prove /b this point, b as when /b he b says /b that he had b improper intent, /b he is b deemed credible. And from where do we know /b that he had improper intent? b But isn’t it written: “And no man shall be in the Tent of Meeting /b when he goes in to make atonement for the holy place” (Leviticus 16:17)? b Rather, is it not because /b he is b deemed credible /b in his testimony even after he performed the service, and it is no longer in his power to disqualify the offering?,The Gemara rejects this argument: b But perhaps we heard that he disqualified /b the offering b with improper intention, /b i.e., maybe he stated his intention out loud while performing the service and it was heard outside. The Gemara answers: b Were /b he b not deemed credible /b about the matter, then b even if we heard him /b voice his intention, he b would also not be deemed credible. /b Why? The reason is b that perhaps /b he actually sprinkled the blood with the proper intention, and it was only b afterward /b that b he said /b what he said, and at that time he could no longer disqualify the offering. Rather, he is certainly deemed credible when he says that he disqualified the offering with improper intention.,The Gemara raises another objection: b But perhaps we saw /b what the High Priest was doing b through a small door, /b through which it was possible to monitor his actions, and we saw that he sprinkled the blood with improper intention. The Gemara says: This is b difficult /b for Rabbi Yitzḥak bar Bisna, as his proof can be refuted.,§ It is similarly related that there was b a certain /b person b who came before Rabbi Ami /b and b said to him: /b In b the Torah scroll that I wrote for so-and-so, I did not write the mentions /b of God’s name b with the proper intention /b that is required when writing a holy name, and therefore the scroll is not valid. Rabbi Ami b said to him: /b This b Torah scroll /b is currently b in whose possession? /b The scribe b said to him: /b It is now b in the buyer’s possession. /b Rabbi Ami b said to him: You are deemed credible to cause the loss of your wage, /b as you admit that you wrote the Torah scroll in a faulty manner, and therefore the buyer can refuse to pay you. b But you are not deemed credible to cause a loss /b to, i.e., to invalidate, b the Torah scroll. /b , b Rabbi Yirmeya said to him: Although he lost /b his b wage /b with regard b to the mentions /b of God’s name that he wrote in a faulty manner, b did he lose his wage /b with regard b to the entire Torah scroll, /b which he wrote correctly? Rabbi Ami b said to him: Yes, /b he lost his wage for the entire Torah scroll, b as any Torah scroll in which the mentions /b of God’s name b have not been written with the proper intention is not worth anything. /b ,The Gemara asks: b But let /b the scribe b pass a reed /b pen b [ i kulemos /i ] /b with additional ink over instances of God’s name b and sanctify them, /b going over the names with the proper intention. And since there is no option to correct the Torah scroll in this manner, b in accordance with whose /b opinion was this ruling issued? b Shall we say /b that it is b not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda? /b ,This is b as we learned /b in a i baraita /i : If a scribe writing a Torah scroll was at a point in the text b that he needed to write the name /b of God, spelled i yod /i , i heh /i , i vav /i , i heh /i ; and he erred b and intended to write Yehuda, /b spelled i yod /i , i heh /i , i vav /i , i dalet /i , i heh /i , b but he made a mistake /b when writing Yehuda b and did not place a i dalet /i in /b the word, thereby unintentionally writing the name of God in the correct place, then b he should pass over it with a reed /b pen. He writes over what was written b and sanctifies it /b with the intention that he is writing the name of God. This is b the statement of Rabbi Yehuda. And the Rabbis say: /b Even if he adds a second layer of ink, b the name /b has b not /b been written b in the optimal manner. /b The fact that Rabbi Ami did not offer the option to rewrite the mentions of God’s name to correct the scroll indicates that the i halakha /i is in accordance with the opinion of the Rabbis, and not in accordance with that of Rabbi Yehuda.,The Gemara rejects this argument: b You /b can b even say /b that in general the i halakha /i is in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda, /b but there is a distinction between the cases. b Rabbi Yehuda states /b his opinion b only with regard to a single mention /b of God’s name that was initially written without the proper intention. In such a case, it is possible to pass over the name with additional ink and thereby sanctify it. b But /b passing over all of the holy names found in an b entire Torah scroll /b is b not /b possible. Why not? b Because /b if the scribe would pass his pen over all the names of God found in a Torah scroll, b it would look speckled, /b as the instances of Divine Name would be written with a thicker layer of ink and stand out.,It is further related that there was b a certain /b person b who came before Rabbi Abbahu /b and b said to him: /b With regard to b the Torah scroll that I wrote for so-and-so, I did not process its parchment with the proper intention. /b Rabbi Abbahu b said to him: The Torah scroll is /b currently b in whose possession? /b The scribe b said to him: /b It is b in the possession of the buyer. /b Rabbi Abbahu b said to him: Since you are deemed credible to cause the loss of your wage, /b as you have admitted that the parchment upon which the Torah scroll was written is invalid, b you are deemed credible to cause a loss /b to, i.e., disqualify, b the Torah scroll. /b |
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| 215. Augustine, De Diversis Quaestionibus Ad Simplicianum, 53.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 74 |
| 216. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 6, 8, 15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 353 |
| 217. John Chrysostom, Homilies On 1 Corinthians, 29.12.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215 |
| 218. Symmachus, Letters, 4.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 34 |
| 219. Epiphanius, Panarion, 68.8.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 187 |
| 220. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 13.8, 21.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 333, 347 |
| 221. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Gallieni Duo, 6.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 356 |
| 222. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 8.6, 9.4, 26.4, 26.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350, 352 |
| 223. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, a b c\n0 5 5 5\n1 8 8 8\n2 6-7.1 6 6\n3 6 6 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 354 |
| 224. Synesius of Cyrene, Dion, 8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 412 |
| 225. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pescennius Niger, 3, 5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 352 |
| 226. Augustine, Contra Epistolam Parmeniani, 1.8.14, 1.10.16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 73, 74 |
| 227. Libanius, Orations, 45.12, 1977.48.28-1977.48.29 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power •late roman empire, centralized imperial control Found in books: Cueva et al. (2018b) 263; Maier and Waldner (2022) 145 |
228. Augustine, Confessions, 7.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 73 | 7.8. 12. But You, O Lord, shall endure for ever, yet not for ever are You angry with us, because You commiserate our dust and ashes; and it was pleasing in Your sight to reform my deformity, and by inward stings You disturbed me, that I should be dissatisfied until You were made sure to my inward sight. And by the secret hand of Your remedy was my swelling lessened, and the disordered and darkened eyesight of my mind, by the sharp anointings of healthful sorrows, was from day to day made whole. |
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| 229. Claudianus, In Rufinium Libri Ii, 1.154-1.156 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 225 |
| 230. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 3.359 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 210 |
| 231. Victor, Epitome De Caesaribus, 40.13 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 36 |
232. Augustine, The City of God, 2.9, 20.19 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 216; Edmonds (2019) 385 | 2.9. The opinion of the ancient Romans on this matter is attested by Cicero in his work De Republica, in which Scipio, one of the interlocutors, says, The lewdness of comedy could never have been suffered by audiences, unless the customs of society had previously sanctioned the same lewdness. And in the earlier days the Greeks preserved a certain reasonableness in their license, and made it a law, that whatever comedy wished to say of any one, it must say it of him by name. And so in the same work of Cicero's, Scipio says, Whom has it not aspersed? Nay, whom has it not worried? Whom has it spared? Allow that it may assail demagogues and factions, men injurious to the commonwealth - a Cleon, a Cleophon, a Hyperbolus. That is tolerable, though it had been more seemly for the public censor to brand such men, than for a poet to lampoon them; but to blacken the fame of Pericles with scurrilous verse, after he had with the utmost dignity presided over their state alike in war and in peace, was as unworthy of a poet, as if our own Plautus or N vius were to bring Publius and Cneius Scipio on the comic stage, or as if C cilius were to caricature Cato. And then a little after he goes on: Though our Twelve Tables attached the penalty of death only to a very few offenses, yet among these few this was one: if any man should have sung a pasquinade, or have composed a satire calculated to bring infamy or disgrace on another person. Wisely decreed. For it is by the decisions of magistrates, and by a well-informed justice, that our lives ought to be judged, and not by the flighty fancies of poets; neither ought we to be exposed to hear calumnies, save where we have the liberty of replying, and defending ourselves before an adequate tribunal. This much I have judged it advisable to quote from the fourth book of Cicero's De Republica; and I have made the quotation word for word, with the exception of some words omitted, and some slightly transposed, for the sake of giving the sense more readily. And certainly the extract is pertinent to the matter I am endeavoring to explain. Cicero makes some further remarks, and concludes the passage by showing that the ancient Romans did not permit any living man to be either praised or blamed on the stage. But the Greeks, as I said, though not so moral, were more logical in allowing this license which the Romans forbade; for they saw that their gods approved and enjoyed the scurrilous language of low comedy when directed not only against men, but even against themselves; and this, whether the infamous actions imputed to them were the fictions of poets, or were their actual iniquities commemorated and acted in the theatres. And would that the spectators had judged them worthy only of laughter, and not of imitation! Manifestly it had been a stretch of pride to spare the good name of the leading men and the common citizens, when the very deities did not grudge that their own reputation should be blemished. 20.19. I see that I must omit many of the statements of the gospels and epistles about this last judgment, that this volume may not become unduly long; but I can on no account omit what the Apostle Paul says, in writing to the Thessalonians, We beseech you, brethren, by the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, etc. No one can doubt that he wrote this of Antichrist and of the day of judgment, which he here calls the day of the Lord, nor that he declared that this day should not come unless he first came who is called the apostate - apostate, to wit, from the Lord God. And if this may justly be said of all the ungodly, how much more of him? But it is uncertain in what temple he shall sit, whether in that ruin of the temple which was built by Solomon, or in the Church; for the apostle would not call the temple of any idol or demon the temple of God. And on this account some think that in this passage Antichrist means not the prince himself alone, but his whole body, that is, the mass of men who adhere to him, along with him their prince; and they also think that we should render the Greek more exactly were we to read, not in the temple of God, but for or as the temple of God, as if he himself were the temple of God, the Church. Then as for the words, And now you know what withholds, i.e., you know what hindrance or cause of delay there is, that he might be revealed in his own time; they show that he was unwilling to make an explicit statement, because he said that they knew. And thus we who have not their knowledge wish and are not able even with pains to understand what the apostle referred to, especially as his meaning is made still more obscure by what he adds. For what does he mean by For the mystery of iniquity does already work: only he who now holds, let him hold until he be taken out of the way: and then shall the wicked be revealed? I frankly confess I do not know what he means. I will nevertheless mention such conjectures as I have heard or read. Some think that the Apostle Paul referred to the Roman empire, and that he was unwilling to use language more explicit, lest he should incur the calumnious charge of wishing ill to the empire which it was hoped would be eternal; so that in saying, For the mystery of iniquity does already work, he alluded to Nero, whose deeds already seemed to be as the deeds of Antichrist. And hence some suppose that he shall rise again and be Antichrist. Others, again, suppose that he is not even dead, but that he was concealed that he might be supposed to have been killed, and that he now lives in concealment in the vigor of that same age which he had reached when he was believed to have perished, and will live until he is revealed in his own time and restored to his kingdom. But I wonder that men can be so audacious in their conjectures. However, it is not absurd to believe that these words of the apostle, Only he who now holds, let him hold until he be taken out of the way, refer to the Roman empire, as if it were said, Only he who now reigns, let him reign until he be taken out of the way. And then shall the wicked be revealed: no one doubts that this means Antichrist. But others think that the words, You know what withholds, and The mystery of iniquity works, refer only to the wicked and the hypocrites who are in the Church, until they reach a number so great as to furnish Antichrist with a great people, and that this is the mystery of iniquity, because it seems hidden; also that the apostle is exhorting the faithful tenaciously to hold the faith they hold when he says, Only he who now holds, let him hold until he be taken out of the way, that is, until the mystery of iniquity which now is hidden departs from the Church. For they suppose that it is to this same mystery John alludes when in his epistle he says, Little children, it is the last time: and as you have heard that Antichrist shall come, even now are there many antichrists; whereby we know that it is the last time. They went out from us, but they were not of us; for if they had been of us, they would no doubt have continued with us. 1 John 2:18-19 As therefore there went out from the Church many heretics, whom John calls many antichrists, at that time prior to the end, and which John calls the last time, so in the end they shall go out who do not belong to Christ, but to that last Antichrist, and then he shall be revealed. Thus various, then, are the conjectural explanations of the obscure words of the apostle. That which there is no doubt he said is this, that Christ will not come to judge quick and dead unless Antichrist, His adversary, first come to seduce those who are dead in soul; although their seduction is a result of God's secret judgment already passed. For, as it is said his presence shall be after the working of Satan, with all power, and signs, and lying wonders, and with all seduction of unrighteousness in them that perish. For then shall Satan be loosed, and by means of that Antichrist shall work with all power in a lying though a wonderful manner. It is commonly questioned whether these works are called signs and lying wonders because he is to deceive men's senses by false appearances, or because the things he does, though they be true prodigies, shall be a lie to those who shall believe that such things could be done only by God, being ignorant of the devil's power, and especially of such unexampled power as he shall then for the first time put forth. For when he fell from heaven as fire, and at a stroke swept away from the holy Job his numerous household and his vast flocks, and then as a whirlwind rushed upon and smote the house and killed his children, these were not deceitful appearances, and yet they were the works of Satan to whom God had given this power. Why they are called signs and lying wonders, we shall then be more likely to know when the time itself arrives. But whatever be the reason of the name, they shall be such signs and wonders as shall seduce those who shall deserve to be seduced, because they received not the love of the truth that they might be saved. Neither did the apostle scruple to go on to say, For this cause God shall send upon them the working of error that they should believe a lie. For God shall send, because God shall permit the devil to do these things, the permission being by His own just judgment, though the doing of them is in pursuance of the devil's unrighteous and maligt purpose, that they all might be judged who believed not the truth, but had pleasure in unrighteousness. Therefore, being judged, they shall be seduced, and, being seduced, they shall be judged. But, being judged, they shall be seduced by those secretly just and justly secret judgments of God, with which He has never ceased to judge since the first sin of the rational creatures; and, being seduced, they shall be judged in that last and manifest judgment administered by Jesus Christ, who was Himself most unjustly judged and shall most justly judge. |
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| 233. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.12.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 346 |
| 234. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 1.1.5, 7.1, 9.3.1, 9.3.7, 9.40.21, 16.7.3, 16.8.1, 16.8.7, 16.8.12-16.8.13, 16.8.18, 16.8.20 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ideology, roman imperial •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power •imperial representation, in roman senate •roman empire, imperial legislation and judaism Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006) 128; Maier and Waldner (2022) 145; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 137, 138, 139; Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 34 |
| 235. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 1.9.1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ideology, roman imperial Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006) 128 |
| 236. Justinian, Digest, 1.16.7, 1.18.13, 50.15.4 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •administration, roman imperial •xanthos/xanthians, roman imperial period •law, roman imperial period, on council membership Found in books: Marek (2019) 367, 369, 388, 392, 433 |
| 237. Procopius, On Buildings, 3-4, 18 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 382 |
| 238. Augustine, Letters, 95.3, 153.17 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 74 |
| 239. Anon., Ijo, 2.43, 2.255 Tagged with subjects: •women, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 465 |
| 240. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, R.S., 39, 37 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 186, 352, 353 |
| 241. Various, Anthologia Latina, 7.465, 11.319 Tagged with subjects: •tomb, roman imperial period •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 226; Marek (2019) 460; Verhagen (2022) 226 |
| 242. Amonas, Letters,G, 2 Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, imperial security forces Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 770 |
| 243. Anon., Martyrdom of Montanus And Lucius, 4.3, 20.6 Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 145 |
| 244. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 313 Tagged with subjects: •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 36 |
245. Strabo, Geography, 6.4.2, 7.6.2, 8.14, 11.2.19, 11.14.9, 12.2.7, 12.3.11-12.3.12, 12.3.15, 12.3.19, 12.3.30, 12.3.37-12.3.40, 12.5.4, 12.6.1, 12.8.9, 12.8.11, 14.2.21, 14.3.2-14.3.3, 14.5.3, 14.5.6, 16.1.28 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •agriculture, roman imperial period •administration, roman imperial •law, roman imperial period, lycian league Found in books: Marek (2019) 343, 363, 401, 402, 403, 405, 418 | 6.4.2. Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, and, later on, by destroying Viriathus and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Augustus Caesar, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians and Iberians, they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution — as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus and the Nomads, for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father. 7.6.2. Now the distance from the headland that makes the strait only five stadia wide to the harbor which is called Under the Fig-tree is thirty-five stadia; and thence to the Horn of the Byzantines, five stadia. The Horn, which is close to the wall of the Byzantines, is a gulf that extends approximately towards the west for a distance of sixty stadia; it resembles a stag's horn, for it is split into numerous gulfs — branches, as it were. The pelamydes rush into these gulfs and are easily caught — because of their numbers, the force of the current that drives them together, and the narrowness of the gulfs; in fact, because of the narrowness of the area, they are even caught by hand. Now these fish are hatched in the marshes of Lake Maeotis, and when they have gained a little strength they rush out through the mouth of the lake in schools and move along the Asian shore as far as Trapezus and Pharnacia. It is here that the catching of the fish first takes place, though the catch is not considerable, for the fish have not yet grown to their normal size. But when they reach Sinope, they are mature enough for catching and salting. Yet when once they touch the Cyaneae and pass by these, the creatures take such fright at a certain white rock which projects from the Chalcedonian shore that they forthwith turn to the opposite shore. There they are caught by the current, and since at the same time the region is so formed by nature as to turn the current of the sea there to Byzantium and the Horn at Byzantium, they naturally are driven together thither and thus afford the Byzantines and the Roman people considerable revenue. But the Chalcedonians, though situated near by, on the opposite shore, have no share in this abundance, because the pelamydes do not approach their harbors; hence the saying that Apollo, when the men who founded Byzantium at a time subsequent to the founding of Chalcedon by the Megarians consulted the oracle, ordered them to make their settlement opposite the blind, thus calling the Chalcedonians blind, because, although they sailed the regions in question at an earlier time, they failed to take possession of the country on the far side, with all its wealth, and chose the poorer country. I have now carried my description as far as Byzantium, because a famous city, lying as it does very near to the mouth, marked a better-known limit to the coasting-voyage from the Ister. And above Byzantium is situated the tribe of the Astae, in whose territory is a city Calybe, where Philip the son of Amyntas settled the most villainous people of his kingdom. 11.2.19. Among the tribes which come together at Dioscurias are the Phtheirophagi, who have received their name from their squalor and their filthiness. Near them are the Soanes, who are no less filthy, but superior to them in power, — indeed, one might almost say that they are foremost in courage and power. At any rate, they are masters of the peoples around them, and hold possession of the heights of the Caucasus above Dioscurias. They have a king and a council of three hundred men; and they assemble, according to report, an army of two hundred thousand; for the whole of the people are a fighting force, though unorganized. It is said that in their country gold is carried down by the mountain torrents, and that the barbarians obtain it by means of perforated troughs and fleecy skins, and that this is the origin of the myth of the golden fleece — unless they call them Iberians, by the same name as the western Iberians, from the gold mines in both countries. The Soanes use remarkable poisons for the points of their missiles; and even people who are not wounded by the poisoned missiles suffer from their odor. Now in general the tribes in the neighborhood of the Caucasus occupy barren and cramped territories, but the tribes of the Albanians and the Iberians, which occupy nearly all the isthmus above-mentioned, might also be called Caucasian tribes; and they possess territory that is fertile and capable of affording an exceedingly good livelihood. 11.14.9. There are gold mines in Syspiritis near Caballa, to which Menon was sent by Alexander with soldiers, and he was led up to them by the natives. There are also other mines, in particular those of sandyx, as it is called, which is also called Armenian color, like chalce The country is so very good for horse-pasturing, not even inferior to Media, that the Nesaean horses, which were used by the Persian kings, are also bred there. The satrap of Armenia used to send to the Persian king twenty thousand foals every year at the time of the Mithracina. Artavasdes, at the time when he invaded Media with Antony, showed him, apart from the rest of the cavalry, six thousand horses drawn up in battle array in full armour. Not only the Medes and the Armenians pride themselves upon this kind of cavalry, but also the Albanians, for they too use horses in full armour. 12.2.7. Only two prefectures have cities, Tyanitis the city Tyana, which lies below the Taurus at the Cilician Gates, where for all is the easiest and most commonly used pass into Cilicia and Syria. It is called Eusebeia near the Taurus; and its territory is for the most part fertile and level. Tyana is situated upon a mound of Semiramis, which is beautifully fortified. Not far from this city are Castabala and Cybistra, towns still nearer to the mountain. At Castabala is the sanctuary of the Perasian Artemis, where the priestesses, it is said, walk with naked feet over hot embers without pain. And here, too, some tell us over and over the same story of Orestes and Tauropolus, asserting that she was called Perasian because she was brought from the other side. So then, in the prefecture Tyanitis, one of the ten above mentioned is Tyana (I am not enumerating along with these prefectures those that were acquired later, I mean Castabala and Cybistra and the places in Cilicia Tracheia, where is Elaeussa, a very fertile island, which was settled in a noteworthy manner by Archelaus, who spent the greater part of his time there), whereas Mazaca, the metropolis of the tribe, is in the Cilician prefecture, as it is called. This city, too, is called Eusebeia, with the additional words near the Argaeus, for it is situated below the Argaeus, the highest mountain of all, whose summit never fails to have snow upon it; and those who ascend it (those are few) say that in clear weather both seas, both the Pontus and the Issian Sea, are visible from it. Now in general Mazaca is not naturally a suitable place for the founding of a city, for it is without water and unfortified by nature; and, because of the neglect of the prefects, it is also without walls (perhaps intentionally so, in order that people inhabiting a plain, with hills above it that were advantageous and beyond range of missiles, might not, through too much reliance upon the wall as a fortification, engage in plundering). Further, the districts all round are utterly barren and untilled, although they are level; but they are sandy and are rocky underneath. And, proceeding a little farther on, one comes to plains extending over many stadia that are volcanic and full of fire-pits; and therefore the necessaries of life must be brought from a distance. And further, that which seems to be an advantage is attended with peril, for although almost the whole of Cappadocia is without timber, the Argaeus has forests all round it, and therefore the working of timber is close at hand; but the region which lies below the forests also contains fires in many places and at the same time has an underground supply of cold water, although neither the fire nor the water emerges to the surface; and therefore most of the country is covered with grass. In some places, also, the ground is marshy, and at night flames rise therefrom. Now those who are acquainted with the country can work the timber, since they are on their guard, but the country is perilous for most people, and especially for cattle, since they fall into the hidden fire-pits. 12.3.11. Then one comes to Sinope itself, which is fifty stadia distant from Armene; it is the most noteworthy of the cities in that part of the world. This city was founded by the Milesians; and, having built a naval station, it reigned over the sea inside the Cyaneae, and shared with the Greeks in many struggles even outside the Cyaneae; and, although it was independent for a long time, it could not eventually preserve its freedom, but was captured by siege, and was first enslaved by Pharnaces and afterwards by his successors down to Eupator and to the Romans who overthrew Eupator. Eupator was both born and reared at Sinope; and he accorded it especial honor and treated it as the metropolis of his kingdom. Sinope is beautifully equipped both by nature and by human foresight, for it is situated on the neck of a peninsula, and has on either side of the isthmus harbors and roadsteads and wonderful pelamydes-fisheries, of which I have already made mention, saying that the Sinopeans get the second catch and the Byzantians the third. Furthermore, the peninsula is protected all round by ridgy shores, which have hollowed-out places in them, rock-cavities, as it were, which the people call choenicides; these are filled with water when the sea rises, and therefore the place is hard to approach, not only because of this, but also because the whole surface of the rock is prickly and impassable for bare feet. Higher up, however, and above the city, the ground is fertile and adorned with diversified market-gardens; and especially the suburbs of the city. The city itself is beautifully walled, and is also splendidly adorned with gymnasium and marked place and colonnades. But although it was such a city, still it was twice captured, first by Pharnaces, who unexpectedly attacked it all of a sudden, and later by Lucullus and by the tyrant who was garrisoned within it, being besieged both inside and outside at the same time; for, since Bacchides, who had been set up by the king as commander of the garrison, was always suspecting treason from the people inside, and was causing many outrages and murders, he made the people, who were unable either nobly to defend themselves or to submit by compromise, lose all heart for either course. At any rate, the city was captured; and though Lucullus kept intact the rest of the city's adornments, he took away the globe of Billarus and the work of Sthenis, the statue of Autolycus, whom they regarded as founder of their city and honored as god. The city had also an oracle of Autolycus. He is thought to have been one of those who went on the voyage with Jason and to have taken possession of this place. Then later the Milesians, seeing the natural advantages of the place and the weakness of its inhabitants, appropriated it to themselves and sent forth colonists to it. But at present it has received also a colony of Romans; and a part of the city and the territory belong to these. It is three thousand five hundred stadia distant from the Hieron, two thousand from Heracleia, and seven hundred from Carambis. It has produced excellent men: among the philosophers, Diogenes the Cynic and Timotheus Patrion; among the poets, Diphilus the comic poet; and, among the historians, Baton, who wrote the work entitled The Persica. 12.3.12. Thence, next, one comes to the outlet of the Halys River. It was named from the halae, past which it flows. It has its sources in Greater Cappadocia in Camisene near the Pontic country; and, flowing in great volume towards the west, and then turning towards the north through Galatia and Paphlagonia, it forms the boundary between these two countries and the country of the White Syrians. Both Sinopitis and all the mountainous country extending as far as Bithynia and lying above the aforesaid seaboard have shipbuilding timber that is excellent and easy to transport. Sinopitis produces also the maple and the mountain-nut, the trees from which they cut the wood used for tables. And the whole of the tilled country situated a little above the sea is planted with olive trees. 12.3.15. Themiscyra is a plain; on one side it is washed by the sea and is about sixty stadia distant from the city, and on the other side it lies at the foot of the mountainous country, which is well wooded and coursed by streams that have their sources therein. So one river, called the Thermodon, being supplied by all these streams, flows out through the plain; and another river similar to this, which flows out of Phanaroea, as it is called, flows out through the same plain, and is called the Iris. It has its sources in Pontus itself, and, after flowing through the middle of the city Comana in Pontus and through Dazimonitis, a fertile plain, towards the west, then turns towards the north past Gaziura itself an ancient royal residence, though now deserted, and then bends back again towards the east, after receiving the waters of the Scylax and other rivers, and after flowing past the very wall of Amaseia, my fatherland, a very strongly fortified city, flows on into Phanaroea. Here the Lycus River, which has its beginnings in Armenia, joins it, and itself also becomes the Iris. Then the stream is received by Themiscyra and by the Pontic Sea. On this account the plain in question is always moist and covered with grass and can support herds of cattle and horses alike and admits of the sowing of millet-seeds and sorghum-seeds in very great, or rather unlimited, quantities. Indeed, their plenty of water offsets any drought, so that no famine comes down on these people, never once; and the country along the mountain yields so much fruit, self-grown and wild, I mean grapes and pears and apples and nuts, that those who go out to the forest at any time in the year get an abundant supply — the fruits at one time still hanging on the trees and at another lying on the fallen leaves or beneath them, which are shed deep and in great quantities. And numerous, also, are the catches of all kinds of wild animals, because of the good yield of food. 12.3.19. The Chaldaei of today were in ancient times named Chalybes; and it is just opposite their territory that Pharnacia is situated, which, on the sea, has the natural advantages of pelamydes-fishing (for it is here that this fish is first caught) and, on the land, has the mines, only iron-mines at the present time, though in earlier times it also had silver-mines. Upon the whole, the seaboard in this region is extremely narrow, for the mountains, full of mines and forests, are situated directly above it, and not much of it is tilled. But there remains for the miners their livelihood from the mines, and for those who busy themselves on the sea their livelihood from their fishing, and especially from their catches of pelamydes and dolphins; for the dolphins pursue the schools of fish — the cordyle and the tunny-fish and the pelamydes themselves; and they not only grow fat on them, but also become easy to catch because they are rather eager to approach the land. These are the only people who cut up the dolphins, which are caught with bait, and use their abundance of fat for all purposes. 12.3.30. Sidene and Themiscyra are contiguous to Pharnacia. And above these lies Phanaroea, which has the best portion of Pontus, for it is planted with olive trees, abounds in wine, and has all the other goodly attributes a country can have. On its eastern side it is protected by the Paryadres Mountain, in its length lying parallel to that mountain; and on its western side by the Lithrus and Ophlimus Mountains. It forms a valley of considerable breadth as well as length; and it is traversed by the Lycus River, which flows from Armenia, and by the Iris, which flows from the narrow passes near Amaseia. The two rivers meet at about the middle of the valley; and at their junction is situated a city which the first man who subjugated it called Eupatoria after his own name, but Pompey found it only half-finished and added to it territory and settlers, and called it Magnopolis. Now this city is situated in the middle of the plain, but Cabeira is situated close to the very foothills of the Paryadres Mountains about one hundred and fifty stadia farther south than Magnopolis, the same distance that Amaseia is farther west than Magnopolis. It was at Cabeira that the palace of Mithridates was built, and also the water-mill; and here were the zoological gardens, and, near by, the hunting grounds, and the mines. 12.3.37. The whole of the country around is held by Pythodoris, to whom belong, not only Phanaroea, but also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. Concerning Phanaroea I have already spoken. As for Zelitis, it has a city Zela, fortified on a mound of Semiramis, with the sanctuary of Anaitis, who is also revered by the Armenians. Now the sacred rites performed here are characterized by greater sanctity; and it is here that all the people of Pontus make their oaths concerning their matters of greatest importance. The large number of temple-servants and the honors of the priests were, in the time of the kings, of the same type as I have stated before, but at the present time everything is in the power of Pythodoris. Many persons had abused and reduced both the multitude of temple-servants and the rest of the resources of the sanctuary. The adjacent territory, also, was reduced, having been divided into several domains — I mean Zelitis, as it is called (which has the city Zela on a mound); for in, early times the kings governed Zela, not as a city, but as a sacred precinct of the Persian gods, and the priest was the master of the whole thing. It was inhabited by the multitude of temple-servants, and by the priest, who had an abundance of resources; and the sacred territory as well as that of the priest was subject to him and his numerous attendants. Pompey added many provinces to the boundaries of Zelitis, and named Zela, as he did Megalopolis, a city, and he united the latter and Culupene and Camisene into one state; the latter two border on both Lesser Armenia and Laviansene, and they contain rock-salt, and also an ancient fortress called Camisa, now in ruins. The later Roman prefects assigned a portion of these two governments to the priests of Comana, a portion to the priest of Zela, and a portion to Ateporix, a dynast of the family of tetrarchs of Galatia; but now that Ateporix has died, this portion, which is not large, is subject to the Romans, being called a province (and this little state is a political organization of itself, the people having incorporated Carana into it, from which fact its country is called Caranitis), whereas the rest is held by Pythodoris and Dyteutus. 12.3.38. There remain to be described the parts of the Pontus which lie between this country and the countries of the Amisenians and Sinopeans, which latter extend towards Cappadocia and Galatia and Paphlagonia. Now after the territory of the Amisenians, and extending to the Halys River, is Phazemonitis, which Pompey named Neapolitis, proclaiming the settlement at the village Phazemon a city and calling it Neapolis. The northern side of this country is bounded by Gazelonitis and the country of the Amisenians; the western by the Halys River; the eastern by Phanaroea; and the remaining side by my country, that of the Amaseians, which is by far the largest and best of all. Now the part of Phazemonitis towards Phanaroea is covered by a lake which is like a sea in size, is called Stephane, abounds in fish, and has all round it abundant pastures of all kinds. On its shores lies a strong fortress, Icizari, now deserted; and, near by, a royal palace, now in ruins. The remainder of the country is in general bare of trees and productive of grain. Above the country of the Amaseians are situated the hot springs of the Phazemonitae, which are extremely good for the health, and also Sagylium, with a strong hold situated on a high steep mountain that runs up into a sharp peak. Sagylium also has an abundant reservoir of water, which is now in neglect, although it was useful to the kings for many purposes. Here Arsaces, one of the sons of Pharnaces, who was playing the dynast and attempting a revolution without permission from any of the prefects, was captured and slain. He was captured, however, not by force, although the stronghold was taken by Polemon and Lycomedes, both of them kings, but by starvation, for he fled up into the mountain without provisions, being shut out from the plains, and he also found the wells of the reservoir choked up by huge rocks; for this had been done by order of Pompey, who ordered that the garrisons be pulled down and not be left useful to those who wished to flee up to them for the sake of robberies. Now it was in this way that Pompey arranged Phazemonitis for administrative purposes, but the later rulers distributed also this country among kings. 12.3.39. My city is situated in a large deep valley, through which flows the Iris River. Both by human foresight and by nature it is an admirably devised city, since it can at the same time afford the advantage of both a city and a fortress; for it is a high and precipitous rock, which descends abruptly to the river, and has on one side the wall on the edge of the river where the city is settled and on the other the wall that runs up on either side to the peaks. These peaks are two in number, are united with one another by nature, and are magnificently towered. Within this circuit are both the palaces and monuments of the kings. The peaks are connected by a neck which is altogether narrow, and is five or six stadia in height on either side as one goes up from the riverbanks and the suburbs; and from the neck to the peaks there remains another ascent of one stadium, which is sharp and superior to any kind of force. The rock also has reservoirs of water inside it, A water-supply of which the city cannot be deprived, since two tube-like channels have been hewn out, one towards the river and the other towards the neck. And two bridges have been built over the river, one from the city to the suburbs and the other from the suburbs to the outside territory; for it is at this bridge that the mountain which lies above the rock terminates. And there is a valley extending from the river which at first is not altogether wide, but it later widens out and forms the plain called Chiliocomum; and then comes the Diacopene and Pimolisene country, all of which is fertile, extending to the Halys River. These are the northern parts of the country of the Amaseians, and are about five hundred stadia in length. Then in order comes the remainder of their country, which is much longer than this, extending to Babanomus and Ximene, which latter itself extends as far as the Halys River. This, then, is the length of their country, whereas the breadth from the north to the south extends, not only to Zelitis, but also to Greater Cappadocia, as far as the Trocmi. In Ximene there are halae of rock-salt, after which the river is supposed to have been called Halys. There are several demolished strongholds in my country, and also much deserted land, because of the Mithridatic War. However, it is all well supplied with trees; a part of it affords pasturage for horses and is adapted to the raising of the other animals; and the whole of it is beautifully adapted to habitation. Amaseia was also given to kings, though it is now a province. 12.3.40. There remains that part of the Pontic province which lies outside the Halys River, I mean the country round Mt. Olgassys, contiguous to Sinopis. Mt. Olgassys is extremely high and hard to travel. And sanctuaries that have been established everywhere on this mountain are held by the Paphlagonians. And round it lies fairly good territory, both Blaene and Domanitis, through which latter flows the Amnias River. Here Mithridates Eupator utterly wiped out the forces of Nicomedes the Bithynian — not in person, however, since it happened that he was not even present, but through his generals. And while Nicomedes, fleeing with a few others, safely escaped to his home-land and from there sailed to Italy, Mithridates followed him and not only took Bithynia at the first assault but also took possession of Asia as far as Caria and Lycia. And here, too, a place was proclaimed a city, I mean Pompeiupolis and in this city is Mt. Sandaracurgium, not far away from Pimolisa, a royal fortress now in ruins, after which the country on either side of the river is called Pimolisene. Mt. Sandaracurgium is hollowed out in consequence of the mining done there, since the workmen have excavated great cavities beneath it. The mine used to be worked by publicans, who used as miners the slaves sold in the market because of their crimes; for, in addition to the painfulness of the work, they say that the air in the mines is both deadly and hard to endure on account of the grievous odor of the ore, so that the workmen are doomed to a quick death. What is more, the mine is often left idle because of the unprofitableness of it, since the workmen are not only more than two hundred in number, but are continually spent by disease and death. So much be said concerning Pontus. 12.5.4. After Galatia towards the south are situated Lake Tatta, which lies alongside Greater Cappadocia near Morimene but is a part of Greater Phrygia, and the country continuous with this lake and extending as far as the Taurus, most of which was held by Amyntas. Now lake Tatta is a natural salt-pan; and the water so easily congeals round everything that is immersed in it, that when people let down into it rings made of rope they draw up wreaths of salt, and that, on account of the congealing of the salt, the birds which touch the water with their wings fall on the spot and are thus caught. 12.6.1. LycaoniaSuch, then, is Tatta. And the regions round Orcaorci and Pitnissus, as also the plateaus of the Lycaonians, are cold, bare of trees, and grazed by wild asses, though there is a great scarcity of water; and even where it is possible to find water, then wells are the deepest in the world, just as in Soatra, where the water is actually sold (this is a village-city near Garsaura). But still, although the country is unwatered, it is remarkably productive of sheep; but the wool is coarse, and yet some persons have acquired very great wealth from this alone. Amyntas had over three hundred flocks in this region. There are also two lakes in this region, the larger being Lake Coralis and the smaller Lake Trogitis. In this neighborhood is also Iconium, a town that is well settled and has a more prosperous territory than the above-mentioned ass-grazing country. This place was held by Polemon. Here the region in question is near the Taurus, which separates Cappadocia and Lycaonia from Cilicia Tracheia, which last lies above that region. The boundary between the Lycaonians and the Cappadocians lies between Coropassus, a village of the Lycaonians, and Garsaura, a town of the Cappadocians. The distance between these strongholds is about one hundred and twenty stadia. 12.8.9. Cleon was from the village Gordium, which he later enlarged, making it a city and calling it Juliopolis; but from the beginning he used the strongest of the strongholds, Callydium by name, as retreat and base of operations for the robbers. And he indeed proved useful to Antony, since he made an attack upon those who were levying money for Labienus at the time when the latter held possession of Asia, and he hindered his preparations, but in the course of the Actian War, having revolted from Antony, he joined the generals of Caesar and was honored more than he deserved, since he also received, in addition to what Antony had given him, what Caesar gave him, so that he was invested with the guise of dynast, from being a robber, that is, he was priest of Zeus Abrettenus, a Mysian god, and held subject a part of Morene, which, like Abrettene, is also Mysian, and received at last the priesthood of Comana in Pontus, although he died within a month's time after he went down to Comana. He was carried off by an acute disease, which either attacked him in consequence of excessive repletion or else, as the people round the sanctuary said, was inflicted upon him because of the anger of the goddess; for the dwelling of both the priest and the priestess is within the circuit of the sacred precinct, and the sacred precinct, apart from its sanctity in other respects, is most conspicuously free from the impurity of the eating of swine's flesh; in fact, the city as a whole is free from it; and swine cannot even be brought into the city. Cleon, however, among the first things he did when he arrived, displayed the character of the robber by transgressing this custom, as though he had come, not as priest, but as corrupter of all that was sacred. 12.8.11. Cyzicus is an island in the Propontis, being connected with the mainland by two bridges; and it is not only most excellent in the fertility of its soil, but in size has a perimeter of about five hundred stadia. It has a city of the same name near the bridges themselves, and two harbors that can be closed, and more than two hundred ship-sheds. One part of the city is on level ground and the other is near a mountain called Arcton-oros. Above this mountain lies another mountain, Dindymus; it rises into a single peak, and it has a sanctuary of Dindymene, Mother of the Gods, which was founded by the Argonauts. This city rivals the foremost of the cities of Asia in size, in beauty, and in its excellent administration of affairs both in peace and in war. And its adornment appears to be of a type similar to that of Rhodes and Massalia and ancient Carthage. Now I am omitting most details, but I may say that there are three directors who take care of the public buildings and the engines of war, and three who have charge of the treasure-houses, one of which contains arms and another engines of war and another grain. They prevent the grain from spoiling by mixing Chalcidic earth with it. They showed in the Mithridatic war the advantage resulting from this preparation of theirs; for when the king unexpectedly came over against them with one hundred and fifty thousand men and with a large cavalry, and took possession of the mountain opposite the city, the mountain called Adrasteia, and of the suburb, and then, when he transferred his army to the neck of land above the city and was fighting them, not only on land, but also by sea with four hundred ships, the Cyziceni held out against all attacks, and, by digging a counter-tunnel, all but captured the king alive in his own tunnel; but he forestalled this by taking precautions and by withdrawing outside his tunnel: Lucullus, the Roman general, was able, though late, to send an auxiliary force to the city by night; and, too, as an aid to the Cyziceni, famine fell upon that multitudinous army, a thing which the king did not foresee, because he suffered a great loss of men before he left the island. But the Romans honored the city; and it is free to this day, and holds a large territory, not only that which it has held from ancient times, but also other territory presented to it by the Romans; for, of the Troad, they possess the parts round Zeleia on the far side of the Aesepus, as also the plain of Adrasteia, and, of Lake Dascylitis, they possess some parts, while the Byzantians possess the others. And in addition to Dolionis and Mygdonis they occupy a considerable territory extending as far as lake Miletopolitis and Lake Apolloniatis itself. It is through this region that the Rhyndacus River flows; this river has its sources in Azanitis, and then, receiving from Mysia Abrettene, among other rivers, the Macestus, which flows from Ancyra in Abaeitis, empties into the Propontis opposite the island Besbicos. In this island of the Cyziceni is a well-wooded mountain called Artace; and in front of this mountain lies an isle bearing the same name; and near by is a promontory called Melanus, which one passes on a coasting-voyage from Cyzicus to Priapus. 14.2.21. Then one comes to Iasus, which lies on an island close to the mainland. It has a harbor; and the people gain most of their livelihood from the sea, for the sea here is well supplied with fish, but the soil of the country is rather poor. Indeed, people fabricate stories of this kind in regard to Iasus: When a citharoede was giving a recital, the people all listened for a time, but when the bell that announced the sale of fish rang, they all left him and went away to the fish market, except one man who was hard of hearing. The citharoede, therefore, went up to him and said: Sir, I am grateful to you for the honor you have done me and for your love of music, for all the others except you went away the moment they heard the sound of the bell. And the man said, What's that you say? Has the bell already rung? And when the citharoede said Yes, the man said, Fare thee well, and himself arose and went away. Here was born the dialectician Diodorus, nicknamed Cronus, falsely so at the outset, for it was Apollonius his master who was called Cronus, but the nickname was transferred to him because of the true Cronus' lack of repute. 14.3.2. After Daedala of the Rhodians, then, one comes to a mountain in Lycia which bears the same name as the city, Daedala, whence the whole voyage along the Lycian coast takes its beginning; this coast extends one thousand seven hundred and twenty stadia, and is rugged and hard to travel, but is exceedingly well supplied with harbors and inhabited by decent people. Indeed, the nature of the country, at least, is similar to both that of the Pamphylians and the Tracheian Cilicians, but the former used their places as bases of operation for the business of piracy, when they engaged in piracy themselves or offered them to pirates as markets for the sale of booty and as naval stations. In Side, at any rate, a city in Pamphylia, the dockyards stood open to the Cilicians, who would sell their captives at auction there, though admitting that these were freemen. But the Lycians continued living in such a civilized and decent way that, although the Pamphylians through their successes gained the mastery of the sea as far as Italy, still they themselves were stirred by no desire for shameful gain, but remained within the ancestral domain of the Lycian League. 14.3.3. There are twenty-three cities that share in the vote. They come together from each city to a general congress, after choosing whatever city they approve of. The largest of the cities control three votes each, the medium-sized two, and the rest one. In the same proportion, also, they make contributions and discharge other liturgies. Artemidorus said that the six largest were Xanthus, Patara, Pinara, Olympus, Myra, and Tlos, the last named being situated near the pass that leads over into Cibyra. At the congress they first choose a Lyciarch, and then other officials of the League; and general courts of justice are designated. In earlier times they would deliberate about war and peace and alliances, but now they naturally do not do so, since these matters necessarily lie in the power of the Romans, except, perhaps, when the Romans should give them permission or it should be for their benefit. Likewise, judges and magistrates are elected from the several cities in the same proportion. And since they lived under such a good government, they remained ever free under the Romans, thus retaining their ancestral usages; and they saw the pirates utterly wiped out, first by Servilius Isauricus, at the time that he demolished Isaura, and later by Pompey the Great, when he set fire to more than thirteen hundred boats and laid waste their settlements. of the pirates who survived the fights, he brought some down to Soli, which he named Pompeiopolis, and the others to Dyme, where there was a dearth of population; it is now occupied by a colony of Romans. The poets, however, and especially the tragic poets, confuse the tribes, as, for example, the Trojans and the Mysians and the Lydians, whom they call Phrygians; and likewise the Lycians, whom they call Carians. 14.5.3. After Coracesium, one comes to Arsinoe, a city; then to Hamaxia, a settlement on a hill, with a harbor, where ship-building timber is brought down. Most of this timber is cedar; and it appears that this region beyond others abounds in cedar-wood for ships; and it was on this account that Antony assigned this region to Cleopatra, since it was suited to the building of her fleets. Then one comes to Laertes, a stronghold on a breast-shaped hill, with a mooring-place. Then to Selinus, a city and river. Then to Cragus, a rock which is precipitous all round and near the sea. Then to Charadrus, a fortress, which also has a mooring-place (above it lies Mt. Andriclus); and the coast alongside it, called Platanistes, is rugged. Then to Anemurium, a promontory, where the mainland approaches closest to Cyprus, in the direction of the promontory of Crommyus, the passage across being three hundred and fifty stadia. Now the coasting-voyage along Cilicia from the borders of Pamphylia to Anemurium is eight hundred and twenty stadia, whereas the rest, as far as Soli, is about five hundred stadia. On this latter one comes to Nagidus, the first city after Anemurium; then to Arsinoe, which has a landing-place; then to a place called Melania, and to Celenderis, a city with a harbor. Some writers, among whom is Artemidorus, make Celenderis, not Coracesium, the beginning of Cilicia. And he says that the distance from the Pelusian mouth to Orthosia is three thousand nine hundred stadia; to the Orontes River, one thousand one hundred and thirty; to the Gates next thereafter, five hundred and twenty-five; and to the borders of the Cilicians, one thousand two hundred and sixty. 14.5.6. Then, after Corycus, one comes to Elaeussa, an island lying close to the mainland, which Archelaus settled, making it a royal residence, after he had received the whole of Cilicia Tracheia except Seleuceia — the same way in which it was obtained formerly by Amyntas and still earlier by Cleopatra; for since the region was naturally well adapted to the business of piracy both by land and by sea — by land, because of the height of the mountains and the large tribes that live beyond them, tribes which have plains and farm-lands that are large and easily overrun, and by sea, because of the good supply, not only of shipbuilding timber, but also of harbors and fortresses and secret recesses — with all this in view, I say, the Romans thought that it was better for the region to be ruled by kings than to be under the Roman prefects sent to administer justice, who were not likely always to be present or to have armed forces with them. Thus Archelaus received, in addition to Cappadocia, Cilicia Tracheia; and the boundary of the latter, the river Lamus and the village of the same name, lies between Soli and Elaeussa. 16.1.28. The Euphrates and its eastern banks are the boundaries of the Parthian empire. The Romans and the chiefs of the Arabian tribes occupy the parts on this side the Euphrates as far as Babylonia. Some of the chiefs attach themselves in preference to the Parthians, others to the Romans, to whom they adjoin. The Scenitae nomads, who live near the river, are less friendly to the Romans than those tribes who are situated at a distance near Arabia Felix. The Parthians were once solicitous of conciliating the friendship of the Romans, but having repulsed Crassus, who began the war with them, they suffered reprisals, when they themselves commenced hostilities, and sent Pacorus into Asia. But Antony, following the advice of the Armenian, was betrayed, and was unsuccessful (against them). Phraates, his successor, was so anxious to obtain the friendship of Augustus Caesar, that he even sent the trophies, which the Parthians had set up as memorials of the defeat of the Romans. He also invited Titius to a conference, who was at that time prefect of Syria, and delivered into his hands, as hostages, four of his legitimate sons, Seraspadanes, Rhodaspes, Phraates, and Bonones, with two of their wives and four of their sons; for he was apprehensive of conspiracy and attempts on his life. He knew that no one could prevail against him, unless he was opposed by one of the Arsacian family, to which race the Parthians were strongly attached. He therefore removed the sons out of his way, with a view of annihilating the hopes of the disaffected.The surviving sons, who live at Rome, are entertained as princes at the public expense. The other kings (his successors) have continued to send ambassadors (to Rome), and to hold conferences (with the Roman prefects). |
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| 246. Epigraphy, Mama, 3.17, 3.79, 3.502, 3.535 Tagged with subjects: •agriculture, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 402, 403 |
| 247. Anon., Greek Apocalypse of Ezra, 4 Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 214, 215 |
| 248. Anon., Joseph And Aseneth, 15.6-15.8 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 211 |
| 249. Epigraphy, Ig, 3.350-3.352, 4.788, 7.417, 9.1.884 Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, lycian league •law, roman imperial period, astynomoi law in pergamon •women, roman imperial period •tomb, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 418, 436, 460, 465 |
| 250. Anon., Martyrdom of Pionius, 8.14 Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 97 |
| 251. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Antoninus Pius, 9.6 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350 |
| 252. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 5.22.3-5.22.4 Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, imperial legislation and judaism Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 138 |
253. Vergil, Georgics, 2.173-2.176, 3.10-3.20 Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 220; Verhagen (2022) 220| 2.173. Salve, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus, 2.174. magna virum; tibi res antiquae laudis et artem 2.175. ingredior, sanctos ausus recludere fontis, 2.176. Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen. 3.10. Primus ego in patriam mecum, modo vita supersit, 3.11. Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas; 3.12. primus Idumaeas referam tibi, Mantua, palmas, 3.13. et viridi in campo templum de marmore ponam 3.14. propter aquam. Tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat 3.15. Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. 3.16. In medio mihi Caesar erit templumque tenebit: 3.17. illi victor ego et Tyrio conspectus in ostro 3.18. centum quadriiugos agitabo ad flumina currus. 3.19. Cuncta mihi Alpheum linquens lucosque Molorchi 3.20. cursibus et crudo decernet Graecia caestu. | |
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254. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.10, 1.236-1.237, 1.278-1.279, 4.232, 6.851-6.853 Tagged with subjects: •imperial representation, in roman senate •roman imperial ideology Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 65; deSilva (2022) 52, 80 | 1.10. the Latin race, old Alba's reverend lords, 1.236. ecured a flashing spark, heaped on light leaves, 1.237. and with dry branches nursed the mounting flame. 1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care, 4.232. of Venus sprung, seek shelter where they may, 6.851. Eridanus, through forests rolling free. 6.852. Here dwell the brave who for their native land 6.853. Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests |
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| 255. Ulpianus Domitius, Digesta, 1.4.1.1 Tagged with subjects: •portraits, imperial, power, roman, legitimacy of Found in books: Ando (2013) 65 |
| 256. Suetonius Paulinus, Commentarii, 1.77, 4.14, 4.29, 4.34, 4.52 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperialism, and living law, ideal •living law ideal, and roman imperialism •dio cassius, on living law ideal in roman imperialism Found in books: Martens (2003) 49, 50 |
| 257. Anon., Acta Apollonii, 3 Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 97 |
| 258. Anon., Martyrium Thaddaei, 2 Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, imperial security forces Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 770 |
| 259. Epigraphy, Ils, 1017, 1041, 1102, 112, 1157, 1338, 212, 2186, 241, 244, 2927, 319, 327-328, 330, 425, 8795, 286 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 204 |
| 260. Epigraphy, Inscriptions of Aphrodisias, 12.27 Tagged with subjects: •statius, and roman imperial élite Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 225; Verhagen (2022) 225 |
| 261. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 204 |
| 262. Epigraphy, Ae, 1905.175, 1915.58, 1968.510, 1975.809 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •administration, roman imperial •military, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 345, 348, 382, 388 |
| 263. Pseudo-Tertullian, Martyrdom of Perpetua And Felicitas, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 145 |
| 264. Claudian, On The Gildonic Revolt, 427 Tagged with subjects: •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 34 |
| 265. Anon., Anonymous Valesianus, 4.12 Tagged with subjects: •imperial representation, in roman senate Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 36 |
| 266. Plin., Ep., 8.22, 10.57.2 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 170 |
| 267. Javol., Dig., 4.8.39 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 170 |
| 268. Ephiphanius, Panarion, 56 Tagged with subjects: •imperialism, roman Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012) 49, 50 |
| 269. Mara Bar Sarapion, Letter, 18 Tagged with subjects: •imperialism, roman Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012) 1 |
| 270. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, 28.3 Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 58 |
| 271. Ezekiel, Hosea, 11.1 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology Found in books: deSilva (2022) 212 |
| 272. Ezekiel, Malachi, 3.17 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial ideology Found in books: deSilva (2022) 79 |
| 273. Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine, Short Recension, 2.1, 3.1, 3.5, 4.5-4.7, 4.13, 4.15, 5.1, 5.3, 6.7, 7.2, 8.11, 9.10, 9.12-9.13 Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 94, 179, 185, 186, 188 |
| 274. Anon., Martyrium Phileae, Chester Beatty Papyri, 4 Tagged with subjects: •martyrdom, martyr, roman empire, imperial power Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022) 97 |
| 275. Kyranides, Fr., 1.7.17-1.7.21 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 116 |
| 276. Epigraphy, Didyma, 148 Tagged with subjects: •administration, roman imperial •law, roman imperial period, of a province Found in books: Marek (2019) 362 |
| 277. Varro, Apud Isidore Etymologies, 8.9.13 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 210 |
| 278. Epigraphy, Ephesos, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 351 |
| 279. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 3786-3789 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 226; Verhagen (2022) 226 |
| 280. Epigraphy, Irt, 232 Tagged with subjects: •imperial family, roman Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 191 |
| 281. Schol. Ad Soph. Oc., 1.389 693 N. 11,710 N. 96, 70, 69 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Peppard (2011) 116, 117, 118 |
| 282. Epigraphy, Miletos, 6.2.569 Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, astynomoi law in pergamon Found in books: Marek (2019) 436 |
| 283. Theodorus Mopsuestenus, Commentarius In Epistulam Ad Galatos, None Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, imperial security forces Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 770 |
| 284. Epigraphy, Ogis, 483, 517 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 354 |
| 285. Epigraphy, Priene, 225 Tagged with subjects: •imperial family, roman Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 189 |
| 286. Epigraphy, Smyrna, 295, 210 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 402 |
| 287. Epigraphy, Ik Kios, None Tagged with subjects: •architecture, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 437 |
| 288. Epigraphy, Zpe, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 437 |
| 289. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 8.3.1-8.3.2 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 344, 345 |
| 290. Plutarch, Satires, 2.3.188 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on living law ideal in roman imperialism •roman imperialism, and living law, ideal •seneca, on living law ideal in roman imperialism •living law ideal, and roman imperialism Found in books: Martens (2003) 51 |
| 291. Firmicus Maternus, Matheseos, 2.30.4-2.30.7 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 263 |
| 292. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 5.51 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 344, 366 |
| 294. Barsanuphius, Pg, 3.159 Tagged with subjects: •portraits, imperial, power, roman, legitimacy of Found in books: Ando (2013) 65 |
| 295. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, 4101, 283 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 189 |
| 296. Anon., Panegyrici Latini, 4.2.3, 4.6-4.35, 4.6.6, 4.17.1-4.17.2, 4.25.1-4.25.2, 4.27.1-4.27.4, 6.21, 12.1.3, 12.2.4, 12.3.3, 12.7.1-12.7.8, 12.11.4, 12.12-12.26, 12.18.2, 12.22.1, 12.24.3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 67 |
| 297. Theophrastus, Vh, 18.21-19.1 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 225 |
| 298. Epicurus, Aphorisms, None Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 220 |
| 299. Galen, Vol., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 403, 404 |
| 300. Epigraphy, I. Nikaia, None Tagged with subjects: •women, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 463 |
| 301. Epigraphy, Ik Kyme, 46 Tagged with subjects: •women, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 465 |
| 302. Epigraphy, I. Sardeis, None Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, lycian league Found in books: Marek (2019) 418 |
| 303. Augustus, Sng Levante, 259 Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, lycian league Found in books: Marek (2019) 418 |
| 304. Marcellus, De Medicamentis Liber, 10.34, 10.56, 10.69 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 120 |
| 305. Anon., Apocalypse of Peter, 8, 13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 74 |
| 306. Antoninus Pius, Digest, 48.8.11 Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, imperial legislation and judaism Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 136, 137, 152 |
| 307. Anon., Ascension of Isaiah, 4.2-4.14 Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 216 |
| 308. Epigraphy, Ig Ii², 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •roman era, imperial age Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 177, 178, 179, 180 |
| 309. Epigraphy, Fira, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 356 |
| 310. Epigraphy, Suppl.It., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 190 |
| 311. Epigraphy, Ilafr, 353 Tagged with subjects: •imperial family, roman Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 186 |
| 312. Epigraphy, Cfa, 40, 13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 191 |
| 313. Epigraphy, Scpiso, 132-148, 159-165, 30-33, 35-37, 45-49, 34 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 353 |
| 314. Epigraphy, I. Tyana, 100 Tagged with subjects: •women, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 463 |
| 315. John Chrysostom, Homilies On 1, 14.4 Tagged with subjects: •roman imperial period Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022) 168 |
| 316. Ep., Ep., 10.117-10.118 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 392, 433, 503 |
| 317. Augustus, Tam, 2.1.53, 4.1.134, 4.1.189, 5.3.1421, 5.3.1896 Tagged with subjects: •women, roman imperial period •tomb, roman imperial period •administration, roman imperial •military, roman imperial period •xanthos/xanthians, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 385, 420, 461, 463 |
318. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None Tagged with subjects: •portraits, imperial, power, roman, legitimacy of Found in books: Ando (2013) 64| 18a. הוגה את השם באותיותיו והיכי עביד הכי והתנן אלו שאין להם חלק לעולם הבא האומר אין תורה מן השמים ואין תחיית המתים מן התורה אבא שאול אומר אף ההוגה את השם באותיותיו,להתלמד עבד כדתניא (דברים יח, ט) לא תלמד לעשות אבל אתה למד להבין ולהורות,אלא מאי טעמא אענש משום הוגה את השם בפרהסיא דהוי ועל אשתו להריגה דלא מיחה ביה מכאן אמרו כל מי שיש בידו למחות ואינו מוחה נענש עליו,ועל בתו לישב בקובה של זונות דאמר ר' יוחנן פעם אחת היתה בתו מהלכת לפני גדולי רומי אמרו כמה נאות פסיעותיה של ריבה זו מיד דקדקה בפסיעותיה והיינו דאמר ר' שמעון בן לקיש מאי דכתיב (תהלים מט, ו) עון עקבי יסבני עונות שאדם דש בעקביו בעולם הזה מסובין לו ליום הדין,בשעה שיצאו שלשתן צדקו עליהם את הדין הוא אמר (דברים לב, ד) הצור תמים פעלו [וגו'] ואשתו אמרה (דברים לב, ד) אל אמונה ואין עול בתו אמרה (ירמיהו לב, יט) גדול העצה ורב העליליה אשר עיניך פקוחות על כל דרכי וגו' אמר רבי [כמה] גדולים צדיקים הללו שנזדמנו להן שלש מקראות של צדוק הדין בשעת צדוק הדין,תנו רבנן כשחלה רבי יוסי בן קיסמא הלך רבי חנינא בן תרדיון לבקרו אמר לו חנינא אחי (אחי) אי אתה יודע שאומה זו מן השמים המליכוה שהחריבה את ביתו ושרפה את היכלו והרגה את חסידיו ואבדה את טוביו ועדיין היא קיימת ואני שמעתי עליך שאתה יושב ועוסק בתורה [ומקהיל קהלות ברבים] וספר מונח לך בחיקך,אמר לו מן השמים ירחמו אמר לו אני אומר לך דברים של טעם ואתה אומר לי מן השמים ירחמו תמה אני אם לא ישרפו אותך ואת ספר תורה באש אמר לו רבי מה אני לחיי העולם הבא,אמר לו כלום מעשה בא לידך אמר לו מעות של פורים נתחלפו לי במעות של צדקה וחלקתים לעניים אמר לו אם כן מחלקך יהי חלקי ומגורלך יהי גורלי,אמרו לא היו ימים מועטים עד שנפטר רבי יוסי בן קיסמא והלכו כל גדולי רומי לקברו והספידוהו הספד גדול ובחזרתן מצאוהו לרבי חנינא בן תרדיון שהיה יושב ועוסק בתורה ומקהיל קהלות ברבים וס"ת מונח לו בחיקו,הביאוהו וכרכוהו בס"ת והקיפוהו בחבילי זמורות והציתו בהן את האור והביאו ספוגין של צמר ושראום במים והניחום על לבו כדי שלא תצא נשמתו מהרה אמרה לו בתו אבא אראך בכך אמר לה אילמלי אני נשרפתי לבדי היה הדבר קשה לי עכשיו שאני נשרף וס"ת עמי מי שמבקש עלבונה של ס"ת הוא יבקש עלבוני,אמרו לו תלמידיו רבי מה אתה רואה אמר להן גליון נשרפין ואותיות פורחות אף אתה פתח פיך ותכנס בך האש אמר להן מוטב שיטלנה מי שנתנה ואל יחבל הוא בעצמו,אמר לו קלצטונירי רבי אם אני מרבה בשלהבת ונוטל ספוגין של צמר מעל לבך אתה מביאני לחיי העולם הבא אמר לו הן השבע לי נשבע לו מיד הרבה בשלהבת ונטל ספוגין של צמר מעל לבו יצאה נשמתו במהרה אף הוא קפץ ונפל לתוך האור,יצאה בת קול ואמרה רבי חנינא בן תרדיון וקלצטונירי מזומנין הן לחיי העולם הבא בכה רבי ואמר יש קונה עולמו בשעה אחת ויש קונה עולמו בכמה שנים,ברוריא דביתהו דר' מאיר ברתיה דר' חנינא בן תרדיון הואי אמרה לו זילא בי מלתא דיתבא אחתאי בקובה של זונות שקל תרקבא דדינרי ואזל אמר אי לא איתעביד בה איסורא מיתעביד ניסא אי עבדה איסורא לא איתעביד לה ניסא,אזל נקט נפשיה כחד פרשא אמר לה השמיעני לי אמרה ליה דשתנא אנא אמר לה מתרחנא מרתח אמרה לו נפישין טובא (ואיכא טובא הכא) דשפירן מינאי אמר ש"מ לא עבדה איסורא כל דאתי אמרה ליה הכי,אזל לגבי שומר דידה א"ל הבה ניהלה אמר ליה מיסתפינא ממלכותא אמר ליה שקול תרקבא דדינרא פלגא פלח ופלגא להוי לך א"ל וכי שלמי מאי איעביד א"ל אימא אלהא דמאיר ענני ומתצלת א"ל | 18a. b pronounce the /b ineffable b name /b of God b with /b all of b its letters, /b i.e., as it is spelled. The Gemara asks: b And how could he do that? But didn’t we learn /b in the mishna ( i Sanhedrin /i 90a): b These /b are the people b who have no share in the World-to-Come: One who says /b that b the Torah is not from Heaven or /b that b there is no /b source b from the Torah /b for b the resurrection of the dead. Abba Shaul says: Also one who pronounces the /b ineffable b name /b as it is written, b with /b all of b its letters, /b has no share in the World-to-Come.,The Gemara answers: Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b did it to teach himself, as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i with regard to the prohibition against sorcery: b “You shall not learn to do” /b (Deuteronomy 18:9); this indicates: b But you may learn to understand and to teach. /b In other words, certain prohibitions do not apply when one is acting only in order to acquire knowledge of the subject.,The Gemara asks: b Rather, what is the reason /b that b he was punished? /b The Gemara answers: He was punished b because he would pronounce the /b ineffable b name /b of God b in public, /b instead of privately. b And his wife /b was condemned b to execution /b by decapitation b because she did not protest his /b doing so. b From here /b the Sages b stated: Anyone who has the capability to protest /b effectively the sinful conduct of another b and does not protest is punished for /b that person’s sin.,The Gemara asks: b And /b why was b his daughter /b condemned b to sit in a brothel? As Rabbi Yoḥa says: Once, the daughter of /b Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b was walking before the nobles of Rome, /b and they b said /b to each other: b How pleasant are the steps of this young woman. /b Upon hearing this, b she immediately took care /b to keep walking in such a fashion that b her steps /b would continue to be pleasing to them. b And this is /b the same as that b which Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish says: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “The iniquity of my heel encircles me” /b (Psalms 49:6)? It means that b the sins that a person tramples with one’s heel in this world, /b i.e., dismisses and pays no attention to them as they seem to lack importance, e.g., the way that one walks, come and b encircle him on the Day of Judgment. /b ,The Gemara relates: b When the three of them went out /b after being sentenced, b they accepted the /b justice of God’s b judgment. /b Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b said: “The Rock, His work is perfect; /b for all His ways are justice” (Deuteronomy 32:4). b And his wife said /b the continuation of the verse: b “A God of faithfulness and without iniquity.” His daughter said: “Great in counsel, and mighty in work; whose eyes are open upon all the ways /b of the sons of men, to give every one according to his ways” (Jeremiah 32:19). b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b said: How great are these righteous people, that /b these b three verses, /b which speak b of /b the b acceptance of /b God’s b judgment, occurred to them at the time of accepting the /b righteousness of His b judgment. /b ,§ b The Sages taught: When Rabbi Yosei ben Kisma fell ill, Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon went to visit him. /b Rabbi Yosei ben Kisma b said to him: Ḥanina my brother, do you not know that this nation has been given reign by /b a decree from b Heaven? /b The proof is b that /b Rome has b destroyed /b God’s b Temple, and burned His Sanctuary, and killed His pious ones, and destroyed His best ones, and it still exists. /b Evidently, all of this is by Divine decree. b And /b yet b I heard about you that you sit and engage in Torah /b study, b and convene assemblies in public, and have /b a Torah b scroll placed in your lap, /b thereby demonstrating complete disregard for the decrees issued by the Romans.,Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b said to him: Heaven will have mercy /b and protect me. Rabbi Yosei ben Kisma b said to him: I am saying reasonable matters to you, and you say to me: Heaven will have mercy? I wonder if /b the Romans b will not burn /b both b you and /b your b Torah scroll by fire. /b Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b said to him: My teacher, what /b will become of b me? /b Am I destined b for life in the World-to-Come? /b ,Rabbi Yosei ben Kisma b said to him: Did any /b special b incident occur to you /b which might serve as an indication? Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b said to him: I confused /b my own b coins /b that I needed b for /b the festivities of b Purim with coins of charity, and I distributed them /b all b to the poor /b at my own expense. Rabbi Yosei ben Kisma b said to him: If /b that is b so, may my portion be of your portion, and may my lot be of your lot. /b ,The Sages b said: Not /b even b a few days /b passed b before Rabbi Yosei ben Kisma died /b of his illness, b and all of the Roman notables went to bury him, and /b they b eulogized him /b with b a great eulogy. And upon their return, they found Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon, who was sitting and engaging in Torah /b study b and convening assemblies in public, with a Torah scroll placed in his lap. /b , b They brought him /b to be sentenced, b and wrapped him in the Torah scroll, and encircled him with bundles of branches, and they set fire to it. And they brought tufts of wool and soaked them in water, and placed them on his heart, so that his soul should not leave /b his body b quickly, /b but he would die slowly and painfully. b His daughter said to him: Father, must I see you like this? /b Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b said to her: If I alone were being burned, it would be difficult for me, /b but b now that I am burning along with a Torah scroll, He who will seek /b retribution for b the insult /b accorded b to the Torah scroll will also seek /b retribution for b the insult /b accorded b to me. /b , b His students said to him: /b Our b teacher, what do you see? /b Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b said to them: /b I see the b parchment burning, but /b its b letters are flying /b to the heavens. They said to him: b You too should open your mouth and the fire will enter you, /b and you will die quickly. Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b said to them: It is preferable that He who gave /b me my soul b should take it away, and one should not harm oneself /b to speed his death., b The executioner [ i kaltzatoniri /i ] said to him: My teacher, if I increase the flame and take off the tufts of wool from your heart, /b so that you will die sooner and suffer less, b will you bring me to the life of the World-to-Come? /b Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b said to /b the executioner: b Yes. /b The executioner said: b Take an oath for me, /b that what you say is true. Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon b took /b the b oath for him, /b and the executioner b immediately increased the flame and took off the tufts of wool from his heart, /b causing b his soul /b to b leave /b his body b quickly. /b The executioner b too leaped and fell into the fire /b and died., b A Divine Voice emerged and said: Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon and the executioner are destined for the life of the World-to-Come. /b Upon hearing this, b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b wept and said: There is /b one who b acquires his /b share in the b World /b -to-Come b in one moment, /b such as the executioner, b and there is /b one who b acquires his /b share in the b World /b -to-Come only b after many years /b of toil, such as Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon.,§ The Gemara relates: b Berurya, the wife of Rabbi Meir, was a daughter of Rabbi Ḥanina ben Teradyon. She said to /b Rabbi Meir: b It is a disrespectful matter for me that my sister is sitting in a brothel; /b you must do something to save her. Rabbi Meir b took a vessel [ i tarkeva /i ] /b full b of dinars and went. He said /b to himself: b If no transgression was committed with her, a miracle will be performed /b for her; b if she committed a transgression, no miracle will be performed for her. /b ,Rabbi Meir b went and dressed as /b a Roman b knight, /b and b said to her: Accede to my /b wishes, i.e., engage in intercourse with me. b She said to him: I am menstruating [ i dashtana /i ] /b and cannot. b He said to her: I will wait. She said to him: There are many /b women in the brothel, b and there are many /b women b here who are more beautiful than I. He said /b to himself: I can b conclude from /b her responses that b she did not commit a transgression, /b as b she /b presumably b said this to all who come. /b , b Rabbi Meir went over to her guard, /b and b said to him: Give her /b to me. The guard b said to him: I fear /b that if I do so, I will be punished b by the government. /b Rabbi Meir b said to him: Take /b this b vessel /b full b of dinars; give half /b to the government as a bribe, b and half will be for you. /b The guard b said to him: But when /b the money b is finished, what shall I do? /b Rabbi Meir b said to him: Say: God of Meir answer me! And you will be saved. /b The guard b said to him: /b |
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| 319. Anon., Sifre Zuta, 11.26 Tagged with subjects: •imperialism roman, x Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 166 |
| 320. Dion of Prusa, Or., 35.15, 38.32 Tagged with subjects: •administration, roman imperial •law, roman imperial period, astynomoi law in pergamon Found in books: Marek (2019) 370, 436 |
| 321. Augustus, Seg, 16.781, 26.1392, 27.938, 37.1186, 38.1089 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period •administration, roman imperial •roads, roman imperial road system •architecture, roman imperial period •military, roman imperial period •law, roman imperial period, religious Found in books: Marek (2019) 342, 380, 381, 437, 509 |
| 322. Epigraphy, Ms, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 345, 356, 384, 402, 459, 461, 463, 464, 465, 503 |
| 323. Aurelius Victor, Aurelius Victor, 13.6, 20.14 Tagged with subjects: •administration, roman imperial •military, roman imperial period •roads, roman imperial road system •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 353, 381 |
| 324. Sha, Ver., 7.7 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 350 |
| 325. Epigraphy, Puhl And Möbius, 1129, 1165, 1168, 1170-1171, 1504, 893, 1169 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 468 |
| 326. Augustus, Syll.3, 798 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 329, 330 |
| 327. Dexippos Fr., Fgrh 100, 29 Tagged with subjects: •rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 356 |
| 328. Türsteine, Waelkens, Türsteine, 1986, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 460 |
| 329. Nt, Acts, 19.26 Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, jewish Found in books: Marek (2019) 530 |
| 330. Epigraphy, Bmc, 6 Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, lycian league Found in books: Marek (2019) 418 |
| 331. Augustus, Sng Aulock, 5200 Tagged with subjects: •law, roman imperial period, lycian league Found in books: Marek (2019) 418 |
| 332. Augustus, Rmd, None Tagged with subjects: •administration, roman imperial •military, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 385 |
| 333. Arrian, Ektaxis, 1 Tagged with subjects: •administration, roman imperial •military, roman imperial period Found in books: Marek (2019) 385 |
| 334. Epigraphy, I. Kyzikos, 520, 492 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 460 |
