| 1. Septuagint, Baruch, 39.6 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, practice of Found in books: Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 24 |
2. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 6.3, 8.10, 9.9, 11.1-11.21, 26.1-26.15, 33.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices, in deuteronomy •ritual practices, as sensory solution •ritual practices Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman (2005), Religion and the Self in Antiquity. 134, 135; Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 180| 6.3. "וְשָׁמַעְתָּ יִשְׂרָאֵל וְשָׁמַרְתָּ לַעֲשׂוֹת אֲשֶׁר יִיטַב לְךָ וַאֲשֶׁר תִּרְבּוּן מְאֹד כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי אֲבֹתֶיךָ לָךְ אֶרֶץ זָבַת חָלָב וּדְבָשׁ׃", 9.9. "בַּעֲלֹתִי הָהָרָה לָקַחַת לוּחֹת הָאֲבָנִים לוּחֹת הַבְּרִית אֲשֶׁר־כָּרַת יְהוָה עִמָּכֶם וָאֵשֵׁב בָּהָר אַרְבָּעִים יוֹם וְאַרְבָּעִים לַיְלָה לֶחֶם לֹא אָכַלְתִּי וּמַיִם לֹא שָׁתִיתִי׃", 11.1. "וְאָהַבְתָּ אֵת יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ וְשָׁמַרְתָּ מִשְׁמַרְתּוֹ וְחֻקֹּתָיו וּמִשְׁפָּטָיו וּמִצְוֺתָיו כָּל־הַיָּמִים׃", 11.1. "כִּי הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַתָּה בָא־שָׁמָּה לְרִשְׁתָּהּ לֹא כְאֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם הִוא אֲשֶׁר יְצָאתֶם מִשָּׁם אֲשֶׁר תִּזְרַע אֶת־זַרְעֲךָ וְהִשְׁקִיתָ בְרַגְלְךָ כְּגַן הַיָּרָק׃", 11.2. "וּכְתַבְתָּם עַל־מְזוּזוֹת בֵּיתֶךָ וּבִשְׁעָרֶיךָ׃", 11.2. "וִידַעְתֶּם הַיּוֹם כִּי לֹא אֶת־בְּנֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יָדְעוּ וַאֲשֶׁר לֹא־רָאוּ אֶת־מוּסַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם אֶת־גָּדְלוֹ אֶת־יָדוֹ הַחֲזָקָה וּזְרֹעוֹ הַנְּטוּיָה׃", 11.3. "וְאֶת־אֹתֹתָיו וְאֶת־מַעֲשָׂיו אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה בְּתוֹךְ מִצְרָיִם לְפַרְעֹה מֶלֶךְ־מִצְרַיִם וּלְכָל־אַרְצוֹ׃", 11.3. "הֲלֹא־הֵמָּה בְּעֵבֶר הַיַּרְדֵּן אַחֲרֵי דֶּרֶךְ מְבוֹא הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ בְּאֶרֶץ הַכְּנַעֲנִי הַיֹּשֵׁב בָּעֲרָבָה מוּל הַגִּלְגָּל אֵצֶל אֵלוֹנֵי מֹרֶה׃", 11.4. "וַאֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה לְחֵיל מִצְרַיִם לְסוּסָיו וּלְרִכְבּוֹ אֲשֶׁר הֵצִיף אֶת־מֵי יַם־סוּף עַל־פְּנֵיהֶם בְּרָדְפָם אַחֲרֵיכֶם וַיְאַבְּדֵם יְהוָה עַד הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה׃", 11.5. "וַאֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה לָכֶם בַּמִּדְבָּר עַד־בֹּאֲכֶם עַד־הַמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה׃", 11.6. "וַאֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה לְדָתָן וְלַאֲבִירָם בְּנֵי אֱלִיאָב בֶּן־רְאוּבֵן אֲשֶׁר פָּצְתָה הָאָרֶץ אֶת־פִּיהָ וַתִּבְלָעֵם וְאֶת־בָּתֵּיהֶם וְאֶת־אָהֳלֵיהֶם וְאֵת כָּל־הַיְקוּם אֲשֶׁר בְּרַגְלֵיהֶם בְּקֶרֶב כָּל־יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 11.7. "כִּי עֵינֵיכֶם הָרֹאֹת אֶת־כָּל־מַעֲשֵׂה יְהוָה הַגָּדֹל אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה׃", 11.8. "וּשְׁמַרְתֶּם אֶת־כָּל־הַמִּצְוָה אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוְּךָ הַיּוֹם לְמַעַן תֶּחֶזְקוּ וּבָאתֶם וִירִשְׁתֶּם אֶת־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם עֹבְרִים שָׁמָּה לְרִשְׁתָּהּ׃", 11.9. "וּלְמַעַן תַּאֲרִיכוּ יָמִים עַל־הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּע יְהוָה לַאֲבֹתֵיכֶם לָתֵת לָהֶם וּלְזַרְעָם אֶרֶץ זָבַת חָלָב וּדְבָשׁ׃", 11.11. "וְהָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם עֹבְרִים שָׁמָּה לְרִשְׁתָּהּ אֶרֶץ הָרִים וּבְקָעֹת לִמְטַר הַשָּׁמַיִם תִּשְׁתֶּה־מָּיִם׃", 11.12. "אֶרֶץ אֲשֶׁר־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ דֹּרֵשׁ אֹתָהּ תָּמִיד עֵינֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בָּהּ מֵרֵשִׁית הַשָּׁנָה וְעַד אַחֲרִית שָׁנָה׃", 11.13. "וְהָיָה אִם־שָׁמֹעַ תִּשְׁמְעוּ אֶל־מִצְוֺתַי אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוֶּה אֶתְכֶם הַיּוֹם לְאַהֲבָה אֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם וּלְעָבְדוֹ בְּכָל־לְבַבְכֶם וּבְכָל־נַפְשְׁכֶם׃", 11.14. "וְנָתַתִּי מְטַר־אַרְצְכֶם בְּעִתּוֹ יוֹרֶה וּמַלְקוֹשׁ וְאָסַפְתָּ דְגָנֶךָ וְתִירֹשְׁךָ וְיִצְהָרֶךָ׃", 11.15. "וְנָתַתִּי עֵשֶׂב בְּשָׂדְךָ לִבְהֶמְתֶּךָ וְאָכַלְתָּ וְשָׂבָעְתָּ׃", 11.16. "הִשָּׁמְרוּ לָכֶם פֶּן יִפְתֶּה לְבַבְכֶם וְסַרְתֶּם וַעֲבַדְתֶּם אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים וְהִשְׁתַּחֲוִיתֶם לָהֶם׃", 11.17. "וְחָרָה אַף־יְהוָה בָּכֶם וְעָצַר אֶת־הַשָּׁמַיִם וְלֹא־יִהְיֶה מָטָר וְהָאֲדָמָה לֹא תִתֵּן אֶת־יְבוּלָהּ וַאֲבַדְתֶּם מְהֵרָה מֵעַל הָאָרֶץ הַטֹּבָה אֲשֶׁר יְהוָה נֹתֵן לָכֶם׃", 11.18. "וְשַׂמְתֶּם אֶת־דְּבָרַי אֵלֶּה עַל־לְבַבְכֶם וְעַל־נַפְשְׁכֶם וּקְשַׁרְתֶּם אֹתָם לְאוֹת עַל־יֶדְכֶם וְהָיוּ לְטוֹטָפֹת בֵּין עֵינֵיכֶם׃", 11.19. "וְלִמַּדְתֶּם אֹתָם אֶת־בְּנֵיכֶם לְדַבֵּר בָּם בְּשִׁבְתְּךָ בְּבֵיתֶךָ וּבְלֶכְתְּךָ בַדֶּרֶךְ וּבְשָׁכְבְּךָ וּבְקוּמֶךָ׃", 11.21. "לְמַעַן יִרְבּוּ יְמֵיכֶם וִימֵי בְנֵיכֶם עַל הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּע יְהוָה לַאֲבֹתֵיכֶם לָתֵת לָהֶם כִּימֵי הַשָּׁמַיִם עַל־הָאָרֶץ׃", 26.1. "וְהָיָה כִּי־תָבוֹא אֶל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לְךָ נַחֲלָה וִירִשְׁתָּהּ וְיָשַׁבְתָּ בָּהּ׃", 26.1. "וְעַתָּה הִנֵּה הֵבֵאתִי אֶת־רֵאשִׁית פְּרִי הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר־נָתַתָּה לִּי יְהוָה וְהִנַּחְתּוֹ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ וְהִשְׁתַּחֲוִיתָ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃", 26.2. "וְלָקַחְתָּ מֵרֵאשִׁית כָּל־פְּרִי הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר תָּבִיא מֵאַרְצְךָ אֲשֶׁר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לָךְ וְשַׂמְתָּ בַטֶּנֶא וְהָלַכְתָּ אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר יִבְחַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לְשַׁכֵּן שְׁמוֹ שָׁם׃", 26.3. "וּבָאתָ אֶל־הַכֹּהֵן אֲשֶׁר יִהְיֶה בַּיָּמִים הָהֵם וְאָמַרְתָּ אֵלָיו הִגַּדְתִּי הַיּוֹם לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ כִּי־בָאתִי אֶל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּע יְהוָה לַאֲבֹתֵינוּ לָתֶת לָנוּ׃", 26.4. "וְלָקַח הַכֹּהֵן הַטֶּנֶא מִיָּדֶךָ וְהִנִּיחוֹ לִפְנֵי מִזְבַּח יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃", 26.5. "וְעָנִיתָ וְאָמַרְתָּ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ אֲרַמִּי אֹבֵד אָבִי וַיֵּרֶד מִצְרַיְמָה וַיָּגָר שָׁם בִּמְתֵי מְעָט וַיְהִי־שָׁם לְגוֹי גָּדוֹל עָצוּם וָרָב׃", 26.6. "וַיָּרֵעוּ אֹתָנוּ הַמִּצְרִים וַיְעַנּוּנוּ וַיִּתְּנוּ עָלֵינוּ עֲבֹדָה קָשָׁה׃", 26.7. "וַנִּצְעַק אֶל־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי אֲבֹתֵינוּ וַיִּשְׁמַע יְהוָה אֶת־קֹלֵנוּ וַיַּרְא אֶת־עָנְיֵנוּ וְאֶת־עֲמָלֵנוּ וְאֶת־לַחֲצֵנוּ׃", 26.8. "וַיּוֹצִאֵנוּ יְהוָה מִמִּצְרַיִם בְּיָד חֲזָקָה וּבִזְרֹעַ נְטוּיָה וּבְמֹרָא גָּדֹל וּבְאֹתוֹת וּבְמֹפְתִים׃", 26.9. "וַיְבִאֵנוּ אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה וַיִּתֶּן־לָנוּ אֶת־הָאָרֶץ הַזֹּאת אֶרֶץ זָבַת חָלָב וּדְבָשׁ׃", 26.11. "וְשָׂמַחְתָּ בְכָל־הַטּוֹב אֲשֶׁר נָתַן־לְךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ וּלְבֵיתֶךָ אַתָּה וְהַלֵּוִי וְהַגֵּר אֲשֶׁר בְּקִרְבֶּךָ׃", 26.12. "כִּי תְכַלֶּה לַעְשֵׂר אֶת־כָּל־מַעְשַׂר תְּבוּאָתְךָ בַּשָּׁנָה הַשְּׁלִישִׁת שְׁנַת הַמַּעֲשֵׂר וְנָתַתָּה לַלֵּוִי לַגֵּר לַיָּתוֹם וְלָאַלְמָנָה וְאָכְלוּ בִשְׁעָרֶיךָ וְשָׂבֵעוּ׃", 26.13. "וְאָמַרְתָּ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בִּעַרְתִּי הַקֹּדֶשׁ מִן־הַבַּיִת וְגַם נְתַתִּיו לַלֵּוִי וְלַגֵּר לַיָּתוֹם וְלָאַלְמָנָה כְּכָל־מִצְוָתְךָ אֲשֶׁר צִוִּיתָנִי לֹא־עָבַרְתִּי מִמִּצְוֺתֶיךָ וְלֹא שָׁכָחְתִּי׃", 26.14. "לֹא־אָכַלְתִּי בְאֹנִי מִמֶּנּוּ וְלֹא־בִעַרְתִּי מִמֶּנּוּ בְּטָמֵא וְלֹא־נָתַתִּי מִמֶּנּוּ לְמֵת שָׁמַעְתִּי בְּקוֹל יְהוָה אֱלֹהָי עָשִׂיתִי כְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר צִוִּיתָנִי׃", 26.15. "הַשְׁקִיפָה מִמְּעוֹן קָדְשְׁךָ מִן־הַשָּׁמַיִם וּבָרֵךְ אֶת־עַמְּךָ אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאֵת הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר נָתַתָּה לָנוּ כַּאֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּעְתָּ לַאֲבֹתֵינוּ אֶרֶץ זָבַת חָלָב וּדְבָשׁ׃", 33.2. "וַיֹּאמַר יְהוָה מִסִּינַי בָּא וְזָרַח מִשֵּׂעִיר לָמוֹ הוֹפִיעַ מֵהַר פָּארָן וְאָתָה מֵרִבְבֹת קֹדֶשׁ מִימִינוֹ אשדת [אֵשׁ] [דָּת] לָמוֹ׃", 33.2. "וּלְגָד אָמַר בָּרוּךְ מַרְחִיב גָּד כְּלָבִיא שָׁכֵן וְטָרַף זְרוֹעַ אַף־קָדְקֹד׃", | 6.3. "Hear therefore, O Israel, and observe to do it; that it may be well with thee, and that ye may increase mightily, as the LORD, the God of thy fathers, hath promised unto thee—a land flowing with milk and honey.", 8.10. "And thou shalt eat and be satisfied, and bless the LORD thy God for the good land which He hath given thee.", 9.9. "When I was gone up into the mount to receive the tables of stone, even the tables of the covet which the LORD made with you, then I abode in the mount forty days and forty nights; I did neither eat bread nor drink water.", 11.1. "Therefore thou shalt love the LORD thy God, and keep His charge, and His statutes, and His ordices, and His commandments, alway.", 11.2. "And know ye this day; for I speak not with your children that have not known, and that have not seen the chastisement of the LORD your God, His greatness, His mighty hand, and His outstretched arm,", 11.3. "and His signs, and His works, which He did in the midst of Egypt unto Pharaoh the king of Egypt, and unto all his land;", 11.4. "and what He did unto the army of Egypt, unto their horses, and to their chariots; how He made the water of the Red Sea to overflow them as they pursued after you, and how the LORD hath destroyed them unto this day;", 11.5. "and what He did unto you in the wilderness, until ye came unto this place;", 11.6. "and what He did unto Dathan and Abiram, the sons of Eliab, the son of Reuben; how the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed them up, and their households, and their tents, and every living substance that followed them, in the midst of all Israel;", 11.7. "but your eyes have seen all the great work of the LORD which He did.", 11.8. "Therefore shall ye keep all the commandment which I command thee this day, that ye may be strong, and go in and possess the land, whither ye go over to possess it;", 11.9. "and that ye may prolong your days upon the land, which the LORD swore unto your fathers to give unto them and to their seed, a land flowing with milk and honey.", 11.10. "For the land, whither thou goest in to possess it, is not as the land of Egypt, from whence ye came out, where thou didst sow thy seed, and didst water it with thy foot, as a garden of herbs;", 11.11. "but the land, whither ye go over to possess it, is a land of hills and valleys, and drinketh water as the rain of heaven cometh down;", 11.12. "a land which the LORD thy God careth for; the eyes of the LORD thy God are always upon it, from the beginning of the year even unto the end of the year. .", 11.13. "And it shall come to pass, if ye shall hearken diligently unto My commandments which I command you this day, to love the LORD your God, and to serve Him with all your heart and with all your soul,", 11.14. "that I will give the rain of your land in its season, the former rain and the latter rain, that thou mayest gather in thy corn, and thy wine, and thine oil.", 11.15. "And I will give grass in thy fields for thy cattle, and thou shalt eat and be satisfied.", 11.16. "Take heed to yourselves, lest your heart be deceived, and ye turn aside, and serve other gods, and worship them;", 11.17. "and the anger of the LORD be kindled against you, and He shut up the heaven, so that there shall be no rain, and the ground shall not yield her fruit; and ye perish quickly from off the good land which the LORD giveth you.", 11.18. "Therefore shall ye lay up these My words in your heart and in your soul; and ye shall bind them for a sign upon your hand, and they shall be for frontlets between your eyes.", 11.19. "And ye shall teach them your children, talking of them, when thou sittest in thy house, and when thou walkest by the way, and when thou liest down, and when thou risest up.", 11.20. "And thou shalt write them upon the door-posts of thy house, and upon thy gates;", 11.21. "that your days may be multiplied, and the days of your children, upon the land which the LORD swore unto your fathers to give them, as the days of the heavens above the earth.", 26.1. "And it shall be, when thou art come in unto the land which the LORD thy God giveth thee for an inheritance, and dost possess it, and dwell therein;", 26.2. "that thou shalt take of the first of all the fruit of the ground, which thou shalt bring in from thy land that the LORD thy God giveth thee; and thou shalt put it in a basket and shalt go unto the place which the LORD thy God shall choose to cause His name to dwell there.", 26.3. "And thou shalt come unto the priest that shall be in those days, and say unto him: ‘I profess this day unto the LORD thy God, that I am come unto the land which the LORD swore unto our fathers to give us.’", 26.4. "And the priest shall take the basket out of thy hand, and set it down before the altar of the LORD thy God.", 26.5. "And thou shalt speak and say before the LORD thy God: ‘A wandering Aramean was my father, and he went down into Egypt, and sojourned there, few in number; and he became there a nation, great, mighty, and populous.", 26.6. "And the Egyptians dealt ill with us, and afflicted us, and laid upon us hard bondage.", 26.7. "And we cried unto the LORD, the God of our fathers, and the LORD heard our voice, and saw our affliction, and our toil, and our oppression.", 26.8. "And the LORD brought us forth out of Egypt with a mighty hand, and with an outstretched arm, and with great terribleness, and with signs, and with wonders.", 26.9. "And He hath brought us into this place, and hath given us this land, a land flowing with milk and honey.", 26.10. "And now, behold, I have brought the first of the fruit of the land, which Thou, O LORD, hast given me.’ And thou shalt set it down before the LORD thy God, and worship before the LORD thy God.", 26.11. "And thou shalt rejoice in all the good which the LORD thy God hath given unto thee, and unto thy house, thou, and the Levite, and the stranger that is in the midst of thee.", 26.12. "When thou hast made an end of tithing all the tithe of thine increase in the third year, which is the year of tithing, and hast given it unto the Levite, to the stranger, to the fatherless, and to the widow, that they may eat within thy gates, and be satisfied,", 26.13. "then thou shalt say before the LORD thy God: ‘I have put away the hallowed things out of my house, and also have given them unto the Levite, and unto the stranger, to the fatherless, and to the widow, according to all Thy commandment which Thou hast commanded me; I have not transgressed any of Thy commandments, neither have I forgotten them.", 26.14. "I have not eaten thereof in my mourning, neither have I put away thereof, being unclean, nor given thereof for the dead; I have hearkened to the voice of the LORD my God, I have done according to all that Thou hast commanded me.", 26.15. "Look forth from Thy holy habitation, from heaven, and bless Thy people Israel, and the land which Thou hast given us, as Thou didst swear unto our fathers, a land flowing with milk and honey.’", 33.2. "And he said: The LORD came from Sinai, And rose from Seir unto them; He shined forth from mount Paran, And He came from the myriads holy, At His right hand was a fiery law unto them.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 11.29, 14.7 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, decrees of, against jewish ritual practice •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 55, 57; Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 249| 11.29. "וְזֶה לָכֶם הַטָּמֵא בַּשֶּׁרֶץ הַשֹּׁרֵץ עַל־הָאָרֶץ הַחֹלֶד וְהָעַכְבָּר וְהַצָּב לְמִינֵהוּ׃", 14.7. "וְהִזָּה עַל הַמִּטַּהֵר מִן־הַצָּרַעַת שֶׁבַע פְּעָמִים וְטִהֲרוֹ וְשִׁלַּח אֶת־הַצִּפֹּר הַחַיָּה עַל־פְּנֵי הַשָּׂדֶה׃", | 11.29. "And these are they which are unclean unto you among the swarming things that swarm upon the earth: the weasel, and the mouse, and the great lizard after its kinds,", 14.7. "And he shall sprinkle upon him that is to be cleansed from the leprosy seven times, and shall pronounce him clean, and shall let go the living bird into the open field.", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 29.21 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 249| 29.21. "וְלָקַחְתָּ מִן־הַדָּם אֲשֶׁר עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ וּמִשֶּׁמֶן הַמִּשְׁחָה וְהִזֵּיתָ עַל־אַהֲרֹן וְעַל־בְּגָדָיו וְעַל־בָּנָיו וְעַל־בִּגְדֵי בָנָיו אִתּוֹ וְקָדַשׁ הוּא וּבְגָדָיו וּבָנָיו וּבִגְדֵי בָנָיו אִתּוֹ׃", | 29.21. "And thou shalt take of the blood that is upon the altar, and of the anointing oil, and sprinkle it upon Aaron, and upon his garments, and upon his sons, and upon the garments of his sons with him; and he and his garments shall be hallowed, and his sons and his sons’garments with him.", |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 6.24-6.26, 19.21 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 235, 249| 6.24. "יְבָרֶכְךָ יְהוָה וְיִשְׁמְרֶךָ׃", 6.25. "יָאֵר יְהוָה פָּנָיו אֵלֶיךָ וִיחֻנֶּךָּ׃", 6.26. "יִשָּׂא יְהוָה פָּנָיו אֵלֶיךָ וְיָשֵׂם לְךָ שָׁלוֹם׃", 19.21. "וְהָיְתָה לָּהֶם לְחֻקַּת עוֹלָם וּמַזֵּה מֵי־הַנִּדָּה יְכַבֵּס בְּגָדָיו וְהַנֹּגֵעַ בְּמֵי הַנִּדָּה יִטְמָא עַד־הָעָרֶב׃", | 6.24. "The LORD bless thee, and keep thee;", 6.25. "The LORD make His face to shine upon thee, and be gracious unto thee;", 6.26. "The LORD lift up His countece upon thee, and give thee peace.", 19.21. "And it shall be a perpetual statute unto them; and he that sprinkleth the water of sprinkling shall wash his clothes; and he that toucheth the water of sprinkling shall be unclean until even.", |
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| 6. Hesiod, Shield, 478-480, 477 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 141 |
7. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 53.2 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 77| 53.2. "וַיַּעַל כַּיּוֹנֵק לְפָנָיו וְכַשֹּׁרֶשׁ מֵאֶרֶץ צִיָּה לֹא־תֹאַר לוֹ וְלֹא הָדָר וְנִרְאֵהוּ וְלֹא־מַרְאֶה וְנֶחְמְדֵהוּ׃", | 53.2. "For he shot up right forth as a sapling, And as a root out of a dry ground; He had no form nor comeliness, that we should look upon him, Nor beauty that we should delight in him.", |
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8. Hesiod, Theogony, 4.11-4.13, 4.15-4.16 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 361; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 | 35. Into my throat that I may eulogize |
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9. Hesiod, Works And Days, 383-745, 747-828, 746 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 537 | 746. To take your life is dire. Listen to me: |
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10. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 8.35 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, practice of Found in books: Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 21| 8.35. "בְּהֵעָצֵר שָׁמַיִם וְלֹא־יִהְיֶה מָטָר כִּי יֶחֶטְאוּ־לָךְ וְהִתְפַּלְלוּ אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה וְהוֹדוּ אֶת־שְׁמֶךָ וּמֵחַטָּאתָם יְשׁוּבוּן כִּי תַעֲנֵם׃", | 8.35. "When heaven is shut up, and there is no rain, when they do sin against Thee; if they pray toward this place, and confess Thy name, and turn from their sin, when Thou dost afflict them;", |
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11. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 20.6, 20.9 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 253| 20.6. "אִם־פָּקֹד יִפְקְדֵנִי אָבִיךָ וְאָמַרְתָּ נִשְׁאֹל נִשְׁאַל מִמֶּנִּי דָוִד לָרוּץ בֵּית־לֶחֶם עִירוֹ כִּי זֶבַח הַיָּמִים שָׁם לְכָל־הַמִּשְׁפָּחָה׃", 20.9. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוֹנָתָן חָלִילָה לָּךְ כִּי אִם־יָדֹעַ אֵדַע כִּי־כָלְתָה הָרָעָה מֵעִם אָבִי לָבוֹא עָלֶיךָ וְלֹא אֹתָהּ אַגִּיד לָךְ׃", | 20.6. "If thy father should miss me, then say, David earnestly asked leave of me that he might run to Bet-leĥem his city: for there is a yearly sacrifice there for all the family.", 20.9. "And Yehonatan said, Far be it from thee: for if I knew certainly that evil were determined by my father to come upon thee, then would not I tell it thee?", |
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| 12. Homer, Odyssey, 2.171-2.176, 3.4-3.33, 3.48, 3.450, 4.563-4.567, 4.761-4.766, 9.528-9.536, 11.16, 11.38-11.41, 11.488-11.491, 11.601-11.604, 14.53-14.54, 14.437-14.438, 15.223-15.255, 17.354-17.355, 19.163, 20.60-20.90, 20.98-20.121 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, prayers and curses •cultic ritual practice, feasting •cultic ritual practice, processions •women, role in religion and ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, curse tablets •cultic ritual practice, magic •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 138, 142, 156, 157, 158, 159, 242, 265, 400; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 86, 220; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137, 138 |
13. Homer, Iliad, 1.35-1.43, 1.502-1.510, 1.517-1.521, 2.400-2.420, 2.494-2.510, 3.275-3.300, 3.351-3.354, 4.119-4.121, 6.273, 6.297-6.311, 8.407-8.408, 9.413, 9.447-9.457, 14.271-14.279, 15.24-15.30, 15.34-15.38, 16.514-16.526, 19.255-19.265, 22.126-22.127, 22.510-22.514, 23.768-23.772 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, prayers and curses •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, gifts to the gods •cultic ritual practice, processions •women, role in religion and ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, curse tablets •cultic ritual practice, magic •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 43, 156, 157, 158, 159, 169, 359, 400, 448; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 233; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138, 329 | 1.35. / to the lord Apollo, whom fair-haired Leto bore:Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stand over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rule mightily over Tenedos, Sminthian god, if ever I roofed over a temple to your pleasing, or if ever I burned to you fat thigh-pieces of bulls and goats, 1.36. / to the lord Apollo, whom fair-haired Leto bore:Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stand over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rule mightily over Tenedos, Sminthian god, if ever I roofed over a temple to your pleasing, or if ever I burned to you fat thigh-pieces of bulls and goats, 1.37. / to the lord Apollo, whom fair-haired Leto bore:Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stand over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rule mightily over Tenedos, Sminthian god, if ever I roofed over a temple to your pleasing, or if ever I burned to you fat thigh-pieces of bulls and goats, 1.38. / to the lord Apollo, whom fair-haired Leto bore:Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stand over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rule mightily over Tenedos, Sminthian god, if ever I roofed over a temple to your pleasing, or if ever I burned to you fat thigh-pieces of bulls and goats, 1.39. / to the lord Apollo, whom fair-haired Leto bore:Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stand over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rule mightily over Tenedos, Sminthian god, if ever I roofed over a temple to your pleasing, or if ever I burned to you fat thigh-pieces of bulls and goats, 1.40. / fulfill this prayer for me: let the Danaans pay for my tears by your arrows So he spoke in prayer, and Phoebus Apollo heard him. Down from the peaks of Olympus he strode, angered at heart, bearing on his shoulders his bow and covered quiver. 1.41. / fulfill this prayer for me: let the Danaans pay for my tears by your arrows So he spoke in prayer, and Phoebus Apollo heard him. Down from the peaks of Olympus he strode, angered at heart, bearing on his shoulders his bow and covered quiver. 1.42. / fulfill this prayer for me: let the Danaans pay for my tears by your arrows So he spoke in prayer, and Phoebus Apollo heard him. Down from the peaks of Olympus he strode, angered at heart, bearing on his shoulders his bow and covered quiver. 1.43. / fulfill this prayer for me: let the Danaans pay for my tears by your arrows So he spoke in prayer, and Phoebus Apollo heard him. Down from the peaks of Olympus he strode, angered at heart, bearing on his shoulders his bow and covered quiver. 1.502. / with her left hand, while with her right she touched him beneath the chin, and she spoke in prayer to king Zeus, son of Cronos:Father Zeus, if ever amid the immortals I gave you aid by word or deed, grant me this prayer: do honour to my son, who is doomed to a speedy death beyond all other men; 1.503. / with her left hand, while with her right she touched him beneath the chin, and she spoke in prayer to king Zeus, son of Cronos:Father Zeus, if ever amid the immortals I gave you aid by word or deed, grant me this prayer: do honour to my son, who is doomed to a speedy death beyond all other men; 1.504. / with her left hand, while with her right she touched him beneath the chin, and she spoke in prayer to king Zeus, son of Cronos:Father Zeus, if ever amid the immortals I gave you aid by word or deed, grant me this prayer: do honour to my son, who is doomed to a speedy death beyond all other men; 1.505. / yet now Agamemnon, king of men, has dishonoured him, for he has taken and keeps his prize by his own arrogant act. But honour him, Olympian Zeus, lord of counsel; and give might to the Trojans, until the Achaeans do honour to my son, and magnify him with recompense. 1.506. / yet now Agamemnon, king of men, has dishonoured him, for he has taken and keeps his prize by his own arrogant act. But honour him, Olympian Zeus, lord of counsel; and give might to the Trojans, until the Achaeans do honour to my son, and magnify him with recompense. 1.507. / yet now Agamemnon, king of men, has dishonoured him, for he has taken and keeps his prize by his own arrogant act. But honour him, Olympian Zeus, lord of counsel; and give might to the Trojans, until the Achaeans do honour to my son, and magnify him with recompense. 1.508. / yet now Agamemnon, king of men, has dishonoured him, for he has taken and keeps his prize by his own arrogant act. But honour him, Olympian Zeus, lord of counsel; and give might to the Trojans, until the Achaeans do honour to my son, and magnify him with recompense. 1.509. / yet now Agamemnon, king of men, has dishonoured him, for he has taken and keeps his prize by his own arrogant act. But honour him, Olympian Zeus, lord of counsel; and give might to the Trojans, until the Achaeans do honour to my son, and magnify him with recompense. 1.510. / So she spoke; but Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, spoke no word to her, but sat a long time in silence. Yet Thetis, even as she had clasped his knees, so held to him, clinging close, and questioned him again a second time:Give me your infallible promise, and bow your head to it, or else deny me, for there is nothing to make you afraid; so that I may know well 1.517. / how far I among all the gods am honoured the least. Then, greatly troubled, Zeus, the cloud-gatherer spoke to her:Surely this will be sorry work, since you will set me on to engage in strife with Hera, when she shall anger me with taunting words. Even now she always upbraids me among the immortal gods, 1.518. / how far I among all the gods am honoured the least. Then, greatly troubled, Zeus, the cloud-gatherer spoke to her:Surely this will be sorry work, since you will set me on to engage in strife with Hera, when she shall anger me with taunting words. Even now she always upbraids me among the immortal gods, 1.519. / how far I among all the gods am honoured the least. Then, greatly troubled, Zeus, the cloud-gatherer spoke to her:Surely this will be sorry work, since you will set me on to engage in strife with Hera, when she shall anger me with taunting words. Even now she always upbraids me among the immortal gods, 1.520. / and declares that I give aid to the Trojans in battle. But for the present, depart again, lest Hera note something; and I will take thought for these things to bring all to pass. Come, I will bow my head to you, that thou may be certain, for this from me is the surest token among the immortals; 1.521. / and declares that I give aid to the Trojans in battle. But for the present, depart again, lest Hera note something; and I will take thought for these things to bring all to pass. Come, I will bow my head to you, that thou may be certain, for this from me is the surest token among the immortals; 2.400. / And they made sacrifice one to one of the gods that are for ever, and one to another, with the prayer that they might escape from death and the toil of war. But Agamemnon, king of men, slew a fat bull of five years to the son of Cronos, supreme in might, and let call the elders, the chieftains of the Achaean host, 2.401. / And they made sacrifice one to one of the gods that are for ever, and one to another, with the prayer that they might escape from death and the toil of war. But Agamemnon, king of men, slew a fat bull of five years to the son of Cronos, supreme in might, and let call the elders, the chieftains of the Achaean host, 2.402. / And they made sacrifice one to one of the gods that are for ever, and one to another, with the prayer that they might escape from death and the toil of war. But Agamemnon, king of men, slew a fat bull of five years to the son of Cronos, supreme in might, and let call the elders, the chieftains of the Achaean host, 2.403. / And they made sacrifice one to one of the gods that are for ever, and one to another, with the prayer that they might escape from death and the toil of war. But Agamemnon, king of men, slew a fat bull of five years to the son of Cronos, supreme in might, and let call the elders, the chieftains of the Achaean host, 2.404. / And they made sacrifice one to one of the gods that are for ever, and one to another, with the prayer that they might escape from death and the toil of war. But Agamemnon, king of men, slew a fat bull of five years to the son of Cronos, supreme in might, and let call the elders, the chieftains of the Achaean host, 2.405. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.406. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.407. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.408. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.409. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.410. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.411. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.412. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.413. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.414. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.415. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. 2.416. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. 2.417. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. 2.418. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. 2.419. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. So spake he; but not as yet would the son of Cronos grant him fulfillment; 2.420. / nay, he accepted the sacrifice, but toil he made to wax unceasingly. Then, when they had prayed and had sprinkled the barley grains, they first drew back the victims' heads and cut their throats, and flayed them; and they cut out the thigh-pieces and covered them with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. 2.494. / and a voice unwearying, and though the heart within me were of bronze, did not the Muses of Olympus, daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis, call to my mind all them that came beneath Ilios. Now will I tell the captains of the ships and the ships in their order.of the Boeotians Peneleos and Leïtus were captains, 2.495. / and Arcesilaus and Prothoënor and Clonius; these were they that dwelt in Hyria and rocky Aulis and Schoenus and Scolus and Eteonus with its many ridges, Thespeia, Graea, and spacious Mycalessus; and that dwelt about Harma and Eilesium and Erythrae; 2.496. / and Arcesilaus and Prothoënor and Clonius; these were they that dwelt in Hyria and rocky Aulis and Schoenus and Scolus and Eteonus with its many ridges, Thespeia, Graea, and spacious Mycalessus; and that dwelt about Harma and Eilesium and Erythrae; 2.497. / and Arcesilaus and Prothoënor and Clonius; these were they that dwelt in Hyria and rocky Aulis and Schoenus and Scolus and Eteonus with its many ridges, Thespeia, Graea, and spacious Mycalessus; and that dwelt about Harma and Eilesium and Erythrae; 2.498. / and Arcesilaus and Prothoënor and Clonius; these were they that dwelt in Hyria and rocky Aulis and Schoenus and Scolus and Eteonus with its many ridges, Thespeia, Graea, and spacious Mycalessus; and that dwelt about Harma and Eilesium and Erythrae; 2.499. / and Arcesilaus and Prothoënor and Clonius; these were they that dwelt in Hyria and rocky Aulis and Schoenus and Scolus and Eteonus with its many ridges, Thespeia, Graea, and spacious Mycalessus; and that dwelt about Harma and Eilesium and Erythrae; 2.500. / and that held Eleon and Hyle and Peteon, Ocalea and Medeon, the well-built citadel, Copae, Eutresis, and Thisbe, the haunt of doves; that dwelt in Coroneia and grassy Haliartus, and that held Plataea and dwelt in Glisas; 2.501. / and that held Eleon and Hyle and Peteon, Ocalea and Medeon, the well-built citadel, Copae, Eutresis, and Thisbe, the haunt of doves; that dwelt in Coroneia and grassy Haliartus, and that held Plataea and dwelt in Glisas; 2.502. / and that held Eleon and Hyle and Peteon, Ocalea and Medeon, the well-built citadel, Copae, Eutresis, and Thisbe, the haunt of doves; that dwelt in Coroneia and grassy Haliartus, and that held Plataea and dwelt in Glisas; 2.503. / and that held Eleon and Hyle and Peteon, Ocalea and Medeon, the well-built citadel, Copae, Eutresis, and Thisbe, the haunt of doves; that dwelt in Coroneia and grassy Haliartus, and that held Plataea and dwelt in Glisas; 2.504. / and that held Eleon and Hyle and Peteon, Ocalea and Medeon, the well-built citadel, Copae, Eutresis, and Thisbe, the haunt of doves; that dwelt in Coroneia and grassy Haliartus, and that held Plataea and dwelt in Glisas; 2.505. / that held lower Thebe, the well-built citadel, and holy Onchestus, the bright grove of Poseidon; and that held Arne, rich in vines, and Mideia and sacred Nisa and Anthedon on the seaboard. of these there came fifty ships, and on board of each 2.506. / that held lower Thebe, the well-built citadel, and holy Onchestus, the bright grove of Poseidon; and that held Arne, rich in vines, and Mideia and sacred Nisa and Anthedon on the seaboard. of these there came fifty ships, and on board of each 2.507. / that held lower Thebe, the well-built citadel, and holy Onchestus, the bright grove of Poseidon; and that held Arne, rich in vines, and Mideia and sacred Nisa and Anthedon on the seaboard. of these there came fifty ships, and on board of each 2.508. / that held lower Thebe, the well-built citadel, and holy Onchestus, the bright grove of Poseidon; and that held Arne, rich in vines, and Mideia and sacred Nisa and Anthedon on the seaboard. of these there came fifty ships, and on board of each 2.509. / that held lower Thebe, the well-built citadel, and holy Onchestus, the bright grove of Poseidon; and that held Arne, rich in vines, and Mideia and sacred Nisa and Anthedon on the seaboard. of these there came fifty ships, and on board of each 2.510. / went young men of the Boeotians an hundred and twenty. 3.275. / Then in their midst Agamemnon lifted up his hands and prayed aloud:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, and thou Sun, that beholdest all things and hearest all things, and ye rivers and thou earth, and ye that in the world below take vengeance on men that are done with life, whosoever hath sworn a false oath; 3.276. / Then in their midst Agamemnon lifted up his hands and prayed aloud:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, and thou Sun, that beholdest all things and hearest all things, and ye rivers and thou earth, and ye that in the world below take vengeance on men that are done with life, whosoever hath sworn a false oath; 3.277. / Then in their midst Agamemnon lifted up his hands and prayed aloud:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, and thou Sun, that beholdest all things and hearest all things, and ye rivers and thou earth, and ye that in the world below take vengeance on men that are done with life, whosoever hath sworn a false oath; 3.278. / Then in their midst Agamemnon lifted up his hands and prayed aloud:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, and thou Sun, that beholdest all things and hearest all things, and ye rivers and thou earth, and ye that in the world below take vengeance on men that are done with life, whosoever hath sworn a false oath; 3.279. / Then in their midst Agamemnon lifted up his hands and prayed aloud:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, and thou Sun, that beholdest all things and hearest all things, and ye rivers and thou earth, and ye that in the world below take vengeance on men that are done with life, whosoever hath sworn a false oath; 3.280. / be ye witnesses, and watch over the oaths of faith. If Alexander slay Menelaus, then let him keep Helen and all her treasure; and we will depart in our seafaring ships. But if so be fair-haired Menelaus shall slay Alexander, 3.281. / be ye witnesses, and watch over the oaths of faith. If Alexander slay Menelaus, then let him keep Helen and all her treasure; and we will depart in our seafaring ships. But if so be fair-haired Menelaus shall slay Alexander, 3.282. / be ye witnesses, and watch over the oaths of faith. If Alexander slay Menelaus, then let him keep Helen and all her treasure; and we will depart in our seafaring ships. But if so be fair-haired Menelaus shall slay Alexander, 3.283. / be ye witnesses, and watch over the oaths of faith. If Alexander slay Menelaus, then let him keep Helen and all her treasure; and we will depart in our seafaring ships. But if so be fair-haired Menelaus shall slay Alexander, 3.284. / be ye witnesses, and watch over the oaths of faith. If Alexander slay Menelaus, then let him keep Helen and all her treasure; and we will depart in our seafaring ships. But if so be fair-haired Menelaus shall slay Alexander, 3.285. / then let the Trojans give back Helen and all her treasure, and pay to the Argives in requital such recompense as beseemeth, even such as shall abide in the minds of men that are yet to be. Howbeit, if Priam and the sons of Priam be not minded to pay recompense unto me, when Alexander falleth, 3.286. / then let the Trojans give back Helen and all her treasure, and pay to the Argives in requital such recompense as beseemeth, even such as shall abide in the minds of men that are yet to be. Howbeit, if Priam and the sons of Priam be not minded to pay recompense unto me, when Alexander falleth, 3.287. / then let the Trojans give back Helen and all her treasure, and pay to the Argives in requital such recompense as beseemeth, even such as shall abide in the minds of men that are yet to be. Howbeit, if Priam and the sons of Priam be not minded to pay recompense unto me, when Alexander falleth, 3.288. / then let the Trojans give back Helen and all her treasure, and pay to the Argives in requital such recompense as beseemeth, even such as shall abide in the minds of men that are yet to be. Howbeit, if Priam and the sons of Priam be not minded to pay recompense unto me, when Alexander falleth, 3.289. / then let the Trojans give back Helen and all her treasure, and pay to the Argives in requital such recompense as beseemeth, even such as shall abide in the minds of men that are yet to be. Howbeit, if Priam and the sons of Priam be not minded to pay recompense unto me, when Alexander falleth, 3.290. / then will I fight on even thereafter, to get me recompense, and will abide here until I find an end of war. He spake, and cut the lambs' throats with the pitiless bronze; and laid them down upon the ground gasping and failing of breath, for the bronze had robbed them of their strength. 3.291. / then will I fight on even thereafter, to get me recompense, and will abide here until I find an end of war. He spake, and cut the lambs' throats with the pitiless bronze; and laid them down upon the ground gasping and failing of breath, for the bronze had robbed them of their strength. 3.292. / then will I fight on even thereafter, to get me recompense, and will abide here until I find an end of war. He spake, and cut the lambs' throats with the pitiless bronze; and laid them down upon the ground gasping and failing of breath, for the bronze had robbed them of their strength. 3.293. / then will I fight on even thereafter, to get me recompense, and will abide here until I find an end of war. He spake, and cut the lambs' throats with the pitiless bronze; and laid them down upon the ground gasping and failing of breath, for the bronze had robbed them of their strength. 3.294. / then will I fight on even thereafter, to get me recompense, and will abide here until I find an end of war. He spake, and cut the lambs' throats with the pitiless bronze; and laid them down upon the ground gasping and failing of breath, for the bronze had robbed them of their strength. 3.295. / Then they drew wine from the bowl into the cups, and poured it forth, and made prayer to the gods that are for ever. And thus would one of the Achaeans and Trojans say:Zeus, most glorious, most great, and ye other immortal gods, which host soever of the twain shall be first to work harm in defiance of the oaths, 3.296. / Then they drew wine from the bowl into the cups, and poured it forth, and made prayer to the gods that are for ever. And thus would one of the Achaeans and Trojans say:Zeus, most glorious, most great, and ye other immortal gods, which host soever of the twain shall be first to work harm in defiance of the oaths, 3.297. / Then they drew wine from the bowl into the cups, and poured it forth, and made prayer to the gods that are for ever. And thus would one of the Achaeans and Trojans say:Zeus, most glorious, most great, and ye other immortal gods, which host soever of the twain shall be first to work harm in defiance of the oaths, 3.298. / Then they drew wine from the bowl into the cups, and poured it forth, and made prayer to the gods that are for ever. And thus would one of the Achaeans and Trojans say:Zeus, most glorious, most great, and ye other immortal gods, which host soever of the twain shall be first to work harm in defiance of the oaths, 3.299. / Then they drew wine from the bowl into the cups, and poured it forth, and made prayer to the gods that are for ever. And thus would one of the Achaeans and Trojans say:Zeus, most glorious, most great, and ye other immortal gods, which host soever of the twain shall be first to work harm in defiance of the oaths, 3.300. / may their brains be thus poured forth upon the ground even as this wine, theirs and their children's; and may their wives be made slaves to others. 3.351. / and made prayer to father Zeus:Zeus, our king, grant that I may avenge me on him that was first to do me wrong, even on goodly Alexander, and subdue thou him beneath my hands; that many a one even of men yet to be may shudder to work evil to his host, that hath shown him friendship. 3.352. / and made prayer to father Zeus:Zeus, our king, grant that I may avenge me on him that was first to do me wrong, even on goodly Alexander, and subdue thou him beneath my hands; that many a one even of men yet to be may shudder to work evil to his host, that hath shown him friendship. 3.353. / and made prayer to father Zeus:Zeus, our king, grant that I may avenge me on him that was first to do me wrong, even on goodly Alexander, and subdue thou him beneath my hands; that many a one even of men yet to be may shudder to work evil to his host, that hath shown him friendship. 3.354. / and made prayer to father Zeus:Zeus, our king, grant that I may avenge me on him that was first to do me wrong, even on goodly Alexander, and subdue thou him beneath my hands; that many a one even of men yet to be may shudder to work evil to his host, that hath shown him friendship. 4.119. / or ever Menelaus, the warlike son of Atreus, was smitten. Then opened he the lid of his quiver, and took forth an arrow, a feathered arrow that had never been shot, freighted with dark pains; and forthwith he fitted the bitter arrow to the string, and made a vow to Apollo, the wolf-born god, famed for his bow, 4.120. / that he would sacrifice a glorious hecatomb of firstling lambs, when he should come to his home, the city of sacred Zeleia. And he drew the bow, clutching at once the notched arrow and the string of ox's sinew: the string he brought to his breast and to the bow the iron arrow-head. But when he had drawn the great bow into a round, 4.121. / that he would sacrifice a glorious hecatomb of firstling lambs, when he should come to his home, the city of sacred Zeleia. And he drew the bow, clutching at once the notched arrow and the string of ox's sinew: the string he brought to his breast and to the bow the iron arrow-head. But when he had drawn the great bow into a round, 6.273. / driver of the spoil, with burnt-offerings, when thou hast gathered together the aged wives; and the robe that seemeth to thee the fairest and amplest in thy hall, and that is dearest far to thine own self, this do thou lay upon the knees of fair-haired Athene and vow to her that thou wilt sacrifice in her temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, 6.297. / and shone like a star, and lay undermost of all. Then she went her way, and the throng of aged wives hastened after her. 6.298. / and shone like a star, and lay undermost of all. Then she went her way, and the throng of aged wives hastened after her. 6.299. / and shone like a star, and lay undermost of all. Then she went her way, and the throng of aged wives hastened after her. Now when they were come to the temple of Athene in the citadel, the doors were opened for them by fair-cheeked Theano, daughter of Cisseus, the wife of Antenor, tamer of horses; 6.300. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.301. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.302. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.303. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.304. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.305. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.306. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.307. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.308. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.309. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.310. / on Troy and the Trojans' wives and their little children. So spake she praying, but Pallas Athene denied the prayer.Thus were these praying to the daughter of great Zeus, but Hector went his way to the palace of Alexander, the fair palace that himself had builded with the men 6.311. / on Troy and the Trojans' wives and their little children. So spake she praying, but Pallas Athene denied the prayer.Thus were these praying to the daughter of great Zeus, but Hector went his way to the palace of Alexander, the fair palace that himself had builded with the men 8.407. / shall they heal them of the wounds wherewith the thunderbolt shall smite them; that she of the flashing eyes may know what it is to strive against her own father. But against Hera have I not so great indignation nor wrath, seeing she is ever wont to thwart me in whatsoe'er I have decreed. So spake he, and storm-footed Iris hasted to bear his message, 8.408. / shall they heal them of the wounds wherewith the thunderbolt shall smite them; that she of the flashing eyes may know what it is to strive against her own father. But against Hera have I not so great indignation nor wrath, seeing she is ever wont to thwart me in whatsoe'er I have decreed. So spake he, and storm-footed Iris hasted to bear his message, 9.413. / For my mother the goddess, silver-footed Thetis, telleth me that twofold fates are bearing me toward the doom of death: if I abide here and war about the city of the Trojans, then lost is my home-return, but my renown shall be imperishable; but if I return home to my dear native land, 9.447. / to be left alone without thee, nay, not though a god himself should pledge him to strip from me my old age and render me strong in youth as in the day when first I left Hellas, the home of fair women, fleeing from strife with my father Amyntor, son of Ormenus; for he waxed grievously wroth against me by reason of his fair-haired concubine, 9.448. / to be left alone without thee, nay, not though a god himself should pledge him to strip from me my old age and render me strong in youth as in the day when first I left Hellas, the home of fair women, fleeing from strife with my father Amyntor, son of Ormenus; for he waxed grievously wroth against me by reason of his fair-haired concubine, 9.449. / to be left alone without thee, nay, not though a god himself should pledge him to strip from me my old age and render me strong in youth as in the day when first I left Hellas, the home of fair women, fleeing from strife with my father Amyntor, son of Ormenus; for he waxed grievously wroth against me by reason of his fair-haired concubine, 9.450. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. 9.451. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. 9.452. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. 9.453. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. 9.454. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. I hearkened to her and did the deed, but my father was ware thereof forthwith and cursed me mightily, and invoked the dire Erinyes 9.455. / that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child begotten of me; and the gods fulfilled his curse, even Zeus of the nether world and dread Persephone. Then I took counsel to slay him with the sharp sword, but some one of the immortals stayed mine anger, bringing to my mind 9.456. / that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child begotten of me; and the gods fulfilled his curse, even Zeus of the nether world and dread Persephone. Then I took counsel to slay him with the sharp sword, but some one of the immortals stayed mine anger, bringing to my mind 9.457. / that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child begotten of me; and the gods fulfilled his curse, even Zeus of the nether world and dread Persephone. Then I took counsel to slay him with the sharp sword, but some one of the immortals stayed mine anger, bringing to my mind 14.271. / So spake she, and Sleep waxed glad, and made answer saying:Come now, swear to me by the inviolable water of Styx, and with one hand lay thou hold of the bounteous earth, and with the other of the shimmering sea, that one and all they may be witnesses betwixt us twain, even the gods that are below with Cronos, 14.272. / So spake she, and Sleep waxed glad, and made answer saying:Come now, swear to me by the inviolable water of Styx, and with one hand lay thou hold of the bounteous earth, and with the other of the shimmering sea, that one and all they may be witnesses betwixt us twain, even the gods that are below with Cronos, 14.273. / So spake she, and Sleep waxed glad, and made answer saying:Come now, swear to me by the inviolable water of Styx, and with one hand lay thou hold of the bounteous earth, and with the other of the shimmering sea, that one and all they may be witnesses betwixt us twain, even the gods that are below with Cronos, 14.274. / So spake she, and Sleep waxed glad, and made answer saying:Come now, swear to me by the inviolable water of Styx, and with one hand lay thou hold of the bounteous earth, and with the other of the shimmering sea, that one and all they may be witnesses betwixt us twain, even the gods that are below with Cronos, 14.275. / that verily thou wilt give me one of the youthful Graces, even Pasithea, that myself I long for all my days. So spake he, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, failed not to hearken, but sware as he bade, and invoked by name all the gods below Tartarus, that are called Titans. 14.276. / that verily thou wilt give me one of the youthful Graces, even Pasithea, that myself I long for all my days. So spake he, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, failed not to hearken, but sware as he bade, and invoked by name all the gods below Tartarus, that are called Titans. 14.277. / that verily thou wilt give me one of the youthful Graces, even Pasithea, that myself I long for all my days. So spake he, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, failed not to hearken, but sware as he bade, and invoked by name all the gods below Tartarus, that are called Titans. 14.278. / that verily thou wilt give me one of the youthful Graces, even Pasithea, that myself I long for all my days. So spake he, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, failed not to hearken, but sware as he bade, and invoked by name all the gods below Tartarus, that are called Titans. 14.279. / that verily thou wilt give me one of the youthful Graces, even Pasithea, that myself I long for all my days. So spake he, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, failed not to hearken, but sware as he bade, and invoked by name all the gods below Tartarus, that are called Titans. 15.24. / a band of gold that might not be broken? And in the air amid the clouds thou didst hang, and the gods had indignation throughout high Olympus; howbeit they availed not to draw nigh and loose thee. Nay, whomsoever I caught, I would seize and hurl from the threshold until he reached the earth, his strength all spent. Yet not even so was my heart 15.25. / eased of its ceaseless pain for godlike Heracles, whom thou when thou hadst leagued thee with the North Wind and suborned his blasts, didst send over the unresting sea, by thine evil devising, and thereafter didst bear him away unto well-peopled Cos. Him did I save from thence, and brought again 15.26. / eased of its ceaseless pain for godlike Heracles, whom thou when thou hadst leagued thee with the North Wind and suborned his blasts, didst send over the unresting sea, by thine evil devising, and thereafter didst bear him away unto well-peopled Cos. Him did I save from thence, and brought again 15.27. / eased of its ceaseless pain for godlike Heracles, whom thou when thou hadst leagued thee with the North Wind and suborned his blasts, didst send over the unresting sea, by thine evil devising, and thereafter didst bear him away unto well-peopled Cos. Him did I save from thence, and brought again 15.28. / eased of its ceaseless pain for godlike Heracles, whom thou when thou hadst leagued thee with the North Wind and suborned his blasts, didst send over the unresting sea, by thine evil devising, and thereafter didst bear him away unto well-peopled Cos. Him did I save from thence, and brought again 15.29. / eased of its ceaseless pain for godlike Heracles, whom thou when thou hadst leagued thee with the North Wind and suborned his blasts, didst send over the unresting sea, by thine evil devising, and thereafter didst bear him away unto well-peopled Cos. Him did I save from thence, and brought again 15.30. / to horse-pasturing Argos, albeit after he had laboured sore. of these things will I mind thee yet again, that thou mayest cease from thy beguilings, to the end that thou mayest see whether they anywise avail thee, the dalliance and the couch, wherein thou didst lie with me when thou hadst come forth from among the gods, and didst beguile me. 15.34. / to horse-pasturing Argos, albeit after he had laboured sore. of these things will I mind thee yet again, that thou mayest cease from thy beguilings, to the end that thou mayest see whether they anywise avail thee, the dalliance and the couch, wherein thou didst lie with me when thou hadst come forth from among the gods, and didst beguile me. So spake he, and the ox-eyed, queenly Hera shuddered; 15.35. / and she spake and addressed him with winged words:Hereto now be Earth my witness and the broad Heaven above, and the down-flowing water of Styx, which is the greatest and most dread oath for the blessed gods, and thine own sacred head, and the couch of us twain, couch of our wedded love, 15.36. / and she spake and addressed him with winged words:Hereto now be Earth my witness and the broad Heaven above, and the down-flowing water of Styx, which is the greatest and most dread oath for the blessed gods, and thine own sacred head, and the couch of us twain, couch of our wedded love, 15.37. / and she spake and addressed him with winged words:Hereto now be Earth my witness and the broad Heaven above, and the down-flowing water of Styx, which is the greatest and most dread oath for the blessed gods, and thine own sacred head, and the couch of us twain, couch of our wedded love, 15.38. / and she spake and addressed him with winged words:Hereto now be Earth my witness and the broad Heaven above, and the down-flowing water of Styx, which is the greatest and most dread oath for the blessed gods, and thine own sacred head, and the couch of us twain, couch of our wedded love, 16.514. / And with his hand he caught and pressed his arm, for his wound tormented him, the wound that Teucer, while warding off destruction from his comrades, had dealt him with his arrow as he rushed upon the high wall. Then in prayer he spake to Apollo, that smiteth afar:Hear me, O king that art haply in the rich land of Lycia 16.515. / or haply in Troy, but everywhere hast power to hearken unto a man that is in sorrow, even as now sorrow is come upon me. For I have this grievous wound and mine arm on this side and on that is shot through with sharp pangs, nor can the blood be staunched; and my shoulder is made heavy with the wound, 16.516. / or haply in Troy, but everywhere hast power to hearken unto a man that is in sorrow, even as now sorrow is come upon me. For I have this grievous wound and mine arm on this side and on that is shot through with sharp pangs, nor can the blood be staunched; and my shoulder is made heavy with the wound, 16.517. / or haply in Troy, but everywhere hast power to hearken unto a man that is in sorrow, even as now sorrow is come upon me. For I have this grievous wound and mine arm on this side and on that is shot through with sharp pangs, nor can the blood be staunched; and my shoulder is made heavy with the wound, 16.518. / or haply in Troy, but everywhere hast power to hearken unto a man that is in sorrow, even as now sorrow is come upon me. For I have this grievous wound and mine arm on this side and on that is shot through with sharp pangs, nor can the blood be staunched; and my shoulder is made heavy with the wound, 16.519. / or haply in Troy, but everywhere hast power to hearken unto a man that is in sorrow, even as now sorrow is come upon me. For I have this grievous wound and mine arm on this side and on that is shot through with sharp pangs, nor can the blood be staunched; and my shoulder is made heavy with the wound, 16.520. / and I avail not to grasp my spear firmly, neither to go and fight with the foe-men. And a man far the noblest hath perished, even Sarpedon, the son of Zeus; and he succoureth not his own child. Howbeit, do thou, O king, heal me of this grievous wound, and lull my pains, and give me might, 16.521. / and I avail not to grasp my spear firmly, neither to go and fight with the foe-men. And a man far the noblest hath perished, even Sarpedon, the son of Zeus; and he succoureth not his own child. Howbeit, do thou, O king, heal me of this grievous wound, and lull my pains, and give me might, 16.522. / and I avail not to grasp my spear firmly, neither to go and fight with the foe-men. And a man far the noblest hath perished, even Sarpedon, the son of Zeus; and he succoureth not his own child. Howbeit, do thou, O king, heal me of this grievous wound, and lull my pains, and give me might, 16.523. / and I avail not to grasp my spear firmly, neither to go and fight with the foe-men. And a man far the noblest hath perished, even Sarpedon, the son of Zeus; and he succoureth not his own child. Howbeit, do thou, O king, heal me of this grievous wound, and lull my pains, and give me might, 16.524. / and I avail not to grasp my spear firmly, neither to go and fight with the foe-men. And a man far the noblest hath perished, even Sarpedon, the son of Zeus; and he succoureth not his own child. Howbeit, do thou, O king, heal me of this grievous wound, and lull my pains, and give me might, 16.525. / that I may call to my comrades, the Lycians, and urge them on to fight, and myself do battle about the body of him that is fallen in death. So spake he in prayer, and Phoebus Apollo heard him. Forthwith he made his pains to cease, and staunched the black blood that flowed from his grievous wound, and put might into his heart. 16.526. / that I may call to my comrades, the Lycians, and urge them on to fight, and myself do battle about the body of him that is fallen in death. So spake he in prayer, and Phoebus Apollo heard him. Forthwith he made his pains to cease, and staunched the black blood that flowed from his grievous wound, and put might into his heart. 19.255. / made prayer to Zeus; and all the Argives sat thereby in silence, hearkening as was meet unto the king. And he spake in prayer, with a look up to the wide heaven:Be Zeus my witness first, highest and best of gods, and Earth and Sun, and the Erinyes, that under earth 19.256. / made prayer to Zeus; and all the Argives sat thereby in silence, hearkening as was meet unto the king. And he spake in prayer, with a look up to the wide heaven:Be Zeus my witness first, highest and best of gods, and Earth and Sun, and the Erinyes, that under earth 19.257. / made prayer to Zeus; and all the Argives sat thereby in silence, hearkening as was meet unto the king. And he spake in prayer, with a look up to the wide heaven:Be Zeus my witness first, highest and best of gods, and Earth and Sun, and the Erinyes, that under earth 19.258. / made prayer to Zeus; and all the Argives sat thereby in silence, hearkening as was meet unto the king. And he spake in prayer, with a look up to the wide heaven:Be Zeus my witness first, highest and best of gods, and Earth and Sun, and the Erinyes, that under earth 19.259. / made prayer to Zeus; and all the Argives sat thereby in silence, hearkening as was meet unto the king. And he spake in prayer, with a look up to the wide heaven:Be Zeus my witness first, highest and best of gods, and Earth and Sun, and the Erinyes, that under earth 19.260. / take vengeance on men, whosoever hath sworn a false oath, that never laid I hand upon the girl Briseis either by way of a lover's embrace or anywise else, but she ever abode untouched in my huts. And if aught of this oath be false, may the gods give me woes 19.261. / take vengeance on men, whosoever hath sworn a false oath, that never laid I hand upon the girl Briseis either by way of a lover's embrace or anywise else, but she ever abode untouched in my huts. And if aught of this oath be false, may the gods give me woes 19.262. / take vengeance on men, whosoever hath sworn a false oath, that never laid I hand upon the girl Briseis either by way of a lover's embrace or anywise else, but she ever abode untouched in my huts. And if aught of this oath be false, may the gods give me woes 19.263. / take vengeance on men, whosoever hath sworn a false oath, that never laid I hand upon the girl Briseis either by way of a lover's embrace or anywise else, but she ever abode untouched in my huts. And if aught of this oath be false, may the gods give me woes 19.264. / take vengeance on men, whosoever hath sworn a false oath, that never laid I hand upon the girl Briseis either by way of a lover's embrace or anywise else, but she ever abode untouched in my huts. And if aught of this oath be false, may the gods give me woes 19.265. / full many, even all that they are wont to give to him whoso sinneth against them in his swearing. He spake, and cut the boar's throat with the pitiless bronze, and the body Talthybius whirled and flung into the great gulf of the grey sea, to be food for the fishes; but Achilles uprose, and spake among the war-loving Argives: 22.126. / as I were a woman, when I have put from me mine armour. In no wise may I now from oak-tree or from rock hold dalliance with him, even as youth and maiden—youth and maiden! —hold dalliance one with the other. Better were it to clash in strife with all speed; 22.127. / as I were a woman, when I have put from me mine armour. In no wise may I now from oak-tree or from rock hold dalliance with him, even as youth and maiden—youth and maiden! —hold dalliance one with the other. Better were it to clash in strife with all speed; 22.510. / yet in thy halls lieth raiment, finely-woven and fair, wrought by the hands of women. Howbeit all these things will I verily burn in blazing fire—in no wise a profit unto thee, seeing thou shalt not lie therein, but to be an honour unto thee from the men and women of Troy. 22.511. / yet in thy halls lieth raiment, finely-woven and fair, wrought by the hands of women. Howbeit all these things will I verily burn in blazing fire—in no wise a profit unto thee, seeing thou shalt not lie therein, but to be an honour unto thee from the men and women of Troy. 22.512. / yet in thy halls lieth raiment, finely-woven and fair, wrought by the hands of women. Howbeit all these things will I verily burn in blazing fire—in no wise a profit unto thee, seeing thou shalt not lie therein, but to be an honour unto thee from the men and women of Troy. 22.513. / yet in thy halls lieth raiment, finely-woven and fair, wrought by the hands of women. Howbeit all these things will I verily burn in blazing fire—in no wise a profit unto thee, seeing thou shalt not lie therein, but to be an honour unto thee from the men and women of Troy. 22.514. / yet in thy halls lieth raiment, finely-woven and fair, wrought by the hands of women. Howbeit all these things will I verily burn in blazing fire—in no wise a profit unto thee, seeing thou shalt not lie therein, but to be an honour unto thee from the men and women of Troy. 23.768. / and his feet trod in the footsteps of Aias or ever the dust had settled therein, and down upon his head beat the breath of goodly Odysseus, as he ran ever swiftly on; and all the Achaeans shouted to further him as he struggled for victory, and called to him as he strained to the utmost. But when now they were running the last part of the course, straightway Odysseus made prayer in his heart to flashing-eyed Athene: 23.769. / and his feet trod in the footsteps of Aias or ever the dust had settled therein, and down upon his head beat the breath of goodly Odysseus, as he ran ever swiftly on; and all the Achaeans shouted to further him as he struggled for victory, and called to him as he strained to the utmost. But when now they were running the last part of the course, straightway Odysseus made prayer in his heart to flashing-eyed Athene: 23.770. / Hear me, goddess, and come a goodly helper to my feet. So spake he in prayer, and Pallas Athene heard him, and made his limbs light, his feet and his hands above. But when they were now about to dart forth to win the prize, then Aias slipped as he ran—for Athene hampered him— 23.771. / Hear me, goddess, and come a goodly helper to my feet. So spake he in prayer, and Pallas Athene heard him, and made his limbs light, his feet and his hands above. But when they were now about to dart forth to win the prize, then Aias slipped as he ran—for Athene hampered him— 23.772. / Hear me, goddess, and come a goodly helper to my feet. So spake he in prayer, and Pallas Athene heard him, and made his limbs light, his feet and his hands above. But when they were now about to dart forth to win the prize, then Aias slipped as he ran—for Athene hampered him— |
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| 14. Sappho, Fragments, 168, 140 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 251 |
| 15. Acusilaus, Fragments, 28 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137 |
| 16. Sappho, Fragments, 168, 140 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 251 |
17. Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes, 275-279 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 242| 279. στέψω πρὸ ναῶν, πολεμίων δʼ ἐσθήματα. | |
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18. Aeschylus, Libation-Bearers, 142-144, 146, 145 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 448| 145. q rend= | 145. Such are my prayers, and over them I pour out these libations. |
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19. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 1044-1046, 956-967, 1047 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 187| 1047. ὀλολύξατε νῦν ἐπὶ μολπαῖς. | |
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| 20. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices of purification Found in books: Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 108 |
21. Aeschylus, Persians, 605-632, 604 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 407| 604. ἐν ὄμμασιν τἀνταῖα φαίνεται θεῶν, | |
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| 22. Asius Samius 6. Jh. V. Chr., Fragments, 3 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 342 |
23. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 88-91 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 359| 91. βωμοὶ δώροισι φλέγονται· | 91. And here and there, heaven-high the torch uplifts |
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| 24. Pindar, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 330, 341, 342, 350, 351, 352 |
| 25. Pindar, Dithyrambi (Poxy. 1604.), None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 330 |
| 26. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 4.11-4.56 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, magic Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 485 |
| 27. Bacchylides, Paeanes, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142 |
| 28. Pindar, Paeanes, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 330 |
| 29. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 1.90-1.91, 6.41-6.44, 9.32-9.33 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 42; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 171; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 141 |
| 30. Pindar, Parthenia, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 330, 382 |
| 31. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 3.22, 7.34-7.35, 7.44-7.47 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 86; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 200 |
| 32. Pindar, Isthmian Odes, 5.32-5.33 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 239 |
33. Hebrew Bible, Zechariah, 14.5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 180| 14.5. "וְנַסְתֶּם גֵּיא־הָרַי כִּי־יַגִּיעַ גֵּי־הָרִים אֶל־אָצַל וְנַסְתֶּם כַּאֲשֶׁר נַסְתֶּם מִפְּנֵי הָרַעַשׁ בִּימֵי עֻזִּיָּה מֶלֶךְ־יְהוּדָה וּבָא יְהוָה אֱלֹהַי כָּל־קְדֹשִׁים עִמָּךְ׃", | 14.5. "And ye shall flee to the valley of the mountains; For the valley of the mountains shall reach unto Azel; Yea, ye shall flee, like as ye fled from before the earthquake In the days of Uzziah king of Judah; And the LORD my God shall come, And all the holy ones with Thee.", |
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| 34. Hippocrates, On Airs, Waters, And Places, 22 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices of purification Found in books: Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 108 |
| 35. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 202, 343-348, 203 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 |
| 36. Euripides, Ion, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 206 |
| 37. Euripides, Hippolytus, 1438-1439, 1437 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 331 |
| 38. Euripides, Fragments, 1438-1439, 1437 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 331 |
39. Euripides, Bacchae, 217-220, 664-665, 699-703, 216 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 248| 216. κλύω δὲ νεοχμὰ τήνδʼ ἀνὰ πτόλιν κακά, | |
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40. Herodotus, Histories, 1.56, 1.60, 1.65-1.66, 1.167, 2.13.3-2.13.4, 2.44, 2.53, 2.144.2, 5.80-5.81, 5.92, 6.160, 7.132, 7.140, 7.176, 7.197, 7.202, 7.226-7.227, 7.233, 8.73, 8.75, 9.28, 9.33-9.35, 9.81 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, processions •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices •cultic ritual practice, gifts to the gods •cultic ritual practice, prayers and curses •cultic ritual practice, magic •cultic ritual practice, scapegoat rituals •cultic ritual practice, curse tablets •women, role in religion and ritual practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 59, 137, 173, 174, 302, 310, 450, 464, 497; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 85, 86, 98, 127, 171, 220, 233, 239, 331; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138, 139, 142, 328, 342, 389 | 1.56. When he heard these verses, Croesus was pleased with them above all, for he thought that a mule would never be king of the Medes instead of a man, and therefore that he and his posterity would never lose his empire. Then he sought very carefully to discover who the mightiest of the Greeks were, whom he should make his friends. ,He found by inquiry that the chief peoples were the Lacedaemonians among those of Doric, and the Athenians among those of Ionic stock. These races, Ionian and Dorian, were the foremost in ancient time, the first a Pelasgian and the second a Hellenic people. The Pelasgian race has never yet left its home; the Hellenic has wandered often and far. ,For in the days of king Deucalion it inhabited the land of Phthia , then the country called Histiaean, under Ossa and Olympus , in the time of Dorus son of Hellen; driven from this Histiaean country by the Cadmeans, it settled about Pindus in the territory called Macedonian; from there again it migrated to Dryopia, and at last came from Dryopia into the Peloponnese , where it took the name of Dorian. 1.60. But after a short time the partisans of Megacles and of Lycurgus made common cause and drove him out. In this way Pisistratus first got Athens and, as he had a sovereignty that was not yet firmly rooted, lost it. Presently his enemies who together had driven him out began to feud once more. ,Then Megacles, harassed by factional strife, sent a message to Pisistratus offering him his daughter to marry and the sovereign power besides. ,When this offer was accepted by Pisistratus, who agreed on these terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring Pisistratus back which, to my mind, was so exceptionally foolish that it is strange (since from old times the Hellenic stock has always been distinguished from foreign by its greater cleverness and its freedom from silly foolishness) that these men should devise such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the subtlest of the Greeks. ,There was in the Paeanian deme a woman called Phya, three fingers short of six feet, four inches in height, and otherwise, too, well-formed. This woman they equipped in full armor and put in a chariot, giving her all the paraphernalia to make the most impressive spectacle, and so drove into the city; heralds ran before them, and when they came into town proclaimed as they were instructed: ,“Athenians, give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honors above all men and is bringing back to her own acropolis.” So the heralds went about proclaiming this; and immediately the report spread in the demes that Athena was bringing Pisistratus back, and the townsfolk, believing that the woman was the goddess herself, worshipped this human creature and welcomed Pisistratus. 1.65. So Croesus learned that at that time such problems were oppressing the Athenians, but that the Lacedaemonians had escaped from the great evils and had mastered the Tegeans in war. In the kingship of Leon and Hegesicles at Sparta , the Lacedaemonians were successful in all their other wars but met disaster only against the Tegeans. ,Before this they had been the worst-governed of nearly all the Hellenes and had had no dealings with strangers, but they changed to good government in this way: Lycurgus, a man of reputation among the Spartans, went to the oracle at Delphi . As soon as he entered the hall, the priestess said in hexameter: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" You have come to my rich temple, Lycurgus, /l l A man dear to Zeus and to all who have Olympian homes. /l l I am in doubt whether to pronounce you man or god, /l l But I think rather you are a god, Lycurgus. /l /quote ,Some say that the Pythia also declared to him the constitution that now exists at Sparta , but the Lacedaemonians themselves say that Lycurgus brought it from Crete when he was guardian of his nephew Leobetes, the Spartan king. ,Once he became guardian, he changed all the laws and took care that no one transgressed the new ones. Lycurgus afterwards established their affairs of war: the sworn divisions, the bands of thirty, the common meals; also the ephors and the council of elders. 1.66. Thus they changed their bad laws to good ones, and when Lycurgus died they built him a temple and now worship him greatly. Since they had good land and many men, they immediately flourished and prospered. They were not content to live in peace, but, confident that they were stronger than the Arcadians, asked the oracle at Delphi about gaining all the Arcadian land. ,She replied in hexameter: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" You ask me for Arcadia ? You ask too much; I grant it not. /l l There are many men in Arcadia , eaters of acorns, /l l Who will hinder you. But I grudge you not. /l l I will give you Tegea to beat with your feet in dancing, /l l And its fair plain to measure with a rope. /l /quote ,When the Lacedaemonians heard the oracle reported, they left the other Arcadians alone and marched on Tegea carrying chains, relying on the deceptive oracle. They were confident they would enslave the Tegeans, but they were defeated in battle. ,Those taken alive were bound in the very chains they had brought with them, and they measured the Tegean plain with a rope by working the fields. The chains in which they were bound were still preserved in my day, hanging up at the temple of Athena Alea. 1.167. As for the crews of the disabled ships, the Carthaginians and Tyrrhenians drew lots for them, and of the Tyrrhenians the Agyllaioi were allotted by far the majority and these they led out and stoned to death. But afterwards, everything from Agylla that passed the place where the stoned Phocaeans lay, whether sheep or beasts of burden or men, became distorted and crippled and palsied. ,The Agyllaeans sent to Delphi , wanting to mend their offense; and the Pythian priestess told them to do what the people of Agylla do to this day: for they pay great honors to the Phocaeans, with religious rites and games and horse-races. ,Such was the end of this part of the Phocaeans. Those of them who fled to Rhegium set out from there and gained possession of that city in the Oenotrian country which is now called Hyele ; ,they founded this because they learned from a man of Posidonia that the Cyrnus whose establishment the Pythian priestess ordained was the hero, and not the island. 2.13.3. for, learning that all the Greek land is watered by rain, but not by river water like theirs, they said that one day the Greeks would be let down by what they counted on, and miserably starve: meaning that, if heaven send no rain for the Greeks and afflict them with drought, the Greeks will be overtaken by famine, for there is no other source of water for them except Zeus alone. 2.44. Moreover, wishing to get clear information about this matter where it was possible so to do, I took ship for Tyre in Phoenicia , where I had learned by inquiry that there was a holy temple of Heracles. ,There I saw it, richly equipped with many other offerings, besides two pillars, one of refined gold, one of emerald: a great pillar that shone at night; and in conversation with the priests, I asked how long it was since their temple was built. ,I found that their account did not tally with the belief of the Greeks, either; for they said that the temple of the god was founded when Tyre first became a city, and that was two thousand three hundred years ago. At Tyre I saw yet another temple of the so-called Thasian Heracles. ,Then I went to Thasos , too, where I found a temple of Heracles built by the Phoenicians, who made a settlement there when they voyaged in search of Europe ; now they did so as much as five generations before the birth of Heracles the son of Amphitryon in Hellas . ,Therefore, what I have discovered by inquiry plainly shows that Heracles is an ancient god. And furthermore, those Greeks, I think, are most in the right, who have established and practise two worships of Heracles, sacrificing to one Heracles as to an immortal, and calling him the Olympian, but to the other bringing offerings as to a dead hero. 2.53. But whence each of the gods came to be, or whether all had always been, and how they appeared in form, they did not know until yesterday or the day before, so to speak; ,for I suppose Hesiod and Homer flourished not more than four hundred years earlier than I; and these are the ones who taught the Greeks the descent of the gods, and gave the gods their names, and determined their spheres and functions, and described their outward forms. ,But the poets who are said to have been earlier than these men were, in my opinion, later. The earlier part of all this is what the priestesses of Dodona tell; the later, that which concerns Hesiod and Homer, is what I myself say. 2.144.2. Before these men, they said, the rulers of Egypt were gods, but none had been contemporary with the human priests. of these gods one or another had in succession been supreme; the last of them to rule the country was Osiris' son Horus, whom the Greeks call Apollo; he deposed Typhon, and was the last divine king of Egypt . Osiris is, in the Greek language, Dionysus. 5.80. They reasoned in this way, till at last one understood, and said: “I think that I perceive what the oracle is trying to tell us. Thebe and Aegina, it is said, were daughters of Asopus and sisters. The god's answer is, I think, that we should ask the Aeginetans to be our avengers.” ,Seeing that there seemed to be no better opinion before them than this, they sent straightaway to entreat the Aeginetans and invite their aid, since this was the oracle's bidding, and the Aeginetans were their nearest. These replied to their demand that they were sending the Sons of Aeacus in aid. 5.81. The Thebans took the field on the strength of their alliance with that family but were soundly beaten by the Athenians. Thereupon they sent a second message to Aegina, giving back the sons of Aeacus and asking for some men instead. ,The Aeginetans, who were enjoying great prosperity and remembered their old feud with Athens, accordingly made war on the Athenians at the entreaty of the Thebans without sending a herald. ,While the Athenians were busy with the Boeotians, they descended on Attica in ships of war, and ravaged Phaleron and many other seaboard townships. By so doing they dealt the Athenians a very shrewd blow. 5.92. These were the words of the Lacedaemonians, but their words were ill-received by the greater part of their allies. The rest then keeping silence, Socles, a Corinthian, said, ,“In truth heaven will be beneath the earth and the earth aloft above the heaven, and men will dwell in the sea and fishes where men dwelt before, now that you, Lacedaemonians, are destroying the rule of equals and making ready to bring back tyranny into the cities, tyranny, a thing more unrighteous and bloodthirsty than anything else on this earth. ,If indeed it seems to you to be a good thing that the cities be ruled by tyrants, set up a tyrant among yourselves first and then seek to set up such for the rest. As it is, however, you, who have never made trial of tyrants and take the greatest precautions that none will arise at Sparta, deal wrongfully with your allies. If you had such experience of that thing as we have, you would be more prudent advisers concerning it than you are now.” ,The Corinthian state was ordered in such manner as I will show.There was an oligarchy, and this group of men, called the Bacchiadae, held sway in the city, marrying and giving in marriage among themselves. Now Amphion, one of these men, had a crippled daughter, whose name was Labda. Since none of the Bacchiadae would marry her, she was wedded to Eetion son of Echecrates, of the township of Petra, a Lapith by lineage and of the posterity of Caeneus. ,When no sons were born to him by this wife or any other, he set out to Delphi to enquire concerning the matter of acquiring offspring. As soon as he entered, the Pythian priestess spoke these verses to him: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Eetion,worthy of honor, no man honors you. /l l Labda is with child, and her child will be a millstone /l l Which will fall upon the rulers and will bring justice to Corinth. /l /quote ,This oracle which was given to Eetion was in some way made known to the Bacchiadae. The earlier oracle sent to Corinth had not been understood by them, despite the fact that its meaning was the same as the meaning of the oracle of Eetion, and it read as follows: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" An eagle in the rocks has conceived, and will bring forth a lion, /l l Strong and fierce. The knees of many will it loose. /l l This consider well, Corinthians, /l l You who dwell by lovely Pirene and the overhanging heights of Corinth. /l /quote ,This earlier prophecy had been unintelligible to the Bacchiadae, but as soon as they heard the one which was given to Eetion, they understood it at once, recognizing its similarity with the oracle of Eetion. Now understanding both oracles, they kept quiet but resolved to do away with the offspring of Eetion. Then, as soon as his wife had given birth, they sent ten men of their clan to the township where Eetion dwelt to kill the child. ,These men came to Petra and passing into Eetion's courtyard, asked for the child. Labda, knowing nothing of the purpose of their coming and thinking that they wished to see the baby out of affection for its father, brought it and placed it into the hands of one of them. Now they had planned on their way that the first of them who received the child should dash it to the ground. ,When, however, Labda brought and handed over the child, by divine chance it smiled at the man who took it. This he saw, and compassion prevented him from killing it. Filled with pity, he handed it to a second, and this man again to a third.In fact it passed from hand to hand to each of the ten, for none would make an end of it. ,They then gave the child back to its mother, and after going out, they stood before the door reproaching and upbraiding one another, but chiefly him who had first received it since he had not acted in accordance with their agreement. Finally they resolved to go in again and all have a hand in the killing. ,Fate, however, had decreed that Eetion's offspring should be the source of ills for Corinth, for Labda, standing close to this door, heard all this. Fearing that they would change their minds and that they would take and actually kill the child, she took it away and hid it where she thought it would be hardest to find, in a chest, for she knew that if they returned and set about searching they would seek in every place—which in fact they did. ,They came and searched, but when they did not find it, they resolved to go off and say to those who had sent them that they had carried out their orders. They then went away and said this. ,Eetion's son, however, grew up, and because of his escape from that danger, he was called Cypselus, after the chest. When he had reached manhood and was seeking a divination, an oracle of double meaning was given him at Delphi. Putting faith in this, he made an attempt on Corinth and won it. ,The oracle was as follows: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" That man is fortunate who steps into my house, /l l Cypselus, son of Eetion, the king of noble Corinth, /l l He himself and his children, but not the sons of his sons. /l /quote Such was the oracle. Cypselus, however, when he had gained the tyranny, conducted himself in this way: many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he deprived of their wealth, and by far the most he had killed. ,After a reign of thirty years, he died in the height of prosperity, and was succeeded by his son Periander. Now Periander was to begin with milder than his father, but after he had held converse by messenger with Thrasybulus the tyrant of Miletus, he became much more bloodthirsty than Cypselus. ,He had sent a herald to Thrasybulus and inquired in what way he would best and most safely govern his city. Thrasybulus led the man who had come from Periander outside the town, and entered into a sown field. As he walked through the corn, continually asking why the messenger had come to him from Corinth, he kept cutting off all the tallest ears of wheat which he could see, and throwing them away, until he had destroyed the best and richest part of the crop. ,Then, after passing through the place and speaking no word of counsel, he sent the herald away. When the herald returned to Corinth, Periander desired to hear what counsel he brought, but the man said that Thrasybulus had given him none. The herald added that it was a strange man to whom he had been sent, a madman and a destroyer of his own possessions, telling Periander what he had seen Thrasybulus do. ,Periander, however, understood what had been done, and perceived that Thrasybulus had counselled him to slay those of his townsmen who were outstanding in influence or ability; with that he began to deal with his citizens in an evil manner. Whatever act of slaughter or banishment Cypselus had left undone, that Periander brought to accomplishment. In a single day he stripped all the women of Corinth naked, because of his own wife Melissa. ,Periander had sent messengers to the Oracle of the Dead on the river Acheron in Thesprotia to enquire concerning a deposit that a friend had left, but Melissa, in an apparition, said that she would tell him nothing, nor reveal where the deposit lay, for she was cold and naked. The garments, she said, with which Periander had buried with her had never been burnt, and were of no use to her. Then, as evidence for her husband that she spoke the truth, she added that Periander had put his loaves into a cold oven. ,When this message was brought back to Periander (for he had had intercourse with the dead body of Melissa and knew her token for true), immediately after the message he made a proclamation that all the Corinthian women should come out into the temple of Hera. They then came out as to a festival, wearing their most beautiful garments, and Periander set his guards there and stripped them all alike, ladies and serving-women, and heaped all the clothes in a pit, where, as he prayed to Melissa, he burnt them. ,When he had done this and sent a second message, the ghost of Melissa told him where the deposit of the friend had been laid. “This, then, Lacedaimonians, is the nature of tyranny, and such are its deeds. ,We Corinthians marvelled greatly when we saw that you were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel yet more at your words to us. We entreat you earnestly in the name of the gods of Hellas not to establish tyranny in the cities, but if you do not cease from so doing and unrighteously attempt to bring Hippias back, be assured that you are proceeding without the Corinthians' consent.” 7.132. Among those who paid that tribute were the Thessalians, Dolopes, Enienes, Perrhaebians, Locrians, Magnesians, Melians, Achaeans of Phthia, Thebans, and all the Boeotians except the men of Thespiae and Plataea. ,Against all of these the Greeks who declared war with the foreigner entered into a sworn agreement, which was this: that if they should be victorious, they would dedicate to the god of Delphi the possessions of all Greeks who had of free will surrendered themselves to the Persians. Such was the agreement sworn by the Greeks. 7.140. The Athenians had sent messages to Delphi asking that an oracle be given them, and when they had performed all due rites at the temple and sat down in the inner hall, the priestess, whose name was Aristonice, gave them this answer: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Wretches, why do you linger here? Rather flee from your houses and city, /l l Flee to the ends of the earth from the circle embattled of Athens! /l l The head will not remain in its place, nor in the body, /l l Nor the feet beneath, nor the hands, nor the parts between; /l l But all is ruined, for fire and the headlong god of war speeding in a Syrian chariot will bring you low. /l /quote , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Many a fortress too, not yours alone, will he shatter; /l l Many a shrine of the gods will he give to the flame for devouring; /l l Sweating for fear they stand, and quaking for dread of the enemy, /l l Running with gore are their roofs, foreseeing the stress of their sorrow; /l l Therefore I bid you depart from the sanctuary. /l l Have courage to lighten your evil. /l /quote 7.176. Artemisium is where the wide Thracian sea contracts until the passage between the island of Sciathus and the mainland of Magnesia is but narrow. This strait leads next to Artemisium, which is a beach on the coast of Euboea, on which stands a temple of Artemis. ,The pass through Trachis into Hellas is fifty feet wide at its narrowest point. It is not here, however, but elsewhere that the way is narrowest, namely, in front of Thermopylae and behind it; at Alpeni, which lies behind, it is only the breadth of a cart-way, and it is the same at the Phoenix stream, near the town of Anthele. ,To the west of Thermopylae rises a high mountain, inaccessible and precipitous, a spur of Oeta; to the east of the road there is nothing but marshes and sea. In this pass are warm springs for bathing, called the Basins by the people of the country, and an altar of Heracles stands nearby. Across this entry a wall had been built, and formerly there was a gate in it. ,It was the Phocians who built it for fear of the Thessalians when these came from Thesprotia to dwell in the Aeolian land, the region which they now possess. Since the Thessalians were trying to subdue them, the Phocians made this their protection, and in their search for every means to keep the Thessalians from invading their country, they then turned the stream from the hot springs into the pass, so that it might be a watercourse. ,The ancient wall had been built long ago and most of it lay in ruins; those who built it up again thought that they would in this way bar the foreigner's way into Hellas. Very near the road is a village called Alpeni, and it is from here that the Greeks expected to obtain provisions. 7.197. When Xerxes had come to Alus in Achaea, his guides, desiring to inform him of all they knew, told him the story which is related in that country concerning the worship of Laphystian Zeus, namely how Athamas son of Aeolus plotted Phrixus' death with Ino, and further, how the Achaeans by an oracle's bidding compel Phrixus descendants to certain tasks. ,They order the eldest of that family not to enter their town-hall (which the Achaeans call the People's House) and themselves keep watch there. If he should enter, he may not come out, save only to be sacrificed. They say as well that many of those who were to be sacrificed had fled in fear to another country, and that if they returned at a later day and were taken, they were brought into the town-hall. The guides showed Xerxes how the man is sacrificed, namely with fillets covering him all over and a procession to lead him forth. ,It is the descendants of Phrixus' son Cytissorus who are treated in this way, because when the Achaeans by an oracle's bidding made Athamas son of Aeolus a scapegoat for their country and were about to sacrifice him, this Cytissorus came from Aea in Colchis and delivered him, thereby bringing the god's wrath on his own descendants. ,Hearing all this, Xerxes, when he came to the temple grove, refrained from entering it himself and bade all his army do likewise, holding the house and the precinct of Athamas' descendants alike in reverence. 7.202. The Hellenes who awaited the Persians in that place were these: three hundred Spartan armed men; one thousand from Tegea and Mantinea, half from each place; one hundred and twenty from Orchomenus in Arcadia and one thousand from the rest of Arcadia; that many Arcadians, four hundred from Corinth, two hundred from Phlius, and eighty Mycenaeans. These were the Peloponnesians present; from Boeotia there were seven hundred Thespians and four hundred Thebans. 7.226. This then is how the Lacedaemonians and Thespians conducted themselves, but the Spartan Dieneces is said to have exhibited the greatest courage of all. They say that he made the following speech before they joined battle with the Medes: he had learned from a Trachinian that there were so many of the barbarians that when they shot their missiles, the sun was hidden by the multitude of their arrows. ,He was not at all disturbed by this and made light of the multitude of the Medes, saying that their Trachinian foreigner brought them good news. If the Medes hid the sun, they could fight them in the shade instead of in the sun. This saying and others like it, they claim, Dieneces the Lacedaemonian left behind as a memorial. 7.227. Next after him two Lacedaemonian brothers, Alpheus and Maron, sons of Orsiphantus, are said to have been most courageous. The Thespian who gained most renown was one whose name was Dithyrambus son of Harmatides. 7.233. The Thebans, whose general was Leontiades, fought against the king's army as long as they were with the Hellenes and under compulsion. When, however, they saw the Persian side prevailing and the Hellenes with Leonidas hurrying toward the hill, they split off and approached the barbarians, holding out their hands. With the most truthful words ever spoken, they explained that they were Medizers, had been among the first to give earth and water to the king, had come to Thermopylae under constraint, and were guiltless of the harm done to the king. ,By this plea they saved their lives, and the Thessalians bore witness to their words. They were not, however, completely lucky. When the barbarians took hold of them as they approached, they killed some of them even as they drew near. Most of them were branded by Xerxes command with the kings marks, starting with the general Leontiades. His son Eurymachus long afterwards was murdered by the Plataeans when, as general of four hundred Thebans, he seized the town of Plataea. 8.73. Seven nations inhabit the Peloponnese. Two of these are aboriginal and are now settled in the land where they lived in the old days, the Arcadians and Cynurians. One nation, the Achaean, has never left the Peloponnese, but it has left its own country and inhabits another nation's land. ,The four remaining nations of the seven are immigrants, the Dorians and Aetolians and Dryopians and Lemnians. The Dorians have many famous cities, the Aetolians only Elis, the Dryopians Hermione and Asine near Laconian Cardamyle, the Lemnians all the Paroreatae. ,The Cynurians are aboriginal and seem to be the only Ionians, but they have been Dorianized by time and by Argive rule. They are the Orneatae and the perioikoi. All the remaining cities of these seven nations, except those I enumerated, stayed neutral. If I may speak freely, by staying neutral they medized. 8.75. When the Peloponnesians were outvoting him, Themistocles secretly left the assembly, and sent a man by boat to the Median fleet after ordering him what to say. His name was Sicinnus, and he was Themistocles' servant and his sons' attendant. Later Themistocles enrolled him as a Thespian, when the Thespians were adopting citizens, and made him wealthy with money. ,He now came by boat and said to the generals of the barbarians, “The Athenian general has sent me without the knowledge of the other Hellenes. He is on the king's side and prefers that your affairs prevail, not the Hellenes'. I am to tell you that the Hellenes are terrified and plan flight, and you can now perform the finest deed of all if you do not allow them to escape. ,They do not all have the same intent, and they will no longer oppose you. Instead you will see them fighting against themselves, those who are on your side against those who are not.” After indicating this to them he departed. 9.28. This was the Athenians' response, and the whole army shouted aloud that the Athenians were worthier to hold the wing than the Arcadians. It was in this way that the Athenians were preferred to the men of Tegea, and gained that place. ,Presently the whole Greek army was arrayed as I will show, both the later and the earliest comers. On the right wing were ten thousand Lacedaemonians; five thousand of these, who were Spartans, had a guard of thirty-five thousand light-armed helots, seven appointed for each man. ,The Spartans chose the Tegeans for their neighbors in the battle, both to do them honor, and for their valor; there were of these fifteen hundred men-at-arms. Next to these in the line were five thousand Corinthians, at whose desire Pausanias permitted the three hundred Potidaeans from Pallene then present to stand by them. ,Next to these were six hundred Arcadians from Orchomenus, and after them three thousand men of Sicyon. By these one thousand Troezenians were posted, and after them two hundred men of Lepreum, then four hundred from Mycenae and Tiryns, and next to them one thousand from Phlius. By these stood three hundred men of Hermione. ,Next to the men of Hermione were six hundred Eretrians and Styreans; next to them, four hundred Chalcidians; next again, five hundred Ampraciots. After these stood eight hundred Leucadians and Anactorians, and next to them two hundred from Pale in Cephallenia; ,after them in the array, five hundred Aeginetans; by them stood three thousand men of Megara, and next to these six hundred Plataeans. At the end, and first in the line, were the Athenians who held the left wing. They were eight thousand in number, and their general was Aristides son of Lysimachus. 9.33. On the second day after they had all been arrayed according to their nations and their battalions, both armies offered sacrifice. It was Tisamenus who sacrificed for the Greeks, for he was with their army as a diviner; he was an Elean by birth, a Clytiad of the Iamid clan, and the Lacedaemonians gave him the freedom of their city. ,This they did, for when Tisamenus was inquiring of the oracle at Delphi concerning offspring, the priestess prophesied to him that he should win five great victories. Not understanding that oracle, he engaged in bodily exercise, thinking that he would then be able to win in similar sports. When he had trained himself for the Five Contests, he came within one wrestling bout of winning the Olympic prize, in a match with Hieronymus of Andros. ,The Lacedaemonians, however, perceived that the oracle given to Tisamenus spoke of the lists not of sport but of war, and they attempted to bribe Tisamenus to be a leader in their wars jointly with their kings of Heracles' line. ,When he saw that the Spartans set great store by his friendship, he set his price higher, and made it known to them that he would do what they wanted only in exchange for the gift of full citizenship and all of the citizen's rights. ,Hearing that, the Spartans at first were angry and completely abandoned their request; but when the dreadful menace of this Persian host hung over them, they consented and granted his demand. When he saw their purpose changed, he said that he would not be content with that alone; his brother Hegias too must be made a Spartan on the same terms as himself. 9.34. By so saying he imitated Melampus, in so far as one may compare demands for kingship with those for citizenship. For when the women of Argos had gone mad, and the Argives wanted him to come from Pylos and heal them of that madness, Melampus demanded half of their kingship for his wages. ,This the Argives would not put up with and departed. When, however, the madness spread among their women, they promised what Melampus demanded and were ready to give it to him. Thereupon, seeing their purpose changed, he demanded yet more and said that he would not do their will except if they gave a third of their kingship to his brother Bias; now driven into dire straits, the Argives consented to that also. 9.35. The Spartans too were so eagerly desirous of winning Tisamenus that they granted everything that he demanded. When they had granted him this also, Tisamenus of Elis, now a Spartan, engaged in divination for them and aided them to win five very great victories. No one on earth save Tisamenus and his brother ever became citizens of Sparta. ,Now the five victories were these: one, the first, this victory at Plataea; next, that which was won at Tegea over the Tegeans and Argives; after that, over all the Arcadians save the Mantineans at Dipaea; next, over the Messenians at Ithome; lastly, the victory at Tanagra over the Athenians and Argives, which was the last won of the five victories. 9.81. Having brought all the loot together, they set apart a tithe for the god of Delphi. From this was made and dedicated that tripod which rests upon the bronze three-headed serpent, nearest to the altar; another they set apart for the god of Olympia, from which was made and dedicated a bronze figure of Zeus, ten cubits high; and another for the god of the Isthmus, from which was fashioned a bronze Poseidon seven cubits high. When they had set all this apart, they divided what remained, and each received, according to his worth, concubines of the Persians and gold and silver, and all the rest of the stuff and the beasts of burden. ,How much was set apart and given to those who had fought best at Plataea, no man says. I think that they also received gifts, but tenfold of every kind, women, horses, talents, camels, and all other things also, was set apart and given to Pausanias. |
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| 41. Hippocrates, The Sacred Disease, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan |
42. Euripides, Andromache, 1240-1242, 1239 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 200| 1239. τὸν μὲν θανόντα τόνδ' ̓Αχιλλέως γόνον | |
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43. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 302| 1.7.18. ἐνταῦθα Κῦρος Σιλανὸν καλέσας τὸν Ἀμπρακιώτην μάντιν ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ δαρεικοὺς τρισχιλίους, ὅτι τῇ ἑνδεκάτῃ ἀπʼ ἐκείνης ἡμέρᾳ πρότερον θυόμενος εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὅτι βασιλεὺς οὐ μαχεῖται δέκα ἡμερῶν, Κῦρος δʼ εἶπεν· οὐκ ἄρα ἔτι μαχεῖται, εἰ ἐν ταύταις οὐ μαχεῖται ταῖς ἡμέραις· ἐὰν δʼ ἀληθεύσῃς, ὑπισχνοῦμαί σοι δέκα τάλαντα. τοῦτο τὸ χρυσίον τότε ἀπέδωκεν, ἐπεὶ παρῆλθον αἱ δέκα ἡμέραι. | |
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| 44. Isocrates, Areopagiticus, 30, 29 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 33 |
45. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 861-862, 888, 860 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382| 860. ἴττω ̔Ηρακλῆς ἔκαμόν γα τὰν τύλαν κακῶς: | |
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46. Aristophanes, Birds, 1490-1493, 867-887, 866 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 334| 866. ὦ Σουνιέρακε χαῖρ' ἄναξ Πελαργικέ. | |
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| 47. Isaeus, Orations, 8.19-8.20, 8.39 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •women, role in religion and ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, feasting •cultic ritual practice, processions Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 242, 526 |
| 48. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.4.12, 5.4.10 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, gifts to the gods •cultic ritual practice, processions •women, role in religion and ritual practice •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 169; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 389 |
49. Aristophanes, Wasps, 510-511 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382| 511. δικίδιον σμικρὸν φάγοιμ' ἂν ἐν λοπάδι πεπνιγμένον. | |
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50. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 177-179, 36, 387-398, 641-645, 702, 646 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 205| 646. κἀκανηφόρουν ποτ' οὖσα παῖς καλὴ 'χους' | |
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51. Aristophanes, Clouds, 1479-1481, 985, 984 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 33| 984. ἀρχαῖά γε καὶ Διιπολιώδη καὶ τεττίγων ἀνάμεστα | |
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| 52. Xenophon, Constitution of The Spartans, 16-19, 15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 206 |
53. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.2.3, 1.8.1, 1.12.3, 1.27, 1.105, 1.108, 1.113, 1.132, 2.34-2.46, 2.56.5, 3.61, 3.61.2, 3.104.1-3.104.2, 4.45.2, 4.89, 4.133, 6.56.1-6.56.2, 6.95.2, 8.3.2, 8.33.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance •women, role in religion and ritual practice •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices •household (oikos), location of ritual practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 59, 180, 250; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 262; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138, 142, 328, 329, 382, 389, 391| 1.2.3. μάλιστα δὲ τῆς γῆς ἡ ἀρίστη αἰεὶ τὰς μεταβολὰς τῶν οἰκητόρων εἶχεν, ἥ τε νῦν Θεσσαλία καλουμένη καὶ Βοιωτία Πελοποννήσου τε τὰ πολλὰ πλὴν Ἀρκαδίας, τῆς τε ἄλλης ὅσα ἦν κράτιστα. 1.8.1. καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον λῃσταὶ ἦσαν οἱ νησιῶται, Κᾶρές τε ὄντες καὶ Φοίνικες: οὗτοι γὰρ δὴ τὰς πλείστας τῶν νήσων ᾤκησαν. μαρτύριον δέ: Δήλου γὰρ καθαιρομένης ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ τῶν θηκῶν ἀναιρεθεισῶν ὅσαι ἦσαν τῶν τεθνεώτων ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, ὑπὲρ ἥμισυ Κᾶρες ἐφάνησαν, γνωσθέντες τῇ τε σκευῇ τῶν ὅπλων ξυντεθαμμένῃ καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ ᾧ νῦν ἔτι θάπτουσιν. 1.12.3. Βοιωτοί τε γὰρ οἱ νῦν ἑξηκοστῷ ἔτει μετὰ Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν ἐξ Ἄρνης ἀναστάντες ὑπὸ Θεσσαλῶν τὴν νῦν μὲν Βοιωτίαν, πρότερον δὲ Καδμηίδα γῆν καλουμένην ᾤκισαν ʽἦν δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ἀποδασμὸς πρότερον ἐν τῇ γῇ ταύτῃ, ἀφ’ ὧν καὶ ἐς Ἴλιον ἐστράτευσαν̓, Δωριῆς τε ὀγδοηκοστῷ ἔτει ξὺν Ἡρακλείδαις Πελοπόννησον ἔσχον. 2.56.5. ἀναγαγόμενοι δὲ ἐκ τῆς Ἐπιδαύρου ἔτεμον τήν τε Τροιζηνίδα γῆν καὶ Ἁλιάδα καὶ Ἑρμιονίδα: ἔστι δὲ ταῦτα πάντα ἐπιθαλάσσια τῆς Πελοποννήσου. 3.61.2. ‘ἡμεῖς δὲ αὐτοῖς διάφοροι ἐγενόμεθα πρῶτον ὅτι ἡμῶν κτισάντων Πλάταιαν ὕστερον τῆς ἄλλης Βοιωτίας καὶ ἄλλα χωρία μετ’ αὐτῆς, ἃ ξυμμείκτους ἀνθρώπους ἐξελάσαντες ἔσχομεν, οὐκ ἠξίουν οὗτοι, ὥσπερ ἐτάχθη τὸ πρῶτον, ἡγεμονεύεσθαι ὑφ’ ἡμῶν, ἔξω δὲ τῶν ἄλλων Βοιωτῶν παραβαίνοντες τὰ πάτρια, ἐπειδὴ προσηναγκάζοντο, προσεχώρησαν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους καὶ μετ’ αὐτῶν πολλὰ ἡμᾶς ἔβλαπτον, ἀνθ’ ὧν καὶ ἀντέπασχον. 3.104.1. τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ Δῆλον ἐκάθηραν Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ χρησμὸν δή τινα. ἐκάθηρε μὲν γὰρ καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ τύραννος πρότερον αὐτήν, οὐχ ἅπασαν, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐφεωρᾶτο τῆς νήσου: τότε δὲ πᾶσα ἐκαθάρθη τοιῷδε τρόπῳ. 3.104.2. θῆκαι ὅσαι ἦσαν τῶν τεθνεώτων ἐν Δήλῳ, πάσας ἀνεῖλον, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν προεῖπον μήτε ἐναποθνῄσκειν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ μήτε ἐντίκτειν, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὴν Ῥήνειαν διακομίζεσθαι. ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ Ῥήνεια τῆς Δήλου οὕτως ὀλίγον ὥστε Πολυκράτης ὁ Σαμίων τύραννος ἰσχύσας τινὰ χρόνον ναυτικῷ καὶ τῶν τε ἄλλων νήσων ἄρξας καὶ τὴν Ῥήνειαν ἑλὼν ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Δηλίῳ ἁλύσει δήσας πρὸς τὴν Δῆλον. καὶ τὴν πεντετηρίδα τότε πρῶτον μετὰ τὴν κάθαρσιν ἐποίησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ Δήλια. 4.45.2. τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ παραπλεύσαντες ἐς τὴν Ἐπιδαυρίαν πρῶτον καὶ ἀπόβασίν τινα ποιησάμενοι ἀφίκοντο ἐς Μέθανα τὴν μεταξὺ Ἐπιδαύρου καὶ Τροιζῆνος, καὶ ἀπολαβόντες τὸν τῆς χερσονήσου ἰσθμὸν ἐτείχισαν, [ἐν ᾧ ἡ Μεθώνη ἐστί,] καὶ φρούριον καταστησάμενοι ἐλῄστευον τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον τήν τε Τροιζηνίαν γῆν καὶ Ἁλιάδα καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίαν. ταῖς δὲ ναυσίν, ἐπειδὴ ἐξετείχισαν τὸ χωρίον, ἀπέπλευσαν ἐπ’ οἴκου. 6.56.1. τὸν δ’ οὖν Ἁρμόδιον ἀπαρνηθέντα τὴν πείρασιν, ὥσπερ διενοεῖτο, προυπηλάκισεν: ἀδελφὴν γὰρ αὐτοῦ κόρην ἐπαγγείλαντες ἥκειν κανοῦν οἴσουσαν ἐν πομπῇ τινί, ἀπήλασαν λέγοντες οὐδὲ ἐπαγγεῖλαι τὴν ἀρχὴν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀξίαν εἶναι. 6.56.2. χαλεπῶς δὲ ἐνεγκόντος τοῦ Ἁρμοδίου πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον δι’ ἐκεῖνον καὶ ὁ Ἀριστογείτων παρωξύνετο. καὶ αὐτοῖς τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πρὸς τοὺς ξυνεπιθησομένους τῷ ἔργῳ ἐπέπρακτο, περιέμενον δὲ Παναθήναια τὰ μεγάλα, ἐν ᾗ μόνον ἡμέρᾳ οὐχ ὕποπτον ἐγίγνετο ἐν ὅπλοις τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς τὴν πομπὴν πέμψοντας ἁθρόους γενέσθαι: καὶ ἔδει ἄρξαι μὲν αὐτούς, ξυνεπαμύνειν δὲ εὐθὺς τὰ πρὸς τοὺς δορυφόρους ἐκείνους. 6.95.2. καὶ ὁ Θεσπιῶν δῆμος ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἐπιθέμενος τοῖς τὰς ἀρχὰς ἔχουσιν οὐ κατέσχεν, ἀλλὰ βοηθησάντων Θηβαίων οἱ μὲν ξυνελήφθησαν, οἱ δ’ ἐξέπεσον Ἀθήναζε. 8.3.2. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τὴν πρόσταξιν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἑκατὸν νεῶν τῆς ναυπηγίας ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ἑαυτοῖς μὲν καὶ Βοιωτοῖς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἑκατέροις ἔταξαν, Φωκεῦσι δὲ καὶ Λοκροῖς πέντε καὶ δέκα, καὶ Κορινθίοις πέντε καὶ δέκα, Ἀρκάσι δὲ καὶ Πελληνεῦσι καὶ Σικυωνίοις δέκα, Μεγαρεῦσι δὲ καὶ Τροιζηνίοις καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίοις καὶ Ἑρμιονεῦσι δέκα: τά τε ἄλλα παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς εὐθὺς πρὸς τὸ ἔαρ ἑξόμενοι τοῦ πολέμου. 8.33.1. κἀκεῖνος λαβὼν τάς τε τῶν Κορινθίων πέντε καὶ ἕκτην Μεγαρίδα καὶ μίαν Ἑρμιονίδα καὶ ἃς αὐτὸς Λακωνικὰς ἔχων ἦλθεν, ἔπλει ἐπὶ τῆς Μιλήτου πρὸς τὴν ναυαρχίαν, πολλὰ ἀπειλήσας τοῖς Χίοις ἦ μὴν μὴ ἐπιβοηθήσειν, ἤν τι δέωνται. | 1.2.3. The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the district now called Thessaly , Boeotia , most of the Peloponnese , Arcadia excepted, and the most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas . 1.8.1. The islanders, too, were great pirates. These islanders were Carians and Phoenicians, by whom most of the islands were colonized, as was proved by the following fact. During the purification of Delos by Athens in this war all the graves in the island were taken up, and it was found that above half their inmates were Carians: they were identified by the fashion of the arms buried with them, and by the method of interment, which was the same as the Carians still follow. 1.12.3. Sixty years after the capture of Ilium the modern Boeotians were driven out of Arne by the Thessalians, and settled in the present Boeotia , the former Cadmeis; though there was a division of them there before, some of whom joined the expedition to Ilium . Twenty years later the Dorians and the Heraclids became masters of Peloponnese ; so that much had to be done 2.56.5. Putting out from Epidaurus , they laid waste the territory of Troezen , Halieis , and Hermione , all towns on the coast of Peloponnese , 3.61.2. The origin of our quarrel was this. We settled Plataea some time after the rest of Boeotia , together with other places out of which we had driven the mixed population. The Plataeans not choosing to recognize our supremacy, as had been first arranged, but separating themselves from the rest of the Boeotians, and proving traitors to their nationality, we used compulsion; upon which they went over to the Athenians, and with them did us much harm, for which we retaliated. 3.104.1. The same winter the Athenians purified Delos , in compliance, it appears, with a certain oracle. It had been purified before by Pisistratus the tyrant; not indeed the whole island, but as much of it as could be seen from the temple. All of it was, however, now purified in the following way. 3.104.2. All the sepulchres of those that had died in Delos were taken up, and for the future it was commanded that no one should be allowed either to die or to give birth to a child in the island; but that they should be carried over to Rhenea, which is so near to Delos that Polycrates, tyrant of Samos , having added Rhenea to his other island conquests during his period of naval ascendancy, dedicated it to the Delian Apollo by binding it to Delos with a chain. The Athenians, after the purification, celebrated, for the first time, the quinquennial festival of the Delian games. 4.45.2. The next day, after first coasting along to the territory of Epidaurus and making a descent there, they came to Methana between Epidaurus and Troezen , and drew a wall across and fortified the isthmus of the peninsula, and left a post there from which incursions were henceforth made upon the country of Troezen , Haliae, and Epidaurus . After walling off this spot the fleet sailed off home. 6.56.1. To return to Harmodius; Hipparchus having been repulsed in his solicitations insulted him as he had resolved, by first inviting a sister of his, a young girl, to come and bear a basket in a certain procession, and then rejecting her, on the plea that she had never been invited at all owing to her unworthiness. 6.56.2. If Harmodius was indigt at this, Aristogiton for his sake now became more exasperated than ever; and having arranged everything with those who were to join them in the enterprise, they only waited for the great feast of the Panathenaea, the sole day upon which the citizens forming part of the procession could meet together in arms without suspicion. Aristogiton and Harmodius were to begin, but were to be supported immediately by their accomplices against the bodyguard. 6.95.2. The same summer, not long after, the Thespian commons made an attack upon the party in office, which was not successful, but succors arrived from Thebes , and some were caught, while others took refuge at Athens . 8.3.2. The Lacedaemonians now issued a requisition to the cities for building a hundred ships, fixing their own quota and that of the Boeotians at twenty-five each; that of the Phocians and Locrians together at fifteen; that of the Corinthians at fifteen; that of the Arcadians, Pellenians, and Sicyonians together at ten; and that of the Megarians, Troezenians, Epidaurians, and Hermionians together at ten also; and meanwhile made every other preparation for commencing hostilities by the spring. 8.33.1. Upon this Astyochus took five Corinthian and one Megarian vessel, with another from Hermione , and the ships which had come with him from Laconia , and set sail for Miletus to assume his command as admiral; after telling the Chians with many threats that he would certainly not come and help them if they should be in need. |
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54. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 332, 334| 717a. ἄνδρʼ ἀγαθὸν οὔτε θεὸν ἔστιν ποτὲ τό γε ὀρθὸν δέχεσθαι· μάτην οὖν περὶ θεοὺς ὁ πολύς ἐστι πόνος τοῖς ἀνοσίοις, τοῖσιν δὲ ὁσίοις ἐγκαιρότατος ἅπασιν. σκοπὸς μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν οὗτος οὗ δεῖ στοχάζεσθαι· βέλη δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ οἷον ἡ τοῖς βέλεσιν ἔφεσις τὰ ποῖʼ ἂν λεγόμενα ὀρθότατα φέροιτʼ ἄν; πρῶτον μέν, φαμέν, τιμὰς τὰς μετʼ Ὀλυμπίους τε καὶ τοὺς τὴν πόλιν ἔχοντας θεοὺς τοῖς χθονίοις ἄν τις θεοῖς ἄρτια καὶ δεύτερα καὶ ἀριστερὰ νέμων ὀρθότατα τοῦ τῆς | 717a. Therefore all the great labor that impious men spend upon the gods is in vain, but that of the pious is most profitable to them all. Here, then, is the mark at which we must aim; but as to shafts we should shoot, and (so to speak) the flight of them,—what kind of shafts, think you, would fly most straight to the mark? First of all, we say, if—after the honors paid to the Olympians and the gods who keep the State—we should assign the Even and the Left as their honors to the gods of the under-world, we would be aiming most straight at the mark of piety— |
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| 55. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 332, 334 |
56. Aristophanes, Peace, 371, 605, 923-924, 1020 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 242| 1020. οὐδ' αἱματοῦται βωμός. ἀλλ' εἴσω φέρων | |
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57. Aristophanes, Frogs, 1477-1478, 388, 920-921, 923, 922 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 180| 922. τί σκορδινᾷ καὶ δυσφορεῖς; ὅτι αὐτὸν ἐξελέγχω. | |
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| 58. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, prayers and curses Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 452 |
59. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 750-761, 695 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 242| 695. καθαιματώσει βωμόν. ὦ τάλαιν' ἐγώ. | |
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60. Plato, Theaetetus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •household (oikos), location of ritual practice •women, role in religion and ritual practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 246| 160e. δὲ Θεαίτητον τούτων οὕτως ἐχόντων αἴσθησιν ἐπιστήμην γίγνεσθαι. ἦ γάρ, ὦ Θεαίτητε; φῶμεν τοῦτο σὸν μὲν εἶναι οἷον νεογενὲς παιδίον, ἐμὸν δὲ μαίευμα; ἢ πῶς λέγεις; ΘΕΑΙ. οὕτως ἀνάγκη, ὦ Σώκρατες. ΣΩ. τοῦτο μὲν δή, ὡς ἔοικεν, μόλις ποτὲ ἐγεννήσαμεν, ὅτι δή ποτε τυγχάνει ὄν. μετὰ δὲ τὸν τόκον τὰ ἀμφιδρόμια αὐτοῦ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἐν κύκλῳ περιθρεκτέον τῷ λόγῳ, σκοπουμένους μὴ λάθῃ ἡμᾶς οὐκ ἄξιον ὂν τροφῆς τὸ γιγνόμενον, | 160e. THEAET. We must say that, Socrates. SOC. Well, we have at last managed to bring this forth, whatever it turns out to be; and now that it is born, we must in very truth perform the rite of running round with it in a circle— the circle of our argument—and see whether it may not turn out to be after all not worth rearing, but only a wind-egg, |
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| 61. Lysias, Funeral Oration, 80 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 262 |
| 62. Demosthenes, On The Crown, 260, 259 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 263 |
| 63. Theophrastus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 215 |
| 64. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 3.1-3.2, 57.3, 58.1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 169, 263; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 85 |
| 65. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 655 |
| 66. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 655 |
| 67. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 182 |
| 68. Aristotle, On The Universe, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 334 |
| 69. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 655 |
| 70. Aristotle, Fragments, 485, 99 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 |
| 71. Aristotle, Soul, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 655 |
| 72. Hyperides, Epitaphius, 27, 29-30, 28 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 262 |
| 73. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 432; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 331, 332 |
74. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.996-1.997, 1.1207-1.1219, 3.148, 3.531-3.533, 3.803, 3.861-3.862, 3.1191-3.1224, 4.148, 4.263-4.265, 4.829, 4.1020 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, magic Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 43, 360, 361; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138| 1.996. δὴ γάρ που κἀκεῖνα θεὰ τρέφεν αἰνὰ πέλωρα 1.997. Ἥρη, Ζηνὸς ἄκοιτις, ἀέθλιον Ἡρακλῆι. 1.1207. τόφρα δʼ Ὕλας χαλκέῃ σὺν κάλπιδι νόσφιν ὁμίλου 1.1208. δίζητο κρήνης ἱερὸν ῥόον, ὥς κέ οἱ ὕδωρ 1.1209. φθαίη ἀφυσσάμενος ποτιδόρπιον, ἄλλα τε πάντα 1.1210. ὀτραλέως κατὰ κόσμον ἐπαρτίσσειεν ἰόντι. 1.1211. δὴ γάρ μιν τοίοισιν ἐν ἤθεσιν αὐτὸς ἔφερβεν, 1.1212. νηπίαχον τὰ πρῶτα δόμων ἐκ πατρὸς ἀπούρας, 1.1213. δίου Θειοδάμαντος, ὃν ἐν Δρυόπεσσιν ἔπεφνεν 1.1214. νηλειῶς, βοὸς ἀμφὶ γεωμόρου ἀντιόωντα. 1.1215. ἤτοι ὁ μὲν νειοῖο γύας τέμνεσκεν ἀρότρῳ 1.1216. Θειοδάμας ἀνίῃ βεβολημένος· αὐτὰρ ὁ τόνγε 1.1217. βοῦν ἀρότην ἤνωγε παρασχέμεν οὐκ ἐθέλοντα. 1.1218. ἵετο γὰρ πρόφασιν πολέμου Δρυόπεσσι βαλέσθαι 1.1219. λευγαλέην, ἐπεὶ οὔτι δίκης ἀλέγοντες ἔναιον. 3.148. λίσσετο δʼ αἶψα πορεῖν αὐτοσχεδόν· ἡ δʼ ἀγανοῖσιν 3.531. τοῖσι καὶ ἀκαμάτοιο π??ρὸς μειλίσσετʼ ἀυτμή, 3.532. καὶ ποταμοὺς ἵστησιν ἄφαρ κελαδεινὰ ῥέοντας, 3.533. ἄστρα τε καὶ μήνης ἱερῆς ἐπέδησε κελεύθους. 3.803. φάρμακά οἱ, τὰ μὲν ἐσθλά, τὰ δὲ ῥαιστήριʼ, ἔκειτο. 3.861. ἑπτάκι δὲ Βριμὼ κουροτρόφον ἀγκαλέσασα, 3.862. Βριμὼ νυκτιπόλον, χθονίην, ἐνέροισιν ἄνασσαν, 3.1191. ἠέλιος μὲν ἄπωθεν ἐρεμνὴν δύετο γαῖαν 3.1192. ἑσπέριος, νεάτας ὑπὲρ ἄκριας Αἰθιοπήων· 3.1193. νὺξ δʼ ἵπποισιν ἔβαλλεν ἔπι ζυγά· τοὶ δὲ χαμεύνας 3.1194. ἔντυον ἥρωες παρὰ πείσμασιν. αὐτὰρ Ἰήσων 3.1195. αὐτίκʼ ἐπεί ῥʼ Ἑλίκης εὐφεγγέος ἀστέρες Ἄρκτου 3.1196. ἔκλιθεν, οὐρανόθεν δὲ πανεύκηλος γένετʼ αἰθήρ, 3.1197. βῆ ῥʼ ἐς ἐρημαίην, κλωπήιος ἠύτε τις φώρ, 3.1198. σὺν πᾶσιν χρήεσσι· πρὸ γάρ τʼ ἀλέγυνεν ἕκαστα 3.1199. ἠμάτιος· θῆλυν μὲν ὄιν, γάλα τʼ ἔκτοθι ποίμνης 3.1200. Ἄργος ἰὼν ἤνεικε· τὰ δʼ ἐξ αὐτῆς ἕλε νηός. 3.1201. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ ἴδε χῶρον, ὅτις πάτου ἔκτοθεν ἦεν 3.1202. ἀνθρώπων, καθαρῇσιν ὑπεύδιος εἱαμενῇσιν, 3.1203. ἔνθʼ ἤτοι πάμπρωτα λοέσσατο μὲν ποταμοῖο 3.1204. εὐαγέως θείοιο τέρεν δέμας· ἀμφὶ δὲ φᾶρος 3.1205. ἕσσατο κυάνεον, τό ῥά οἱ πάρος ἐγγυάλιξεν 3.1206. Λημνιὰς Ὑψιπύλη, ἀδινῆς μνημήιον εὐνῆς. 3.1207. πήχυιον δʼ ἄρʼ ἔπειτα πέδῳ ἔνι βόθρον ὀρύξας 3.1208. νήησε σχίζας, ἐπὶ δʼ ἀρνειοῦ τάμε λαιμόν, 3.1209. αὐτόν τʼ εὖ καθύπερθε τανύσσατο· δαῖε δὲ φιτρους 3.1210. πῦρ ὑπένερθεν ἱείς, ἐπὶ δὲ μιγάδας χέε λοιβάς, 3.1211. Βριμὼ κικλήσκων Ἑκάτην ἐπαρωγὸν ἀέθλων. 3.1212. καί ῥʼ ὁ μὲν ἀγκαλέσας πάλιν ἔστιχεν· ἡ δʼ ἀίουσα 3.1213. κευθμῶν ἐξ ὑπάτων δεινὴ θεὸς ἀντεβόλησεν 3.1214. ἱροῖς Αἰσονίδαο· πέριξ δέ μιν ἐστεφάνωντο 3.1215. σμερδαλέοι δρυΐνοισι μετὰ πτόρθοισι δράκοντες. 3.1216. στράπτε δʼ ἀπειρέσιον δαΐδων σέλας· ἀμφὶ δὲ τήνγε 3.1217. ὀξείῃ ὑλακῇ χθόνιοι κύνες ἐφθέγγοντο. 3.1218. πίσεα δʼ ἔτρεμε πάντα κατὰ στίβον· αἱ δʼ ὀλόλυξαν 3.1219. νύμφαι ἑλειονόμοι ποταμηίδες, αἳ περὶ κείνην 3.1220. Φάσιδος εἱαμενὴν Ἀμαραντίου εἱλίσσονται. 3.1221. Αἰσονίδην δʼ ἤτοι μὲν ἕλεν δέος, ἀλλά μιν οὐδʼ ὧς 3.1222. ἐντροπαλιζόμενον πόδες ἔκφερον, ὄφρʼ ἑτάροισιν 3.1223. μίκτο κιών· ἤδη δὲ φόως νιφόεντος ὕπερθεν 3.1224. Καυκάσου ἠριγενὴς Ἠὼς βάλεν ἀντέλλουσα. 4.148. νυκτιπόλον, χθονίην, εὐαντέα δοῦναι ἐφορμήν. 4.263. πευθομένοις· οἶοι δʼ ἔσαν Ἀρκάδες Ἀπιδανῆες, 4.264. Ἀρκάδες, οἳ καὶ πρόσθε σεληναίης ὑδέονται 4.265. ζώειν, φηγὸν ἔδοντες ἐν οὔρεσιν. οὐδὲ Πελασγὶς 4.829. νυκτιπόλος Ἑκάτη, τήν τε κλείουσι Κράταιιν, 4.1020. ἴστω νυκτιπόλου Περσηίδος ὄργια κούρης, | |
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75. Anon., 1 Enoch, 1.9, 13.4.7-13.4.8 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices •ritual, practice of Found in books: Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 24; Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 180 | 1.9. And behold! He cometh with ten thousands of His holy ones To execute judgement upon all, And to destroy all the ungodly:And to convict all flesh of all the works of their ungodliness which they have ungodly committed, And of all the hard things which ungodly sinners have spoken against Him. |
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| 76. Dead Sea Scrolls, Community Rule, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.15, 1.18-2.18, 1.19, 1.26, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.19, 2.20, 2.21, 2.22, 2.23, 2.24, 2.25, 2.25-3.3, 2.26, 3.1, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.11, 3.12, 3.26-4.1, 4.1, 4.20, 4.21, 4.22, 4.23, 4.24, 4.25, 5.2, 5.8, 5.9, 5.10, 5.11, 5.12, 5.13, 5.14, 5.19, 5.23, 5.24, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10, 6.11, 6.12, 6.13, 6.26, 6.27, 8.16, 8.17, 8.18, 11.7, 11.9, 11.10, 11.12, 11.14, 11.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 254, 255 |
77. Polybius, Histories, 16.27.4, 21.25 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 342| 16.27.4. τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ λόγον τοῦτον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ πρὸς Ἠπειρώτας εἶπαν περὶ Φιλίππου παραπλέοντες ἐν Φοινίκῃ καὶ πρὸς Ἀμύνανδρον ἀναβάντες εἰς Ἀθαμανίαν· παραπλησίως καὶ πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐν Αἰγίῳ. | 16.27.4. The Romans conveyed the contents of this communication to the Epirots at Phoenice in sailing along that coast and to Amyder, going up to Athamania for that purpose. They also apprised the Aetolians at Naupactus and the Achaeans at Aegium. 21.25. 1. Amyder, the king of Athamania, thinking now that he had for certainty recovered his kingdom, sent envoys to Rome and to the Scipios in Asia â they were still in the neighbourhood of Ephesus â,2. excusing himself for having to all appearance returned to Athamania with the help of the Aetolians, and also bringing accusations against Philip, but chiefly begging them to receive them once more into their alliance.,3. The Aetolians, thinking this a favourable opportunity for annexing Amphilochia and Aperantia, decided on an expedition to the above districts,4. and, Nicander their strategus having assembled their total forces, they invaded Amphilochia.,5. Upon most of the inhabitants joining them of their own accord, they went on to Aperantia, and when the people there also voluntarily joined them, they invaded Dolopia.,6. The Dolopians made a show of resistance for a short time; but, with the fate of Athamania and the flight of Philip before their eyes, they soon changed their minds and also joined the Aetolians.,7. After this unbroken series of successes Nicander took his army back to their own country, thinking that by the annexation of the above countries and peoples Aetolia was secured against damage from any quarter.,8. But just after these occurrences, and while the Aetolians were still elated by their success, came the news of the battle in Asia, and when they learnt that Antiochus had been utterly defeated, their spirits were again dashed.,9. And when now Damoteles arrived from Rome and announce that the state of war still subsisted, and that Marcus Fulvius Nobilior with his army was crossing to attack them, they fell into a state of utter helplessness, and were at their wits' end as to how they should meet the danger which threatened them.,10. They decided, then, to send to Athens and Rhodes begging and imploring those states to send embassies to Rome to deprecate the anger of the Romans, and to avert by some means the evils that encompassed Aetolia.,11. At the same time they dispatched to Rome two envoys of their own, Alexander the Isian and Phaeneas accompanied by Chalepus, Alypus of Ambracia and Lycopus. (Cp. Livy XXXVIII.3.9) |
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| 78. Dead Sea Scrolls, Temple Scroll, 49.20-49.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 245 |
| 79. Dead Sea Scrolls, Messianic Rule, 2.8-2.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual purity, ablutions as emotional practice •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 253 |
| 80. Dead Sea Scrolls, Hodayot, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 249, 250, 251, 253, 254, 255 |
| 81. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q511, a b c d\n0 18 2.7 18 2.7 18 2 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual purity, ablutions as emotional practice •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 255 |
| 82. Dead Sea Scrolls, War Scroll, 7.3-7.8, 13.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual purity, ablutions as emotional practice •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 253, 255 |
| 83. Dead Sea Scrolls, (Cairo Damascus Covenant) Cd-A, 2.1, 2.14-2.15, 20.27-20.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual purity, ablutions as emotional practice •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 227, 240, 255 |
| 84. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Habakkuk, 8.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual purity, ablutions as emotional practice •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 255 |
| 85. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Covenant, 2.1, 2.14-2.15, 20.27-20.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual purity, ablutions as emotional practice •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 227, 240, 255 |
| 86. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q512, a b c d\n0 4 4 4 None\n1 5 5 5 None\n2 6 6 6 None\n3 392.1 392.1 392 1 \n4 36-386 36 36 None\n5 29-328-9 29 29 None\n6 42-442.3-5 42 42 None\n7 392.2 392.2 392 2 \n8 33+355 33+355 33+355 None\n9 42-442.2-3 42 42 None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 255 |
| 87. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q414, 0, 22.3, 22.4, 22.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 248, 254 |
88. Cicero, On Divination, 1.118, 1.131, 2.34-2.39 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, magic Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 485| 1.118. Sed distinguendum videtur, quonam modo. Nam non placet Stoicis singulis iecorum fissis aut avium cantibus interesse deum; neque enim decorum est nec dis dignum nec fieri ullo pacto potest; sed ita a principio inchoatum esse mundum, ut certis rebus certa signa praecurrerent, alia in extis, alia in avibus, alia in fulgoribus, alia in ostentis, alia in stellis, alia in somniantium visis, alia in furentium vocibus. Ea quibus bene percepta sunt, ii non saepe falluntur; male coniecta maleque interpretata falsa sunt non rerum vitio, sed interpretum inscientia. Hoc autem posito atque concesso, esse quandam vim divinam hominum vitam continentem, non difficile est, quae fieri certe videmus, ea qua ratione fiant, suspicari. Nam et ad hostiam deligendam potest dux esse vis quaedam sentiens, quae est toto confusa mundo, et tum ipsum, cum immolare velis, extorum fieri mutatio potest, ut aut absit aliquid aut supersit; parvis enim momentis multa natura aut adfingit aut mutat aut detrahit. 1.131. Democritus autem censet sapienter instituisse veteres, ut hostiarum immolatarum inspicerentur exta; quorum ex habitu atque ex colore tum salubritatis, tum pestilentiae signa percipi, non numquam etiam, quae sit vel sterilitas agrorum vel fertilitas futura. Quae si a natura profecta observatio atque usus agnovit, multa adferre potuit dies, quae animadvertendo notarentur, ut ille Pacuvianus, qui in Chryse physicus inducitur, minime naturam rerum cognosse videatur: nam isti quí linguam avium intéllegunt Plusque éx alieno iécore sapiunt quam éx suo, Magis aúdiendum quam aúscultandum cénseo. Cur? quaeso, cum ipse paucis interpositis versibus dicas satis luculente: Quídquid est hoc, ómnia animat, fórmat, alit, augét, creat, Sépelit recipitque ín sese omnia ómniumque idémst pater, Índidemque eadem aéque oriuntur de íntegro atque eodem óccidunt. Quid est igitur, cur, cum domus sit omnium una, eaque communis, cumque animi hominum semper fuerint futurique sint, cur ii, quid ex quoque eveniat, et quid quamque rem significet, perspicere non possint? Haec habui, inquit, de divinatione quae dicerem. 2.34. Quid de fretis aut de marinis aestibus plura dicam? quorum accessus et recessus lunae motu gubertur. Sescenta licet eiusdem modi proferri, ut distantium rerum cognatio naturalis appareat)—demus hoc; nihil enim huic disputationi adversatur; num etiam, si fissum cuiusdam modi fuerit in iecore, lucrum ostenditur? qua ex coniunctione naturae et quasi concentu atque consensu, quam sumpa/qeian Graeci appellant, convenire potest aut fissum iecoris cum lucello meo aut meus quaesticulus cum caelo, terra rerumque natura? Concedam hoc ipsum, si vis, etsi magnam iacturam causae fecero, si ullam esse convenientiam naturae cum extis concessero; 2.35. sed tamen eo concesso qui evenit, ut is, qui impetrire velit, convenientem hostiam rebus suis immolet? Hoc erat, quod ego non rebar posse dissolvi. At quam festive dissolvitur! pudet me non tui quidem, cuius etiam memoriam admiror, sed Chrysippi, Antipatri, Posidonii, qui idem istuc quidem dicunt, quod est dictum a te, ad hostiam deligendam ducem esse vim quandam sentientem atque divinam, quae toto confusa mundo sit. Illud vero multo etiam melius, quod et a te usurpatum est et dicitur ab illis: cum immolare quispiam velit, tum fieri extorum mutationem, ut aut absit aliquid aut supersit; 2.36. deorum enim numini parere omnia. Haec iam, mihi crede, ne aniculae quidem existimant. An censes, eundem vitulum si alius delegerit, sine capite iecur inventurum; si alius, cum capite? Haec decessio capitis aut accessio subitone fieri potest, ut se exta ad immolatoris fortunam accommodent? non perspicitis aleam quandam esse in hostiis deligendis, praesertim cum res ipsa doceat? Cum enim tristissuma exta sine capite fuerunt, quibus nihil videtur esse dirius, proxuma hostia litatur saepe pulcherrime. Ubi igitur illae minae superiorum extorum? aut quae tam subito facta est deorum tanta placatio? Sed adfers in tauri opimi extis immolante Caesare cor non fuisse; id quia non potuerit accidere, ut sine corde victuma illa viveret, iudicandum esse tum interisse cor, cum immolaretur. 2.37. Qui fit, ut alterum intellegas, sine corde non potuisse bovem vivere, alterum non videas, cor subito non potuisse nescio quo avolare? Ego enim possum vel nescire, quae vis sit cordis ad vivendum, vel suspicari contractum aliquo morbo bovis exile et exiguum et vietum cor et dissimile cordis fuisse; tu vero quid habes, quare putes, si paulo ante cor fuerit in tauro opimo, subito id in ipsa immolatione interisse? an quod aspexit vestitu purpureo excordem Caesarem, ipse corde privatus est? Urbem philosophiae, mihi crede, proditis, dum castella defenditis; nam, dum haruspicinam veram esse vultis, physiologiam totam pervertitis. Caput est in iecore, cor in extis; iam abscedet, simul ac molam et vinum insperseris; deus id eripiet, vis aliqua conficiet aut exedet. Non ergo omnium ortus atque obitus natura conficiet, et erit aliquid, quod aut ex nihilo oriatur aut in nihilum subito occidat. Quis hoc physicus dixit umquam? haruspices dicunt; his igitur quam physicis credendum potius existumas? 2.38. Quid? cum pluribus deis immolatur, qui tandem evenit, ut litetur aliis, aliis non litetur? quae autem inconstantia deorum est, ut primis minentur extis, bene promittant secundis? aut tanta inter eos dissensio, saepe etiam inter proxumos, ut Apollinis exta bona sint, Dianae non bona? Quid est tam perspicuum quam, cum fortuito hostiae adducantur, talia cuique exta esse, qualis cuique obtigerit hostia? At enim id ipsum habet aliquid divini, quae cuique hostia obtingat, tamquam in sortibus, quae cui ducatur. Mox de sortibus; quamquam tu quidem non hostiarum causam confirmas sortium similitudine, sed infirmas sortis conlatione hostiarum. 2.39. An, cum in Aequimaelium misimus, qui adferat agnum, quem immolemus, is mihi agnus adfertur, qui habet exta rebus accommodata, et ad eum agnum non casu, sed duce deo servus deducitur? Nam si casum in eo quoque dicis esse quasi sortem quandam cum deorum voluntate coniunctam, doleo tantam Stoicos nostros Epicureis inridendi sui facultatem dedisse; non enim ignoras, quam ista derideant. | 1.118. But it seems necessary to settle the principle on which these signs depend. For, according to the Stoic doctrine, the gods are not directly responsible for every fissure in the liver or for every song of a bird; since, manifestly, that would not be seemly or proper in a god and furthermore is impossible. But, in the beginning, the universe was so created that certain results would be preceded by certain signs, which are given sometimes by entrails and by birds, sometimes by lightnings, by portents, and by stars, sometimes by dreams, and sometimes by utterances of persons in a frenzy. And these signs do not often deceive the persons who observe them properly. If prophecies, based on erroneous deductions and interpretations, turn out to be false, the fault is not chargeable to the signs but to the lack of skill in the interpreters.Assuming the proposition to be conceded that there is a divine power which pervades the lives of men, it is not hard to understand the principle directing those premonitory signs which we see come to pass. For it may be that the choice of a sacrificial victim is guided by an intelligent force, which is diffused throughout the universe; or, it may be that at the moment when the sacrifice is offered, a change in the vitals occurs and something is added or taken away; for many things are added to, changed, or diminished in an instant of time. 1.131. Again, Democritus expresses the opinion that the ancients acted wisely in providing for the inspection of the entrails of sacrifices; because, as he thinks, the colour and general condition of the entrails are prophetic sometimes of health and sometimes of sickness and sometimes also of whether the fields will be barren or productive. Now, if it is known by observation and experience that these means of divination have their source in nature, it must be that the observations made and records kept for a long period of time have added much to our knowledge of this subject. Hence, that natural philosopher introduced by Pacuvius into his play of Chryses, seems to show very scanty apprehension of the laws of nature when he speaks as follows:The men who know the speech of birds and moreDo learn from other livers than their own —Twere best to hear, I think, and not to heed.I do not know why this poet makes such a statement when only a few lines further on he says clearly enough:Whateer the power may be, it animates,Creates, gives form, increase, and nourishmentTo everything: of everything the sire,It takes all things unto itself and hidesWithin its breast; and as from it all thingsArise, likewise to it all things return.Since all things have one and the same and that a common home, and since the human soul has always been and will always be, why, then, should it not be able to understand what effect will follow any cause, and what sign will precede any event?This, said Quintus, is all that I had to say on divination. [58] 2.34. There is no need to go on and mention the seas and straits with their tides, whose ebb and flow are governed by the motion of the moon. Innumerable instances of the same kind may be given to prove that some natural connexion does exist between objects apparently unrelated. Concede that it does exist; it does not contravene the point I make, that no sort of a cleft in a liver is prophetic of ficial gain. What natural tie, or what symphony, so to speak, or association, or what sympathy, as the Greeks term it, can there be between a cleft in a liver and a petty addition to my purse? Or what relationship between my miserable money-getting, on the one hand, and heaven, earth, and the laws of nature on the other?[15] However, I will concede even this if you wish, though it will greatly weaken my case to admit that there is any connexion between nature and the condition of the entrails; 2.35. yet, suppose the concession is made, how is it brought about that the man in search of favourable signs will find a sacrifice suitable to his purpose? I thought the question insoluble. But what a fine solution is offered! I am not ashamed of you — I am actually astonished at your memory; but I am ashamed of Chrysippus, Antipater, and Posidonius who say exactly what you said: The choice of the sacrificial victim is directed by the sentient and divine power which pervades the entire universe.But even more absurd is that other pronouncement of theirs which you adopted: At the moment of sacrifice a change in the entrails takes place; something is added or something taken away; for all things are obedient to the Divine Will. 2.36. Upon my word, no old woman is credulous enough now to believe such stuff! Do you believe that the same bullock, if chosen by one man, will have a liver without a head, and if chosen by another will have a liver with a head? And is it possible that this sudden going or coming of the livers head occurs so that the entrails may adapt themselves to the situation of the person who offers the sacrifice? Do you Stoics fail to see in choosing the victim it is almost like a throw of the dice, especially as facts prove it? For when the entrails of the first victim have been without a head, which is the most fatal of all signs, it often happens that the sacrifice of the next victim is altogether favourable. Pray what became of the warnings of the first set of entrails? And how was the favour of the gods so completely and so suddenly gained?[16] But, you say, Once, when Caesar was offering a sacrifice, there was no heart in the entrails of the sacrificial bull; and, and, since it would have been impossible for the victim to live without a heart, the heart must have disappeared at the moment of immolation. 2.37. How does it happen that you understand the one fact, that the bull could not have lived without a heart and do not realize the other, that the heart could not suddenly have vanished I know not where? As for me, possibly I do not know what vital function the heart performs; if I do I suspect that the bulls heart, as the result of a disease, became much wasted and shrunken and lost its resemblance to a heart. But, assuming that only a little while before the heart was in the sacrificial bull, why do you think it suddenly disappeared at the very moment of immolation? Dont you think, rather, that the bull lost his heart when he saw that Caesar in his purple robe had lost his head?Upon my word you Stoics surrender the very city of philosophy while defending its outworks! For, by your insistence on the truth of soothsaying, you utterly overthrow physiology. There is a head to the liver and a heart in the entrails, presto! they will vanish the very second you have sprinkled them with meal and wine! Aye, some god will snatch them away! Some invisible power will destroy them or eat them up! Then the creation and destruction of all things are not due to nature, and there are some things which spring from nothing or suddenly become nothing. Was any such statement ever made by any natural philosopher? It is made, you say, by soothsayers. Then do you think that soothsayers are worthier of belief than natural philosophers? [17] 2.38. Again, when sacrifices are offered to more than one god at the same time, how does it happen that the auspices are favourable in one case and unfavourable in another? Is it not strange fickleness in the gods to threaten disaster in the first set of entrails and to promise a blessing in the next? Or is there such discord among the gods — often even among those who are nearest of kin — that the entrails of the sacrifice you offer to Apollo, for example, are favourable and of those you offer at the same time to Diana are unfavourable? When victims for the sacrifice are brought up at haphazard it is perfectly clear that the character of entrails that you will receive will depend on the victim chance may bring. Oh! but someone will say, The choice itself is a matter of divine guidance, just as in the case of lots the drawing is directed by the gods! I shall speak of lots presently; although you really do not strengthen the cause of sacrifices by comparing them to lots; but you do weaken the cause of lots by comparing them with sacrifices. 2.39. When I send a slave to Aequimelium to bring me a lamb for a sacrifice and he brings me the lamb which has entrails suited to the exigencies of my particular case, it was not chance, I suppose, but a god that led the slave to that particular lamb! If you say that in this case too chance is, as it were, a sort of lot in accordance with the divine will, then I am sorry that our Stoic friends have given the Epicureans so great an opportunity for laughter, for you know how much fun they make of statements like that. |
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89. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 2.19, 6.6-6.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 21, 24| 2.19. "אֱדַיִן לְדָנִיֵּאל בְּחֶזְוָא דִי־לֵילְיָא רָזָה גֲלִי אֱדַיִן דָּנִיֵּאל בָּרִךְ לֶאֱלָהּ שְׁמַיָּא׃", 6.6. "אֱדַיִן גֻּבְרַיָּא אִלֵּךְ אָמְרִין דִּי לָא נְהַשְׁכַּח לְדָנִיֵּאל דְּנָה כָּל־עִלָּא לָהֵן הַשְׁכַּחְנָה עֲלוֹהִי בְּדָת אֱלָהֵהּ׃", 6.7. "אֱדַיִן סָרְכַיָּא וַאֲחַשְׁדַּרְפְּנַיָּא אִלֵּן הַרְגִּשׁוּ עַל־מַלְכָּא וְכֵן אָמְרִין לֵהּ דָּרְיָוֶשׁ מַלְכָּא לְעָלְמִין חֱיִי׃", 6.8. "אִתְיָעַטוּ כֹּל סָרְכֵי מַלְכוּתָא סִגְנַיָּא וַאֲחַשְׁדַּרְפְּנַיָּא הַדָּבְרַיָּא וּפַחֲוָתָא לְקַיָּמָה קְיָם מַלְכָּא וּלְתַקָּפָה אֱסָר דִּי כָל־דִּי־יִבְעֵה בָעוּ מִן־כָּל־אֱלָהּ וֶאֱנָשׁ עַד־יוֹמִין תְּלָתִין לָהֵן מִנָּךְ מַלְכָּא יִתְרְמֵא לְגֹב אַרְיָוָתָא׃", 6.9. "כְּעַן מַלְכָּא תְּקִים אֱסָרָא וְתִרְשֻׁם כְּתָבָא דִּי לָא לְהַשְׁנָיָה כְּדָת־מָדַי וּפָרַס דִּי־לָא תֶעְדֵּא׃", | 2.19. "Then was the secret revealed unto Daniel in a vision of the night. Then Daniel blessed the God of heaven.", 6.6. "Then said these men: ‘We shall not find any occasion against this Daniel, except we find it against him in the matter of the law of his God.’", 6.7. "Then these presidents and satraps came tumultuously to the king, and said thus unto him: ‘King Darius, live for ever!", 6.8. "All the presidents of the kingdom, the prefects and the satraps, the ministers and the governors, have consulted together that the king should establish a statute, and make a strong interdict, that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or man for thirty days, save of thee, O king, he shall be cast into the den of lions.", 6.9. "Now, O king, establish the interdict, and sign the writing, that it be not changed, according to the law of the Medes and Persians, which altereth not.’", 6.10. "Wherefore king Darius signed the writing and the interdict.", |
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| 90. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q503, 0 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 248 |
91. Ovid, Fasti, 2.571-2.580 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •young womens rituals, in statius achilleid, historical evidence for practices Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 175| 2.571. ecce anus in mediis residens annosa puellis 2.572. sacra facit Tacitae (nec tamen ipsa tacet), 2.573. et digitis tria tura tribus sub limine ponit, 2.574. qua brevis occultum mus sibi fecit iter; 2.575. tunc cantata ligat cum fusco licia plumbo 2.576. et septem nigras versat in ore fabas, 2.577. quodque pice adstrinxit, quod acu traiecit aena, 2.578. obsutum maenae torret in igne caput; 2.579. vina quoque instillat: vini quodcumque relictum est, 2.580. aut ipsa aut comites, plus tamen ipsa, bibit. | 2.571. See, an old woman sitting amongst the girls performs the rite 2.572. of Tacita, the Silent (though she herself is not silent), 2.573. With three fingers, she sets three lumps of incense 2.574. Under the sill, where the little mouse makes its secret path: 2.575. Then she fastens enchanted threads together with dark lead, 2.576. And turns seven black beans over and over in her mouth, 2.577. And bakes the head of a sprat in the fire, mouth sewn up 2.578. With pitch, pierced right through with a bronze needle. 2.579. She drops wine on it too, and she or her friend 2.580. Drink the wine that’s left, though she gets most. |
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| 92. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 128, 70, 4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 342 |
93. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 5.656-5.657 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •young womens rituals, in statius achilleid, historical evidence for practices Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 174| 5.656. Tempore item certo roseam Matuta per oras 5.657. aetheris auroram differt et lumina pandit, | |
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94. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 156-157, 311-312, 315 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 251, 253 | 315. - CAIUS NORBANUS FLACCUS, PROCONSUL, TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE EPHESIANS, GREETING."'Caesar has written word to me, that the Jews, wherever they are, are accustomed to assemble together, in compliance with a peculiar ancient custom of their nation, to contribute money which they send to Jerusalem; and he does not choose that they should have any hindrance offered to them, to prevent them from doing this; therefore I have written to you, that you may know that I command that they shall be allowed to do these things.' |
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95. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 3.165-3.205, 14.805-14.828, 15.311 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek literature and practice, young womens rituals in •ritual practices •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 342; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 208; Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 47| 3.165. Quo postquam subiit, nympharum tradidit uni 3.166. armigerae iaculum pharetramque arcusque retentos; 3.167. altera depositae subiecit bracchia pallae, 3.168. vincla duae pedibus demunt; nam doctior illis 3.169. Ismenis Crocale sparsos per colla capillos 3.170. conligit in nodum, quamvis erat ipsa solutis. 3.171. Excipiunt laticem Nepheleque Hyaleque Rhanisque 3.172. et Psecas et Phiale funduntque capacibus urnis. 3.173. Dumque ibi perluitur solita Titania lympha, 3.174. ecce nepos Cadmi dilata parte laborum 3.175. per nemus ignotum non certis passibus errans 3.176. pervenit in lucum: sic illum fata ferebant. 3.177. Qui simul intravit rorantia fontibus antra, 3.178. sicut erant, viso nudae sua pectora nymphae 3.179. percussere viro, subitisque ululatibus omne 3.180. implevere nemus circumfusaeque Dianam 3.181. corporibus texere suis; tamen altior illis 3.182. ipsa dea est colloque tenus supereminet omnes. 3.183. Qui color infectis adversi solis ab ictu 3.184. nubibus esse solet aut purpureae aurorae, 3.185. is fuit in vultu visae sine veste Dianae. 3.186. Quae quamquam comitum turba est stipata suarum, 3.187. in latus obliquum tamen adstitit oraque retro 3.188. flexit, et ut vellet promptas habuisse sagittas, 3.189. quas habuit sic hausit aquas vultumque virilem 3.190. perfudit, spargensque comas ultricibus undis 3.191. addidit haec cladis praenuntia verba futurae: 3.192. “Nunc tibi me posito visam velamine narres, 3.193. si poteris narrare, licet.” Nec plura minata 3.194. dat sparso capiti vivacis cornua cervi, 3.195. dat spatium collo summasque cacuminat aures, 3.196. cum pedibusque manus, cum longis bracchia mutat 3.197. cruribus et velat maculoso vellere corpus. 3.198. Additus et pavor est. Fugit Autonoeius heros 3.199. et se tam celerem cursu miratur in ipso. 3.200. Ut vero vultus et cornua vidit in unda, 3.201. “me miserum!” dicturus erat: vox nulla secuta est. 3.202. Ingemuit: vox illa fuit, lacrimaeque per ora 3.203. non sua fluxerunt; mens tantum pristina mansit. 3.204. Quid faciat? repetatne domum et regalia tecta 3.205. an lateat silvis? pudor hoc, timor impedit illud. 14.805. Occiderat Tatius, populisque aequata duobus, 14.806. Romule, iura dabas, posita cum casside Mavors 14.807. talibus adfatur divumque hominumque parentem: 14.808. “Tempus adest, genitor, quoniam fundamine magno 14.809. res Romana valet et praeside pendet ab uno, 14.810. praemia (sunt promissa mihi dignoque nepoti!) 14.811. solvere et ablatum terris imponere caelo. 14.812. Tu mihi concilio quondam praesente deorum 14.813. (nam memoro memorique animo pia verba notavi) 14.814. “unus erit, quem tu tolles in caerula caeli” 14.815. dixisti: rata sit verborum summa tuorum!” 14.816. Adnuit omnipotens et nubibus aera caecis 14.817. occuluit tonitruque et fulgure terruit orbem: 14.818. quae sibi promissae sensit rata signa rapinae 14.819. innixusque hastae pressos temone cruento 14.820. impavidus conscendit equos Gradivus et ictu 14.821. verberis increpuit pronusque per aera lapsus 14.822. constitit in summo nemorosi colle Palati 14.823. reddentemque suo non regia iura Quiriti 14.824. abstulit Iliaden: corpus mortale per auras 14.825. dilapsum tenues, ceu lata plumbea funda 14.826. missa solet medio glans intabescere caelo. 14.827. Pulchra subit facies et pulvinaribus altis 14.828. dignior, est qualis trabeati forma Quirini. 15.311. Admotis Athamanas aquis accendere lignum | |
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| 96. Propertius, Elegies, 4.8.1-4.8.16, 4.9, 4.9.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •young womens rituals, in statius achilleid, historical evidence for practices •transvestism and cross-dressing, as ritual practice Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 175, 181 |
97. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.2.4, 4.1.4, 4.37, 4.57-4.58, 4.67.2-4.67.7, 11.65, 11.81-11.83, 15.54.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, curse tablets Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 305; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 334; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138, 139, 141, 328, 391 | 1.2.4. Now it is an excellent thing, methinks, as all men of understanding must agree, to receive in exchange for mortal labours an immortal fame. In the case of Heracles, for instance, it is generally agreed that during the whole time which he spent among men he submitted to great and continuous labours and perils willingly, in order that he might confer benefits upon the race of men and thereby gain immortality; and likewise in the case of other great and good men, some have attained to heroic honours and others to honours equal to the divine, and all have been thought to be worthy of great praise, since history immortalizes their achievements. 4.1.4. We, however, holding the opposite opinion to theirs, have shouldered the labour which such a record involves and have expended all the care within our power upon the ancient legends. For very great and most numerous deeds have been performed by the heroes and demi-gods and by many good men likewise, who, because of the benefits they conferred which have been shared by all men, have been honoured by succeeding generations with sacrifices which in some cases are like those offered to the gods, in other cases like such as are paid to heroes, and of one and all the appropriate praises have been sung by the voice of history for all time. 4.37. 1. After this, when Phylas, the king of the Dryopes, had in the eyes of men committed an act of impiety against the temple of Delphi, Heracles took the field against him in company with the inhabitants of Melis, slew the king of the Dryopes, drove the rest of them out of the land, and gave it to the people of Melis; and the daughter of Phylas he took captive and lying with her begat a son Antiochus. By Deïaneira he became the father of two sons, younger than Hyllus, Gleneus and Hodites.,2. of the Dryopes who had been driven from their land some passed over into Euboea and founded there the city Carystus, others sailed to the island of Cyprus, where they mixed with the natives of the island and made their home, while the rest of the Dryopes took refuge with Eurystheus and won his aid because of the enmity which he bore to Heracles; and with the aid of Eurystheus they founded three cities in Peloponnesus, Asinê, Hermionê, and Eïon.,3. After the removal of the Dryopes from their land a war arose between the Dorieis who inhabit the land called Hestiaeotis, whose king was Aegimius, and the Lapithae dwelling about Mount Olympus, whose king was Coronus, the son of Caeneus. And since the Lapithae greatly excelled in the number of their forces, the Dorieis turned to Heracles for aid and implored him to join with them, promising him a third part of the land of Doris and of the kingship, and when they had won him over they made common cause in the campaign against the Lapithae. Heracles had with him the Arcadians who accompanied him on his campaigns, and mastering the Lapithae with their aid he slew king Coronus himself, and massacring most of the rest he compelled them to withdraw from the land which was in dispute.,4. After accomplishing these deeds he entrusted to Aegimius the third part of the land, which was his share, with orders that he keep it in trust in favour of Heracles' descendants. He now returned to Trachis, and upon being challenged to combat by Cycnus, the son of Ares, he slew the man; and as he was leaving the territory of Itonus and was making his way through Pelasgiotis he fell in with Ormenius the king and asked of him the hand of his daughter Astydameia. When Ormenius refused him because he already had for lawful wife Deïaneira, the daughter of Oeneus, Heracles took the field against him, captured his city, and slew the king who would not obey him, and taking captive Astydameia he lay with her and begat a son Ctesippus.,5. After finishing this exploit he set out to Oechalia to take the field against the sons of Eurytus because he had been refused in his suit for the hand of Iolê. The Arcadians again fought on his side and he captured the city and slew the sons of Eurytus, who were Toxeus, Molion, and Clytius. And taking Iolê captive he departed from Euboea to the promontory which is called Cenaeum. 4.57. 1. Since we have sufficiently elaborated the history of the Argonauts and the deeds accomplished by Heracles, it may be appropriate also to record, in accordance with the promise we made, the deeds of his sons.,2. Now after the deification of Heracles his sons made their home in Trachis at the court of Ceÿx the king. But later, when Hyllus and some of the others had attained to manhood, Eurystheus, being afraid lest, after they had all come of age, he might be driven from his kingdom at Mycenae, decided to send the Heracleidae into exile from the whole of Greece.,3. Consequently he served notice upon Ceÿx, the king, to banish both the Heracleidae and the sons of Licymnius, and Iolaüs as well and the band of Arcadians who had served with Heracles on his campaigns, adding that, if he should fail to do these things, he must submit to war.,4. But the Heracleidae and their friends, perceiving that they were of themselves not sufficient in number to carry on a war against Eurystheus, decided to leave Trachis of their own free will, and going about among the most important of the other cities they asked them to receive them as fellow-townsmen. When no other city had the courage to take them in, the Athenians alone of all, such being their inborn sense of justice, extended a welcome to the sons of Heracles, and they settled them and their companions in the flight in the city of Tricorythus, which is one of the cities of what is called the Tetrapolis.,5. And after some time, when all the sons of Heracles had attained to manhood and a spirit of pride sprang up in the young men because of the glory of descent from Heracles, Eurystheus, viewing with suspicion their growing power, came up against them with a great army.,6. But the Heracleidae, who had the aid of the Athenians, chose as their leader Iolaüs, the nephew of Heracles, and after entrusting to him and Theseus and Hyllus the direction of the war, they defeated Eurystheus in a pitched battle. In the course of the battle the larger part of the army of Eurystheus was slain and Eurystheus himself, when his chariot was wrecked in the flight, was killed by Hyllus, the son of Heracles; likewise the sons of Eurystheus perished in the battle to a man. 4.58. 1. After these events all the Heracleidae, now that they had conquered Eurystheus in a battle whose fame was noised abroad and were well supplied with allies because of their success, embarked upon a campaign against Peloponnesus with Hyllus as their commander.,2. Atreus, after the death of Eurystheus, had taken over the kingship in Mycenae, and having added to his forces the Tegeatans and certain other peoples as allies, he went forth to meet the Heracleidae.,3. When the two armies were assembled at the Isthmus, Hyllus, Heracles' son, challenged to single combat any one of the enemy who would face him, on the agreement that, if Hyllus should conquer his opponent, the Heracleidae should receive the kingdom of Eurystheus, but that, if Hyllus were defeated, the Heracleidae would not return to Peloponnesus for a period of fifty years.,4. Echemus, the king of the Tegeatans, came out to meet the challenge, and in the single combat which followed Hyllus was slain and the Heracleidae gave up, as they had promised, their effort to return and made their way back to Tricorythus.,5. Some time later Licymnius and his sons and Tlepolemus, the son of Heracles, made their home in Argos, the Argives admitting them to citizenship of their own accord; but all the rest who had made their homes in Tricorythus, when the fifty-year period had expired, returned to Peloponnesus. Their deeds we shall record when we have come to those times.,6. Alcmenê returned to Thebes, and when some time later she vanished from sight she received divine honours at the hands of the Thebans. The rest of the Heracleidae, they say, came to Aegimius, the son of Dorus, and demanding back the land which their father had entrusted to him made their home among the Dorians.,7. But Tlepolemus, the son of Heracles, while he dwelt in Argos, slew Licymnius, the son of Electryon, we are told, in a quarrel over a certain matter, and being exiled from Argos because of this murder changed his residence to Rhodes. This island was inhabited at that time by Greeks who had been planted there by Triopas, the son of Phorbas.,8. Accordingly, Tlepolemus, acting with the common consent of the natives, divided Rhodes into three parts and founded there three cities, Lindus, Ielysus (Ialysus), and Cameirus; and he became king over all the Rhodians, because of the fame of his father Heracles, and in later times took part with Agamemnon in the war against Troy. 4.67.2. Before the period in which these things took place, Boeotus, the son of Arnê and Poseidon, came into the land which was then called Aeolis but is now called Thessaly, and gave to his followers the name of Boeotians. But concerning these inhabitants of Aeolis, we must revert to earlier times and give a detailed account of them. 4.67.3. In the times before that which we are discussing the rest of the sons of Aeolus, who was the son of Hellen, who was the son of Deucalion, settled in the regions we have mentioned, but Mimas remained behind and ruled as king of Aeolis. Hippotes, who was born of Mimas, begat Aeolus by Melanippê, and Arnê, who was the daughter of Aeolus, bore Boeotus by Poseidon. 4.67.4. But Aeolus, not believing that it was Poseidon who had lain with Arnê and holding her to blame for her downfall, handed her over to a stranger from Metapontium who happened to be sojourning there at the time, with orders to carry her off to Metapontium. And after the stranger had done as he was ordered, Arnê, while living in Metapontium, gave birth to Aeolus and Boeotus, whom the Metapontian, being childless, in obedience to a certain oracle adopted as his own sons. 4.67.5. When the boys had attained to manhood, a civil discord arose in Metapontium and they seized the kingship by violence. Later, however, a quarrel took place between Arnê and Autolytê, the wife of the Metapontian, and the young men took the side of their mother and slew Autolytê. But the Metapontian was indigt at this deed, and so they got boats ready and taking Arnê with them set out to sea accompanied by many friends. 4.67.6. Now Aeolus took possession of the islands in the Tyrrhenian Sea which are called after him "Aeolian" and founded a city to which he gave the name Lipara; but Boeotus sailed home to Aeolus, the father of Arnê, by whom he was adopted and in succession to him he took over the kingship of Aeolis; and the land he named Arnê after his mother, but the inhabitants Boeotians after himself. 4.67.7. And Itonus, the son of Boeotus, begat four sons, Hippalcimus, Electryon, Archilycus, and Alegenor. of these sons Hippalcimus begat Penelos, Electryon begat Leïtus, Alegenor begat Clonius, and Archilycus begat Prothoënor and Arcesilaüs, who were the leaders of all the Boeotians in the expedition against Troy. 11.65. 1. The following year Theageneides was archon in Athens, and in Rome the consuls elected were Lucius Aemilius Mamercus and Lucius Julius Iulus, and the Seventy-eight Olympiad was celebrated, that in which Parmenides of Posidonia won the "stadion." In this year a war broke out between the Argives and Mycenaeans for the following reasons.,2. The Mycenaeans, because of the ancient prestige of their country, would not be subservient to the Argives as the other cities of Argolis were, but they maintained an independent position and would take no orders from the Argives; and they kept disputing with them also over the shrine of Hera and claiming that they had the right to administer the Nemean Games by themselves. Furthermore, when the Argives voted not to join with the Lacedaemonians in the battle at Thermopylae unless they were given a share in the supreme command, the Mycenaeans were the only people of Argolis who fought at the side of the Lacedaemonians.,3. In a word, the Argives were suspicious of the Mycenaeans, fearing lest, if they got any stronger, they might, on the strength of the ancient prestige of Mycenae, dispute the right of Argos to the leadership. Such, then, were the reasons for the bad blood between them; and from of old the Argives had ever been eager to exalt their city, and now they thought they had a favourable opportunity, seeing that the Lacedaemonians had been weakened and were unable to come to the aid of the Mycenaeans. Therefore the Argives, gathering a strong army from both Argos and the cities of their allies, marched against the Mycenaeans, and after defeating them in battle and shutting them within their walls, they laid siege to the city.,4. The Mycenaeans for a time resisted the besiegers with vigour, but afterwards, since they were being worsted in the fighting and the Lacedaemonians could bring them no aid because of their own wars and the disaster that had overtaken them in the earthquakes, and since there were no other allies, they were taken by storm through lack of support from outside.,5. The Argives sold the Mycenaeans into slavery, dedicated a tenth part of them to the god, and razed Mycenae. So this city, which in ancient times had enjoyed such felicity, possessing great men and having to its credit memorable achievements, met with such an end, and has remained uninhabited down to our own times. These, then, were the events of this year. 11.81. 1. When the year ended, in Athens Mnesitheides was archon, and in Rome the consuls elected were Lucius Lucretius and Titus Veturius Cicurinus. During this year the Thebans, who had been humbled because of their alliance with Xerxes, sought a way by which they might recover both their ancient influence and reputation.,2. Consequently, since all the Boeotians held the Thebans in disdain and no longer paid any attention to them, the Thebans asked the Lacedaemonians to aid them in winning for their city the hegemony over all Boeotia; and they promised that in return for this favour they would make war by themselves upon the Athenians, so that it would no longer be necessary for the Spartans to lead troops beyond the border of the Peloponnesus.,3. And the Lacedaemonians assented, judging the proposal to be to their advantage and believing that, if Thebes should grow in strength, she would be a kind of counterweight to the increasing power of the Athenians; consequently, since they had at the time a large army in readiness at Tanagra, they increased the extent of the circuit wall of Thebes and compelled the cities of Boeotia to subject themselves to the Thebans.,4. The Athenians, however, being eager to break up the plan of the Lacedaemonians, made ready a large army and elected as general Myronides the son of Callias. He enrolled the required number of citizens and gave them orders, announcing a day on which he planned to march forth from the city.,5. And when the appointed time arrived and some of the soldiers had not put in appearance at the specified rendezvous, he took those who had reported and advanced into Boeotia. And when certain of his officers and friends said that he should wait for the tardy men, Myronides, who was not only a sagacious general but energetic as well, replied that he would not do so; for, he declared, men of their own choice are late for the departure will in battle also play an ignoble and cowardly part, and will therefore not withstand the perils of war in defence of their country either, whereas the men who presented themselves ready for service on the appointed day gave clear evidence that they would not desert their posts in the war.,6. And this is what actually took place; for leading forth soldiers who were few in number but the bravest in courage, he drew them up in Boeotia against a vastly superior force and utterly defeated his opponents. 11.82. 1. In my opinion this action was in no way inferior to any of the battles fought by the Athenians in former times; for neither the victory at Marathon nor the success over the Persians at Plataea nor the other renowned exploits of the Athenians seem in any way to surpass the victory which Myronides won over the Boeotians.,2. For of those other battles, some were fought against barbarians and others were gained with the aid of allies, but this struggle was won by the Athenians single-handed in pitched battle, and they were pitted against the bravest warriors to be found among the Greeks.,3. For in staunchness in the face of perils and in the fierce contests of war the Boeotians are generally believed to be surpassed by no other people; at any rate, sometime after this the Thebans at Leuctra and Mantineia, when they unaided confronted all the Lacedaemonians and their allies, won for themselves the highest reputation for courage, and contrary to expectation became the leading nation of all Greece.,4. And yet, although the battle of Myronides has become famous, none of our historians has described either the way it was fought or the disposition of the troops engaged in it. Myronides, then, after defeating the Boeotians in a remarkable battle, came to rival the reputations of the most renowned commanders before his time, namely, Themistocles, Miltiades, and Cimon.,5. Myronides after this victory took Tanagra by siege, levelled its walls, and then he passed through all Boeotia, breaking it up and destroying it, and dividing the booty among his soldiers he loaded them all down with spoil in abundance. 11.83. 1. The Boeotians, exasperated by the wasting of their land, sprang to arms as a nation and when they had taken the field constituted a great army. A battle took place at Oenophyta in Boeotia, and since both sides withstood the stress of the conflict with stout hearts, they spent the day in fighting; but after a severe struggle the Athenians put the Boeotians to flight and Myronides became master of all the cities of Boeotia with the exception of Thebes.,2. After this he marched out of Boeotia and led his army against the Locrians who are known as Opuntian. These he overpowered at the first attack, and taking hostages from them he then entered Parnasia.,3. In like manner as he had done with the Locrians, he also subdued the Phocians, and after taking hostages he marched into Thessaly, finding fault with the Thessalians for their act of treachery and ordering them to receive back their exiles; and when the Pharsalians would not open their gates to him, he laid siege to the city.,4. But since he could not master the city by force and the Pharsalians held out for a long time against the siege, for the purpose he gave up his designs regarding Thessaly and returned to Athens. Thus Myronides, who had performed great deeds in a short space of time, won among his fellow citizens the renown which was so widely acclaimed. These, then, were the events of this year. 15.54.2. Certain local oracle-mongers likewise came up to Epameinondas, saying that the Lacedaemonians were destined to meet with a great disaster by the tomb of the daughters of Leuctrus and Scedasus for the following reasons. |
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| 98. Catullus, Poems, 62 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •young womens rituals, in statius achilleid, historical evidence for practices Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 174, 175 |
| 99. Agatharchides, Fragments, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382 |
100. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 4.11.2-4.11.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 334| 4.11.2. Καλλισθένην δὲ ὑπολαβόντα, Ἀλέξανδρον μὲν, εἰπεῖν, ὦ Ἀνάξαρχε, οὐδεμιᾶς ἀνάξιον ἀποφαίνω τιμῆς ὅσαι ξύμμετροι ἀνθρώπῳ· ἀλλὰ διακεκρίσθαι γὰρ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὅσαι τε ἀνθρώπιναι τιμαὶ καὶ ὅσαι θεῖαι πολλοῖς μὲν καὶ ἄλλοις, καθάπερ ναῶν τε οἰκοδομήσει καὶ ἀγαλμάτων ἀναστάσει καὶ τεμένη ὅτι τοῖς θεοῖς ἐξαιρεῖται καὶ θύεται ἐκείνοις καὶ σπένδεται, καὶ ὕμνοι μὲν ἐς τοὺς θεοὺς ποιοῦνται, ἔπαινοι δὲ ἐς ἀνθρώπους, — ἀτὰρ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῷ τῆς προσκυνήσεως νόμῳ. 4.11.3. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἀνθρώπους φιλεῖσθαι πρὸς τῶν ἀσπαζομένων, τὸ θεῖον δέ, ὅτι ἄνω που ἱδρυμένον καὶ οὐδὲ ψαῦσαι αὐτοῦ θέμις, ἐπὶ τῷδε ἄρα τῇ προσκυνήσει γεραίρεται, καὶ χοροὶ τοῖς θεοῖς ἵστανται καὶ παιᾶνες ἐπὶ τοῖς θεοῖς ᾅδονται. καὶ οὐδὲν θαυμαστόν, ὁπότε γε καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν θεῶν ἄλλοις ἄλλαι τιμαὶ πρόσκεινται, καὶ ναὶ μὰ Δία ἥρωσιν ἄλλαι, καὶ αὗται ἀποκεκριμέναι τοῦ θείου. | |
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| 101. Clement of Rome, 2 Clement, 16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, practice of Found in books: Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 14 |
102. Mishnah, Taanit, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, practice of Found in books: Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 15| 4.3. "וְאַנְשֵׁי הַמַּעֲמָד הָיוּ מִתְעַנִּין אַרְבָּעָה יָמִים בַּשָּׁבוּעַ, מִיּוֹם שֵׁנִי וְעַד יוֹם חֲמִישִׁי. וְלֹא הָיוּ מִתְעַנִּין עֶרֶב שַׁבָּת, מִפְּנֵי כְבוֹד הַשַּׁבָּת. וְלֹא בְאֶחָד בַּשַּׁבָּת, כְּדֵי שֶׁלֹּא יֵצְאוּ מִמְּנוּחָה וָעֹנֶג לִיגִיעָה וְתַעֲנִית וְיָמוּתוּ. בַּיּוֹם הָרִאשׁוֹן, בְּרֵאשִׁית, וִיְהִי רָקִיעַ. בַּשֵּׁנִי, יְהִי רָקִיעַ, וְיִקָּווּ הַמַּיִם. בַּשְּׁלִישִׁי, יִקָּווּ הַמַּיִם, וִיְהִי מְאֹרֹת. בָּרְבִיעִי, יְהִי מְאֹרֹת, וְיִשְׁרְצוּ הַמַּיִם. בַּחֲמִישִׁי, יִשְׁרְצוּ הַמַּיִם, וְתּוֹצֵא הָאָרֶץ. בַּשִּׁשִּׁי, תּוֹצֵא הָאָרֶץ, וַיְכֻלּוּ הַשָּׁמַיִם. פָּרָשָׁה גְדוֹלָה, קוֹרִין אוֹתָהּ בִּשְׁנַיִם, וְהַקְּטַנָּה בְּיָחִיד, בַּשַּׁחֲרִית וּבַמּוּסָף. וּבַמִּנְחָה נִכְנָסִין וְקוֹרִין עַל פִּיהֶן, כְּקוֹרִין אֶת שְׁמַע. עֶרֶב שַׁבָּת בַּמִּנְחָה לֹא הָיוּ נִכְנָסִין, מִפְּנֵי כְבוֹד הַשַּׁבָּת: \n", | 4.3. "The men of the maamad fasted on four days of that week, from Monday to Thursday; they did not fast on Friday out of respect for Shabbat or on Sunday in order not to switch from the rest and delight [of Shabbat] to weariness and fasting and [thereby] die. On Sunday [they read], “In the beginning,” and, “Let there be a firmament;” On Monday, “Let there be a firmament,” and, “Let the waters be gathered together;” On Tuesday, “Let the waters be gathered together,” and, “Let there be lights;” On Wednesday, “Let there be lights,” and, “Let the waters swarm;” On Thursday, “Let the waters swarm,” and, “Let the earth bring forth;” On Friday, “Let the earth bring forth,” and, “And the heavens [and the earth] were completed.” For a long section two people read and for a short section one person. [This is how they would read] at Shacharit and Mussaf. And at minhah they assemble and read the section by heart, as they recite the Shema. On Friday at minhah they did not assemble out of respect for Shabbat.", |
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| 103. Anon., Didache, 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4, 8.1, 8.2, 8.3, 9.1-10.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 15 |
104. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 4.5, 15.4-15.9, 15.35, 15.44 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 47, 187, 191, 204| 4.5. ὥστε μὴ πρὸ καιροῦ τι κρίνετε, ἕως ἂν ἔλθῃ ὁ κύριος, ὃς καὶ φωτίσει τὰ κρυπτὰ τοῦ σκότους καὶ φανερώσει τὰς βουλὰς τῶν καρδιῶν, καὶ τότε ὁ ἔπαινος γενήσεται ἑκάστῳ ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ. 15.4. καὶ ὅτι ἐτάφη, καὶ ὅτι ἐγήγερται τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ κατὰ τὰς γραφάς, 15.5. καὶ ὅτι ὤφθη Κηφᾷ, εἶτα τοῖς δώδεκα· 15.6. ἔπειτα ὤφθη ἐπάνω πεντακοσίοις ἀδελφοῖς ἐφάπαξ, ἐξ ὧν οἱ πλείονες μένουσιν ἕως ἄρτι, τινὲς δὲ ἐκοιμήθησαν· 15.7. ἔπειτα ὤφθη Ἰακώβῳ, εἶτα τοῖς ἀποστόλοις πᾶσιν· 15.8. ἔσχατον δὲ πάντων ὡσπερεὶ τῷ ἐκτρώματι ὤφθη κἀμοί. 15.9. Ἐγὼ γάρ εἰμι ὁ ἐλάχιστος τῶν ἀποστόλων, ὃς οὐκ εἰμὶ ἱκανὸς καλεῖσθαι ἀπόστολος, διότι ἐδίωξα τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ θεοῦ· 15.35. Ἀλλὰ ἐρεῖ τις Πῶς ἐγείρονται οἱ νεκροί, ποίῳ δὲ σώματι ἔρχονται; 15.44. σπείρεται σῶμα ψυχικόν, ἐγείρεται σῶμα πνευματικόν. Εἰ ἔστιν σῶμα ψυχικόν, ἔστιν καὶ πνευματικόν. | 4.5. Thereforejudge nothing before the time, until the Lord comes, who will bothbring to light the hidden things of darkness, and reveal the counselsof the hearts. Then each man will get his praise from God. 15.4. that he was buried, that he wasraised on the third day according to the Scriptures, 15.5. and that heappeared to Cephas, then to the twelve. 15.6. Then he appeared to overfive hundred brothers at once, most of whom remain until now, but somehave also fallen asleep. 15.7. Then he appeared to James, then to allthe apostles, 15.8. and last of all, as to the child born at the wrongtime, he appeared to me also. 15.9. For I am the least of theapostles, who is not worthy to be called an apostle, because Ipersecuted the assembly of God. 15.35. But someone will say, "Howare the dead raised?" and, "With what kind of body do they come?" 15.44. It is sown a natural body; it is raised aspiritual body. There is a natural body and there is also a spiritualbody. |
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105. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 3.13, 5.27 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 180; Tellbe Wasserman and Nyman (2019), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity, 155| 3.13. εἰς τὸ στηρίξαι ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας ἀμέμπτους ἐν ἁγιωσύνῃ ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ μετὰ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων αὐτοῦ. 5.27. Ἐνορκίζω ὑμᾶς τὸν κύριον ἀναγνωσθῆναι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν πᾶσιν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς. | 3.13. to the end he may establish your hearts blameless in holiness before our God and Father, at the coming of our Lord Jesus with all his saints. 5.27. I solemnly charge you by the Lord that this letter be read to all the holy brothers. |
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106. New Testament, Philippians, 1.21, 2.9-2.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 196; Tellbe Wasserman and Nyman (2019), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity, 149| 1.21. Ἐμοὶ γὰρ τὸ ζῇν Χριστὸς καὶ τὸ ἀποθανεῖν κέρδος. 2.9. διὸ καὶ ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὑπερύψωσεν, καὶ ἐχαρίσατο αὐτῷ τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ὑπὲρ πᾶν ὄνομα, 2.10. ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦπᾶν γόνυ κάμψῃἐπουρανίων καὶ ἐπιγείων καὶ καταχθονίων, 2.11. καὶ πᾶσα γλῶσσα ἐξομολογήσηταιὅτι ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ ΧΡΙΣΤΟΣ εἰς δόξανθεοῦπατρός. | 1.21. For to me to live is Christ, and to die is gain. 2.9. Therefore God also highly exalted him, and gave to him the name which is above every name; 2.10. that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of those in heaven, those on earth, and those under the earth, 2.11. and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father. |
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107. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 4.7-4.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 200| 4.7. τοὺς δὲ βεβήλους καὶ γραώδεις μύθους παραιτοῦ. γύμναζε δὲ σεαυτὸν πρὸς εὐσέβειαν· 4.8. ἡ γὰρ σωματικὴ γυμνασία πρὸς ὀλίγον ἐστὶν ὠφέλιμος, ἡ δὲ εὐσέβεια πρὸς πάντα ὠφέλιμός ἐστιν, ἐπαγγελίαν ἔχουσα ζωῆς τῆς νῦν καὶ τῆς μελλούσης. | 4.7. But refuse profane and old wives' fables. Exercise yourself toward godliness. 4.8. For bodily exercise has some value, but godliness has value for all things, having the promise of the life which is now, and of that which is to come. |
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108. New Testament, Acts, 2.38, 5.15, 8.16, 9.3-9.9, 10.48, 19.5, 19.11-19.12, 19.136, 22.6-22.11, 26.12-26.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 47; Tellbe Wasserman and Nyman (2019), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity, 150, 155, 158| 2.38. ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί; Πέτρος δὲ πρὸς αὐτούς Μετανοήσατε, καὶ βαπτισθήτω ἕκαστος ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ εἰς ἄφεσιν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὑμῶν, καὶ λήμψεσθε τὴν δωρεὰν τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος· 5.15. ὥστε καὶ εἰς τὰς πλατείας ἐκφέρειν τοὺς ἀσθενεῖς καὶ τιθέναι ἐπὶ κλιναρίων καὶ κραβάττων, ἵνα ἐρχομένου Πέτρου κἂν ἡ σκιὰ ἐπισκιάσει τινὶ αὐτῶν. 8.16. γὰρ ἦν ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ αὐτῶν ἐπιπεπτωκός, μόνον δὲ βεβαπτισμένοι ὑπῆρχον εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ. 9.3. Ἐν δὲ τῷ πορεύεσθαι ἐγένετο αὐτὸν ἐγγίζειν τῇ Δαμασκῷ, ἐξέφνης τε αὐτὸν περιήστραψεν φῶς ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, 9.4. καὶ πεσὼν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ἤκουσεν φωνὴν λέγουσαν αὐτῷ Σαούλ Σαούλ, τί με διώκεις; 9.5. εἶπεν δέ Τίς εἶ, κύριε; ὁ δέ Ἐγώ εἰμι Ἰησοῦς ὃν σὺ διώκεις· 9.6. ἀλλὰ ἀνάστηθι καὶ εἴσελθε εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ λαληθήσεταί σοι ὅτι σε δεῖ ποιεῖν. 9.7. οἱ δὲ ἄνδρες οἱ συνοδεύοντες αὐτῷ ἱστήκεισαν ἐνεοί, ἀκούοντες μὲν τῆς φωνῆς μηδένα δὲ θεωροῦντες. 9.8. ἠγέρθη δὲ Σαῦλος ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς, ἀνεῳγμένων δὲ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτοῦ οὐδὲν ἔβλεπεν· χειραγωγοῦντες δὲ αὐτὸν εἰσήγαγον εἰς Δαμασκόν. 9.9. καὶ ἦν ἡμέρας τρεῖς μὴ βλέπων, καὶ οὐκ ἔφαγεν οὐδὲ ἔπιεν. 10.48. προσέταξεν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ βαπτισθῆναι. τότε ἠρώτησαν αὐτὸν ἐπιμεῖναι ἡμέρας τινάς. 19.5. ἀκούσαντες δὲ ἐβαπτίσθησαν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ· 19.11. Δυνάμεις τε οὐ τὰς τυχούσας ὁ θεὸς ἐποίει διὰ τῶν χειρῶν Παύλου, 19.12. ὥστε καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀσθενοῦντας ἀποφέρεσθαι ἀπὸ τοῦ χρωτὸς αὐτοῦ σουδάρια ἢ σιμικίνθια καὶ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἀπʼ αὐτῶν τὰς νόσους, τά τε πνεύματα τὰ πονηρὰ ἐκπορεύεσθαι. 22.6. Ἐγένετο δέ μοι πορευομένῳ καὶ ἐγγίζοντι τῇ Δαμασκῷ περὶ μεσημβρίαν ἐξαίφνης ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ περιαστράψαι φῶς ἱκανὸν περὶ ἐμέ, 22.7. ἔπεσά τε εἰς τὸ ἔδαφος καὶ ἤκουσα φωνῆς λεγούσης μοι Σαούλ Σαούλ, τί με διώκεις; 22.8. ἐγὼ δὲ ἀπεκρίθην Τίς εἶ, κύριε; εἶπέν τε πρὸς ἐμέ Ἐγώ εἰμι Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζωραῖος ὃν σὺ διώκεις. 22.9. οἱ δὲ σὺν ἐμοὶ ὄντες τὸ μὲν φῶς ἐθεάσαντο τὴν δὲ φωνὴν οὐκ ἤκουσαν τοῦ λαλοῦντός μοι. εἶπον δέ Τί ποιήσω, κύριε; 22.10. ὁ δὲ κύριος εἶπεν πρός με Ἀναστὰς πορεύου εἰς Δαμασκόν, κἀκεῖ σοι λαληθήσεται περὶ πάντων ὧν τέτακταί σοι ποιῆσαι. 22.11. ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἐνέβλεπον ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης τοῦ φωτὸς ἐκείνου, χειραγωγούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν συνόντων μοι ἦλθον εἰς Δαμασκόν. 26.12. Ἐν οἷς πορευόμενος εἰς τὴν Δαμασκὸν μετʼ ἐξουσίας καὶ ἐπιτροπῆς τῆς τῶν ἀρχιερέων 26.13. ἡμέρας μέσης κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν εἶδον, βασιλεῦ, οὐρανόθεν ὑπὲρ τὴν λαμπρότητα τοῦ ἡλίου περιλάμψαν με φῶς καὶ τοὺς σὺν ἐμοὶ πορευομένους· 26.14. πάντων τε καταπεσόντων ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν γῆν ἤκουσα φωνὴν λέγουσαν πρός με τῇ Ἐβραΐδι διαλέκτῳ Σαούλ Σαούλ, τί με διώκεις; σκληρόν σοι πρὸς κέντρα λακτίζειν. 26.15. ἐγὼ δὲ εἶπα Τίς εἶ, κύριε; ὁ δὲ κύριος εἶπεν Ἐγώ εἰμι Ἰησοῦς ὃν σὺ διώκεις· 26.16. ἀλλὰ ἀνάστηθι καὶ στῆθι ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας σου· εἰς τοῦτο γὰρ ὤφθην σοι, προχειρίσασθαί σε ὑπηρέτην καὶ μάρτυρα ὧν τε εἶδές με ὧν τε ὀφθήσομαί σοι, 26.17. ἐξαιρούμενός σε ἐκ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐθνῶν, εἰς οὓς ἐγὼ ἀποστέλλω σε ἀνοῖξαι ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτῶν, 26.18. τοῦ ἐπιστρέψαι ἀπὸ σκότους εἰς φῶς καὶ τῆς ἐξουσίας τοῦ Σατανᾶ ἐπὶ τὸν θεόν, τοῦ λαβεῖν αὐτοὺς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν καὶ κλῆρον ἐν τοῖς ἡγιασμένοις πίστει τῇ εἰς ἐμέ. | 2.38. Peter said to them, "Repent, and be baptized, everyone of you, in the name of Jesus Christ for the forgiveness of sins, and you will receive the gift of the Holy Spirit. 5.15. They even carried out the sick into the streets, and laid them on cots and mattresses, so that as Peter came by, at the least his shadow might overshadow some of them. 8.16. for as yet he had fallen on none of them. They had only been baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus. 9.3. As he traveled, it happened that he got close to Damascus, and suddenly a light from the sky shone around him. 9.4. He fell on the earth, and heard a voice saying to him, "Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me?" 9.5. He said, "Who are you, Lord?"The Lord said, "I am Jesus, whom you are persecuting. 9.6. But rise up, and enter into the city, and you will be told what you must do." 9.7. The men who traveled with him stood speechless, hearing the voice, but seeing no one. 9.8. Saul arose from the ground, and when his eyes were opened, he saw no one. They led him by the hand, and brought him into Damascus. 9.9. He was without sight for three days, and neither ate nor drank. 10.48. He commanded them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ. Then they asked him to stay some days. 19.5. When they heard this, they were baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus. 19.11. God worked special miracles by the hands of Paul, 19.12. so that even handkerchiefs or aprons were carried away from his body to the sick, and the evil spirits went out. 22.6. It happened that, as I made my journey, and came close to Damascus, about noon, suddenly there shone from the sky a great light around me. 22.7. I fell to the ground, and heard a voice saying to me, 'Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me?' 22.8. I answered, 'Who are you, Lord?' He said to me, 'I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom you persecute.' 22.9. "Those who were with me indeed saw the light and were afraid, but they didn't understand the voice of him who spoke to me. 22.10. I said, 'What shall I do, Lord?' The Lord said to me, 'Arise, and go into Damascus. There you will be told about all things which are appointed for you to do.' 22.11. When I couldn't see for the glory of that light, being led by the hand of those who were with me, I came into Damascus. 26.12. "Whereupon as I journeyed to Damascus with the authority and commission from the chief priests, 26.13. at noon, O King, I saw on the way a light from the sky, brighter than the sun, shining around me and those who traveled with me. 26.14. When we had all fallen to the earth, I heard a voice saying to me in the Hebrew language, 'Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me? It is hard for you to kick against the goads.' 26.15. "I said, 'Who are you, Lord?' "He said, 'I am Jesus, whom you persecute. 26.16. But arise, and stand on your feet, for to this end have I appeared to you, to appoint you a servant and a witness both of the things which you have seen, and of the things which I will reveal to you; 26.17. delivering you from the people, and from the Gentiles, to whom I send you, 26.18. to open their eyes, that they may turn from darkness to light and from the power of Satan to God, that they may receive remission of sins and an inheritance among those who are sanctified by faith in me.' |
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109. New Testament, Colossians, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 200| 2.2. ἵνα παρακληθῶσιν αἱ καρδίαι αὐτῶν, συνβιβασθέντες ἐν ἀγάπῃ καὶ εἰς πᾶν πλοῦτος τῆς πληροφορίας τῆς συνέσεως, εἰς ἐπίγνωσιν τοῦ μυστηρίου τοῦ θεοῦ, Χριστοῦ, | 2.2. that their hearts may be comforted, they being knit together in love, and gaining all riches of the full assurance of understanding, that they may know the mystery of God, both of the Father and of Christ, |
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110. New Testament, Galatians, 1.15-1.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 47| 1.15. Ὅτε δὲ εὐδόκησεν [ὁ θεὸς] ὁ ἀφορίσας μεἐκ κοιλίας μητρός μουκαὶκαλέσαςδιὰ τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ 1.16. ἀποκαλύψαι τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν ἐμοὶ ἵνα εὐαγγελίζωμαι αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, εὐθέως οὐ προσανεθέμην σαρκὶ καὶ αἵματι, | 1.15. Butwhen it was the good pleasure of God, who separated me from my mother'swomb, and called me through his grace, 1.16. to reveal his Son in me,that I might preach him among the Gentiles, I didn't immediately conferwith flesh and blood, |
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111. New Testament, Matthew, 6.1-6.18, 7.15, 7.28, 9.1-9.8, 9.18-9.26, 10.17, 16.6, 16.27, 21.2-21.7, 26.63, 28.9-28.10, 28.16-28.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 257; Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 12, 13; Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 47, 180; Tellbe Wasserman and Nyman (2019), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity, 155, 166| 6.1. Προσέχετε [δὲ] τὴν δικαιοσύνην ὑμῶν μὴ ποιεῖν ἔμπροσθεν τῶν ἀνθρώπων πρὸς τὸ θεαθῆναι αὐτοῖς· εἰ δὲ μήγε, μισθὸν οὐκ ἔχετε παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ ὑμῶν τῷ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς. 6.2. Ὅταν οὖν ποιῇς ἐλεημοσύνην, μὴ σαλπίσῃς ἔμπροσθέν σου, ὥσπερ οἱ ὑποκριταὶ ποιοῦσιν ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς καὶ ἐν ταῖς ῥύμαις, ὅπως δοξασθῶσιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων· ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀπέχουσιν τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῶν. 6.3. σοῦ δὲ ποιοῦντος ἐλεημοσύνην μὴ γνώτω ἡ ἀριστερά σου τί ποιεῖ ἡ δεξιά σου, 6.4. ὅπως ᾖ σου ἡ ἐλεημοσύνη ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ· καὶ ὁ πατήρ σου ὁ βλέπων ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ ἀποδώσει σοι. 6.5. Καὶ ὅταν προσεύχησθε, οὐκ ἔσεσθε ὡς οἱ ὑποκριταί· ὅτι φιλοῦσιν ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς καὶ ἐν ταῖς γωνίαις τῶν πλατειῶν ἑστῶτες προσεύχεσθαι, ὅπως φανῶσιν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις· ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀπέχουσι τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῶν. 6.6. σὺ δὲ ὅταν προσεύχῃ, εἴσελθε εἰς τὸ ταμεῖόν σου καὶ κλείσας τὴν θύραν σου πρόσευξαι τῷ πατρί σου τῷ ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ· καὶ ὁ πατήρ σου ὁ βλέπων ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ ἀποδώσει σοι. 6.7. Προσευχόμενοι δὲ μὴ βατταλογήσητε ὥσπερ οἱ ἐθνικοί, δοκοῦσιν γὰρ ὅτι ἐν τῇ πολυλογίᾳ αὐτῶν εἰσακουσθήσονται· 6.8. μὴ οὖν ὁμοιωθῆτε αὐτοῖς, οἶδεν γὰρ [ὁ θεὸς] ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ὧν χρείαν ἔχετε πρὸ τοῦ ὑμᾶς αἰτῆσαι αὐτόν. 6.9. Οὕτως οὖν προσεύχεσθε ὑμεῖς Πάτερ ἡμῶν ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς· Ἁγιασθήτω τὸ ὄνομά σου, 6.10. ἐλθάτω ἡ βασιλεία σου, γενηθήτω τὸ θέλημά σου, ὡς ἐν οὐρανῷ καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς· 6.11. Τὸν ἄρτον ἡμῶν τὸν ἐπιούσιον δὸς ἡμῖν σήμερον· 6.12. καὶ ἄφες ἡμῖν τὰ ὀφειλήματα ἡμῶν, ὡς καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀφήκαμεν τοῖς ὀφειλέταις ἡμῶν· 6.13. καὶ μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς ἡμᾶς εἰς πειρασμόν, ἀλλὰ ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ. 6.14. Ἐὰν γὰρ ἀφῆτε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὰ παραπτώματα αὐτῶν, ἀφήσει καὶ ὑμῖν ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ὁ οὐράνιος· 6.15. ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ἀφῆτε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις [τὰ παραπτώματα αὐτῶν], οὐδὲ ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ἀφήσει τὰ παραπτώματα ὑμῶν. 6.16. Ὅταν δὲ νηστεύητε, μὴ γίνεσθε ὡς οἱ ὑποκριταὶ σκυθρωποί, ἀφανίζουσιν γὰρ τὰ πρόσωπα αὐτῶν ὅπως φανῶσιν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις νηστεύοντες· ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀπέχουσιν τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῶν. 6.17. σὺ δὲ νηστεύων ἄλειψαί σου τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὸ πρόσωπόν σου νίψαι, 6.18. ὅπως μὴ φανῇς τοῖς ἀνθρώποις νηστεύων ἀλλὰ τῷ πατρί σου τῷ ἐν τῷ κρυφαίῳ· καὶ ὁ πατήρ σου ὁ βλέπων ἐν τῷ κρυφαίῳ ἀποδώσει σοι. 7.15. Προσέχετε ἀπὸ τῶν ψευδοπροφητῶν, οἵτινες ἔρχονται πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐν ἐνδύμασι προβάτων ἔσωθεν δέ εἰσιν λύκοι ἅρπαγες. 7.28. Καὶ ἐγένετο ὅτε ἐτέλεσεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς τοὺς λόγους τούτους, ἐξεπλήσσοντο οἱ ὄχλοι ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ αὐτοῦ· 9.1. Καὶ ἐμβὰς εἰς πλοῖον διεπέρασεν, καὶ ἦλθεν εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν πόλιν. 9.2. Καὶ ἰδοὺ προσέφερον αὐτῷ παραλυτικὸν ἐπὶ κλίνης βεβλημένον. καὶ ἰδὼν ὁ Ἰησοῦς τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν εἶπεν τῷ παραλυτικῷ Θάρσει, τέκνον· ἀφίενταί σου αἱ ἁμαρτίαι. 9.3. Καὶ ἰδού τινες τῶν γραμματέων εἶπαν ἐν ἑαυτοῖς Οὗτος βλασφημεῖ. 9.4. καὶ εἰδὼς ὁ Ἰησοῦς τὰς ἐνθυμήσεις αὐτῶν εἶπεν Ἵνα τί ἐνθυμεῖσθε πονηρὰ ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ὑμῶν; 9.5. τί γάρ ἐστιν εὐκοπώτερον, εἰπεῖν Ἀφίενταί σου αἱ ἁμαρτίαι, ἢ εἰπεῖν Ἔγειρε καὶ περιπάτει; 9.6. ἵνα δὲ εἰδῆτε ὅτι ἐξουσίαν ἔχει ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἀφιέναι ἁμαρτίας— τότε λέγει τῷ παραλυτικῷ Ἔγειρε ἆρόν σου τὴν κλίνην καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς τὸν οἶκόν σου. 9.7. καὶ ἐγερθεὶς ἀπῆλθεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ. 9.8. Ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ ὄχλοι ἐφοβήθησαν καὶ ἐδόξασαν τὸν θεὸν τὸν δόντα ἐξουσίαν τοιαύτην τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. 9.18. Ταῦτα αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος αὐτοῖς ἰδοὺ ἄρχων [εἷς] προσελθὼν προσεκύνει αὐτῷ λέγων ὅτι Ἡ θυγάτηρ μου ἄρτι ἐτελεύτησεν· ἀλλὰ ἐλθὼν ἐπίθες τὴν χεῖρά σου ἐπʼ αὐτήν, καὶ ζήσεται. 9.19. καὶ ἐγερθεὶς ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ. 9.20. Καὶ ἰδοὺ γυνὴ αἱμορροοῦσα δώδεκα ἔτη προσελθοῦσα ὄπισθεν ἥψατο τοῦ κρασπέδου τοῦ ἱματίου αὐτοῦ· 9.21. ἔλεγεν γὰρ ἐν ἑαυτῇ Ἐὰν μόνον ἅψωμαι τοῦ ἱματίου αὐτοῦ σωθήσομαι. 9.22. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς στραφεὶς καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτὴν εἶπεν Θάρσει, θύγατερ· ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε. καὶ ἐσώθη ἡ γυνὴ ἀπὸ τῆς ὥρας ἐκείνης. 9.23. Καὶ ἐλθὼν ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ ἄρχοντος καὶ ἰδὼν τοὺς αὐλητὰς καὶ τὸν ὄχλον θορυβούμενον 9.24. ἔλεγεν Ἀναχωρεῖτε, οὐ γὰρ ἀπέθανεν τὸ κοράσιον ἀλλὰ καθεύδει· καὶ κατεγέλων αὐτοῦ. 9.25. ὅτε δὲ ἐξεβλήθη ὁ ὄχλος, εἰσελθὼν ἐκράτησεν τῆς χειρὸς αὐτῆς, καὶ ἠγέρθη τὸ κοράσιον. 9.26. Καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἡ φήμη αὕτη εἰς ὅλην τὴν γῆν ἐκείνην. 10.17. προσέχετε δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων· παραδώσουσιν γὰρ ὑμᾶς εἰς συνέδρια, καὶ ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς αὐτῶν μαστιγώσουσιν ὑμᾶς· 16.6. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ὁρᾶτε καὶ προσέχετε ἀπὸ τῆς ζύμης τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ Σαδδουκαίων. 16.27. μέλλει γὰρ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἔρχεσθαι ἐν τῇ δόξῃ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων αὐτοῦ, καὶ τότε ἀποδώσει ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν αὐτοῦ. 21.2. λέγων αὐτοῖς Πορεύεσθε εἰς τὴν κώμην τὴν κατέναντι ὑμῶν, καὶ εὐθὺς εὑρήσετε ὄνον δεδεμένην καὶ πῶλον μετʼ αὐτῆς· λύσαντες ἀγάγετέ μοι. 21.3. καὶ ἐάν τις ὑμῖν εἴπῃ τι, ἐρεῖτε ὅτι Ὁ κύριος αὐτῶν χρείαν ἔχει· εὐθὺς δὲ ἀποστελεῖ αὐτούς. 21.4. Τοῦτο δὲ γέγονεν ἵνα πληρωθῇ τὸ ῥηθὲν διὰ τοῦ προφήτου λέγοντος 21.5. Εἴπατε τῇ θυγατρὶ Σιών Ἰδοὺ ὁ βασιλεύς σου ἔρχεταί σοι πραῢς καὶ ἐπιβεβηκὼς ἐπὶ ὄνον καὶ ἐπὶ πῶλον υἱὸν ὑποζυγίου. 21.6. Πορευθέντες δὲ οἱ μαθηταὶ καὶ ποιήσαντες καθὼς συνέταξεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἤγαγον τὴν ὄνον καὶ τὸν πῶλον, 21.7. καὶ ἐπέθηκαν ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τὰ ἱμάτια, καὶ ἐπεκάθισεν ἐπάνω αὐτῶν. 26.63. καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ἐξορκίζω σε κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ζῶντος ἵνα ἡμῖν εἴπῃς εἰ σὺ εἶ ὁ χριστὸς ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ. 28.9. καὶ ἰδοὺ Ἰησοῦς ὑπήντησεν αὐταῖς λέγων Χαίρετε· αἱ δὲ προσελθοῦσαι ἐκράτησαν αὐτοῦ τοὺς πόδας καὶ προσεκύνησαν αὐτῷ. 28.10. τότε λέγει αὐταῖς ὁ Ἰησοῦς Μὴ φοβεῖσθε· ὑπάγετε ἀπαγγείλατε τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς μου ἵνα ἀπέλθωσιν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν, κἀκεῖ με ὄψονται. 28.16. Οἱ δὲ ἕνδεκα μαθηταὶ ἐπορεύθησαν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν εἰς τὸ ὄρος οὗ ἐτάξατο αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰησοῦς, 28.17. καὶ ἰδόντες αὐτὸν προσεκύνησαν, οἱ δὲ ἐδίστασαν. 28.18. καὶ προσελθὼν ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐλάλησεν αὐτοῖς λέγων Ἐδόθη μοι πᾶσα ἐξουσία ἐν οὐρανῷ καὶ ἐπὶ [τῆς] γῆς· 28.19. πορευθέντες οὖν μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθνη, βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος, 28.20. διδάσκοντες αὐτοὺς τηρεῖν πάντα ὅσα ἐνετειλάμην ὑμῖν· καὶ ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ μεθʼ ὑμῶν εἰμὶ πάσας τὰς ἡμέρας ἕως τῆς συντελείας τοῦ αἰῶνος. | 6.1. "Be careful that you don't do your charitable giving before men, to be seen by them, or else you have no reward from your Father who is in heaven. 6.2. Therefore when you do merciful deeds, don't sound a trumpet before yourself, as the hypocrites do in the synagogues and in the streets, that they may get glory from men. Most assuredly I tell you, they have received their reward. 6.3. But when you do merciful deeds, don't let your left hand know what your right hand does, 6.4. so that your merciful deeds may be in secret, then your Father who sees in secret will reward you openly. 6.5. "When you pray, you shall not be as the hypocrites, for they love to stand and pray in the synagogues and in the corners of the streets, that they may be seen by men. Most assuredly, I tell you, they have received their reward. 6.6. But you, when you pray, enter into your inner chamber, and having shut your door, pray to your Father who is in secret, and your Father who sees in secret will reward you openly. 6.7. In praying, don't use vain repetitions, as the Gentiles do; for they think that they will be heard for their much speaking. 6.8. Therefore don't be like them, for your Father knows what things you need, before you ask him. 6.9. Pray like this: 'Our Father in heaven, may your name be kept holy. 6.10. Let your kingdom come. Let your will be done, as in heaven, so on earth. 6.11. Give us today our daily bread. 6.12. Forgive us our debts, as we also forgive our debtors. 6.13. Bring us not into temptation, but deliver us from the evil one. For yours is the kingdom, the power, and the glory forever. Amen.' 6.14. "For if you forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly Father will also forgive you. 6.15. But if you don't forgive men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses. 6.16. "Moreover when you fast, don't be like the hypocrites, with sad faces. For they disfigure their faces, that they may be seen by men to be fasting. Most assuredly I tell you, they have received their reward. 6.17. But you, when you fast, anoint your head, and wash your face; 6.18. so that you are not seen by men to be fasting, but by your Father who is in secret, and your Father, who sees in secret, will reward you. 7.15. "Beware of false prophets, who come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves. 7.28. It happened, when Jesus had finished saying these things, that the multitudes were astonished at his teaching, 9.1. He entered into a boat, and crossed over, and came into his own city. 9.2. Behold, they brought to him a man who was paralyzed, lying on a bed. Jesus, seeing their faith, said to the paralytic, "Son, cheer up! Your sins are forgiven you." 9.3. Behold, some of the scribes said to themselves, "This man blasphemes." 9.4. Jesus, knowing their thoughts, said, "Why do you think evil in your hearts? 9.5. For which is easier, to say, 'Your sins are forgiven;' or to say, 'Get up, and walk?' 9.6. But that you may know that the Son of Man has authority on earth to forgive sins..." (then he said to the paralytic), "Get up, and take up your mat, and go up to your house." 9.7. He arose and departed to his house. 9.8. But when the multitudes saw it, they marveled and glorified God, who had given such authority to men. 9.18. While he told these things to them, behold, a ruler came and worshiped him, saying, "My daughter has just died, but come and lay your hand on her, and she will live." 9.19. Jesus got up and followed him, as did his disciples. 9.20. Behold, a woman who had an issue of blood for twelve years came behind him, and touched the tassels of his garment; 9.21. for she said within herself, "If I just touch his garment, I will be made well." 9.22. But Jesus, turning around and seeing her, said, "Daughter, cheer up! Your faith has made you well." And the woman was made well from that hour. 9.23. When Jesus came into the ruler's house, and saw the flute players, and the crowd in noisy disorder, 9.24. he said to them, "Make room, because the girl isn't dead, but sleeping."They were ridiculing him. 9.25. But when the crowd was put out, he entered in, took her by the hand, and the girl arose. 9.26. The report of this went out into all that land. 10.17. But beware of men: for they will deliver you up to councils, and in their synagogues they will scourge you. 16.6. Jesus said to them, "Take heed and beware of the yeast of the Pharisees and Sadducees." 16.27. For the Son of Man will come in the glory of his Father with his angels, and then he will render to everyone according to his deeds. 21.2. saying to them, "Go into the village that is opposite you, and immediately you will find a donkey tied, and a colt with her. Untie them, and bring them to me. 21.3. If anyone says anything to you, you shall say, 'The Lord needs them,' and immediately he will send them." 21.4. All this was done, that it might be fulfilled which was spoken through the prophet, saying, 21.5. "Tell the daughter of Zion, Behold, your King comes to you, Humble, and riding on a donkey, On a colt, the foal of a donkey." 21.6. The disciples went, and did just as Jesus commanded them, 21.7. and brought the donkey and the colt, and laid their clothes on them; and he sat on them. 26.63. But Jesus held his peace. The high priest answered him, "I adjure you by the living God, that you tell us whether you are the Christ, the Son of God." 28.9. As they went to tell his disciples, behold, Jesus met them, saying, "Rejoice!"They came and took hold of his feet, and worshiped him. 28.10. Then Jesus said to them, "Don't be afraid. Go tell my brothers that they should go into Galilee, and there they will see me." 28.16. But the eleven disciples went into Galilee, to the mountain where Jesus had sent them. 28.17. When they saw him, they bowed down to him, but some doubted. 28.18. Jesus came to them and spoke to them, saying, "All authority has been given to me in heaven and on earth. 28.19. Go, and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, 28.20. teaching them to observe all things which I commanded you. Behold, I am with you always, even to the end of the age." Amen. |
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112. New Testament, Mark, 1.21-1.28, 2.1-2.12, 5.1-5.2, 5.7, 5.9, 5.12-5.13, 5.21-5.43, 9.25-9.27, 14.28, 16.7-16.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 47, 75; Tellbe Wasserman and Nyman (2019), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity, 155, 166| 1.21. Καὶ εἰσπορεύονται εἰς Καφαρναούμ. Καὶ εὐθὺς τοῖς σάββασιν εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν ἐδίδασκεν. 1.22. καὶ ἐξεπλήσσοντο ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ αὐτοῦ, ἦν γὰρ διδάσκων αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐξουσίαν ἔχων καὶ οὐχ ὡς οἱ γραμματεῖς. 1.23. καὶ εὐθὺς ἦν ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ αὐτῶν ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, καὶ ἀνέκραξεν 1.24. λέγων Τί ἡμῖν καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ Ναζαρηνέ; ἦλθες ἀπολέσαι ἡμᾶς; οἶδά σε τίς εἶ, ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ. 1.25. καὶ ἐπετίμησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς [λέγων] Φιμώθητι καὶ ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ. 1.26. καὶ σπαράξαν αὐτὸν τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἀκάθαρτον καὶ φωνῆσαν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ ἐξῆλθεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἐθαμβήθησαν ἅπαντες, 1.27. ὥστε συνζητεῖν αὐτοὺς λέγοντας Τί ἐστιν τοῦτο; διδαχὴ καινή· κατʼ ἐξουσίαν καὶ τοῖς πνεύμασι τοῖς ἀκαθάρτοις ἐπιτάσσει, καὶ ὑπακούουσιν αὐτῷ. 1.28. Καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἡ ἀκοὴ αὐτοῦ εὐθὺς πανταχοῦ εἰς ὅλην την περίχωρον τῆς Γαλιλαίας. 2.1. Καὶ εἰσελθὼν πάλιν εἰς Καφαρναοὺμ διʼ ἡμερῶν ἠκούσθη ὅτι ἐν οἴκῳ ἐστίν· 2.2. καὶ συνήχθησαν πολλοὶ ὥστε μηκέτι χωρεῖν μηδὲ τὰ πρὸς τὴν θύραν, καὶ ἐλάλει αὐτοῖς τὸν λόγον. 2.3. καὶ ἔρχονται φέροντες πρὸς αὐτὸν παραλυτικὸν αἰρόμενον ὑπὸ τεσσάρων. 2.4. καὶ μὴ δυνάμενοι προσενέγκαι αὐτῷ διὰ τὸν ὄχλον ἀπεστέγασαν τὴν στέγην ὅπου ἦν, καὶ ἐξορύξαντες χαλῶσι τὸν κράβαττον ὅπου ὁ παραλυτικὸς κατέκειτο. 2.5. καὶ ἰδὼν ὁ Ἰησοῦς τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν λέγει τῷ παραλυτικῷ Τέκνον, ἀφίενταί σου αἱ ἁμαρτίαι. 2.6. ἦσαν δέ τινες τῶν γραμματέων ἐκεῖ καθήμενοι καὶ διαλογιζόμενοι ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν 2.7. Τί οὗτος οὕτω λαλεῖ; βλασφημεῖ· τίς δύναται ἀφιέναι ἁμαρτίας εἰ μὴ εἷς ὁ θεός; 2.8. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐπιγνοὺς ὁ Ἰησοῦς τῷ πνεύματι αὐτοῦ ὅτι [οὕτως] διαλογίζονται ἐν ἑαυτοῖς λέγει [αὐτοῖς] Τί ταῦτα διαλογίζεσθε ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ὑμῶν; 2.9. τί ἐστιν εὐκοπώτερον, εἰπεῖν τῷ παραλυτικῷ Ἀφίενταί σου αἱ ἁμαρτίαι, ἢ εἰπεῖν Ἐγείρου [καὶ] ἆρον τὸν κράβαττόν σου καὶ περιπάτει; 2.10. ἵνα δὲ εἰδῆτε ὅτι ἐξουσίαν ἔχει ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀφιέναι ἁμαρτίας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς — λέγει τῷ παραλυτικῷ 2.11. Σοὶ λέγω, ἔγειρε ἆρον τὸν κράβαττόν σου καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς τὸν οἶκόν σου. 2.12. καὶ ἠγέρθη καὶ εὐθὺς ἄρας τὸν κράβαττον ἐξῆλθεν ἔμπροσθεν πάντων, ὥστε ἐξίστασθαι πάντας καὶ δοξάζειν τὸν θεὸν [λέγοντας] ὅτι Οὕτως οὐδέποτε εἴδαμεν. 5.1. Καὶ ἦλθον εἰς τὸ πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς τὴν χώραν τῶν Γερασηνῶν. 5.2. καὶ ἐξελθόντος αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ πλοίου [εὐθὺς] ὑπήντησεν αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν μνημείων ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, 5.7. καὶ κράξας φωνῇ μεγάλῃ λέγει Τί ἐμοὶ καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ υἱὲ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου; ὁρκίζω δε τὸν θεόν, μή με βασανίσῃς. 5.9. καὶ ἐπηρώτα αὐτόν Τί ὄνομά σοι; καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Λεγιὼν ὄνομά μοι, ὅτι πολλοί ἐσμεν· 5.12. καὶ παρεκάλεσαν αὐτὸν λέγοντες Πέμψον ἡμᾶς εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, ἵνα εἰς αὐτοὺς εἰσέλθωμεν. 5.13. καὶ ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς. καὶ ἐξελθόντα τὰ πνεύματα τὰ ἀκάθαρτα εἰσῆλθον εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, καὶ ὥρμησεν ἡ ἀγέλη κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, ὡς δισχίλιοι, καὶ ἐπνίγοντο ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ. 5.21. Καὶ διαπεράσαντος τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἐν τῷ πλοίῳ πάλιν εἰς τὸ πέραν συνήχθη ὄχλος πολὺς ἐπʼ αὐτόν, καὶ ἦν παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν. 5.22. Καὶ ἔρχεται εἷς τῶν ἀρχισυναγώγων, ὀνόματι Ἰάειρος, 5.23. καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτὸν πίπτει πρὸς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ καὶ παρακαλεῖ αὐτὸν πολλὰ λέγων ὅτι Τὸ θυγάτριόν μου ἐσχάτως ἔχει, ἵνα ἐλθὼν ἐπιθῇς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῇ ἵνα σωθῇ καὶ ζήσῃ. 5.24. καὶ ἀπῆλθεν μετʼ αὐτοῦ. Καὶ ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ ὄχλος πολύς, καὶ συνέθλιβον αὐτόν. 5.25. καὶ γυνὴ οὖσα ἐν ῥύσει αἵματος δώδεκα ἔτη 5.26. καὶ πολλὰ παθοῦσα ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἰατρῶν καὶ δαπανήσασα τὰ παρʼ αὐτῆς πάντα καὶ μηδὲν ὠφεληθεῖσα ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον εἰς τὸ χεῖρον ἐλθοῦσα, 5.27. ἀκούσασα τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ἐλθοῦσα ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ ὄπισθεν ἥψατο τοῦ ἱματίου αὐτοῦ· 5.28. ἔλεγεν γὰρ ὅτι Ἐὰν ἅψωμαι κἂν τῶν ἱματίων αὐτοῦ σωθήσομαι. 5.29. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐξηράνθη ἡ πηγὴ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτῆς, καὶ ἔγνω τῷ σώματι ὅτι ἴαται ἀπὸ τῆς μάστιγος. 5.30. καὶ εὐθὺς ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐπιγνοὺς ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ δύναμιν ἐξελθοῦσαν ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ ἔλεγεν Τίς μου ἥψατο τῶν ἱματίων; 5.31. καὶ ἔλεγον αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ Βλέπεις τὸν ὄχλον συνθλίβοντά σε, καὶ λέγεις Τίς μου ἥψατο; 5.32. καὶ περιεβλέπετο ἰδεῖν τὴν τοῦτο ποιήσασαν. 5.33. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ φοβηθεῖσα καὶ τρέμουσα, εἰδυῖα ὃ γέγονεν αὐτῇ, ἦλθεν καὶ προσέπεσεν αὐτῷ καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν. 5.34. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Θυγάτηρ, ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε· ὕπαγε εἰς εἰρήνην, καὶ ἴσθι ὑγιὴς ἀπὸ τῆς μάστιγός σου. 5.35. Ἔτι αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος ἔρχονται ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀρχισυναγώγου λέγοντες ὅτι Ἡ θυγάτηρ σου ἀπέθανεν· τί ἔτι σκύλλεις τὸν διδάσκαλον; 5.36. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς παρακούσας τὸν λόγον λαλούμενον λέγει τῷ ἀρχισυναγώγῳ Μὴ φοβοῦ, μόνον πίστευε. 5.37. καὶ οὐκ ἀφῆκεν οὐδένα μετʼ αὐτοῦ συνακολουθῆσαι εἰ μὴ τὸν Πέτρον καὶ Ἰάκωβον καὶ Ἰωάνην τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰακώβου. 5.38. καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς τὸν οἶκον τοῦ ἀρχισυναγώγου, καὶ θεωρεῖ θόρυβον καὶ κλαίοντας καὶ ἀλαλάζοντας πολλά, 5.39. καὶ εἰσελθὼν λέγει αὐτοῖς Τί θορυβεῖσθε καὶ κλαίετε; τὸ παιδίον οὐκ ἀπέθανεν ἀλλὰ καθεύδει. 5.40. καὶ κατεγέλων αὐτοῦ. αὐτὸς δὲ ἐκβαλὼν πάντας παραλαμβάνει τὸν πατέρα τοῦ παιδίου καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ, καὶ εἰσπορεύεται ὅπου ἦν τὸ παιδίον· 5.41. καὶ κρατήσας τῆς χειρὸς τοῦ παιδίου λέγει αὐτῇ Ταλειθά κούμ, ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Τὸ κοράσιον, σοὶ λέγω, ἔγειρε. 5.42. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνέστη τὸ κοράσιον καὶ περιεπάτει, ἦν γὰρ ἐτῶν δώδεκα. καὶ ἐξέστησαν εὐθὺς ἐκστάσει μεγάλῃ. 5.43. καὶ διεστείλατο αὐτοῖς πολλὰ ἵνα μηδεὶς γνοῖ τοῦτο, καὶ εἶπεν δοθῆναι αὐτῇ φαγεῖν. 9.25. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ὅτι ἐπισυντρέχει ὄχλος ἐπετίμησεν τῷ πνεύματι τῷ ἀκαθάρτῳ λέγων αὐτῷ Τὸ ἄλαλον καὶ κωφὸν πνεῦμα, ἐγὼ ἐπιτάσσω σοι, ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ καὶ μηκέτι εἰσέλθῃς εἰς αὐτόν. 9.26. καὶ κράξας καὶ πολλὰ σπαράξας ἐξῆλθεν· καὶ ἐγένετο ὡσεὶ νεκρὸς ὥστε τοὺς πολλοὺς λέγειν ὅτι ἀπέθανεν. 9.27. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς κρατήσας τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοῦ ἤγειρεν αὐτόν, καὶ ἀνέστη. 14.28. ἀλλὰ μετὰ τὸ ἐγερθῆναί με προάξω ὑμᾶς εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν. 16.7. ἀλλὰ ὑπάγετε εἴπατε τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ τῷ Πέτρῳ ὅτι Προάγει ὑμᾶς εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν· ἐκεῖ αὐτὸν ὄψεσθε, καθὼς εἶπεν ὑμῖν. 16.8. καὶ ἐξελθοῦσαι ἔφυγον ἀπὸ τοῦ μνημείου, εἶχεν γὰρ αὐτὰς τρόμος καὶ ἔκστασις· καὶ οὐδενὶ οὐδὲν εἶπαν, ἐφοβοῦντο γάρ· | 1.21. They went into Capernaum, and immediately on the Sabbath day he entered into the synagogue and taught. 1.22. They were astonished at his teaching, for he taught them as having authority, and not as the scribes. 1.23. Immediately there was in their synagogue a man with an unclean spirit, and he cried out, 1.24. saying, "Ha! What do we have to do with you, Jesus, you Nazarene? Have you come to destroy us? I know you who you are: the Holy One of God!" 1.25. Jesus rebuked him, saying, "Be quiet, and come out of him!" 1.26. The unclean spirit, convulsing him and crying with a loud voice, came out of him. 1.27. They were all amazed, so that they questioned among themselves, saying, "What is this? A new teaching? For with authority he commands even the unclean spirits, and they obey him!" 1.28. The report of him went out immediately everywhere into all the region of Galilee and its surrounding area. 2.1. When he entered again into Capernaum after some days, it was heard that he was in the house. 2.2. Immediately many were gathered together, so that there was no more room, not even around the door; and he spoke the word to them. 2.3. Four people came, carrying a paralytic to him. 2.4. When they could not come near to him for the crowd, they removed the roof where he was. When they had broken it up, they let down the mat that the paralytic was lying on. 2.5. Jesus, seeing their faith, said to the paralytic, "Son, your sins are forgiven you." 2.6. But there were some of the scribes sitting there, and reasoning in their hearts, 2.7. "Why does this man speak blasphemies like that? Who can forgive sins but God alone?" 2.8. Immediately Jesus, perceiving in his spirit that they so reasoned within themselves, said to them, "Why do you reason these things in your hearts? 2.9. Which is easier, to tell the paralytic, 'Your sins are forgiven;' or to say, 'Arise, and take up your bed, and walk?' 2.10. But that you may know that the Son of Man has authority on earth to forgive sins" -- he said to the paralytic -- 2.11. "I tell you, arise, take up your mat, and go to your house." 2.12. He arose, and immediately took up the mat, and went out in front of them all; so that they were all amazed, and glorified God, saying, "We never saw anything like this!" 5.1. They came to the other side of the sea, into the country of the Gadarenes. 5.2. When he had come out of the boat, immediately there met him out of the tombs a man with an unclean spirit, 5.7. and crying out with a loud voice, he said, "What have I to do with you, Jesus, you Son of the Most High God? I adjure you by God, don't torment me." 5.9. He asked him, "What is your name?"He said to him, "My name is Legion, for we are many." 5.12. All the demons begged him, saying, "Send us into the pigs, that we may enter into them." 5.13. At once Jesus gave them permission. The unclean spirits came out and entered into the pigs. The herd of about two thousand rushed down the steep bank into the sea, and they were drowned in the sea. 5.21. When Jesus had crossed back over in the boat to the other side, a great multitude was gathered to him; and he was by the sea. 5.22. Behold, one of the rulers of the synagogue, Jairus by name, came; and seeing him, he fell at his feet, 5.23. and begged him much, saying, "My little daughter is at the point of death. Please come and lay your hands on her, that she may be made healthy, and live." 5.24. He went with him, and a great multitude followed him, and they pressed upon him on all sides. 5.25. A certain woman, who had an issue of blood for twelve years, 5.26. and had suffered many things by many physicians, and had spent all that she had, and was no better, but rather grew worse, 5.27. having heard the things concerning Jesus, came up behind him in the crowd, and touched his clothes. 5.28. For she said, "If I just touch his clothes, I will be made well." 5.29. Immediately the flow of her blood was dried up, and she felt in her body that she was healed of her affliction. 5.30. Immediately Jesus, perceiving in himself that the power had gone out from him, turned around in the crowd, and asked, "Who touched my clothes?" 5.31. His disciples said to him, "You see the multitude pressing against you, and you say, 'Who touched me?'" 5.32. He looked around to see her who had done this thing. 5.33. But the woman, fearing and trembling, knowing what had been done to her, came and fell down before him, and told him all the truth. 5.34. He said to her, "Daughter, your faith has made you well. Go in peace, and be cured of your disease." 5.35. While he was still speaking, they came from the synagogue ruler's house saying, "Your daughter is dead. Why bother the Teacher any more?" 5.36. But Jesus, when he heard the message spoken, immediately said to the ruler of the synagogue, "Don't be afraid, only believe." 5.37. He allowed no one to follow him, except Peter, James, and John the brother of James. 5.38. He came to the synagogue ruler's house, and he saw an uproar, weeping, and great wailing. 5.39. When he had entered in, he said to them, "Why do you make an uproar and weep? The child is not dead, but is asleep." 5.40. They laughed him to scorn. But he, having put them all out, took the father of the child and her mother and those who were with him, and went in where the child was lying. 5.41. Taking the child by the hand, he said to her, "Talitha cumi;" which means, being interpreted, "Young lady, I tell you, get up." 5.42. Immediately the young lady rose up, and walked, for she was twelve years old. They were amazed with great amazement. 5.43. He strictly ordered them that no one should know this, and commanded that something should be given to her to eat. 9.25. When Jesus saw that a multitude came running together, he rebuked the unclean spirit, saying to him, "You mute and deaf spirit, I command you, come out of him, and never enter him again!" 9.26. Having cried out, and convulsed greatly, it came out of him. The boy became like one dead; so much that most of them said, "He is dead." 9.27. But Jesus took him by the hand, and raised him up; and he arose. 14.28. However, after I am raised up, I will go before you to Galilee." 16.7. But go, tell his disciples and Peter, 'He goes before you into Galilee. There you will see him, as he said to you.'" 16.8. They went out, and fled from the tomb, for trembling and astonishment had come on them. They said nothing to anyone; for they were afraid. |
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113. New Testament, Luke, 1.41-1.45, 3.21, 5.18-5.25, 8.40-8.56, 11.1, 11.5-11.13, 11.36, 24.13-24.35 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 14, 15; Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 47, 191; Tellbe Wasserman and Nyman (2019), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity, 166| 1.41. καὶ ἐγένετο ὡς ἤκουσεν τὸν ἀσπασμὸν τῆς Μαρίας ἡ Ἐλεισάβετ, ἐσκίρτησεν τὸ βρέφος ἐν τῇ κοιλίᾳ αὐτῆς, καὶ ἐπλήσθη πνεύματος ἁγίου ἡ Ἐλεισάβετ, 1.42. καὶ ἀνεφώνησεν κραυγῇ μεγάλῃ καὶ εἶπεν Εὐλογημένη σὺ ἐν γυναιξίν, καὶ εὐλογημένος ὁ καρπὸς τῆς κοιλίας σου. 1.43. καὶ πόθεν μοι τοῦτο ἵνα ἔλθῃ ἡ μήτηρ τοῦ κυρίου μου πρὸς ἐμέ; 1.44. ἰδοὺ γὰρ ὡς ἐγένετο ἡ φωνὴ τοῦ ἀσπασμοῦ σου εἰς τὰ ὦτά μου, ἐσκίρτησεν ἐν ἀγαλλιάσει τὸ βρέφος ἐν τῇ κοιλίᾳ μου. 1.45. καὶ μακαρία ἡ πιστεύσασα ὅτι ἔσται τελείωσις τοῖς λελαλημένοις αὐτῇ παρὰ Κυρίου. 3.21. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ βαπτισθῆναι ἅπαντα τὸν λαὸν καὶ Ἰησοῦ βαπτισθέντος καὶ προσευχομένου ἀνεῳχθῆναι τὸν οὐρανὸν 5.18. καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄνδρες φέροντες ἐπὶ κλίνης ἄνθρωπον ὃς ἦν παραλελυμένος, καὶ ἐζήτουν αὐτὸν εἰσενεγκεῖν καὶ θεῖναι [αὐτὸν] ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ. 5.19. καὶ μὴ εὑρόντες ποίας εἰσενέγκωσιν αὐτὸν διὰ τὸν ὄχλον ἀναβάντες ἐπὶ τὸ δῶμα διὰ τῶν κεράμων καθῆκαν αὐτὸν σὺν τῷ κλινιδίῳ εἰς τὸ μέσον ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ Ἰησοῦ. 5.20. καὶ ἰδὼν τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν εἶπεν Ἄνθρωπε, ἀφέωνταί σοι αἱ ἁμαρτίαι σου. 5.21. καὶ ἤρξαντο διαλογίζεσθαι οἱ γραμματεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι λέγοντες Τίς ἐστιν οὗτος ὃς λαλεῖ βλασφημίας; τίς δύναται ἁμαρτίας ἀφεῖναι εἰ μὴ μόνος ὁ θεός; 5.22. ἐπιγνοὺς δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς τοὺς διαλογισμοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Τί διαλογίζεσθε ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ὑμῶν; 5.23. τί ἐστιν εὐκοπώτερον, εἰπεῖν Ἀφέωνταί σοι αἱ ἁμαρτίαι σου, ἢ εἰπεῖν Ἔγειρε καὶ περιπάτει; 5.24. ἵνα δὲ εἰδῆτε ὅτι ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐξουσίαν ἔχει ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἀφιέναι ἁμαρτίας — εἶπεν τῷ παραλελυμένῳ Σοὶ λέγω, ἔγειρε καὶ ἄρας τὸ κλινίδιόν σου πορεύου εἰς τὸν οἶκόν σου. 5.25. καὶ παραχρῆμα ἀναστὰς ἐνώπιον αὐτῶν, ἄρας ἐφʼ ὃ κατέκειτο, ἀπῆλθεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ δοξάζων τὸν θεόν. 8.40. Ἐν δὲ τῷ ὑποστρέφειν τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπεδέξατο αὐτὸν ὁ ὄχλος, ἦσαν γὰρ πάντες προσδοκῶντες αὐτόν. 8.41. Καὶ ἰδοὺ ἦλθεν ἀνὴρ ᾧ ὄνομα Ἰάειρος, καὶ οὗτος ἄρχων τῆς συναγωγῆς ὑπῆρχεν, καὶ πεσὼν παρὰ τοὺς πόδας Ἰησοῦ παρεκάλει αὐτὸν εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ, 8.42. ὅτι θυγάτηρ μονογενὴς ἦν αὐτῷ ὡς ἐτῶν δώδεκα καὶ αὐτὴ ἀπέθνησκεν. Ἐν δὲ τῷ ὑπάγειν αὐτὸν οἱ ὄχλοι συνέπνιγον αὐτόν. 8.43. καὶ γυνὴ οὖσα ἐν ῥύσει αἵματος ἀπὸ ἐτῶν δώδεκα, ἥτις οὐκ ἴσχυσεν ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς θεραπευθῆναι, 8.44. προσελθοῦσα ὄπισθεν ἥψατο τοῦ κρασπέδου τοῦ ἱματίου αὐτοῦ, καὶ παραχρῆμα ἔστη ἡ ῥύσις τοῦ αἵματος αὐτῆς. 8.45. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς Τίς ὁ ἁψάμενός μου; ἀρνουμένων δὲ πάντων εἶπεν ὁ Πέτρος Ἐπιστάτα, οἱ ὄχλοι συνέχουσίν σε καὶ ἀποθλίβουσιν. 8.46. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Ἥψατό μού τις, ἐγὼ γὰρ ἔγνων δύναμιν ἐξεληλυθυῖαν ἀπʼ ἐμοῦ. 8.47. ἰδοῦσα δὲ ἡ γυνὴ ὅτι οὐκ ἔλαθεν τρέμουσα ἦλθεν καὶ προσπεσοῦσα αὐτῷ διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν ἥψατο αὐτοῦ ἀπήγγειλεν ἐνώπιον παντὸς τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ ὡς ἰάθη παραχρῆμα. 8.48. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Θυγάτηρ, ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε· πορεύου εἰς εἰρήνην. 8.49. Ἔτι αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος ἔρχεταί τις παρὰ τοῦ ἀρχισυναγώγου λέγων ὅτι Τέθνηκεν ἡ θυγάτηρ σου, μηκέτι σκύλλε τὸν διδάσκαλον. 8.50. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἀκούσας ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ Μὴ φοβοῦ, μόνον πίστευσον, καὶ σωθήσεται. 8.51. ἐλθὼν δὲ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν οὐκ ἀφῆκεν εἰσελθεῖν τινὰ σὺν αὐτῷ εἰ μὴ Πέτρον καὶ Ἰωάνην καὶ Ἰάκωβον καὶ τὸν πατέρα τῆς παιδὸς καὶ τὴν μητέρα. 8.52. ἔκλαιον δὲ πάντες καὶ ἐκόπτοντο αὐτήν. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν Μὴ κλαίετε, οὐ γὰρ ἀπέθανεν ἀλλὰ καθεύδει. 8.53. καὶ κατεγέλων αὐτοῦ, εἰδότες ὅτι ἀπέθανεν. 8.54. αὐτὸς δὲ κρατήσας τῆς χειρὸς αὐτῆς ἐφώνησεν λέγων Ἡ παῖς, ἔγειρε. 8.55. καὶ ἐπέστρεψεν τὸ πνεῦμα αὐτῆς, καὶ ἀνέστη παραχρῆμα, καὶ διέταξεν αὐτῇ δοθῆναι φαγεῖν. 8.56. καὶ ἐξέστησαν οἱ γονεῖς αὐτῆς· ὁ δὲ παρήγγειλεν αὐτοῖς μηδενὶ εἰπεῖν τὸ γεγονός. 11.1. Καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ εἶναι αὐτὸν ἐν τόπῳ τινὶ προσευχόμενον, ὡς ἐπαύσατο, εἶπέν τις τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ πρὸς αὐτόν Κύριε, δίδαξον ἡμᾶς προσεύχεσθαι, καθὼς καὶ Ἰωάνης ἐδίδαξεν τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ. 11.5. Καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Τίς ἐξ ὑμῶν ἕξει φίλον καὶ πορεύσεται πρὸς αὐτὸν μεσονυκτίου καὶ εἴπῃ αὐτῷ Φίλε, χρῆσόν μοι τρεῖς ἄρτους, 11.6. ἐπειδὴ φίλος μου παρεγένετο ἐξ ὁδοὺ πρός με καὶ οὐκ ἔχω ὃ παραθήσω αὐτῷ· 11.7. κἀκεῖνος ἔσωθεν ἀποκριθεὶς εἴπῃ Μή μοι κόπους πάρεχε· ἤδη ἡ θύρα κέκλεισται, καὶ τὰ παιδία μου μετʼ ἐμοῦ εἰς τὴν κοίτην εἰσίν· οὐ δύναμαι ἀναστὰς δοῦναί σοι. 11.8. λέγω ὑμῖν, εἰ καὶ οὐ δώσει αὐτῷ ἀναστὰς διὰ τὸ εἶναι φίλον αὐτοῦ, διά γε τὴν ἀναιδίαν αὐτοῦ ἐγερθεὶς δώσει αὐτῷ ὅσων χρῄζει. 11.9. Κἀγὼ ὑμῖν λέγω, αἰτεῖτε, καὶ δοθήσεται ὑμῖν· ζητεῖτε, καὶ εὑρήσετε· κρούετε, καὶ ἀνοιγήσεται ὑμῖν. 11.10. πᾶς γὰρ ὁ αἰτῶν λαμβάνει, καὶ ὁ ζητῶν εὑρίσκει, καὶ τῷ κρούοντι ἀνοιγήσεται. 11.11. τίνα δὲ ἐξ ὑμῶν τὸν πατέρα αἰτήσει ὁ υἱὸς ἰχθύν, μὴ ἀντὶ ἰχθύος ὄφιν αὐτῷ ἐπιδώσει; 11.12. ἢ καὶ αἰτήσει ᾠόν, ἐπιδώσει αὐτῷ σκορπίον; 11.13. εἰ οὖν ὑμεῖς πονηροὶ ὑπάρχοντες οἴδατε δόματα ἀγαθὰ διδόναι τοῖς τέκνοις ὑμῶν, πόσῳ μᾶλλον ὁ πατὴρ [ὁ] ἐξ οὐρανοῦ δώσει πνεῦμα ἅγιον τοῖς αἰτοῦσιν αὐτόν. 11.36. εἰ οὖν τὸ σῶμά σου ὅλον φωτινόν, μὴ ἔχον μέρος τι σκοτινόν, ἔσται φωτινὸν ὅλον ὡς ὅταν ὁ λύχνος τῇ ἀστραπῇ φωτίζῃ σε. 24.13. Καὶ ἰδοὺ δύο ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἦσαν πορευόμενοι εἰς κώμην ἀπέχουσαν σταδίους ἑξήκοντα ἀπὸ Ἰερουσαλήμ, ᾗ ὄνομα Ἐμμαούς, 24.14. καὶ αὐτοὶ ὡμίλουν πρὸς ἀλλήλους περὶ πάντων τῶν συμβεβηκότων τούτων. 24.15. καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ ὁμιλεῖν αὐτοὺς καὶ συνζητεῖν [καὶ] αὐτὸς Ἰησοῦς ἐγγίσας συνεπορεύετο αὐτοῖς, 24.16. οἱ δὲ ὀφθαλμοὶ αὐτῶν ἐκρατοῦντο τοῦ μὴ ἐπιγνῶναι αὐτόν. 24.17. εἶπεν δὲ πρὸς αὐτούς Τίνες οἱ λόγοι οὗτοι οὓς ἀντιβάλλετε πρὸς ἀλλήλους περιπατοῦντες; καὶ ἐστάθησαν σκυθρωποί. 24.18. ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ εἷς ὀνόματι Κλεόπας εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτόν Σὺ μόνος παροικεῖς Ἰερουσαλὴμ καὶ οὐκ ἔγνως τὰ γενόμενα ἐν αὐτῇ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ταύταις; 24.19. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ποῖα; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Τὰ περὶ Ἰησοῦ τοῦ Ναζαρηνοῦ, ὃς ἐγένετο ἀνὴρ προφήτης δυνατὸς ἐν ἔργῳ καὶ λόγῳ ἐναντίον τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ παντὸς τοῦ λαοῦ, 24.20. ὅπως τε παρέδωκαν αὐτὸν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες ἡμῶν εἰς κρίμα θανάτου καὶ ἐσταύρωσαν αὐτόν. 24.21. ἡμεῖς δὲ ἠλπίζομεν ὅτι αὐτός ἐστιν ὁ μέλλων λυτροῦσθαι τὸν Ἰσραήλ· ἀλλά γε καὶ σὺν πᾶσιν τούτοις τρίτην ταύτην ἡμέραν ἄγει ἀφʼ οὗ ταῦτα ἐγένετο. 24.22. ἀλλὰ καὶ γυναῖκές τινες ἐξ ἡμῶν ἐξέστησαν ἡμᾶς, γενόμεναι ὀρθριναὶ ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον 24.23. καὶ μὴ εὑροῦσαι τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ ἦλθαν λέγουσαι καὶ ὀπτασίαν ἀγγέλων ἑωρακέναι, οἳ λέγουσιν αὐτὸν ζῇν. 24.24. καὶ ἀπῆλθάν τινες τῶν σὺν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον, καὶ εὗρον οὕτως καθὼς αἱ γυναῖκες εἶπον, αὐτὸν δὲ οὐκ εἶδον. 24.25. καὶ αὐτὸς εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Ὦ ἀνόητοι καὶ βραδεῖς τῇ καρδίᾳ τοῦ πιστεύειν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν οἷς ἐλάλησαν οἱ προφῆται· 24.26. οὐχὶ ταῦτα ἔδει παθεῖν τὸν χριστὸν καὶ εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ; 24.27. καὶ ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ Μωυσέως καὶ ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν προφητῶν διερμήνευσεν αὐτοῖς ἐν πάσαις ταῖς γραφαῖς τὰ περὶ ἑαυτοῦ. 24.28. Καὶ ἤγγισαν εἰς τὴν κώμην οὗ ἐπορεύοντο, καὶ αὐτὸς προσεποιήσατο πορρώτερον πορεύεσθαι. 24.29. καὶ παρεβιάσαντο αὐτὸν λέγοντες Μεῖνον μεθʼ ἡμῶν, ὅτι πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἐστὶν καὶ κέκλικεν ἤδη ἡ ἡμέρα. καὶ εἰσῆλθεν τοῦ μεῖναι σὺν αὐτοῖς. 24.30. Καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ κατακλιθῆναι αὐτὸν μετʼ αὐτῶν λαβὼν τὸν ἄρτον εὐλόγησεν καὶ κλάσας ἐπεδίδου αὐτοῖς· 24.31. αὐτῶν δὲ διηνοίχθησαν οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ καὶ ἐπέγνωσαν αὐτόν· καὶ αὐτὸς ἄφαντος ἐγένετο ἀπʼ αὐτῶν. 24.32. καὶ εἶπαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους Οὐχὶ ἡ καρδία ἡμῶν καιομένη ἦν ὡς ἐλάλει ἡμῖν ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ, ὡς διήνοιγεν ἡμῖν τὰς γραφάς; 24.33. Καὶ ἀναστάντες αὐτῇ τῇ ὥρᾳ ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ, καὶ εὗρον ἠθροισμένους τοὺς ἕνδεκα καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτοῖς, 24.34. λέγοντας ὅτι ὄντως ἠγέρθη ὁ κύριος καὶ ὤφθη Σίμωνι. 24.35. καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐξηγοῦντο τὰ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ καὶ ὡς ἐγνώσθη αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ κλάσει τοῦ ἄρτου. | 1.41. It happened, when Elizabeth heard Mary's greeting, that the baby leaped in her womb, and Elizabeth was filled with the Holy Spirit. 1.42. She called out with a loud voice, and said, "Blessed are you among women, and blessed is the fruit of your womb! 1.43. Why am I so favored, that the mother of my Lord should come to me? 1.44. For behold, when the voice of your greeting came into my ears, the baby leaped in my womb for joy! 1.45. Blessed is she who believed, for there will be a fulfillment of the things which have been spoken to her from the Lord!" 3.21. Now it happened, when all the people were baptized, Jesus also had been baptized, and was praying. The sky was opened, 5.18. Behold, men brought a paralyzed man on a cot, and they sought to bring him in to lay before Jesus. 5.19. Not finding a way to bring him in because of the multitude, they went up to the housetop, and let him down through the tiles with his cot into the midst before Jesus. 5.20. Seeing their faith, he said to him, "Man, your sins are forgiven you." 5.21. The scribes and the Pharisees began to reason, saying, "Who is this that speaks blasphemies? Who can forgive sins, but God alone?" 5.22. But Jesus, perceiving their thoughts, answered them, "Why are you reasoning so in your hearts? 5.23. Which is easier to say, 'Your sins are forgiven you;' or to say, 'Arise and walk?' 5.24. But that you may know that the Son of Man has authority on earth to forgive sins" (he said to the paralyzed man), "I tell you, arise, and take up your cot, and go to your house." 5.25. Immediately he rose up before them, and took up that which he was laying on, and departed to his house, glorifying God. 8.40. It happened, when Jesus returned, that the multitude welcomed him, for they were all waiting for him. 8.41. Behold, there came a man named Jairus, and he was a ruler of the synagogue. He fell down at Jesus' feet, and begged him to come into his house, 8.42. for he had an only daughter, about twelve years of age, and she was dying. But as he went, the multitudes thronged him. 8.43. A woman who had a flow of blood for twelve years, who had spent all her living on physicians, and could not be healed by any, 8.44. came behind him, and touched the fringe of his cloak, and immediately the flow of her blood stopped. 8.45. Jesus said, "Who touched me?"When all denied it, Peter and those with him said, "Master, the multitudes press and jostle you, and you say, 'Who touched me?'" 8.46. But Jesus said, "Someone did touch me, for I perceived that power has gone out of me." 8.47. When the woman saw that she was not hidden, she came trembling, and falling down before him declared to him in the presence of all the people the reason why she had touched him, and how she was healed immediately. 8.48. He said to her, "Daughter, cheer up. Your faith has made you well. Go in peace." 8.49. While he still spoke, one from the ruler of the synagogue's house came, saying to him, "Your daughter is dead. Don't trouble the Teacher." 8.50. But Jesus hearing it, answered him, "Don't be afraid. Only believe, and she will be healed." 8.51. When he came to the house, he didn't allow anyone to enter in, except Peter, John, James, the father of the girl, and her mother. 8.52. All were weeping and mourning her, but he said, "Don't weep. She isn't dead, but sleeping." 8.53. They laughed him to scorn, knowing that she was dead. 8.54. But he put them all outside, and taking her by the hand, he called, saying, "Little girl, arise!" 8.55. Her spirit returned, and she rose up immediately. He commanded that something be given to her to eat. 8.56. Her parents were amazed, but he charged them to tell no one what had been done. 11.1. It happened, that when he finished praying in a certain place, one of his disciples said to him, "Lord, teach us to pray, just as John also taught his disciples." 11.5. He said to them, "Which of you, if you go to a friend at midnight, and tell him, 'Friend, lend me three loaves of bread, 11.6. for a friend of mine has come to me from a journey, and I have nothing to set before him,' 11.7. and he from within will answer and say, 'Don't bother me. The door is now shut, and my children are with me in bed. I can't get up and give it to you'? 11.8. I tell you, although he will not rise and give it to him because he is his friend, yet because of his persistence, he will get up and give him as many as he needs. 11.9. "I tell you, keep asking, and it will be given you. Keep seeking, and you will find. Keep knocking, and it will be opened to you. 11.10. For everyone who asks receives. He who seeks finds. To him who knocks it will be opened. 11.11. "Which of you fathers, if your son asks for bread, will give him a stone? Or if he asks for a fish, he won't give him a snake instead of a fish, will he? 11.12. Or if he asks for an egg, he won't give him a scorpion, will he? 11.13. If you then, being evil, know how to give good gifts to your children, how much more will your heavenly Father give the Holy Spirit to those who ask him?" 11.36. If therefore your whole body is full of light, having no part dark, it will be wholly full of light, as when the lamp with its bright shining gives you light." 24.13. Behold, two of them were going that very day to a village named Emmaus, which was sixty stadia from Jerusalem. 24.14. They talked with each other about all of these things which had happened. 24.15. It happened, while they talked and questioned together, that Jesus himself came near, and went with them. 24.16. But their eyes were kept from recognizing him. 24.17. He said to them, "What are you talking about as you walk, and are sad?" 24.18. One of them, named Cleopas, answered him, "Are you the only stranger in Jerusalem who doesn't know the things which have happened there in these days?" 24.19. He said to them, "What things?"They said to him, "The things concerning Jesus, the Nazarene, who was a prophet mighty in deed and word before God and all the people; 24.20. and how the chief priests and our rulers delivered him up to be condemned to death, and crucified him. 24.21. But we were hoping that it was he who would redeem Israel. Yes, and besides all this, it is now the third day since these things happened. 24.22. Also, certain women of our company amazed us, having arrived early at the tomb; 24.23. and when they didn't find his body, they came saying that they had also seen a vision of angels, who said that he was alive. 24.24. Some of us went to the tomb, and found it just like the women had said, but they didn't see him." 24.25. He said to them, "Foolish men, and slow of heart to believe in all that the prophets have spoken! 24.26. Didn't the Christ have to suffer these things and to enter into his glory?" 24.27. Beginning from Moses and from all the prophets, he explained to them in all the Scriptures the things concerning himself. 24.28. They drew near to the village, where they were going, and he acted like he would go further. 24.29. They urged him, saying, "Stay with us, for it is almost evening, and the day is almost over."He went in to stay with them. 24.30. It happened, that when he had sat down at the table with them, he took the bread and gave thanks. Breaking it, he gave to them. 24.31. Their eyes were opened, and they recognized him, and he vanished out of their sight. 24.32. They said one to another, "Weren't our hearts burning within us, while he spoke to us along the way, and while he opened the Scriptures to us?" 24.33. Rising rose up that very hour, they returned to Jerusalem, and found the eleven gathered together, and those who were with them, 24.34. saying, "The Lord is risen indeed, and has appeared to Simon!" 24.35. They related the things that happened along the way, and how he was recognized by them in the breaking of the bread. |
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114. New Testament, John, 8.56-8.57, 11.43, 20.11-20.18, 20.26-20.29, 21.9-21.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 47, 77, 200| 8.56. Ἀβραὰμ ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ἠγαλλιάσατο ἵνα ἴδῃ τὴν ἡμέραν τὴν ἐμήν, καὶ εἶδεν καὶ ἐχάρη. 8.57. εἶπαν οὖν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι πρὸς αὐτόν Πεντήκοντα ἔτη οὔπω ἔχεις καὶ Ἀβραὰμ ἑώρακας; 11.43. καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ ἐκραύγασεν Λάζαρε, δεῦρο ἔξω. 20.11. Μαρία δὲ ἱστήκει πρὸς τῷ μνημείῳ ἔξω κλαίουσα. ὡς οὖν ἔκλαιεν παρέκυψεν εἰς τὸ μνημεῖον, 20.12. καὶ θεωρεῖ δύο ἀγγέλους ἐν λευκοῖς καθεζομένους, ἕνα πρὸς τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ ἕνα πρὸς τοῖς ποσίν, ὅπου ἔκειτο τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Ἰησοῦ. 20.13. καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῇ ἐκεῖνοι Γύναι, τί κλαίεις; λέγει αὐτοῖς ὅτι Ἦραν τὸν κύριόν μου, καὶ οὐκ οἶδα ποῦ ἔθηκαν αὐτόν. 20.14. ταῦτα εἰποῦσα ἐστράφη εἰς τὰ ὀπίσω, καὶ θεωρεῖ τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἑστῶτα, καὶ οὐκ ᾔδει ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ἐστίν. 20.15. λέγει αὐτῇ Ἰησοῦς Γύναι, τί κλαίεις; τίνα ζητεῖς; ἐκείνη δοκοῦσα ὅτι ὁ κηπουρός ἐστιν λέγει αὐτῷ Κύριε, εἰ σὺ ἐβάστασας αὐτόν, εἰπέ μοι ποῦ ἔθηκας αὐτόν, κἀγὼ αὐτὸν ἀρῶ. 20.16. λέγει αὐτῇ Ἰησοῦς Μαριάμ. στραφεῖσα ἐκείνη λέγει αὐτῷ Ἐβραϊστί Ῥαββουνεί ?̔ὃ λέγεται Διδάσκαλἐ. 20.17. λέγει αὐτῇ Ἰησοῦς Μή μου ἅπτου, οὔπω γὰρ ἀναβέβηκα πρὸς τὸν πατέρα· πορεύου δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφούς μου καὶ εἰπὲ αὐτοῖς Ἀναβαίνω πρὸς τὸν πατέρα μου καὶ πατέρα ὑμῶν καὶ θεόν μου καὶ θεὸν ὑμῶν. 20.18. ἔρχεται Μαριὰμ ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ ἀγγέλλουσα τοῖς μαθηταῖς ὅτι Ἑώρακα τὸν κύριον καὶ ταῦτα εἶπεν αὐτῇ. 20.26. Καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ πάλιν ἦσαν ἔσω οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ Θωμᾶς μετʼ αὐτῶν. ἔρχεται ὁ Ἰησοῦς τῶν θυρῶν κεκλεισμένων, καὶ ἔστη εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ εἶπεν Εἰρήνη ὑμῖν. 20.27. εἶτα λέγει τῷ Θωμᾷ Φέρε τὸν δάκτυλόν σου ὧδε καὶ ἴδε τὰς χεῖράς μου, καὶ φέρε τὴν χεῖρά σου καὶ βάλε εἰς τὴν πλευράν μου, καὶ μὴ γίνου ἄπιστος ἀλλὰ πιστός. 20.28. ἀπεκρίθη Θωμᾶς καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ὁ κύριός μου καὶ ὁ θεός μου. 20.29. λέγει αὐτῷ [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς Ὅτι ἑώρακάς με πεπίστευκας; μακάριοι οἱ μὴ ἰδόντες καὶ πιστεύσαντες. 21.9. Ὡς οὖν ἀπέβησαν εἰς τὴν γῆν βλέπουσιν ἀνθρακιὰν κειμένην καὶ ὀψάριον ἐπικείμενον καὶ ἄρτον. 21.10. λέγει αὐτοῖς [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς Ἐνέγκατε ἀπὸ τῶν ὀψαρίων ὧν ἐπιάσατε νῦν. 21.11. ἀνέβη οὖν Σίμων Πέτρος καὶ εἵλκυσεν τὸ δίκτυον εἰς τὴν γῆν μεστὸν ἰχθύων μεγάλων ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα τριῶν· καὶ τοσούτων ὄντων οὐκ ἐσχίσθη τὸ δίκτυον. 21.12. λέγει αὐτοῖς [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς Δεῦτε ἀριστήσατε. οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμα τῶν μαθητῶν ἐξετάσαι αὐτόν Σὺ τίς εἶ; εἰδότες ὅτι ὁ κύριός ἐστιν. 21.13. ἔρχεται Ἰησοῦς καὶ λαμβάνει τὸν ἄρτον καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ ὀψάριον ὁμοίως. 21.14. Τοῦτο ἤδη τρίτον ἐφανερώθη Ἰησοῦς τοῖς μαθηταῖς ἐγερθεὶς ἐκ νεκρῶν. | 8.56. Your father Abraham rejoiced to see my day. He saw it, and was glad." 8.57. The Jews therefore said to him, "You are not yet fifty years old, and have you seen Abraham?" 11.43. When he had said this, he cried with a loud voice, "Lazarus, come out!" 20.11. But Mary was standing outside at the tomb weeping. So, as she wept, she stooped and looked into the tomb, 20.12. and she saw two angels in white sitting, one at the head, and one at the feet, where the body of Jesus had lain. 20.13. They told her, "Woman, why are you weeping?"She said to them, "Because they have taken away my Lord, and I don't know where they have laid him." 20.14. When she had said this, she turned around and saw Jesus standing, and didn't know that it was Jesus. 20.15. Jesus said to her, "Woman, why are you weeping? Who are you looking for?"She, supposing him to be the gardener, said to him, "Sir, if you have carried him away, tell me where you have laid him, and I will take him away." 20.16. Jesus said to her, "Mary."She turned and said to him, "Rhabbouni!" which is to say, "Teacher!" 20.17. Jesus said to her, "Don't touch me, for I haven't yet ascended to my Father; but go to my brothers, and tell them, 'I am ascending to my Father and your Father, to my God and your God.'" 20.18. Mary Magdalene came and told the disciples that she had seen the Lord, and that he had said these things to her. 20.26. After eight days again his disciples were inside, and Thomas was with them. Jesus came, the doors being locked, and stood in the midst, and said, "Peace be to you." 20.27. Then he said to Thomas, "Reach here your finger, and see my hands. Reach here your hand, and put it into my side. Don't be unbelieving, but believing." 20.28. Thomas answered him, "My Lord and my God!" 20.29. Jesus said to him, "Because you have seen me, you have believed. Blessed are those who have not seen, and have believed." 21.9. So when they got out on the land, they saw a fire of coals there, and fish laid on it, and bread. 21.10. Jesus said to them, "Bring some of the fish which you have just caught." 21.11. Simon Peter went up, and drew the net to land, full of great fish, one hundred fifty-three; and even though there were so many, the net wasn't torn. 21.12. Jesus said to them, "Come and eat breakfast."None of the disciples dared inquire of him, "Who are you?" knowing that it was the Lord. 21.13. Then Jesus came and took the bread, gave it to them, and the fish likewise. 21.14. This is now the third time that Jesus was revealed to his disciples, after he had risen from the dead. |
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115. New Testament, Romans, 6.1-6.11, 7.22-7.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 192, 201| 6.1. Τί οὖν ἐροῦμεν; ἐπιμένωμεν τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ, ἵνα ἡ χάρις πλεονάσῃ; 6.2. μὴ γένοιτο· οἵτινες ἀπεθάνομεν τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ, πῶς ἔτι ζήσομεν ἐν αὐτῇ; 6.3. ἢ ἀγνοεῖτε ὅτι ὅσοι ἐβαπτίσθημεν εἰς Χριστὸν [Ἰησοῦν] εἰς τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ ἐβαπτίσθημεν; 6.4. συνετάφημεν οὖν αὐτῷ διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος εἰς τὸν θάνατον, ἵνα ὥσπερ ἠγέρθη Χριστὸς ἐκ νεκρῶν διὰ τῆς δόξης τοῦ πατρός, οὕτως καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς περιπατήσωμεν. 6.5. εἰ γὰρ σύμφυτοι γεγόναμεν τῷ ὁμοιώματι τοῦ θανάτου αὐτοῦ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεως ἐσόμεθα· 6.6. τοῦτο γινώσκοντες ὅτι ὁ παλαιὸς ἡμῶν ἄνθρωπος συνεσταυρώθη, ἵνα καταργηθῇ τὸ σῶμα τῆς ἁμαρτίας, τοῦ μηκέτι δουλεύειν ἡμᾶς τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ, 6.7. ὁ γὰρ ἀποθανὼν δεδικαίωται ἀπὸ τῆς ἁμαρτίας. 6.8. εἰ δὲ ἀπεθάνομεν σὺν Χριστῷ, πιστεύομεν ὅτι καὶ συνζήσομεν αὐτῷ· 6.9. εἰδότες ὅτι Χριστὸς ἐγερθεὶς ἐκ νεκρῶν οὐκέτι ἀποθνήσκει, θάνατος αὐτοῦ οὐκέτι κυριεύει· 6.10. ὃ γὰρ ἀπέθανεν, τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ ἀπέθανεν ἐφάπαξ· 6.11. ὃ δὲ ζῇ, ζῇ τῷ θεῷ. οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς λογίζεσθε ἑαυτοὺς εἶναι νεκροὺς μὲν τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ ζῶντας δὲ τῷ θεῷ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ. 7.22. συνήδομαι γὰρ τῷ νόμῳ τοῦ θεοῦ κατὰ τὸν ἔσω ἄνθρωπον, 7.23. βλέπω δὲ ἕτερον νόμον ἐν τοῖς μέλεσίν μου ἀντιστρατευόμενον τῷ νόμῳ τοῦ νοός μου καὶ αἰχμαλωτίζοντά με [ἐν] τῷ νόμῳ τῆς ἁμαρτίας τῷ ὄντι ἐν τοῖς μέλεσίν μου. | 6.1. What shall we say then? Shall we continue in sin, that grace may abound? 6.2. May it never be! We who died to sin, how could we live in it any longer? 6.3. Or don't you know that all we who were baptized into Christ Jesus were baptized into his death? 6.4. We were buried therefore with him through baptism to death, that just like Christ was raised from the dead through the glory of the Father, so we also might walk in newness of life. 6.5. For if we have become united with him in the likeness of his death, we will also be part of his resurrection; 6.6. knowing this, that our old man was crucified with him, that the body of sin might be done away with, so that we would no longer be in bondage to sin. 6.7. For he who has died has been freed from sin. 6.8. But if we died with Christ, we believe that we will also live with him; 6.9. knowing that Christ, being raised from the dead, dies no more. Death no more has dominion over him! 6.10. For the death that he died, he died to sin one time; but the life that he lives, he lives to God. 6.11. Thus also consider yourselves also to be dead to sin, but alive to God in Christ Jesus our Lord. 7.22. For I delight in God's law after the inward man, 7.23. but I see a different law in my members, warring against the law of my mind, and bringing me into captivity under the law of sin which is in my members. |
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116. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 4.16, 4.16-5.4, 5.1, 5.2, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 192| 5.1. οἴδαμεν γὰρ ὅτι ἐὰν ἡ ἐπίγειος ἡμῶν οἰκία τοῦ σκήνους καταλυθῇ, οἰκοδομὴν ἐκ θεοῦ ἔχομεν οἰκίαν ἀχειροποίητον αἰώνιον ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς. | |
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117. Tosefta, Oholot, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 256| 4.2. "אמר ר' יהודה ששה דברים היה ר\"ע מטמא וחזר בו. מעשה שהביאו קופות של עצמות מכפר טביא והניחום באויר ביהכ\"נ בלוד ונכנס תיאודריס הרופא וכל הרופאין עמו ואמרו אין כאן שדרה ממת אחד ולא גולגולת ממת אחד אמרו הואיל ויש כן מטמאים ויש כן מטהרין נעמוד למנין התחילו מר\"ע וטיהר אמרו לו הואיל ואתה שהיתה מטמא טהרת יהו טהורין אמר ר\"ש ועד יום מיתתו של ר\"ע היה מטמא ואם משמת חזר בו איני יודע.", | |
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118. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.32, 1.148, 2.129, 6.98 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 235; Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 244 | 1.32. who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. 1.148. 4. Now, here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; 2.129. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, 6.98. At these words of his a great sadness and silence were observed among the people. But the tyrant himself cast many reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations besides; and at last added this withal, that he did never fear the taking of the city, because it was God’s own city. |
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| 119. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 28.5.25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, practices Found in books: Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 272 |
120. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.9.1, 2.2.2, 2.5.1, 2.8.1-2.8.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, scapegoat rituals •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 464; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 127; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137, 139, 141| 1.9.1. τῶν δὲ Αἰόλου παίδων Ἀθάμας, Βοιωτίας δυναστεύων, ἐκ Νεφέλης τεκνοῖ παῖδα μὲν Φρίξον θυγατέρα δὲ Ἕλλην. αὖθις δὲ Ἰνὼ γαμεῖ, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ Λέαρχος καὶ Μελικέρτης ἐγένοντο. ἐπιβουλεύουσα δὲ Ἰνὼ τοῖς Νεφέλης τέκνοις ἔπεισε τὰς γυναῖκας τὸν πυρὸν φρύγειν. λαμβάνουσαι δὲ κρύφα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοῦτο ἔπρασσον. γῆ δὲ πεφρυγμένους πυροὺς δεχομένη καρποὺς ἐτησίους οὐκ ἀνεδίδου. διὸ πέμπων ὁ Ἀθάμας εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀπαλλαγὴν ἐπυνθάνετο τῆς ἀφορίας. Ἰνὼ δὲ τοὺς πεμφθέντας ἀνέπεισε λέγειν ὡς εἴη κεχρησμένον παύσεσθαι 1 -- τὴν ἀκαρπίαν, ἐὰν σφαγῇ Διὶ ὁ Φρίξος. τοῦτο ἀκούσας Ἀθάμας, συναναγκαζόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν τὴν γῆν κατοικούντων, τῷ βωμῷ παρέστησε Φρίξον. Νεφέλη δὲ μετὰ τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνήρπασε, καὶ παρʼ Ἑρμοῦ λαβοῦσα χρυσόμαλλον κριὸν ἔδωκεν, ὑφʼ 2 -- οὗ φερόμενοι διʼ οὐρανοῦ γῆν ὑπερέβησαν καὶ θάλασσαν. ὡς δὲ ἐγένοντο κατὰ τὴν μεταξὺ κειμένην θάλασσαν Σιγείου καὶ Χερρονήσου, ὤλισθεν εἰς τὸν βυθὸν ἡ Ἕλλη, κἀκεῖ θανούσης αὐτῆς ἀπʼ ἐκείνης Ἑλλήσποντος ἐκλήθη τὸ πέλαγος. Φρίξος δὲ ἦλθεν εἰς Κόλχους, ὧν Αἰήτης ἐβασίλευε παῖς Ἡλίου καὶ Περσηίδος, ἀδελφὸς δὲ Κίρκης καὶ Πασιφάης, ἣν Μίνως ἔγημεν. οὗτος αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται, καὶ μίαν τῶν θυγατέρων Χαλκιόπην δίδωσιν. ὁ δὲ τὸν χρυσόμαλλον κριὸν Διὶ θύει φυξίῳ, τὸ δὲ τούτου δέρας Αἰήτῃ δίδωσιν· ἐκεῖνος δὲ αὐτὸ περὶ δρῦν ἐν Ἄρεος ἄλσει καθήλωσεν. ἐγένοντο δὲ ἐκ Χαλκιόπης Φρίξῳ παῖδες Ἄργος Μέλας Φρόντις Κυτίσωρος. 2.2.2. καὶ γίνεται Ἀκρισίῳ μὲν ἐξ Εὐρυδίκης τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Δανάη, Προίτῳ δὲ ἐκ Σθενεβοίας Λυσίππη καὶ Ἰφινόη καὶ Ἰφιάνασσα. αὗται δὲ ὡς ἐτελειώθησαν, ἐμάνησαν, ὡς μὲν Ἡσίοδός φησιν, ὅτι τὰς Διονύσου τελετὰς οὐ κατεδέχοντο, ὡς δὲ Ἀκουσίλαος λέγει, διότι τὸ τῆς Ἥρας ξόανον ἐξηυτέλισαν. γενόμεναι δὲ ἐμμανεῖς ἐπλανῶντο ἀνὰ τὴν Ἀργείαν ἅπασαν, αὖθις δὲ τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν καὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον 1 -- διελθοῦσαι μετʼ ἀκοσμίας ἁπάσης διὰ τῆς ἐρημίας ἐτρόχαζον. Μελάμπους δὲ ὁ Ἀμυθάονος καὶ Εἰδομένης τῆς Ἄβαντος, μάντις ὢν καὶ τὴν διὰ φαρμάκων καὶ καθαρμῶν θεραπείαν πρῶτος εὑρηκώς, ὑπισχνεῖται θεραπεύειν τὰς παρθένους, εἰ λάβοι τὸ τρίτον μέρος τῆς δυναστείας. οὐκ ἐπιτρέποντος δὲ Προίτου θεραπεύειν ἐπὶ μισθοῖς τηλικούτοις, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμαίνοντο αἱ παρθένοι καὶ προσέτι μετὰ τούτων αἱ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες· καὶ γὰρ αὗται τὰς οἰκίας ἀπολιποῦσαι τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπώλλυον παῖδας καὶ εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ἐφοίτων. προβαινούσης δὲ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῆς συμφορᾶς, τοὺς αἰτηθέντας μισθοὺς ὁ Προῖτος ἐδίδου. ὁ δὲ ὑπέσχετο θεραπεύειν ὅταν ἕτερον τοσοῦτον τῆς γῆς ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ λάβῃ Βίας. Προῖτος δὲ εὐλαβηθεὶς μὴ βραδυνούσης τῆς θεραπείας αἰτηθείη καὶ πλεῖον, θεραπεύειν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ τούτοις. Μελάμπους δὲ παραλαβὼν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους τῶν νεανιῶν μετʼ ἀλαλαγμοῦ καί τινος ἐνθέου χορείας ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν αὐτὰς εἰς Σικυῶνα συνεδίωξε. κατὰ δὲ τὸν διωγμὸν ἡ πρεσβυτάτη τῶν θυγατέρων Ἰφινόη μετήλλαξεν· ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς τυχούσαις καθαρμῶν σωφρονῆσαι συνέβη. καὶ ταύτας μὲν ἐξέδοτο Προῖτος Μελάμποδι καὶ Βίαντι, παῖδα δʼ ὕστερον ἐγέννησε Μεγαπένθην. 2.5.1. τοῦτο ἀκούσας ὁ Ἡρακλῆς εἰς Τίρυνθα ἦλθε, καὶ τὸ προσταττόμενον ὑπὸ Εὐρυσθέως ἐτέλει. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ τοῦ Νεμέου λέοντος τὴν δορὰν κομίζειν· τοῦτο δὲ ζῷον ἦν ἄτρωτον, ἐκ Τυφῶνος γεγεννημένον. 2 -- πορευόμενος οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν λέοντα ἦλθεν εἰς Κλεωνάς, καὶ ξενίζεται παρὰ ἀνδρὶ χερνήτῃ Μολόρχῳ. καὶ θύειν ἱερεῖον θέλοντι εἰς ἡμέραν ἔφη τηρεῖν τριακοστήν, καὶ ἂν μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς θήρας σῶος ἐπανέλθῃ, Διὶ σωτῆρι θύειν, ἐὰν δὲ ἀποθάνῃ, τότε ὡς 3 -- ἥρωι ἐναγίζειν. εἰς δὲ τὴν Νεμέαν ἀφικόμενος καὶ τὸν λέοντα μαστεύσας ἐτόξευσε τὸ πρῶτον· ὡς δὲ ἔμαθεν ἄτρωτον ὄντα, ἀνατεινάμενος τὸ ῥόπαλον ἐδίωκε. συμφυγόντος δὲ εἰς ἀμφίστομον 1 -- σπήλαιον αὐτοῦ τὴν ἑτέραν ἐνῳκοδόμησεν 2 -- εἴσοδον, διὰ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας ἐπεισῆλθε τῷ θηρίῳ, καὶ περιθεὶς τὴν χεῖρα τῷ τραχήλῳ κατέσχεν ἄγχων ἕως ἔπνιξε, καὶ θέμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων ἐκόμιζεν εἰς Κλεωνάς. 3 -- καταλαβὼν δὲ τὸν Μόλορχον ἐν τῇ τελευταίᾳ τῶν ἡμερῶν ὡς νεκρῷ μέλλοντα τὸ ἱερεῖον ἐναγίζειν, σωτῆρι θύσας Διὶ ἦγεν εἰς Μυκήνας τὸν λέοντα. Εὐρυσθεὺς δὲ καταπλαγεὶς 4 -- αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀνδρείαν ἀπεῖπε τὸ λοιπὸν 5 -- αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσιέναι, δεικνύειν δὲ πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐκέλευε τοὺς ἄθλους. φασὶ δὲ ὅτι δείσας καὶ πίθον ἑαυτῷ χαλκοῦν εἰσκρυβῆναι ὑπὸ γῆν 6 -- κατεσκεύασε, καὶ πέμπων κήρυκα Κοπρέα Πέλοπος τοῦ Ἠλείου ἐπέταττε τοὺς ἄθλους. οὗτος δὲ Ἴφιτον κτείνας, φυγὼν εἰς Μυκήνας καὶ τυχὼν παρʼ Εὐρυσθέως καθαρσίων ἐκεῖ κατῴκει. 2.8.1. μεταστάντος δὲ Ἡρακλέους εἰς θεοὺς οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ φυγόντες Εὐρυσθέα πρὸς Κήυκα παρεγένοντο. ὡς δὲ ἐκείνους ἐκδιδόναι λέγοντος Εὐρυσθέως καὶ πόλεμον ἀπειλοῦντος ἐδεδοίκεσαν, Τραχῖνα καταλιπόντες διὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἔφυγον. διωκόμενοι δὲ ἦλθον εἰς Ἀθήνας, καὶ καθεσθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν ἐλέου βωμὸν ἠξίουν βοηθεῖσθαι. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἐκδιδόντες αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸν Εὐρυσθέα πόλεμον ὑπέστησαν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν παῖδας αὐτοῦ Ἀλέξανδρον Ἰφιμέδοντα Εὐρύβιον Μέντορα Περιμήδην ἀπέκτειναν· αὐτὸν δὲ Εὐρυσθέα φεύγοντα ἐφʼ ἅρματος καὶ πέτρας ἤδη παριππεύοντα Σκειρωνίδας 1 -- κτείνει διώξας Ὕλλος, καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμὼν Ἀλκμήνῃ δίδωσιν· ἡ δὲ κερκίσι τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξώρυξεν αὐτοῦ. 2.8.2. ἀπολομένου δὲ Εὐρυσθέως ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον ἦλθον οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι, καὶ πάσας εἷλον τὰς πόλεις. ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ καθόδῳ διαγενομένου φθορὰ 1 -- πᾶσαν Πελοπόννησον κατέσχε, καὶ ταύτην γενέσθαι χρησμὸς διὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἐδήλου· πρὸ γὰρ τοῦ δέοντος αὐτοὺς κατελθεῖν. ὅθεν ἀπολιπόντες Πελοπόννησον ἀνεχώρησαν 2 -- εἰς Μαραθῶνα κἀκεῖ κατῴκουν. Τληπόλεμος οὖν κτείνας οὐχ ἑκὼν Λικύμνιον (τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γὰρ αὐτοῦ θεράποντα 3 -- πλήσσοντος ὑπέδραμε) πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς 4 -- ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, φεύγων μετʼ οὐκ ὀλίγων ἧκεν εἰς Ῥόδον, κἀκεῖ κατῴκει. Ὕλλος δὲ τὴν μὲν Ἰόλην κατὰ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐντολὰς 5 -- ἔγημε, τὴν δὲ κάθοδον ἐζήτει τοῖς Ἡρακλείδαις κατεργάσασθαι. διὸ παραγενόμενος εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπυνθάνετο πῶς ἂν κατέλθοιεν. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἔφησε 6 -- περιμείναντας τὸν τρίτον καρπὸν κατέρχεσθαι. νομίσας δὲ Ὕλλος τρίτον καρπὸν λέγεσθαι τὴν τριετίαν, τοσοῦτον περιμείνας χρόνον σὺν τῷ στρατῷ κατῄει τοῦ Ἡρακλέους 7 -- ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον, Τισαμενοῦ τοῦ Ὀρέστου βασιλεύοντος Πελοποννησίων. καὶ γενομένης πάλιν μάχης νικῶσι Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ Ἀριστόμαχος θνήσκει. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἠνδρώθησαν οἱ Κλεοδαίου 1 -- παῖδες, ἐχρῶντο περὶ καθόδου. τοῦ θεοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος ὅ τι καὶ τὸ πρότερον, Τήμενος ᾐτιᾶτο λέγων τούτῳ πεισθέντας 2 -- ἀτυχῆσαι. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀνεῖλε τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὐτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι· τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς οὐ συμβάλλειν. λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς ἀλλὰ γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον, καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξιὰν κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν θάλασσαν. 3 -- ταῦτα Τήμενος ἀκούσας ἡτοίμαζε τὸν στρατόν, καὶ ναῦς ἐπήξατο 1 -- τῆς Λοκρίδος ἔνθα νῦν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου ὁ τόπος Ναύπακτος λέγεται. ἐκεῖ δʼ ὄντος τοῦ στρατεύματος Ἀριστόδημος κεραυνωθεὶς ἀπέθανε, παῖδας καταλιπὼν ἐξ Ἀργείας τῆς Αὐτεσίωνος διδύμους, Εὐρυσθένη καὶ Προκλέα. 2.8.3. συνέβη δὲ καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ συμφορᾷ περιπεσεῖν. ἐφάνη γὰρ αὐτοῖς μάντις χρησμοὺς λέγων καὶ ἐνθεάζων, ὃν ἐνόμισαν μάγον εἶναι ἐπὶ λύμῃ τοῦ στρατοῦ πρὸς Πελοποννησίων ἀπεσταλμένον. τοῦτον βαλὼν ἀκοντίῳ Ἱππότης ὁ Φύλαντος τοῦ Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τυχὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. οὕτως δὲ γενομένου τούτου τὸ μὲν ναυτικὸν διαφθαρεισῶν τῶν νεῶν ἀπώλετο, τὸ δὲ πεζὸν ἠτύχησε λιμῷ, καὶ διελύθη τὸ στράτευμα. χρωμένου δὲ περὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς Τημένου, καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τοῦ μάντεως γενέσθαι ταῦτα λέγοντος, καὶ κελεύοντος φυγαδεῦσαι δέκα ἔτη τὸν ἀνελόντα καὶ χρήσασθαι ἡγεμόνι τῷ τριοφθάλμῳ, τὸν μὲν Ἱππότην ἐφυγάδευσαν, τὸν δὲ τριόφθαλμον ἐζήτουν. καὶ περιτυγχάνουσιν Ὀξύλῳ τῷ Ἀνδραίμονος, ἐφʼ ἵππου καθημένῳ 1 -- μονοφθάλμου 2 -- (τὸν γὰρ ἕτερον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐκκέκοπτο 3 -- τόξῳ). ἐπὶ φόνῳ γὰρ οὗτος φυγὼν εἰς Ἦλιν, ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Αἰτωλίαν ἐνιαυτοῦ διελθόντος ἐπανήρχετο. συμβαλόντες οὖν τὸν χρησμόν, τοῦτον ἡγεμόνα ποιοῦνται. καὶ συμβαλόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ τῷ πεζῷ καὶ τῷ ναυτικῷ προτεροῦσι στρατῷ, καὶ Τισαμενὸν κτείνουσι τὸν Ὀρέστου. θνήσκουσι δὲ συμμαχοῦντες αὐτοῖς οἱ Αἰγιμίου παῖδες, Πάμφυλος καὶ Δύμας. 2.8.4. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐκράτησαν Πελοποννήσου, τρεῖς ἱδρύσαντο βωμοὺς πατρῴου Διός, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων ἔθυσαν, καὶ ἐκληροῦντο τὰς πόλεις. πρώτη μὲν οὖν λῆξις Ἄργος, δευτέρα δὲ Λακεδαίμων, τρίτη δὲ Μεσσήνη. κομισάντων δὲ ὑδρίαν ὕδατος, ἔδοξε ψῆφον βαλεῖν ἕκαστον. Τήμενος οὖν καὶ οἱ Ἀριστοδήμου παῖδες Προκλῆς καὶ Εὐρυσθένης ἔβαλον λίθους, Κρεσφόντης δὲ βουλόμενος Μεσσήνην λαχεῖν γῆς ἐνέβαλε βῶλον. ταύτης δὲ διαλυθείσης ἔδει τοὺς δύο κλήρους ἀναφανῆναι. ἑλκυσθείσης δὲ πρώτης 4 -- μὲν τῆς Τημένου, δευτέρας δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀριστοδήμου παίδων, Μεσσήνην ἔλαβε 1 -- Κρεσφόντης. 2.8.5. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς βωμοῖς οἷς ἔθυσαν εὗρον σημεῖα κείμενα οἱ μὲν λαχόντες Ἄργος φρῦνον, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαίμονα 2 -- δράκοντα, οἱ δὲ Μεσσήνην ἀλώπεκα. περὶ δὲ τῶν σημείων ἔλεγον οἱ μάντεις, τοῖς μὲν τὸν φρῦνον καταλαβοῦσιν 3 -- ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως μένειν ἄμεινον (μὴ γὰρ ἔχειν ἀλκὴν πορευόμενον τὸ θηρίον), τοὺς δὲ δράκοντα καταλαβόντας δεινοὺς ἐπιόντας ἔλεγον ἔσεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ τὴν ἀλώπεκα δολίους. Τήμενος μὲν οὖν παραπεμπόμενος τοὺς παῖδας Ἀγέλαον καὶ Εὐρύπυλον καὶ Καλλίαν, τῇ θυγατρὶ προσανεῖχεν Ὑρνηθοῖ καὶ τῷ ταύτης ἀνδρὶ Δηιφόντῃ. ὅθεν οἱ παῖδες πείθουσί τινας 4 -- ἐπὶ μισθῷ τὸν πατέρα αὐτῶν φονεῦσαι. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ φόνου τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ στρατὸς ἔχειν ἐδικαίωσεν Ὑρνηθὼ καὶ Δηιφόντην. 5 -- Κρεσφόντης δὲ οὐ πολὺν Μεσσήνης βασιλεύσας χρόνον μετὰ δύο παίδων φονευθεὶς ἀπέθανε. Πολυφόντης δὲ ἐβασίλευσεν, αὐτῶν 6 -- τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν ὑπάρχων, καὶ τὴν τοῦ φονευθέντος γυναῖκα Μερόπην ἄκουσαν ἔλαβεν. ἀνῃρέθη δὲ καὶ οὗτος. τρίτον γὰρ ἔχουσα παῖδα Μερόπη καλούμενον Αἴπυτον 1 -- ἔδωκε τῷ ἑαυτῆς πατρὶ τρέφειν. οὗτος ἀνδρωθεὶς καὶ κρύφα κατελθὼν ἔκτεινε Πολυφόντην καὶ τὴν πατρῴαν βασιλείαν ἀπέλαβεν. | |
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121. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 3.134, 14.214-14.216, 14.227, 14.235, 14.257-14.258, 14.260-14.261, 16.163-16.164, 16.167, 16.171, 18.345 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 251, 252, 253 | 3.134. 5. There was also an ark made, sacred to God, of wood that was naturally strong, and could not be corrupted. This was called Eron in our own language. 14.214. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; 14.215. for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. 14.216. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.” 14.227. I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 14.235. 17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.” 14.257. Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; 14.258. we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.” 14.260. and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. 14.261. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.” 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 16.167. 4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: “Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; 16.171. 6. “Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.” 18.345. upon which their most esteemed friends blamed him at first, that he did not act after the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one that transgressed the accurate appointments of their sacrifices and religious ceremonies; that he ought to consider, lest, by allowing himself in many pleasures of the body, he might lose his principality, on account of the beauty of a wife, and that high authority which, by God’s blessing, he had arrived at. |
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| 122. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, 22.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, scapegoat rituals Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 464 |
123. Plutarch, Theseus, 16.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138| 16.2. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ Βοττιαίων πολιτείᾳ δῆλός ἐστιν οὐ νομίζων ἀναιρεῖσθαι τοὺς παῖδας ὑπὸ τοῦ Μίνω, ἀλλὰ θητεύοντας ἐν τῇ Κρήτῃ καταγηράσκειν· καί ποτε Κρῆτας εὐχὴν παλαιὰν ἀποδιδόντας ἀνθρώπων ἀπαρχὴν εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀποστέλλειν, τοῖς δὲ πεμπομένοις ἀναμιχθέντας ἐκγόνους ἐκείνων συνεξελθεῖν· ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἦσαν ἱκανοὶ τρέφειν ἑαυτοὺς αὐτόθι, πρῶτον μὲν εἰς Ἰταλίαν διαπερᾶσαι κἀκεῖ κατοικεῖν περὶ τὴν Ἰαπυγίαν, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ αὖθις εἰς Θρᾴκην κομισθῆναι καὶ κληθῆναι Βοττιαίους· διὸ τὰς κόρας τῶν Βοττιαίων θυσίαν τινὰ τελούσας ἐπᾴδειν·ἴωμεν εἰς Ἀθήνας.ἔοικε γὰρ ὄντως χαλεπὸν εἶναι φωνὴν ἐχούσῃ πόλει καὶ μοῦσαν ἀπεχθάνεσθαι. | |
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124. Plutarch, Solon, 21.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 526| 21.5. ἐναγίζειν δὲ βοῦν οὐκ εἴασεν, οὐδὲ συντιθέναι πλέον ἱματίων τριῶν, οὐδʼ ἐπʼ ἀλλότρια μνήματα βαδίζειν χωρὶς ἐκκομιδῆς. ὧν τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τοῖς ἡμετέροις νόμοις ἀπηγόρευται· πρόσκειται δὲ τοῖς ἡμετέροις ζημιοῦσθαι τοὺς τὰ τοιαῦτα ποιοῦντας ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικονόμων, ὡς ἀνάνδροις καὶ γυναικώδεσι τοῖς περὶ τὰ πένθη πάθεσι καὶ ἁμαρτήμασιν ἐνεχομένους. | 21.5. The sacrifice of an ox at the grave was not permitted, nor the burial with the dead of more than three changes of raiment, nor the visiting of other tombs than those of their own family, except at the time of interment. Most of these practices are also forbidden by our laws, but ours contain the additional proviso that such offenders shall be punished by the board of censors for women, because they indulge in unmanly and effeminate extravagances of sorrow when they mourn |
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| 125. Plutarch, Greek Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 181 |
| 126. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 341 |
127. Plutarch, Philopoemen, 1.4, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practice Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 240, 249| 1.4. αὐτοί γε μὴν ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔργοις καὶ τὴν Φιλοποίμενος ἐποιοῦντο παίδευσιν, ὡς κοινὸν ὄφελος τῇ Ἑλλάδι τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ὑπὸ φιλοσοφίας ἀπεργασόμενοι. καὶ γὰρ ὥσπερ ὀψίγονον ἐν γήρᾳ ταῖς τῶν παλαιῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐπιτεκοῦσα τοῦτον ἀρεταῖς ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἠγάπησε διαφερόντως καὶ συνηύξησε τῇ δόξῃ τὴν δύναμιν. Ῥωμαίων δέ τις ἐπαινῶν ἔσχατον αὐτὸν Ἑλλήνων προσεῖπεν, ὡς οὐδένα μέγαν μετὰ τοῦτον ἔτι τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἄνδρα γειναμένης οὐδὲ αὑτῆς ἄξιον. 4.1. ἀπαλλαγεὶς δὲ διδασκάλων καὶ παιδαγωγῶν ἐν μὲν ταῖς πολιτικαῖς στρατείαις, ἃς ? ἐποιοῦντο κλωπείας ἕνεκα καὶ λεηλασίας εἰς τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἐμβάλλοντες, εἴθισεν αὑτὸν πρῶτον μὲν ἐκστρατευόντων, ὕστατον δὲ ἀπερχομένων βαδίζειν. σχολῆς δὲ οὔσης ἢ κυνηγῶν διεπόνει τὸ σῶμα καὶ κατεσκεύαζε κοῦφον ἅμα καὶ ῥωμαλέον, ἢ γεωργῶν. | 1.4. 4.1. |
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128. Plutarch, Pericles, 31.2-31.3, 38.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, gifts to the gods •women, role in religion and ritual practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 171, 248| 31.2. ἡ δὲ χειρίστη μὲν αἰτία πασῶν, ἔχουσα δὲ πλείστους μάρτυρας, οὕτω πως λέγεται. Φειδίας ὁ πλάστης ἐργολάβος μὲν ἦν τοῦ ἀγάλματος, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, φίλος δὲ τῷ Περικλεῖ γενόμενος καὶ μέγιστον παρʼ αὐτῷ δυνηθεὶς τοὺς μὲν διʼ αὑτὸν ἔσχεν ἐχθροὺς φθονούμενος, οἱ δὲ τοῦ δήμου ποιούμενοι πεῖραν ἐν ἐκείνῳ, ποῖός τις ἔσοιτο τῷ Περικλεῖ τῷ Περικλεῖ Fuhr and Blass, with F a S: Περικλεῖ . κριτής, Μένωνά τινα τῶν Φειδίου συνεργῶν πείσαντες ἱκέτην ἐν ἀγορᾷ καθίζουσιν, αἰτούμενον ἄδειαν ἐπὶ μηνύσει καὶ κατηγορίᾳ τοῦ Φειδίου. 31.3. προσδεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου τὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ γενομένης ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ διώξεως, κλοπαὶ μὲν οὐκ ἠλέγχοντο· τὸ γὰρ χρυσίον οὕτως εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς τῷ ἀγάλματι προσειργάσατο καὶ περιέθηκεν ὁ Φειδίας γνώμῃ τοῦ Περικλέους ὥστε πᾶν δυνατὸν εἶναι περιελοῦσιν ἀποδεῖξαι τὸν σταθμόν, ὃ καὶ τότε τοὺς κατηγόρους ἐκέλευσε ποιεῖν ὁ Περικλῆς. 38.2. ὁ γοῦν Θεόφραστος ἐν τοῖς Ἠθικοῖς διαπορήσας εἰ πρὸς τὰς τύχας τρέπεται τὰ ἤθη καὶ κινούμενα τοῖς τῶν σωμάτων πάθεσιν ἐξίσταται τῆς ἀρετῆς, ἱστόρηκεν ὅτι νοσῶν ὁ Περικλῆς ἐπισκοπουμένῳ τινὶ τῶν φίλων δείξειε περίαπτον ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν τῷ τραχήλῳ περιηρτημένον, ὡς σφόδρα κακῶς ἔχων ὁπότε καὶ ταύτην ὑπομένοι τὴν ἀβελτερίαν. | 31.2. But the worst charge of all, and yet the one which has the most vouchers, runs something like this. Pheidias the sculptor was contractor for the great statue, as I have said, and being admitted to the friendship of Pericles, and acquiring the greatest influence with him, made some enemies through the jealousy which he excited; others also made use of him to test the people and see what sort of a judge it would be in a case where Pericles was involved. These latter persuaded one Menon, an assistant of Pheidias, to take a suppliant’s seat in the market-place and demand immunity from punishment in case he should bring information and accusation against Pheidias. 31.3. The people accepted the man’s proposal, and formal prosecution of Pheidias was made in the assembly. Embezzlement, indeed, was not proven, for the gold of the statue, from the very start, had been so wrought upon and cast about it by Pheidias, at the wise suggestion of Pericles, that it could all be taken off and weighed, Cf. Thuc. 2.13.5 . and this is what Pericles actually ordered the accusers of Pheidias to do at this time. 38.2. Certain it is that Theophrastus, in his Ethics , querying whether one’s character follows the bent of one’s fortunes and is forced by bodily sufferings to abandon its high excellence, records this fact, that Pericles, as he lay sick, showed one of his friends who was come to see him an amulet that the women had hung round his neck, as much as to say that he was very badly off to put up with such folly as that. |
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129. Plutarch, Nicias, 13.11, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •household (oikos), location of ritual practice •women, role in religion and ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, curse tablets Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 252, 302| 23.5. τῷ μέντοι Νικίᾳ συνηνέχθη τότε μηδὲ μάντιν ἔχειν ἔμπειρον· ὁ γὰρ συνήθης αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ πολὺ τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀφαιρῶν Στιλβίδης ἐτεθνήκει μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν. ἐπεὶ τὸ σημεῖον, ὥς φησι Φιλόχορος, φεύγουσιν οὐκ ἦν πονηρόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ χρηστόν· ἐπικρύψεως γὰρ αἱ σὺν φόβῳ πράξεις δέονται, τὸ δὲ φῶς πολέμιόν ἐστιν αὐταῖς. | 23.5. |
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| 130. Plutarch, Virtues of Women, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 334 |
131. Plutarch, Demetrius, 23.2-23.3, 24.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practice, manipulation of •ritual practice, changes Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 275, 277| 23.2. ἐπανιὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐντὸς Πυλῶν Ἕλληνας ἠλευθέρου, καὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συμμάχους, When Strabo wrote, during the reign of Augustus, the painting was still at Rhodes, where it had been seen and admired by Cicero ( Orat. 2, 5); when the elder Pliny wrote, καὶ Κεγχρέας εἷλε· καὶ Φυλὴν καὶ Πάνακτον, ἐπιτειχίς ματα τῆς Ἀττικῆς ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου φρουρούμενα, καταστρεψάμενος ἀπέδωκε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. οἱ δὲ καίπερ ἐκκεχυμένοι πρότερον εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ κατακεχρημένοι πᾶσαν φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξεῦρον ὅμως καὶ τότε πρόσφατοι καὶ καινοὶ ταῖς κολακείαις φανῆναι. 23.3. τὸν γὰρ ὀπισθόδομον τοῦ Παρθενῶνος ἀπέδειξαν αὐτῷ κατάλυσιν· κἀκεῖ δίαιταν εἶχε, τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς λεγομένης ὑποδέχεσθαι καὶ ξενίζειν αὐτόν, οὐ πάνυ κόσμιον ξένον οὐδὲ ὡς παρθένῳ πρᾴως ἐπισταθμεύοντα. 24.5. εἰπόντος δέ τινος τῶν καλῶν κἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν μαίνεσθαι τὸν Στρατοκλέα τοιαῦτα γράφοντα, Δημοχάρης ὁ Λευκονοεὺς μαίνοιτο μέντἄν, εἶπεν, εἰ μὴ μαίνοιτο. πολλὰ γὰρ ὁ Στρατοκλῆς ὠφελεῖτο διὰ τὴν κολακείαν. ὁ δὲ Δημοχάρης ἐπὶ τούτῳ διαβληθεὶς ἐφυγαδεύθη. τοιαῦτα ἔπραττον Ἀθηναῖοι φρουρᾶς ἀπηλλάχθαι καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἔχειν δοκοῦντες. | 23.2. 23.3. 24.5. |
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| 132. Plutarch, On The Malice of Herodotus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 98, 127 |
| 133. Plutarch, Comparison of Numa With Lycurgus, 15.3-15.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, feasting •cultic ritual practice, processions Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 526 |
134. Plutarch, Aristides, 21.1-21.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices •funerary ritual, practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 262; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 223| 21.1. ἐκ τούτου γενομένης ἐκκλησίας κοινῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔγραψεν Ἀριστείδης ψήφισμα συνιέναι μὲν εἰς Πλαταιὰς καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος προβούλους καὶ θεωρούς, ἄγεσθαι δὲ πενταετηρικὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Ἐλευθερίων. εἶναι δὲ σύνταξιν Ἑλληνικὴν μυρίας μὲν ἀσπίδας, χιλίους δὲ ἵππους, ναῦς δʼ ἑκατὸν ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς βαρβάρους πόλεμον, Πλαταιεῖς δʼ ἀσύλους καὶ ἱεροὺς ἀφεῖσθαι τῷ θεῷ θύοντας ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος. 21.2. κυρωθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ὑπεδέξαντο τοῖς πεσοῦσι καὶ κειμένοις αὐτόθι τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐναγίζειν καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν. καὶ τοῦτο μέχρι νῦν δρῶσι τόνδε τόνδε Hercher and Blass with F a S: τοῦτον . τὸν τρόπον· τοῦ Μαιμακτηριῶνος μηνός, ὅς ἐστι παρὰ Βοιωτοῖς Ἀλαλκομένιος, τῇ ἕκτῃ ἐπὶ δέκα πέμπουσι πομπήν, ἧς προηγεῖται μὲν ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ σαλπιγκτὴς ἐγκελευόμενος τὸ πολεμικόν, ἕπονται δʼ ἅμαξαι μυρρίνης μεσταὶ καὶ στεφανωμάτων καὶ μέλας ταῦρος καὶ χοὰς οἴνου καὶ γάλακτος ἐν ἀμφορεῦσιν ἐλαίου τε καὶ μύρου κρωσσοὺς νεανίσκοι κομίζοντες ἐλεύθεροι· δούλῳ γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἔξεστι τῶν περὶ τὴν διακονίαν ἐκείνην προσάψασθαι διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας· 21.3. ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ τῶν Πλαταιέων ὁ ἄρχων, ᾧ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον οὔτε σιδήρου θιγεῖν ἔξεστιν οὔθʼ ἑτέραν ἐσθῆτα πλὴν λευκῆς ἀναλαβεῖν, τότε χιτῶνα φοινικοῦν ἐνδεδυκὼς ἀράμενός τε ὑδρίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ γραμματοφυλακίου ξιφήρης ἐπὶ τοὺς τάφους προάγει διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως. 21.4. εἶτα λαβὼν ὕδωρ ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης αὐτὸς ἀπολούει τε τὰς στήλας καὶ μύρῳ χρίει, καὶ τὸν ταῦρον εἰς τὴν πυρὰν σφάξας καὶ κατευξάμενος Διῒ καὶ Ἑρμῇ χθονίῳ παρακαλεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀποθανόντας ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ τὴν αἱμοκουρίαν. ἔπειτα κρατῆρα κεράσας οἴνου καὶ χεάμενος ἐπιλέγει· προπίνω τοῖς ἀνδράσι τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀποθανοῦσι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἔτι καὶ νῦν διαφυλάττουσιν οἱ Πλαταεῖς. | 21.1. 21.2. 21.3. 21.4. |
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| 135. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, 21.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •funerary ritual, practices Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 223 |
136. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 33.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, practices Found in books: Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 348| 33.1. Ἀντώνιος δὲ μετὰ τὰς διαλύσεις Οὐεντίδιον μὲν εἰς Ἀσίαν προὔπεμπε Πάρθοις ἐμποδὼν ἐσόμενον τοῦ πρόσω χωρεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ Καίσαρι χαριζόμενος ἱερεὺς ἀπεδείχθη τοῦ προτέρου Καίσαρος· καὶ τἆλλα κοινῶς καὶ φιλικῶς ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς καὶ μεγίστοις ἔπραττον. αἱ δὲ περὶ τὰς παιδιὰς ἅμιλλαι τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐλύπουν ἀεὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἔλαττον φερόμενον. | 33.1. |
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137. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 18.5, 34.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •household (oikos), location of ritual practice •women, role in religion and ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, gifts to the gods •cultic ritual practice, processions Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 169, 252| 34.1. οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου λαμπρῶς εὐημεροῦντος ὑπέθραττεν ἐνίους ὅμως ὁ τῆς καθόδου καιρός. ᾗ γὰρ ἡμέρᾳ κατέπλευσεν, ἐδρᾶτο τὰ Πλυντήρια τῇ θεῷ. δρῶσι δὲ τὰ ὄργια Πραξιεργίδαι Θαργηλιῶνος ἕκτῃ φθίνοντος ἀπόρρητα, τόν τε κόσμον καθελόντες καὶ τὸ ἕδος κατακαλύψαντες. ὅθεν ἐν ταῖς μάλιστα τῶν ἀποφράδων τὴν ἡμέραν ταύτην ἄπρακτον Ἀθηναῖοι νομίζουσιν. | 34.1. But while Alcibiades was thus prospering brilliantly, some were nevertheless disturbed at the particular season of his return. For he had put into harbor on the very day when the Plynteria of the goddess Athena were being celebrated. The Praxiergidae celebrate these rites on the twenty-fifth day of Thargelion in strict secrecy, removing the robes of the goddess and covering up her image. Wherefore the Athenians regard this day as the unluckiest of all days for business of any sort. |
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| 138. Statius, Achilleis, 1.290-1.2300 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek literature and practice, young womens rituals in Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 205, 206, 207, 208 |
139. New Testament, Hebrews, 1.1-1.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Tellbe Wasserman and Nyman (2019), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity, 149| 1.1. ΠΟΛΥΜΕΡΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΛΥΤΡΟΠΩΣ πάλαι ὁ θεὸς λαλήσας τοῖς πατράσιν ἐν τοῖς προφήταις 1.2. ἐπʼ ἐσχάτου τῶν ἡμερῶν τούτων ἐλάλησεν ἡμῖν ἐν υἱῷ, ὃν ἔθηκεν κληρονόμον πάντων, διʼ οὗ καὶ ἐποίησεν τοὺς αἰῶνας· 1.3. ὃς ὢν ἀπαύγασμα τῆς δόξης καὶ χαρακτὴρ τῆς ὑποστάσεως αὐτοῦ, φέρων τε τὰ πάντα τῷ ῥήματι τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ, καθαρισμὸν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ποιησάμενοςἐκάθισεν ἐν δεξιᾷτῆς μεγαλωσύνης ἐν ὑψηλοῖς, 1.4. τοσούτῳ κρείττων γενόμενος τῶν ἀγγέλων ὅσῳ διαφορώτερον παρʼ αὐτοὺς κεκληρονόμηκεν ὄνομα. | 1.1. God, having in the past spoken to the fathers through the prophets at many times and in various ways, 1.2. has at the end of these days spoken to us by his Son, whom he appointed heir of all things, through whom also he made the worlds. 1.3. His Son is the radiance of his glory, the very image of his substance, and upholding all things by the word of his power, when he had by himself made purification for our sins, sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on high; 1.4. having become so much better than the angels, as he has inherited a more excellent name than they have. |
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| 140. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 2.34 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 200 |
| 141. Lucian, The Lover of Lies, 17.22-17.24 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, magic Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 360 |
| 142. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382 |
| 143. Antoninus Liberalis, Collection of Metamorphoses, 29 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 42 |
| 144. Clement of Alexandria, Excerpts From Theodotus, 7.5, 61.5-61.8, 67.3, 80.1-80.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 186 |
| 145. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 7.43 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 329 |
| 146. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 2.23 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, theoria (religious experience and practice) Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 79 |
| 147. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 15.565-15.566 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practice Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 248 |
| 148. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, 109 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •young womens rituals, in statius achilleid, historical evidence for practices Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 174 |
| 149. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 1.8 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 257 |
150. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.1, 4.16 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 127, 242| 1.1. οἱ τὸν Σάμιον Πυθαγόραν ἐπαινοῦντες τάδε ἐπ' αὐτῷ φασιν: ὡς ̓́Ιων μὲν οὔπω εἴη, γένοιτο δὲ ἐν Τροίᾳ ποτὲ Εὔφορβος, ἀναβιοίη τε ἀποθανών, ἀποθάνοι δέ, ὡς ᾠδαὶ ̔Ομήρου, ἐσθῆτά τε τὴν ἀπὸ θνησειδίων παραιτοῖτο καὶ καθαρεύοι βρώσεως, ὁπόση ἐμψύχων, καὶ θυσίας: μὴ γὰρ αἱμάττειν τοὺς βωμούς, ἀλλὰ ἡ μελιττοῦτα καὶ ὁ λιβανωτὸς καὶ τὸ ἐφυμνῆσαι, φοιτᾶν ταῦτα τοῖς θεοῖς παρὰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου, γιγνώσκειν τε, ὡς ἀσπάζοιντο τὰ τοιαῦτα οἱ θεοὶ μᾶλλον ἢ τὰς ἑκατόμβας καὶ τὴν μάχαιραν ἐπὶ τοῦ κανοῦ: ξυνεῖναι γὰρ δὴ τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ μανθάνειν παρ' αὐτῶν, ὅπη τοῖς ἀνθρώποις χαίρουσι καὶ ὅπη ἄχθονται, περί τε φύσεως ἐκεῖθεν λέγειν: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἄλλους τεκμαίρεσθαι τοῦ θείου καὶ δόξας ἀνομοίους ἀλλήλαις περὶ αὐτοῦ δοξάζειν, ἑαυτῷ δὲ τόν τε ̓Απόλλω ἥκειν ὁμολογοῦντα, ὡς αὐτὸς εἴη, ξυνεῖναι δὲ καὶ μὴ ὁμολογοῦντας τὴν ̓Αθηνᾶν καὶ τὰς Μούσας καὶ θεοὺς ἑτέρους, ὧν τὰ εἴδη καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα οὔπω τοὺς ἀνθρώπους γιγνώσκειν. καὶ ὅ τι ἀποφήναιτο ὁ Πυθαγόρας, νόμον τοῦτο οἱ ὁμιληταὶ ἡγοῦντο καὶ ἐτίμων αὐτὸν ὡς ἐκ Διὸς ἥκοντα, καὶ ἡ σιωπὴ δὲ ὑπὲρ τοῦ θείου σφίσιν ἐπήσκητο: πολλὰ γὰρ θεῖά τε καὶ ἀπόρρητα ἤκουον, ὧν κρατεῖν χαλεπὸν ἦν μὴ πρῶτον μαθοῦσιν, ὅτι καὶ τὸ σιωπᾶν λόγος. καὶ μὴν καὶ τὸν ̓Ακραγαντῖνον ̓Εμπεδοκλέα βαδίσαι φασὶ τὴν σοφίαν ταύτην. τὸ γὰρ χαίρετ', ἐγὼ δ' ὔμμιν θεὸς ἄμβροτος, οὐκέτι θνητός καὶ ἤδη γάρ ποτ' ἐγὼ γενόμην κόρη τε κόρος τε καὶ ὁ ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ βοῦς, ὃν λέγεται πέμμα ποιησάμενος θῦσαι, τὰ Πυθαγόρου ἐπαινοῦντος εἴη ἄν. καὶ πλείω ἕτερα περὶ τῶν τὸν Πυθαγόρου τρόπον φιλοσοφησάντων ἱστοροῦσιν, ὧν οὐ προσήκει με νῦν ἅπτεσθαι σπεύδοντα ἐπὶ τὸν λόγον, ὃν ἀποτελέσαι προὐθέμην: 4.16. δεομένων δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τοῦ λόγου τούτου καὶ φιληκόως ἐχόντων αὐτοῦ “ἀλλ' οὐχὶ βόθρον” εἶπεν “̓Οδυσσέως ὀρυξάμενος, οὐδὲ ἀρνῶν αἵματι ψυχαγωγήσας ἐς διάλεξιν τοῦ ̓Αχιλλέως ἦλθον, ἀλλ' εὐξάμενος, ὁπόσα τοῖς ἥρωσιν ̓Ινδοί φασιν εὔχεσθαι, “ὦ ̓Αχιλλεῦ,” ἔφην “τεθνάναι σε οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων φασίν, ἐγὼ δὲ οὐ ξυγχωρῶ τῷ λόγῳ, οὐδὲ Πυθαγόρας σοφίας ἐμῆς πρόγονος. εἰ δὴ ἀληθεύομεν, δεῖξον ἡμῖν τὸ σεαυτοῦ εἶδος, καὶ γὰρ ἂν ὄναιο ἄγαν τῶν ἐμῶν ὀφθαλμῶν, εἰ μάρτυσιν αὐτοῖς τοῦ εἶναι χρήσαιο.” ἐπὶ τούτοις σεισμὸς μὲν περὶ τὸν κολωνὸν βραχὺς ἐγένετο, πεντάπηχυς δὲ νεανίας ἀνεδόθη Θετταλικὸς τὴν χλαμύδα, τὸ δὲ εἶδος οὐκ ἀλαζών τις ἐφαίνετο, ὡς ἐνίοις ὁ ̓Αχιλλεὺς δοκεῖ, δεινός τε ὁρώμενος οὐκ ἐξήλλαττε τοῦ φαιδροῦ, τὸ δὲ κάλλος οὔπω μοι δοκεῖ ἐπαινέτου ἀξίου ἐπειλῆφθαι καίτοι ̔Ομήρου πολλὰ ἐπ' αὐτῷ εἰπόντος, ἀλλὰ ἄρρητον εἶναι καὶ καταλύεσθαι μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τοῦ ὑμνοῦντος ἢ παραπλησίως ἑαυτῷ ᾅδεσθαι. ὁρώμενος δέ, ὁπόσον εἶπον, μείζων ἐγίγνετο καὶ διπλάσιος καὶ ὑπὲρ τοῦτο, δωδεκάπηχυς γοῦν ἐφάνη μοι, ὅτε δὴ τελεώτατος ἑαυτοῦ ἐγένετο, καὶ τὸ κάλλος ἀεὶ ξυνεπεδίδου τῷ μήκει. τὴν μὲν δὴ κόμην οὐδὲ κείρασθαί ποτε ἔλεγεν, ἀλλὰ ἄσυλον φυλάξαι τῷ Σπερχειῷ, ποταμῶν γὰρ πρώτῳ Σπερχειῷ χρήσασθαι, τὰ γένεια δ' αὐτῷ πρώτας ἐκβολὰς εἶχε. προσειπὼν δέ με “ἀσμένως” εἶπεν “ἐντετύχηκά σοι, πάλαι δεόμενος ἀνδρὸς τοιῦδε: Θετταλοὶ γὰρ τὰ ἐναγίσματα χρόνον ἤδη πολὺν ἐκλελοίπασί μοι, καὶ μηνίειν μὲν οὔπω ἀξιῶ, μηνίσαντος γὰρ ἀπολοῦνται μᾶλλον ἢ οἱ ἐνταῦθά ποτε ̔́Ελληνες, ξυμβουλίᾳ δὲ ἐπιεικεῖ χρῶμαι, μὴ ὑβρίζειν σφᾶς ἐς τὰ νόμιμα, μηδὲ κακίους ἐλέγχεσθαι τουτωνὶ τῶν Τρώων, οἳ τοσούσδε ἄνδρας ὑπ' ἐμοῦ ἀφαιρεθέντες δημοσίᾳ τε θύουσί μοι καὶ ὡραίων ἀπάρχονται καὶ ἱκετηρίαν τιθέμενοι σπονδὰς αἰτοῦσιν, ἃς ἐγὼ οὐ δώσω: τὰ γὰρ ἐπιορκηθέντα τούτοις ἐπ' ἐμὲ οὐκ ἐάσει τὸ ̓́Ιλιόν ποτε τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἀναλαβεῖν εἶδος, οὐδὲ τυχεῖν ἀκμῆς, ὁπόση περὶ πολλὰς τῶν καθῃρημένων ἐγένετο, ἀλλ' οἰκήσουσιν αὐτὸ βελτίους οὐδὲν ἢ εἰ χθὲς ἥλωσαν. ἵν' οὖν μὴ καὶ τὰ Θετταλῶν ἀποφαίνω ὅμοια, πρέσβευε παρὰ τὸ κοινὸν αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ ὧν εἶπον.” “πρεσβεύσω”, ἔφην “ὁ γὰρ νοῦς τῆς πρεσβείας ἦν μὴ ἀπολέσθαι αὐτούς. ἀλλ' ἐγώ τί σου, ̓Αχιλλεῦ, δέομαι.” “ξυνίημι”, ἔφη “δῆλος γὰρ εἶ περὶ τῶν Τρωικῶν ̔ἐρωτήσων': ἐρώτα δὲ λόγους πέντε, οὓς αὐτός τε βούλει καὶ Μοῖραι ξυγχωροῦσιν.” ἠρόμην οὖν πρῶτον, εἰ κατὰ τὸν τῶν ποιητῶν λόγον ἔτυχε τάφου. “κεῖμαι μέν,” εἶπεν “ὡς ἔμοιγε ἥδιστον καὶ Πατρόκλῳ ἐγένετο, ξυνέβημεν γὰρ δὴ κομιδῇ νέοι, ξυνέχει δὲ ἄμφω χρυσοῦς ἀμφορεὺς κειμένους, ὡς ἕνα. Μουσῶν δὲ θρῆνοι καὶ Νηρηίδων, οὓς ἐπ' ἐμοὶ γενέσθαι φασί, Μοῦσαι μὲν οὐδ' ἀφίκοντό ποτε ἐνταῦθα, Νηρηίδες δὲ ἔτι φοιτῶσι.” μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ ἠρόμην, εἰ ἡ Πολυξένη ἐπισφαγείη αὐτῷ, ὁ δὲ ἀληθὲς μὲν ἔφη τοῦτο εἶναι, σφαγῆναι δὲ αὐτὴν οὐχ ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Αχαιῶν, ἀλλ' ἑκοῦσαν ἐπὶ τὸ σῆμα ἐλθοῦσαν καὶ τὸν ἑαυτῆς τε κἀκείνου ἔρωτα μεγάλων ἀξιῶσαι προσπεσοῦσαν ξίφει ὀρθῷ. τρίτον ἠρόμην: ἡ ̔Ελένη, ὦ ̓Αχιλλεῦ, ἐς Τροίαν ἦλθεν ἢ ̔Ομήρῳ ἔδοξεν ὑποθέσθαι ταῦτα;” “πολὺν” ἔφη “χρόνον ἐξηπατώμεθα πρεσβευόμενοί τε παρὰ τοὺς Τρῶας καὶ ποιούμενοι τὰς ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς μάχας, ὡς ἐν τῷ ̓Ιλίῳ οὔσης, ἡ δ' Αἴγυπτὸν τε ᾤκει καὶ τὸν Πρωτέως οἶκον ἁρπασθεῖσα ὑπὸ τοῦ Πάριδος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπιστεύθη τοῦτο, ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς τῆς Τροίας λοιπὸν ἐμαχόμεθα, ὡς μὴ αἰσχρῶς ἀπέλθοιμεν.” ἡψάμην καὶ τετάρτης ἐρωτήσεως καὶ θαυμάζειν ἔφην, εἰ τοσούσδε ὁμοῦ καὶ τοιούσδε ἄνδρας ἡ ̔Ελλὰς ἤνεγκεν, ὁπόσους ̔́Ομηρος ἐπὶ τὴν Τροίαν ξυντάττει. ὁ δὲ ̓Αχιλλεὺς “οὐδὲ οἱ βάρβαροι” ἔφη “πολὺ ἡμῶν ἐλείποντο, οὕτως ἡ γῆ πᾶσα ἀρετῆς ἤνθησε.” πέμπτον δ' ἠρόμην: τί παθὼν ̔́Ομηρος τὸν Παλαμήδην οὐκ οἶδεν, ἢ οἶδε μέν, ἐξαιρεῖ δὲ τοῦ περὶ ὑμῶν λόγου; “εἰ Παλαμήδης” εἶπεν “ἐς Τροίαν οὐκ ἦλθεν, οὐδὲ Τροία ἐγένετο: ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνὴρ σοφώτατός τε καὶ μαχιμώτατος ἀπέθανεν, ὡς ̓Οδυσσεῖ ἔδοξεν, οὐκ ἐσάγεται αὐτὸν ἐς τὰ ποιήματα ̔́Ομηρος, ὡς μὴ τὰ ὀνείδη τοῦ ̓Οδυσσέως ᾅδοι.” καὶ ἐπολοφυράμενος αὐτῷ ὁ ̓Αχιλλεὺς ὡς μεγίστῳ τε καὶ καλλίστῳ νεωτάτῳ τε καὶ πολεμικωτάτῳ σωφροσύνῃ τε ὑπερβαλομένῳ πάντας καὶ πολλὰ ξυμβαλομένῳ ταῖς Μούσαις “ἀλλὰ σύ,” ἔφη “̓Απολλώνιε, σοφοῖς γὰρ πρὸς σοφοὺς ἐπιτήδεια, τοῦ τε τάφου ἐπιμελήθητι καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα τοῦ Παλαμήδους ἀνάλαβε φαύλως ἐρριμμένον: κεῖται δὲ ἐν τῇ Αἰολίδι κατὰ Μήθυμναν τὴν ἐν Λέσβῳ.” ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσι τὰ περὶ τὸν νεανίαν τὸν ἐκ Πάρου ἀπῆλθε ξὺν ἀστραπῇ μετρίᾳ, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἀλεκτρυόνες ἤδη ᾠδῆς ἥπτοντο. | 1.1. The votaries of Pythagoras of Samos have this story to tell of him, that he was not an Ionian at all, but that, once on a time in Troy, he had been Euphorbus, and that he had come to life after death, but had died as the songs of Homer relate. And they say that he declined to wear apparel made from dead animal products and, to guard his purity, abstained from all flesh diet, and from the offering of animals in sacrifice. For that he would not stain the altars with blood; nay, rather the honey-cake and frankincense and the hymn of praise, these they say were the offerings made to the Gods by this man, who realized that they welcome such tribute more than they do the hecatombs and the knife laid upon the sacrificial basket. For they say that he had of a certainty social intercourse with the gods, and learnt from them the conditions under which they take pleasure in men or are disgusted, and on this intercourse he based his account of nature. For he said that, whereas other men only make conjectures about divinity and make guesses that contradict one another concerning it, — in his own case he said that Apollo had come to him acknowledging that he was the god in person; and that Athena and the Muses and other gods, whose forms and names men did not yet know, had also consorted with him though without making such acknowledgment. And the followers of Pythagoras accepted as law any decisions communicated by him, and honored him as an emissary from Zeus, but imposed, out of respect for their divine character, a ritual silence on themselves. For many were the divine and ineffable secrets which they had heard, but which it was difficult for any to keep who had not previously learnt that silence also is a mode of speech.Moreover they declare that Empedocles of Acragas had trodden this way of wisdom when he wrote the lineRejoice ye, for I am unto you an immortal God, and no more mortal.And this also:For erewhile, I already became both girl and boy.And the story that he made at Olympia a bull of pastry and sacrificed it to the god also shows that he approved of the sentiments of Pythagoras. And there is much else that they tell of those sages who observe the rule of Pythagoras; but I must not now enter upon such points, but hurry on to the work which I have set myself to complete. 4.16. Therest of the company also besought him to tell them all about it, and as they were in a mood to listen to him, he said: Well, it was not by digging a ditch like Odysseus, nor by tempting souls with the blood of sheep, that I obtained a conversation with Achilles; but I offered up the prayer which the Indians say they use in approaching their heroes. “O Achilles,' I said, “most of mankind declare that you are dead, but I cannot agree with them, nor can Pythagoras, my spiritual ancestor. If then we hold the truth, show to us your own form; for you would profit not a little by showing yourself to my eyes, if you should be able to use them to attest your existence.” Thereupon a slight earthquake shook the neighborhood of the barrow, and a youth issued forth five cubits high, wearing a cloak ofThessalian fashion; but in appearance he was by no means the braggart figure which some imagine Achilles to have been. Though he was stern to look upon, he had never lost his bright look; and it seems to me that his beauty has never received its meed of praise, even though Homer dwelt at length upon it; for it was really beyond the power of words, and it is easier for the singer to ruin his fame in this respect than to praise him as he deserved. At first sight he was of the size which I have mentioned, but he grew bigger, till he was twice as large and even more than that; at any rate he appeared to me to be twelve cubits high just at that moment when he reached his complete stature, and his beauty grew apace with his length. He told me then that he had never at any time shorn off his hair, bit preserved it to inviolate for the river Spercheus, for this was the river of his first intimacy; but on his cheeks you saw the first down.And he addressed me and said: “I am pleased to have met you, since I have long wanted a man like yourself. For the Thessalians for a long time past have failed to present their offerings to my tomb, and I do not yet wish to show my wrath against them; for if I did so, they would perish more thoroughly than ever the Hellenes did on this spot; accordingly I resort to gentle advice, and would warn them not to violate ancient custom, nor to prove themselves worse men than the Trojans here, who though they were robbed of so many of their heroes by myself, yet sacrifice publicly to me, and also give me the tithes of their fruits of season, and olive branch in hand ask for a truce from my hostility. But this I will not grant, for the perjuries which they committed against me will not suffer Ilium ever to resume its pristine beauty, nor to regain the prosperity which yet has favored many a city that was destroyed of old; nay, if they rebuild it, things shall go as hard with them as if their city had been captured only yesterday. In order then to save me from bringing the Thessalian polity then to the same condition, you must go as my envoy to their council in behalf of the object I have mentioned.” “I will be your envoy,” I replied, “for the object of my embassy were to save them from ruin. But, O Achilles, I would ask something of you.” “I understand,” said he, “for it is plain you are going to ask about the Trojan war. So ask me five questions about whatever you like, and that the Fates approve of.” I accordingly asked him firstly, if he had obtained burial in accordance with the story of the poets. “I lie here,” he answered, “as was most delightful to myself and Patroclus; for you know we met in mere youth, and a single golden jar holds the remains of both of us, as if we were one. But as for the dirges of the Muses and Nereids, which they say are sung over me, the Muses, I may tell you, never once came here at all, though the Nereids still resort to the spot.” Next I asked him, if Polyxena was really slaughtered over his tomb; and he replied that this was true, but that she was not slain by the Achaeans, but that she came of her own free will to the sepulcher, and that so high was the value she set on her passion for him and she for her, that she threw herself upon an upright sword. The third questions was this: “Did Helen, O Achilles, really come to Troy or was it Homer that was pleased to make up the story?' “For a long time,” he replied, “we were deceived and tricked into sending envoys to the Trojans and fighting battles in her behalf, in the belief that she was in Ilium, whereas she really was living in Egypt and in the house of Proteus, whither she had been snatched away by Paris. But when we became convinced thereof, we continued to fight to win Troy itself, so as not to disgrace ourselves by retreat.” The fourth question which I ventured upon was this: “I wonder,” I said, “that Greece ever produced at any one time so many and such distinguished heroes as Homer says were gathered against Troy.' But Achilles answered: “Why even the barbarians did not fall far short of us, so abundantly then did excellence flourish all over the earth.” And my fifth question was this: “Why was it that Homer knew nothing about Palamedes, or if he knew him, then kept him out of your story?' “If Palamedes,' he answered, “never came to Troy, then Troy never existed either. But since this wisest and most warlike hero fell in obedience to Odysseus' whim, Homer does not introduce him into his poems, lest he should have to record the shame of Odysseus in his song.” And withal Achilles raised a wail over him as over one who was the greatest and most beautiful of men, the youngest and also the most warlike, one who in sobriety surpassed all others, and had often foregathered with the Muses. “But you,” he added, “O Apollonius, since sages have a tender regard for one another, you must care for his tomb and restore the image of Palamedes that has been so contemptuously cast aside; and it lies in Aeolis close to Methymna in Lesbos.' Wit these words and with the closing remarks concerning the youth from Paros, Achilles vanished with a flash of summer lightning, for indeed the cocks were already beginning their chant. |
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151. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 65.22 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 256| 65.22. וְלֹא הִכִּירוֹ (בראשית כז, כג), בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁהָיוּ רְשָׁעִים עוֹמְדִים מִמֶּנּוּ לֹא הִכִּירוֹ. (בראשית כז, כו): וַיֹּאמֶר גְּשָׁה נָּא וּשְׁקָה לִּי, אָמַר לוֹ אַתְּ נוֹשְׁקֵנִי בַּקְּבוּרָה וְאֵין אַחֵר נוֹשְׁקֵנִי בַּקְּבוּרָה. (בראשית כז, כז): וַיִּגַּשׁ וַיִּשַּׁק לוֹ וַיָּרַח אֶת רֵיחַ בְּגָדָיו, אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אֵין לְךָ דָּבָר שֶׁרֵיחוֹ קָשֶׁה מִן הַשֶּׁטֶף הַזֶּה שֶׁל עִזִּים וְאַתְּ אֲמַרְתְּ וַיָּרַח אֶת רֵיחַ בְּגָדָיו וַיְבָרֲכֵהוּ, אֶלָּא בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁנִּכְנַס אָבִינוּ יַעֲקֹב אֵצֶל אָבִיו נִכְנְסָה עִמּוֹ גַּן עֵדֶן, הֲדָא הוּא דַּאֲמַר לֵיהּ (בראשית כז, כז): רְאֵה רֵיחַ בְּנִי כְּרֵיחַ שָׂדֶה, וּבְשָׁעָה שֶׁנִּכְנַס עֵשָׂו אֵצֶל אָבִיו נִכְנְסָה עִמּוֹ גֵּיהִנֹּם, הֵיאךְ מָה דְאַתְּ אָמַר (משלי יא, ב): בָּא זָדוֹן וַיָּבֹא קָלוֹן. דָּבָר אַחֵר, וַיָּרַח אֶת רֵיחַ בְּגָדָיו וַיְבָרֲכֵהוּ, כְּגוֹן יוֹסֵף מְשִׁיתָא וְיָקוּם אִישׁ צְרוֹרוֹת. יוֹסֵף מְשִׁיתָא, בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁבִּקְּשׁוּ שׂוֹנְאִים לְהִכָּנֵס לְהַר הַבַּיִת אָמְרוּ יִכָּנֵס מֵהֶם וּבָהֶם תְּחִלָּה, אֲמָרִין לֵיהּ עוּל וּמַה דְּאַתְּ מַפִּיק דִּידָךְ, נִכְנַס וְהוֹצִיא מְנוֹרָה שֶׁל זָהָב, אָמְרוּ לוֹ אֵין דַּרְכּוֹ שֶׁל הֶדְיוֹט לְהִשְׁתַּמֵּשׁ בָּזוֹ, אֶלָּא עוּל זְמַן תִּנְיָנוּת וּמַה דְּאַתְּ מַפִּיק דִּידָךְ, וְלֹא קִבֵּל עָלָיו. אָמַר רַבִּי פִּינְחָס נָתְנוּ לוֹ מֶכֶס שָׁלשׁ שָׁנִים, וְלֹא קִבֵּל עָלָיו, אָמַר לֹא דַּיִּי שֶׁהִכְעַסְתִּי לֵאלֹהַי פַּעַם אַחַת אֶלָּא שֶׁאַכְעִיסֶנּוּ פַּעַם שְׁנִיָּה. מֶה עָשׂוּ לוֹ נָתְנוּ אוֹתוֹ בַּחֲמוֹר שֶׁל חָרָשִׁים וְהָיוּ מְנַסְּרִים בּוֹ, הָיָה מְצַוֵּחַ וְאוֹמֵר וַוי אוֹי אוֹי שֶׁהִכְעַסְתִּי לְבוֹרְאִי. וְיָקוּם אִישׁ צְרוֹרוֹת הָיָה בֶּן אֲחוֹתוֹ שֶׁל רַבִּי יוֹסֵי בֶּן יוֹעֶזֶר אִישׁ צְרֵידָה, וַהֲוָה רָכֵיב סוּסְיָא בְּשַׁבְּתָא אֲזַל קוֹמֵי שָׁרִיתָא לְמִצְטַבָּלָא, אֲמַר לֵיהּ חֲמֵי סוּסִי דְּאַרְכְּבִי מָרִי וַחֲמֵי סוּסָךָ דְּאַרְכְּבֵךְ מָרָךְ. אָמַר לוֹ אִם כָּךְ לְמַכְעִיסָיו קַל וָחֹמֶר לְעוֹשֵׂי רְצוֹנוֹ, אָמַר לוֹ עָשָׂה אָדָם רְצוֹנוֹ יוֹתֵר מִמְּךָ, אָמַר לוֹ וְאִם כָּךְ לְעוֹשֵׂי רְצוֹנוֹ קַל וָחֹמֶר לְמַכְעִיסָיו. נִכְנַס בּוֹ הַדָּבָר כְּאֶרֶס שֶׁל עַכְנָא, הָלַךְ וְקִיֵּם בְּעַצְמוֹ אַרְבַּע מִיתוֹת בֵּית דִּין, סְקִילָה, שְׂרֵפָה, הֶרֶג וְחֶנֶק, מֶה עָשָׂה, הֵבִיא קוֹרָה נְעָצָהּ בָּאָרֶץ וְקָשַׁר בָּהּ נִימָא וְעָרַךְ הָעֵצִים וְהִקִּיפָן גָּדֵר שֶׁל אֲבָנִים, וְעָשָׂה מְדוּרָה לְפָנֶיהָ וְנָעַץ אֶת הַחֶרֶב בָּאֶמְצַע וְהִצִּית הָאוּר תַּחַת הָעֵצִים מִתַּחַת הָאֲבָנִים, וְנִתְלָה בַּקּוֹרָה וְנֶחְנַק, קִדְּמַתּוֹ הָאֵשׁ, נִפְסְקָה הַנִּימָה, נָפַל לָאֵשׁ, קִדְּמַתּוֹ חֶרֶב וְנָפַל עָלָיו גָּדֵר וְנִשְׂרַף. נִתְנַמְנֵם יוֹסֵי בֶּן יוֹעֶזֶר אִישׁ צְרֵידָה וְרָאָה מִטָּתוֹ פָּרְחָה בָּאֲוִיר, אָמַר בְּשָׁעָה קַלָּה קְדָמַנִּי זֶה לְגַן עֵדֶן. | |
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| 152. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 9.12.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 252 |
| 153. Philostratus The Athenian, On Heroes, 53.8-53.15 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 127, 222 |
| 154. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.2.5-1.2.6, 1.4.1, 1.4.5, 1.6.1, 1.7.1, 1.7.5, 1.13.6, 1.13.9, 1.21.1, 1.21.3, 22.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 77, 180, 182, 183, 185, 186 |
155. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.4, 1.15.1, 1.19.3, 1.22.3, 1.22.8, 1.24.5-1.24.7, 1.28.2, 1.28.8-1.28.9, 2.10.1, 2.17.4, 2.20.6, 2.31.2, 2.31.10, 2.34-2.35, 2.35.4-2.35.8, 4.17.1, 4.34.10-4.34.12, 5.11.10, 5.13.3-5.13.7, 5.31.1, 6.22.1, 7.4.19, 7.22.4, 8.8.2-8.8.3, 8.22.2-8.22.3, 8.34.1-8.34.3, 8.51.5-8.51.8, 9.2.7, 9.3.1-9.3.9, 9.8.2, 9.29.6, 9.33.4, 9.33.6, 9.39.4-9.39.14, 10.13.8, 10.31.9, 10.31.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, gifts to the gods •cultic ritual practice, processions •cultic ritual practice, theoxenia (ritual reception/hosting ceremony) •household (oikos), location of ritual practice •women, role in religion and ritual practice •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance •cultic ritual practice, scapegoat rituals •cultic ritual practice, theoria (religious experience and practice) •ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, prayers and curses •cultic ritual practice, teletai (rituals seeking divine favour) Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 42, 44, 79, 167, 169, 170, 171, 174, 181, 242, 251, 389, 464, 559; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 98, 126, 127, 222, 334; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137, 139, 140, 141, 200; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 249| 1.4.4. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τοὺς Ἕλληνας τρόπον τὸν εἰρημένον ἔσωζον, οἱ δὲ Γαλάται Πυλῶν τε ἐντὸς ἦσαν καὶ τὰ πολίσματα ἑλεῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ποιησάμενοι Δελφοὺς καὶ τὰ χρήματα. τοῦ θεοῦ διαρπάσαι μάλιστα εἶχον σπουδήν. καί σφισιν αὐτοί τε Δελφοὶ καὶ Φωκέων ἀντετάχθησαν οἱ τὰς πόλεις περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν οἰκοῦντες, ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ δύναμις Αἰτωλῶν· τὸ γὰρ Αἰτωλικὸν προεῖχεν ἀκμῇ νεότητος τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον. ὡς δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνῄεσαν, ἐνταῦθα κεραυνοί τε ἐφέροντο ἐς τοὺς Γαλάτας καὶ ἀπορραγεῖσαι πέτραι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ, δείματά τε ἄνδρες ἐφίσταντο ὁπλῖται τοῖς βαρβάροις· τούτων τοὺς μὲν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν, Ὑπέροχον καὶ Ἀμάδοκον, τὸν δὲ τρίτον Πύρρον εἶναι τὸν Ἀχιλλέως· ἐναγίζουσι δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης Δελφοὶ τῆς συμμαχίας Πύρρῳ, πρότερον ἔχοντες ἅτε ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ. 1.15.1. ἰοῦσι δὲ πρὸς τὴν στοάν, ἣν Ποικίλην ὀνομάζουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν γραφῶν, ἔστιν Ἑρμῆς χαλκοῦς καλούμενος Ἀγοραῖος καὶ πύλη πλησίον· ἔπεστι δέ οἱ τρόπαιον Ἀθηναίων ἱππομαχίᾳ κρατησάντων Πλείσταρχον, ὃς τῆς ἵππου Κασσάνδρου καὶ τοῦ ξενικοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀδελφὸς ὢν ἐπετέτραπτο. αὕτη δὲ ἡ στοὰ πρῶτα μὲν Ἀθηναίους ἔχει τεταγμένους ἐν Οἰνόῃ τῆς Ἀργεία; ἐναντία Λακεδαιμονίων· γέγραπται δὲ οὐκ ἐς ἀκμὴν ἀγῶνος οὐδὲ τολμημάτων ἐς ἐπίδειξιν τὸ ἔργον ἤδη προῆκον, ἀλλὰ ἀρχομένη τε ἡ μάχη καὶ ἐς χεῖρας ἔτι συνιόντες. 1.19.3. ἔστι δὲ Ἡρακλέους ἱερὸν καλούμενον Κυνόσαργες· καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐς τὴν κύνα εἰδέναι τὴν λευκὴν ἐπιλεξαμένοις ἔστι τὸν χρησμόν, βωμοὶ δέ εἰσιν Ἡρακλέους τε καὶ Ἥβης, ἣν Διὸς παῖδα οὖσαν συνοικεῖν Ἡρακλεῖ νομίζουσιν· Ἀλκμήνης τε βωμὸς καὶ Ἰολάου πεποίηται, ὃς τὰ πολλὰ Ἡρακλεῖ συνεπόνησε τῶν ἔργων. Λύκειον δὲ ἀπὸ μὲν Λύκου τοῦ Πανδίονος ἔχει τὸ ὄνομα, Ἀπόλλωνος δὲ ἱερὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε εὐθὺς καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐνομίζετο, Λύκ ε ιός τε ὁ θεὸς ἐνταῦθα ὠνομάσθη πρῶτον· λέγεται δὲ ὅτι καὶ Τερμίλαις, ἐς οὓς ἦλθεν ὁ Λύκος φεύγων Αἰγέα, καὶ τούτοις αἴτιός ἐστι Λυκίους ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ καλεῖσθαι. 1.22.3. Ἀφροδίτην δὲ τὴν Πάνδημον, ἐπεί τε Ἀθηναίους Θησεὺς ἐς μίαν ἤγαγεν ἀπὸ τῶν δήμων πόλιν, αὐτήν τε σέβεσθαι καὶ Πειθὼ κατέστησε· τὰ μὲν δὴ παλαιὰ ἀγάλματα οὐκ ἦν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ, τὰ δὲ ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ τεχνιτῶν ἦν οὐ τῶν ἀφανεστάτων. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Γῆς Κουροτρόφου καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερὸν Χλόης· τὰ δὲ ἐς τὰς ἐπωνυμίας ἔστιν αὐτῶν διδαχθῆναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐλθόντα ἐς λόγους. 1.22.8. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἔσοδον αὐτὴν ἤδη τὴν ἐς ἀκρόπολιν Ἑρμῆν ὃν Προπύλαιον ὀνομάζουσι καὶ Χάριτας Σωκράτην ποιῆσαι τὸν Σωφρονίσκου λέγουσιν, ᾧ σοφῷ γενέσθαι μάλιστα ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶν ἡ Πυθία μάρτυς, ὃ μηδὲ Ἀνάχαρσιν ἐθέλοντα ὅμως καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀφικόμενον προσεῖπεν. 1.24.5. ὁπόσα ἐν τοῖς καλουμένοις ἀετοῖς κεῖται, πάντα ἐς τὴν Ἀθηνᾶς ἔχει γένεσιν, τὰ δὲ ὄπισθεν ἡ Ποσειδῶνος πρὸς Ἀθηνᾶν ἐστιν ἔρις ὑπὲρ τῆς γῆς· αὐτὸ δὲ ἔκ τε ἐλέφαντος τὸ ἄγαλμα καὶ χρυσοῦ πεποίηται. μέσῳ μὲν οὖν ἐπίκειταί οἱ τῷ κράνει Σφιγγὸς εἰκών—ἃ δὲ ἐς τὴν Σφίγγα λέγεται, γράψω προελθόντος ἐς τὰ Βοιώτιά μοι τοῦ λόγου—, καθʼ ἑκάτερον δὲ τοῦ κράνους γρῦπές εἰσιν ἐπειργασμένοι. 1.24.6. τούτους τοὺς γρῦπας ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσιν Ἀριστέας ὁ Προκοννήσιος μάχεσθαι περὶ τοῦ χρυσοῦ φησιν Ἀριμασποῖς τοῖς ὑπὲρ Ἰσσηδόνων· τὸν δὲ χρυσόν, ὃν φυλάσσουσιν οἱ γρῦπες, ἀνιέναι τὴν γῆν· εἶναι δὲ Ἀριμασποὺς μὲν ἄνδρας μονοφθάλμους πάντας ἐκ γενετῆς, γρῦπας δὲ θηρία λέουσιν εἰκασμένα, πτερὰ δὲ ἔχειν καὶ στόμα ἀετοῦ. καὶ γρυπῶν μὲν πέρι τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω· 1.24.7. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ὀρθόν ἐστιν ἐν χιτῶνι ποδήρει καί οἱ κατὰ τὸ στέρνον ἡ κεφαλὴ Μεδούσης ἐλέφαντός ἐστιν ἐμπεποιημένη· καὶ Νίκην τε ὅσον τεσσάρων πηχῶν, ἐν δὲ τῇ χειρί δόρυ ἔχει, καί οἱ πρὸς τοῖς ποσὶν ἀσπίς τε κεῖται καὶ πλησίον τοῦ δόρατος δράκων ἐστίν· εἴη δʼ ἂν Ἐριχθόνιος οὗτος ὁ δράκων. ἔστι δὲ τῷ βάθρῳ τοῦ ἀγάλματος ἐπειργασμένη Πανδώρας γένεσις. πεποίηται δὲ Ἡσιόδῳ τε καὶ ἄλλοις ὡς ἡ Πανδώρα γένοιτο αὕτη γυνὴ πρώτη· πρὶν δὲ ἢ γενέσθαι Πανδώραν οὐκ ἦν πω γυναικῶν γένος. ἐνταῦθα εἰκόνα ἰδὼν οἶδα Ἀδριανοῦ βασιλέως μόνου, καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἔσοδον Ἰφικράτους ἀποδειξαμένου πολλά τε καὶ θαυμαστὰ ἔργα. 1.28.2. χωρὶς δὲ ἢ ὅσα κατέλεξα δύο μὲν Ἀθηναίοις εἰσὶ δεκάται πολεμήσασιν, ἄγαλμα Ἀθηνᾶς χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Μήδων τῶν ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἀποβάντων τέχνη Φειδίου —καί οἱ τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀσπίδος μάχην Λαπιθῶν πρὸς Κενταύρους καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐστὶν ἐπειργασμένα λέγουσι τορεῦσαι Μῦν , τῷ δὲ Μυῒ ταῦτά τε καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων Παρράσιον καταγράψαι τὸν Εὐήνορος· ταύτης τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἡ τοῦ δόρατος αἰχμὴ καὶ ὁ λόφος τοῦ κράνους ἀπὸ Σουνίου προσπλέουσίν ἐστιν ἤδη σύνοπτα—, καὶ ἅρμα κεῖται χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Βοιωτῶν δεκάτη καὶ Χαλκιδέων τῶν ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ. δύο δὲ ἄλλα ἐστὶν ἀναθήματα, Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου καὶ τῶν ἔργων τῶν Φειδίου θέας μάλιστα ἄξιον Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα ἀπὸ τῶν ἀναθέντων καλουμένης Λημνίας. 1.28.8. ἔστι δὲ Ἀθηναίοις καὶ ἄλλα δικαστήρια οὐκ ἐς τοσοῦτο δόξης ἥκοντα. τὸ μὲν οὖν καλούμενον παράβυστον καὶ τρίγωνον, τὸ μὲν ἐν ἀφανεῖ τῆς πόλεως ὂν καὶ ἐπʼ ἐλαχίστοις συνιόντων ἐς αὐτό, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ σχήματος ἔχει τὰ ὀνόματα· βατραχιοῦν δὲ καὶ φοινικιοῦν ἀπὸ χρωμάτων τὸ δὲ καὶ ἐς τόδε διαμεμένηκεν ὀνομάζεσθαι. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον καὶ ἐς ὃ πλεῖστοι συνίασιν, ἡλιαίαν καλοῦσιν. ὁπόσα δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς φονεῦσιν, ἔστιν ἄλλα· καὶ ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ καλοῦσι καὶ τοῖς ἀποκτείνασιν ἀκουσίως κρίσις καθέστηκε. καὶ ὅτι μὲν Δημοφῶν πρῶτος ἐνταῦθα ὑπέσχε δίκας, ἀμφισβητοῦσιν οὐδένες· 1.28.9. ἐφʼ ὅτῳ δέ, διάφορα ἐς τοῦτο εἴρηται. Διομήδην φασὶν ἁλούσης Ἰλίου ταῖς ναυσὶν ὀπίσω κομίζεσθαι, καὶ ἤδη τε νύκτα ἐπέχειν ὡς κατὰ Φάληρον πλέοντες γίνονται καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους ὡς ἐς πολεμίαν ἀποβῆναι τὴν γῆν, ἄλλην που δόξαντας ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ καὶ οὐ τὴν Ἀττικὴν εἶναι. ἐνταῦθα Δημοφῶντα λέγουσιν ἐκβοηθήσαντα, οὐκ ἐπιστάμενον οὐδὲ τοῦτον τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ὡς εἰσὶν Ἀργεῖοι, καὶ ἄνδρας αὐτῶν ἀποκτεῖναι καὶ τὸ Παλλάδιον ἁρπάσαντα οἴχεσθαι, Ἀθηναῖόν τε ἄνδρα οὐ προϊδόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ ἵππου τοῦ Δημοφῶντος ἀνατραπῆναι καὶ συμπατηθέντα ἀποθανεῖν· ἐπὶ τούτῳ Δημοφῶντα ὑποσχεῖν δίκας οἱ μὲν τοῦ συμπατηθέντος τοῖς προσήκουσιν, οἱ δὲ Ἀργείων φασὶ τῷ κοινῷ. 2.10.1. ἐν δὲ τῷ γυμνασίῳ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὄντι οὐ μακρὰν Ἡρακλῆς ἀνάκειται λίθου, Σκόπα ποίημα. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἑτέρωθι ἱερὸν Ἡρακλέους· τὸν μὲν πάντα ἐνταῦθα περίβολον Παιδιζὴν ὀνομάζουσιν, ἐν μέσῳ δέ ἐστι τῷ περιβόλῳ τὸ ἱερόν, ἐν δὲ αὐτῷ ξόανον ἀρχαῖον, τέχνη Φλιασίου Λαφάους . ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ θυσίᾳ τοιάδε δρᾶν νομίζουσι. Φαῖστον ἐν Σικυωνίᾳ λέγουσιν ἐλθόντα καταλαβεῖν Ἡρακλεῖ σφᾶς ὡς ἥρωι ἐναγίζοντας· οὔκουν ἠξίου δρᾶν οὐδὲν ὁ Φαῖστος τῶν αὐτῶν, ἀλλʼ ὡς θεῷ θύειν. καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἄρνα οἱ Σικυώνιοι σφάξαντες καὶ τοὺς μηροὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ καύσαντες τὰ μὲν ἐσθίουσιν ὡς ἀπὸ ἱερείου, τὰ δὲ ὡς ἥρωι τῶν κρεῶν ἐναγίζουσι. τῆς ἑορτῆς δέ, ἣν ἄγουσι τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ, τὴν προτέραν τῶν ἡμερῶν †ὀνόματα ὀνομάζοντες Ἡράκλεια δὴ καλοῦσι τὴν ὑστέραν. 2.17.4. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἥρας ἐπὶ θρόνου κάθηται μεγέθει μέγα, χρυσοῦ μὲν καὶ ἐλέφαντος, Πολυκλείτου δὲ ἔργον· ἔπεστι δέ οἱ στέφανος Χάριτας ἔχων καὶ Ὥρας ἐπειργασμένας, καὶ τῶν χειρῶν τῇ μὲν καρπὸν φέρει ῥοιᾶς, τῇ δὲ σκῆπτρον. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐς τὴν ῥοιὰν—ἀπορρητότερος γάρ ἐστιν ὁ λόγος—ἀφείσθω μοι· κόκκυγα δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ σκήπτρῳ καθῆσθαί φασι λέγοντες τὸν Δία, ὅτε ἤρα παρθένου τῆς Ἥρας, ἐς τοῦτον τὸν ὄρνιθα ἀλλαγῆναι, τὴν δὲ ἅτε παίγνιον θηρᾶσαι. τοῦτον τὸν λόγον καὶ ὅσα ἐοικότα εἴρηται περὶ θεῶν οὐκ ἀποδεχόμενος γράφω, γράφω δὲ οὐδὲν ἧσσον. 2.20.6. τῶν δὲ ἀνδριάντων οὐ πόρρω δείκνυται Δαναοῦ μνῆμα καὶ Ἀργείων τάφος κενὸς ὁπόσους ἔν τε Ἰλίῳ καὶ ὀπίσω κομιζομένους ἐπέλαβεν ἡ τελευτή. καὶ Διός ἐστιν ἐνταῦθα ἱερὸν Σωτῆρος καὶ παριοῦσίν ἐστιν οἴκημα· ἐνταῦθα τὸν Ἄδωνιν αἱ γυναῖκες Ἀργείων ὀδύρονται. ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ τῆς ἐσόδου τῷ Κηφισῷ πεποίηται τὸ ἱερόν· τῷ δὲ ποταμῷ τούτῳ τὸ ὕδωρ φασὶν οὐ καθάπαξ ὑπὸ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἀφανισθῆναι, ἀλλὰ ἐνταῦθα δὴ μάλιστα, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ ἱερόν ἐστι, συνιᾶσιν ὑπὸ γῆν ῥέοντος. 2.31.2. ἐν τούτῳ δέ εἰσι τῷ ναῷ βωμοὶ θεῶν τῶν λεγομένων ὑπὸ γῆν ἄρχειν, καί φασιν ἐξ Ἅιδου Σεμέλην τε ὑπὸ Διονύσου κομισθῆναι ταύτῃ καὶ ὡς Ἡρακλῆς ἀναγάγοι τὸν κύνα τοῦ Ἅιδου· ἐγὼ δὲ Σεμέλην μὲν οὐδὲ ἀποθανεῖν ἀρχὴν πείθομαι Διός γε οὖσαν γυναῖκα, τὰ δὲ ἐς τὸν ὀνομαζόμενον Ἅιδου κύνα ἑτέρωθι ἔσται μοι δῆλα ὁποῖα εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ. 2.31.10. καὶ Ἑρμῆς ἐνταῦθά ἐστι Πολύγιος καλούμενος. πρὸς τούτῳ τῷ ἀγάλματι τὸ ῥόπαλον θεῖναί φασιν Ἡρακλέα· καὶ—ἦν γὰρ κοτίνου—τοῦτο μὲν ὅτῳ πιστὰ ἐνέφυ τῇ γῇ καὶ ἀνεβλάστησεν αὖθις καὶ ἔστιν ὁ κότινος πεφυκὼς ἔτι, τὸν δὲ Ἡρακλέα λέγουσιν ἀνευρόντα τὸν πρὸς τῇ Σαρωνίδι κότινον ἀπὸ τούτου τεμεῖν ῥόπαλον. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Διὸς ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Σωτῆρος· ποιῆσαι δὲ αὐτὸ βασιλεύοντα Ἀέτιον τὸν Ἄνθα λέγουσιν. ὕδωρ δὲ ὀνομάζουσι Χρυσορόαν· αὐχμοῦ δὲ ἐπὶ ἔτη συμβάντος σφίσιν ἐννέα, ἐν οἷς οὐχ ὗεν ὁ θεός, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἀναξηρανθῆναί φασιν ὕδατα, τὸν δὲ Χρυσορόαν τοῦτον καὶ τότε ὁμοίως διαμεῖναι ῥέοντα. 2.35.4. τὸ δὲ λόγου μάλιστα ἄξιον ἱερὸν Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῦ Πρωνός. τοῦτο τὸ ἱερὸν Ἑρμιονεῖς μὲν Κλύμενον Φορωνέως παῖδα καὶ ἀδελφὴν Κλυμένου Χθονίαν τοὺς ἱδρυσαμένους φασὶν εἶναι. Ἀργεῖοι δέ, ὅτε ἐς τὴν Ἀργολίδα ἦλθε Δημήτηρ, τότε Ἀθέραν μὲν λέγουσι καὶ Μύσιον ὡς ξενίαν παράσχοιεν τῇ θεῷ, Κολόνταν δὲ οὔτε οἴκῳ δέξασθαι τὴν θεὸν οὔτε ἀπονεῖμαί τι ἄλλο ἐς τιμήν· ταῦτα δὲ οὐ κατὰ γνώμην Χθονίᾳ τῇ θυγατρὶ ποιεῖν αὐτόν. Κολόνταν μὲν οὖν φασιν ἀντὶ τούτων συγκαταπρησθῆναι τῇ οἰκίᾳ, Χθονίαν δὲ κομισθεῖσαν ἐς Ἑρμιόνα ὑπὸ Δήμητρος Ἑρμιονεῦσι ποιῆσαι τὸ ἱερόν. 2.35.5. Χθονία δʼ οὖν ἡ θεός τε αὐτὴ καλεῖται καὶ Χθόνια ἑορτὴν κατὰ ἔτος ἄγουσιν ὥρᾳ θέρους, ἄγουσι δὲ οὕτως. ἡγοῦνται μὲν αὐτοῖς τῆς πομπῆς οἵ τε ἱερεῖς τῶν θεῶν καὶ ὅσοι τὰς ἐπετείους ἀρχὰς ἔχουσιν, ἕπονται δὲ καὶ γυναῖκες καὶ ἄνδρες. τοῖς δὲ καὶ παισὶν ἔτι οὖσι καθέστηκεν ἤδη τὴν θεὸν τιμᾶν τῇ πομπῇ· οὗτοι λευκὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς κεφαλαῖς ἔχουσι στεφάνους. πλέκονται δὲ οἱ στέφανοί σφισιν ἐκ τοῦ ἄνθους ὃ καλοῦσιν οἱ ταύτῃ κοσμοσάνδαλον, ὑάκινθον ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ὄντα καὶ μεγέθει καὶ χρόᾳ· ἔπεστι δέ οἱ καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ θρήνῳ γράμματα. 2.35.6. τοῖς δὲ τὴν πομπὴν πέμπουσιν ἕπονται τελείαν ἐξ ἀγέλης βοῦν ἄγοντες διειλημμένην δεσμοῖς τε καὶ ὑβρίζουσαν ἔτι ὑπὸ ἀγριότητος. ἐλάσαντες δὲ πρὸς τὸν ναὸν οἱ μὲν ἔσω φέρεσθαι τὴν βοῦν ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνῆκαν ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν, ἕτεροι δὲ ἀναπεπταμένας ἔχοντες τέως τὰς θύρας, ἐπειδὰν τὴν βοῦν ἴδωσιν ἐντὸς τοῦ ναοῦ, προσέθεσαν τὰς θύρας. 2.35.7. τέσσαρες δὲ ἔνδον ὑπολειπόμεναι γρᾶες, αὗται τὴν βοῦν εἰσιν αἱ κατεργαζόμεναι· δρεπάνῳ γὰρ ἥτις ἂν τύχῃ τὴν φάρυγγα ὑπέτεμε τῆς βοός. μετὰ δὲ αἱ θύραι τε ἠνοίχθησαν καὶ προσελαύνουσιν οἷς ἐπιτέτακται βοῦν δὲ δευτέραν καὶ τρίτην ἐπὶ ταύτῃ καὶ ἄλλην τετάρτην. κατεργάζονταί τε δὴ πάσας κατὰ ταὐτὰ αἱ γρᾶες καὶ τόδε ἄλλο πρόσκειται τῇ θυσίᾳ θαῦμα· ἐφʼ ἥντινα γὰρ ἂν πέσῃ τῶν πλευρῶν ἡ πρώτη βοῦς, ἀνάγκη πεσεῖν καὶ πάσας. 2.35.8. θυσία μὲν δρᾶται τοῖς Ἑρμιονεῦσι τὸν εἰρημένον τρόπον· πρὸ δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ γυναικῶν ἱερασαμένων τῇ Δήμητρι εἰκόνες ἑστήκασιν οὐ πολλαί, καὶ παρελθόντι ἔσω θρόνοι τέ εἰσιν, ἐφʼ ὧν αἱ γρᾶες ἀναμένουσιν ἐσελαθῆναι καθʼ ἑκάστην τῶν βοῶν, καὶ ἀγάλματα οὐκ ἄγαν ἀρχαῖα Ἀθηνᾶ καὶ Δημήτηρ. αὐτὸ δὲ ὃ σέβουσιν ἐπὶ πλέον ἢ τἄλλα, ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ εἶδον, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἀνὴρ ἄλλος οὔτε ξένος οὔτε Ἑρμιονέων αὐτῶν· μόναι δὲ ὁποῖόν τί ἐστιν αἱ γρᾶες ἴστωσαν. 4.17.1. ἔστι δὲ Αἴγιλα τῆς Λακωνικῆς, ἔνθα ἱερὸν ἵδρυται ἅγιον Δήμητρος. ἐνταῦθα ἐπιστάμενος ὁ Ἀριστομένης καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τὰς γυναῖκας ἀγούσας ἑορτὴν ἀμύνεσθαι τῶν γυναικῶν οὐκ ἄνευ τῆς θεοῦ προαχθεισῶν λαμβάνουσιν οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν Μεσσηνίων τραύματα μαχαίραις τε, αἷς τὰ ἱερεῖα αἱ γυναῖκες ἔθυον, καὶ ὀβελοῖς, οἷς τὰ κρέα ἔπειρον ὀπτῶσαι· τὸν δὲ Ἀριστομένην τύπτουσαι ταῖς δᾳσὶ ζῶντα αἱροῦσιν. ἀπεσώθη δὲ ὅμως τῆς αὐτῆς ἐκείνης νυκτὸς ἐς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν. ἀφεῖναι δὲ αὐτὸν ἱέρεια τῆς Δήμητρος αἰτίαν ἔσχεν Ἀρχιδάμεια· ἀφῆκε δὲ οὐκ ἐπὶ χρήμασιν, ἀλλὰ ἐρῶσα ἔτυχεν αὐτοῦ πρότερον ἔτι, προὐφασίζετο δὲ ὡς Ἀριστομένης διακούσας τὰ δεσμὰ ἀποδρὰς οἴχοιτο. 4.34.10. Ἀσιναῖοι δὲ αὐτοὶ περὶ σφῶν οὕτω λέγουσι· κρατηθῆναι μὲν ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους μάχῃ συγχωροῦσιν ἁλῶναί τε τὴν ἐν τῷ Παρνασσῷ πόλιν, αἰχμάλωτοι δὲ γενέσθαι καὶ ἀχθῆναι παρὰ τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα οὔ φασιν· ἀλλʼ ὡς ἡλίσκετο ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τὸ τεῖχος, ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀναφυγεῖν ἐς τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ, διαβάντες δὲ ὕστερον ναυσὶν ἐς Πελοπόννησον γενέσθαι φασὶν Εὐρυσθέως ἱκέται, καὶ σφίσιν Εὐρυσθέα ἅτε ἀπεχθανόμενον τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ δοῦναι τὴν ἐν τῇ Ἀργολίδι Ἀσίνην. 4.34.11. μόνοι δὲ τοῦ γένους τοῦ Δρυόπων οἱ Ἀσιναῖοι σεμνύνονται καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι τῷ ὀνόματι, οὐδὲν ὁμοίως καὶ Εὐβοέων οἱ Στύρα ἔχοντες. εἰσὶ γὰρ καὶ οἱ Στυρεῖς Δρύοπες τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ὅσοι τῆς πρὸς τὸν Ἡρακλέα οὐ μετέσχον μάχης, ἀπωτέρω τῆς πόλεως ἔχοντες τὰς οἰκήσεις· ἀλλὰ οἱ μὲν Στυρεῖς καλεῖσθαι Δρύοπες ὑπερφρονοῦσι, καθάπερ γε καὶ οἱ Δελφοὶ πεφεύγασιν ὀνομάζεσθαι Φωκεῖς, Ἀσιναῖοι δὲ Δρύοπές τε τὰ μάλιστα χαίρουσι καλούμενοι καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν τὰ ἁγιώτατά εἰσι δῆλοι κατὰ μνήμην πεποιημένοι τῶν ποτὲ ἐν Παρνασσῷ σφισιν ἱδρυμένων. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστιν αὐτοῖς ναός, τοῦτο δὲ Δρύοπος ἱερὸν καὶ ἄγαλμα ἀρχαῖον· ἄγουσι καὶ παρὰ ἔτος αὐτῷ τελετήν, παῖδα τὸν Δρύοπα Ἀπόλλωνος εἶναι λέγοντες. 4.34.12. κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ καὶ αὐτὴ κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τῇ ποτὲ ἐν μοίρᾳ τῇ Ἀργολίδι Ἀσίνῃ· σταδίων δὲ τεσσαράκοντά ἐστιν ἐκ Κολωνίδων ἐς αὐτὴν ὁδός, τοσαύτη δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίνης πρὸς τὸν Ἀκρίταν καλούμενον. ἀνέχει δὲ ἐς θάλασσαν ὁ Ἀκρίτας, καὶ νῆσος Θηγανοῦσσά ἐστιν ἔρημος πρὸ αὐτοῦ· μετὰ δὲ τὸν Ἀκρίταν λιμήν τε Φοινικοῦς καὶ νῆσοι κατʼ αὐτὸν Οἰνοῦσσαι. 5.11.10. ὅσον δὲ τοῦ ἐδάφους ἐστὶν ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ ἀγάλματος, τοῦτο οὐ λευκῷ, μέλανι δὲ κατεσκεύασται τῷ λίθῳ· περιθεῖ δὲ ἐν κύκλῳ τὸν μέλανα λίθου Παρίου κρηπίς, ἔρυμα εἶναι τῷ ἐλαίῳ τῷ ἐκχεομένῳ. ἔλαιον γὰρ τῷ ἀγάλματί ἐστιν ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ συμφέρον, καὶ ἔλαιόν ἐστι τὸ ἀπεῖργον μὴ γίνεσθαι τῷ ἐλέφαντι βλάβος διὰ τὸ ἑλῶδες τῆς Ἄλτεως. ἐν ἀκροπόλει δὲ τῇ Ἀθηναίων τὴν καλουμένην Παρθένον οὐκ ἔλαιον, ὕδωρ δὲ τὸ ἐς τὸν ἐλέφαντα ὠφελοῦν ἐστιν· ἅτε γὰρ αὐχμηρᾶς τῆς ἀκροπόλεως οὔσης διὰ τὸ ἄγαν ὑψηλόν, τὸ ἄγαλμα ἐλέφαντος πεποιημένον ὕδωρ καὶ δρόσον τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ ὕδατος ποθεῖ. 5.13.3. ἔστι δὲ ὁ ξυλεὺς ἐκ τῶν οἰκετῶν τοῦ Διός, ἔργον δὲ αὐτῷ πρόσκειται τὰ ἐς τὰς θυσίας ξύλα τεταγμένου λήμματος καὶ πόλεσι παρέχειν καὶ ἀνδρὶ ἰδιώτῃ· τὰ δὲ λεύκης μόνης ξύλα καὶ ἄλλου δένδρου ἐστὶν οὐδενός· ὃς δʼ ἂν ἢ αὐτῶν Ἠλείων ἢ ξένων τοῦ θυομένου τῷ Πέλοπι ἱερείου φάγῃ τῶν κρεῶν, οὐκ ἔστιν οἱ ἐσελθεῖν παρὰ τὸν Δία. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ ἐν τῇ Περγάμῳ τῇ ὑπὲρ ποταμοῦ Καΐκου πεπόνθασιν οἱ τῷ Τηλέφῳ θύοντες· ἔστι γὰρ δὴ οὐδὲ τούτοις ἀναβῆναι πρὸ λουτροῦ παρὰ τὸν Ἀσκληπιόν. 5.13.4. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τοιοῦτον· μηκυνομένου τοῦ πρὸς Ἰλίῳ πολέμου τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, προαγορεῦσαι δὲ αὐτοῖς τοὺς μάντεις ὡς αἱρήσουσιν οὐ πρότερον τὴν πόλιν, πρὶν ἂν τὰ Ἡρακλέους τόξα καὶ ὀστοῦν ἐπαγάγωνται Πέλοπος. οὕτω δὴ μεταπέμψασθαι μὲν Φιλοκτήτην φασὶν αὐτοὺς ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἀχθῆναι δὲ καὶ τῶν ὀστῶν ὠμοπλάτην σφίσιν ἐκ Πίσης τῶν Πέλοπος· ὡς δὲ οἴκαδε ἐκομίζοντο, ἀπόλλυται περὶ Εὔβοιαν καὶ ἡ ναῦς ὑπὸ τοῦ χειμῶνος ἡ τὸ ὀστοῦν φέρουσα τὸ Πέλοπος. 5.13.5. ἔτεσι δὲ ὕστερον πολλοῖς μετὰ ἅλωσιν Ἰλίου Δαμάρμενον ἁλιέα ἐξ Ἐρετρίας ἀφέντα δίκτυον ἐς θάλασσαν τὸ ὀστοῦν ἑλκύσαι, θαυμάσαντα δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ μέγεθος ἔχειν ἀποκρύψαντα ὑπὸ τὴν ψάμμον. τέλος δὲ αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι καὶ ἐς Δελφούς, ὅτου τε ἀνδρὸς τὸ ὀστοῦν εἴη καὶ ὅ τι χρηστέον αὐτῷ διδαχθῆναι δεησόμενον. 5.13.6. καί πως κατὰ πρόνοιαν τοῦ θεοῦ τηνικαῦτα πρεσβεία παρῆν Ἠλείων ἐπανόρθωμα αἰτούντων νόσου λοιμώδους· ἀνεῖπεν οὖν σφισιν ἡ Πυθία, τοῖς μὲν ἀνασώσασθαι Πέλοπος τὰ ὀστᾶ, Δαμαρμένῳ δὲ ἀποδοῦναι τὰ εὑρημένα αὐτῷ Ἠλείοις. καί οἱ ταῦτα ποιήσαντι ἄλλα τε ἀντέδοσαν Ἠλεῖοι καὶ Δαμάρμενόν τε αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπογόνους τοὺς ἐκείνου φύλακας σφᾶς εἶναι τοῦ ὀστοῦ. ἡ δὲ ὠμοπλάτη τοῦ Πέλοπος ἠφάνιστο ἤδη κατʼ ἐμέ, ὅτι ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ἐκέκρυπτο ἐπὶ πολὺ κατὰ τοῦ βυθοῦ καὶ ὁμοῦ τῷ χρόνῳ προσέκαμνεν οὐχ ἥκιστα ὑπὸ τῆς θαλάσσης. 5.13.7. Πέλοπος δὲ καὶ Ταντάλου τῆς παρʼ ἡμῖν ἐνοικήσεως σημεῖα ἔτι καὶ ἐς τόδε λείπεται, Ταντάλου μὲν λίμνη τε ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ καλουμένη καὶ οὐκ ἀφανὴς τάφος, Πέλοπος δὲ ἐν Σιπύλῳ μὲν θρόνος ἐν κορυφῇ τοῦ ὄρους ἐστὶν ὑπὲρ τῆς Πλαστήνης μητρὸς τὸ ἱερόν, διαβάντι δὲ Ἕρμον ποταμὸν Ἀφροδίτης ἄγαλμα ἐν Τήμνῳ πεποιημένον ἐκ μυρσίνης τεθηλυίας· ἀναθεῖναι δὲ Πέλοπα αὐτὸ παρειλήφαμεν μνήμῃ, προϊλασκόμενόν τε τὴν θεὸν καὶ γενέσθαι οἱ τὸν γάμον τῆς Ἱπποδαμείας αἰτούμενον. 6.22.1. προελθόντι δὲ ὅσον τε στάδιον ἀπὸ τοῦ τάφου σημεῖά ἐστιν ἱεροῦ Κορδάκας ἐπίκλησιν Ἀρτέμιδος, ὅτι οἱ τοῦ Πέλοπος ἀκόλουθοι τὰ ἐπινίκια ἤγαγον παρὰ τῇ θεῷ ταύτῃ καὶ ὠρχήσαντο ἐπιχώριον τοῖς περὶ τὸν Σίπυλον κόρδακα ὄρχησιν. τοῦ ἱεροῦ δὲ οὐ πόρρω οἴκημά τε οὐ μέγα καὶ κιβωτός ἐστιν ἐν αὐτῷ χαλκῆ· ὀστᾶ τὰ Πέλοπος ἐν τῇ κιβωτῷ φυλάσσουσι. τείχους δὲ ἢ ἄλλου κατασκευάσματος ἐλείπετο οὐδὲν ἔτι, ἄμπελοι δὲ ἦσαν διὰ τοῦ χωρίου πεφυτευμέναι παντός, ἔνθα ἡ Πίσα ᾠκεῖτο. 7.22.4. τοιαύτη καὶ Αἰγυπτίοις ἑτέρα περὶ τοῦ Ἄπιδος τὸ ἱερὸν μαντεία καθέστηκεν· ἐν Φαραῖς δὲ καὶ ὕδωρ ἱερόν ἐστι τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ· Ἑρμοῦ νᾶμα μὲν τῇ πηγῇ τὸ ὄνομα, τοὺς δὲ ἰχθῦς οὐχ αἱροῦσιν ἐξ αὐτῆς, ἀνάθημα εἶναι τοῦ θεοῦ νομίζοντες. ἑστήκασι δὲ ἐγγύτατα τοῦ ἀγάλματος τετράγωνοι λίθοι τριάκοντα μάλιστα ἀριθμόν· τούτους σέβουσιν οἱ Φαρεῖς, ἑκάστῳ θεοῦ τινὸς ὄνομα ἐπιλέγοντες. τὰ δὲ ἔτι παλαιότερα καὶ τοῖς πᾶσιν Ἕλλησι τιμὰς θεῶν ἀντὶ ἀγαλμάτων εἶχον ἀργοὶ λίθοι. 8.8.2. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τοιάδε ὑπὸ Ἀρκάδων, Ῥέα ἡνίκα Ποσειδῶνα ἔτεκε, τὸν μὲν ἐς ποίμνην καταθέσθαι δίαιταν ἐνταῦθα ἕξοντα μετὰ τῶν ἀρνῶν, ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὲ ὀνομασθῆναι καὶ τὴν πηγήν, ὅτι περὶ αὐτὴν ἐποιμαίνοντο οἱ ἄρνες· φάναι δὲ αὐτὴν πρὸς τὸν Κρόνον τεκεῖν ἵππον καί οἱ πῶλον ἵππου καταπιεῖν ἀντὶ τοῦ παιδὸς δοῦναι, καθὰ καὶ ὕστερον ἀντὶ τοῦ Διὸς λίθον ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ κατειλημένον σπαργάνοις. 8.8.3. τούτοις Ἑλλήνων ἐγὼ τοῖς λόγοις ἀρχόμενος μὲν τῆς συγγραφῆς εὐηθίας ἔνεμον πλέον, ἐς δὲ τὰ Ἀρκάδων προεληλυθὼς πρόνοιαν περὶ αὐτῶν τοιάνδε ἐλάμβανον· Ἑλλήνων τοὺς νομιζομένους σοφοὺς διʼ αἰνιγμάτων πάλαι καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος λέγειν τοὺς λόγους, καὶ τὰ εἰρημένα οὖν ἐς τὸν Κρόνον σοφίαν εἶναί τινα εἴκαζον Ἑλλήνων. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἡκόντων τοῖς εἰρημένοις χρησόμεθα· 8.22.2. ἐν δὲ τῇ Στυμφάλῳ τῇ ἀρχαίᾳ Τήμενόν φασιν οἰκῆσαι τὸν Πελασγοῦ καὶ Ἥραν ὑπὸ τοῦ Τημένου τραφῆναι τούτου καὶ αὐτὸν ἱερὰ τῇ θεῷ τρία ἱδρύσασθαι καὶ ἐπικλήσεις τρεῖς ἐπʼ αὐτῇ θέσθαι· παρθένῳ μὲν ἔτι οὔσῃ Παιδί, γημαμένην δὲ ἔτι τῷ Διὶ ἐκάλεσεν αὐτὴν Τελείαν, διενεχθεῖσαν δὲ ἐφʼ ὅτῳ δὴ ἐς τὸν Δία καὶ ἐπανήκουσαν ἐς τὴν Στύμφαλον ὠνόμασεν ὁ Τήμενος Χήραν. τάδε μὲν ὑπὸ Στυμφαλίων λεγόμενα οἶδα ἐς τὴν θεόν· 8.22.3. ἡ δὲ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν πόλις τῶν μὲν εἰρημένων οὐδέν, ἄλλα δὲ εἶχε τοσάδε. ἔστιν ἐν τῇ Στυμφαλίων πηγή, καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης ὕδωρ βασιλεὺς Ἀδριανὸς Κορινθίοις ἤγαγεν ἐς τὴν πόλιν. ἐν δὲ τῇ Στυμφάλῳ χειμῶνος μὲν ὥρᾳ λίμνην τε οὐ μεγάλην ἡ πηγὴ καὶ ἀπʼ αὐτῆς ποταμὸν ποιεῖ τὸν Στύμφαλον· ἐν θέρει δὲ προλιμνάζει μὲν οὐδὲν ἔτι, ποταμὸς δὲ αὐτίκα ἐστὶν ἀπὸ τῆς πηγῆς. οὗτος ἐς χάσμα γῆς κάτεισιν ὁ ποταμός, ἀναφαινόμενος δὲ αὖθις ἐν τῇ Ἀργολίδι μεταβάλλει τὸ ὄνομα, καὶ αὐτὸν ἀντὶ Στυμφάλου καλοῦσιν Ἐρασῖνον. 8.34.1. ἐκ δὲ Μεγάλης πόλεως ἰόντι ἐς Μεσσήνην καὶ σταδίους μάλιστα προελθόντι ἑπτά, ἔστιν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῆς λεωφόρου θεῶν ἱερόν. καλοῦσι δὲ καὶ αὐτὰς τὰς θεὰς καὶ τὴν χώραν τὴν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν Μανίας· δοκεῖν δέ μοι θεῶν τῶν Εὐμενίδων ἐστὶν ἐπίκλησις, καὶ Ὀρέστην ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ τῆς μητρός φασιν αὐτόθι μανῆναι. 8.34.2. οὐ πόρρω δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ γῆς χῶμά ἐστιν οὐ μέγα, ἐπίθημα ἔχον λίθου πεποιημένον δάκτυλον, καὶ δὴ καὶ ὄνομα τῷ χώματί ἐστι Δακτύλου μνῆμα· ἐνταῦθα ἔκφρονα Ὀρέστην γενόμενον λέγουσιν ἕνα τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν χειρῶν ἀποφαγεῖν δάκτυλον. τούτῳ δέ ἐστιν ἕτερον συνεχὲς χωρίον Ἄκη καλούμενον, ὅτι ἐγένετο ἐν αὐτῷ τῆς νόσου τῷ Ὀρέστῃ τὰ ἰάματα· πεποίηται δὲ Εὐμενίσι καὶ αὐτόθι ἱερὸν. 8.34.3. ταύτας τὰς θεάς, ἡνίκα τὸν Ὀρέστην ἔκφρονα ἔμελλον ποιήσειν, φασὶν αὐτῷ φανῆναι μελαίνας· ὡς δὲ ἀπέφαγε τὸν δάκτυλον, τὰς δὲ αὖθις δοκεῖν οἱ λευκὰς εἶναι, καὶ αὐτὸν σωφρονῆσαί τε ἐπὶ τῇ θέᾳ καὶ οὕτω ταῖς μὲν ἐνήγισεν ἀποτρέπων τὸ μήνιμα αὐτῶν, ταῖς δὲ ἔθυσε ταῖς λευκαῖς. ὁμοῦ δὲ αὐταῖς καὶ Χάρισι θύειν νομίζουσι. πρὸς δὲ τῷ χωρίῳ τοῖς Ἄκεσιν ἕτερόν ἐστιν Κουρεῖον ὀνομαζόμενον ἱερόν, ὅτι Ὀρέστης ἐνταῦθα ἐκείρατο τὴν κόμην, ἐπειδὴ ἐντὸς ἐγένετο αὑτοῦ· 8.51.5. ἔμελλε δʼ ἄρα ὑπεροψίας δίκη περιήξειν καὶ Φιλοποίμενα. ὡς γὰρ δὴ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὄγδοον ἀπεδείχθη τότε ἡγεμών, ἀνδρὶ οὐ τῶν ἀδόξων ὠνείδισεν ἁλῶναι ζῶντα ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων αὐτόν· καὶ—ἦν γὰρ τηνικαῦτα ἐς Μεσσηνίους Ἀχαιοῖς ἔγκλημα—Λυκόρταν σὺν τῇ στρατιᾷ ὁ Φιλοποίμην ἀποστέλλει δῃώσοντα τῶν Μεσσηνίων τὴν χώραν, αὐτὸς δὲ τρίτῃ μάλιστα ὕστερον ἡμέρᾳ, πυρετῷ τε ἐχόμενος πολλῷ καὶ πρόσω βεβιωκὼς ἑβδομήκοντα ἐτῶν, ὅμως ἠπείγετο μετασχεῖν Λυκόρτᾳ τοῦ ἔργου· ἱππέας δὲ καὶ πελταστὰς ἦγεν ὅσον ἑξήκοντα. 8.51.6. Λυκόρτας μὲν δὴ καὶ ὁ σὺν αὐτῷ στρατὸς ἀνέστρεφον ἤδη τηνικαῦτα ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν, οὔτε ἐργασάμενοι μέγα Μεσσηνίους οὐδὲν οὔτε αὐτοὶ παθόντες· Φιλοποίμενα δὲ—ἐβλήθη γὰρ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ ἀπέπεσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου—ζῶντα ἐς Μεσσήνην ἄγουσιν αὐτόν. συνελθόντων δὲ αὐτίκα ἐς ἐκκλησίαν, διάφοροι παρὰ πολὺ καὶ οὐ πάντων κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐγίνοντο αἱ γνῶμαι· 8.51.7. Δεινοκράτης μὲν καὶ ὅσοι τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἦσαν δυνατοὶ χρήμασι, παρεκελεύοντο ἀποκτεῖναι Φιλοποίμενα· οἱ δὲ τοῦ δήμου περιποιῆσαι τὰ μάλιστα εἶχον σπουδήν, πλέον τι ἢ παντὸς τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ πατέρα ὀνομάζοντες. Δεινοκράτης δὲ καὶ ἀκόντων Μεσσηνίων ἔμελλεν τε ἄρα Φιλοποίμενα ἀναιρήσειν ἐσπέμψας φάρμακον. 8.51.8. Λυκόρτας δὲ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ ἀθροίσας ἔκ τε Ἀρκαδίας καὶ παρʼ Ἀχαιῶν δύναμιν ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ Μεσσήνην· καὶ ὁ δῆμος αὐτίκα ὁ τῶν Μεσσηνίων προσεχώρησε τοῖς Ἀρκάσι, καὶ οἱ Φιλοποίμενι αἰτίαν θανάτου παρασχόντες ἁλόντες πλὴν Δεινοκράτους ὑπέσχον τιμωρίαν οἱ ἄλλοι, Δεινοκράτης δὲ ἀφίησιν αὐτοχειρίᾳ τὴν ψυχήν. κατάγουσι δὲ καὶ ἐς Μεγάλην πόλιν τοῦ Φιλοποίμενος τὰ ὀστᾶ οἱ Ἀρκάδες. 9.2.7. ἐν αὐτῇ δὲ τῇ πόλει προϊοῦσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἀγάλματος ἃ τῷ Διὶ πεποίηται τῷ Ἐλευθερίῳ, Πλαταίας ἐστὶν ἡρῷον· καί μοι τὰ ἐς αὐτὴν ἤδη, τὰ λεγόμενα καὶ ὁποῖα αὐτὸς εἴκαζον, ἔστιν εἰρημένα. Πλαταιεῦσι δὲ ναός ἐστιν Ἥρας, θέας ἄξιος μεγέθει τε καὶ ἐς τῶν ἀγαλμάτων τὸν κόσμον. ἐσελθοῦσι μὲν Ῥέα τὸν πέτρον κατειλημένον σπαργάνοις, οἷα δὴ τὸν παῖδα ὃν ἔτεκε, Κρόνῳ κομίζουσά ἐστι· τὴν δὲ Ἥραν Τελείαν καλοῦσι, πεποίηται δὲ ὀρθὸν μεγέθει ἄγαλμα μέγα· λίθου δὲ ἀμφότερα τοῦ Πεντελησίου, Πραξιτέλους δέ ἐστιν ἔργα. ἐνταῦθα καὶ ἄλλο Ἥρας ἄγαλμα καθήμενον Καλλίμαχος ἐποίησε· Νυμφευομένην δὲ τὴν θεὸν ἐπὶ λόγῳ τοιῷδε ὀνομάζουσιν. 9.3.1. Ἥραν ἐφʼ ὅτῳ δὴ πρὸς τὸν Δία ὠργισμένην ἐς Εὔβοιάν φασιν ἀναχωρῆσαι, Δία δέ, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθεν αὐτήν, παρὰ Κιθαιρῶνα λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν δυναστεύοντα ἐν Πλαταιαῖς τότε· εἶναι γὰρ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα οὐδενὸς σοφίαν ὕστερον. οὗτος οὖν κελεύει τὸν Δία ἄγαλμα ξύλου ποιησάμενον ἄγειν ἐπὶ βοῶν ζεύγους ἐγκεκαλυμμένον, λέγειν δὲ ὡς ἄγοιτο γυναῖκα Πλάταιαν τὴν Ἀσωποῦ. 9.3.2. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἔπρασσε κατὰ τὴν παραίνεσιν τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος· Ἥρα δὲ ἐπέπυστό τε αὐτίκα καὶ αὐτίκα ἀφίκετο. ὡς δὲ ἐπλησίαζε τῇ ἁμάξῃ καὶ τοῦ ἀγάλματος τὴν ἐσθῆτα περιέρρηξεν, ἥσθη τε τῇ ἀπάτῃ ξόανον εὑροῦσα ἀντὶ νύμφης γυναικὸς καὶ διαλλαγὰς ποιεῖται πρὸς τὸν Δία. ἐπὶ ταύταις ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς Δαίδαλα ἑορτὴν ἄγουσιν, ὅτι οἱ πάλαι τὰ ξόανα ἐκάλουν δαίδαλα· ἐκάλουν δὲ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν πρότερον ἔτι ἢ Δαίδαλος ὁ Παλαμάονος ἐγένετο Ἀθήνῃσι, τούτῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἀπὸ τῶν δαιδάλων ἐπίκλησιν γενέσθαι δοκῶ καὶ οὐκ ἐκ γενετῆς τεθῆναι τὸ ὄνομα. 9.3.3. Δαίδαλα οὖν ἄγουσιν οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ἑορτὴν διʼ ἔτους ἑβδόμου μέν, ὡς ἔφασκεν ὁ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἐξηγητής, ἀληθεῖ μέντοι λόγῳ διʼ ἐλάσσονος καὶ οὐ τοσούτου χρόνου· ἐθελήσαντες δὲ ἀπὸ Δαιδάλων ἐς Δαίδαλα ἕτερα ἀναριθμῆσαι τὸν μεταξὺ χρόνον ἐς τὸ ἀκριβέστατον οὐκ ἐγενόμεθα οἷοί τε. ἄγουσι δὲ οὕτω τὴν ἑορτήν. 9.3.4. δρυμός ἐστιν Ἀλαλκομενῶν οὐ πόρρω· μέγιστα τῶν ἐν Βοιωτίᾳ στελέχη δρυῶν ἐστιν ἐνταῦθα. ἐς τοῦτον οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ἀφικόμενοι τὸν δρυμὸν προτίθενται μοίρας κρεῶν ἑφθῶν. ὄρνιθες δὲ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι σφίσιν ἥκιστά εἰσι διʼ ὄχλου, τῶν κοράκων δὲ—οὗτοι γάρ σφισιν ἐπιφοιτῶσιν—ἔχουσιν ἀκριβῆ τὴν φρουράν. τὸν δὲ αὐτῶν ἁρπάσαντα κρέας, ἐφʼ ὅτῳ τῶν δένδρων καθεδεῖται, φυλάσσουσιν. ἐφʼ οὗ δʼ ἂν καθεσθῇ, τεμόντες ποιοῦσιν ἀπὸ τούτου τὸ δαίδαλον· δαίδαλον γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὸ ξόανον αὐτὸ ὀνομάζουσι. 9.3.5. ταύτην μὲν ἰδίᾳ οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ἑορτὴν ἄγουσι, Δαίδαλα μικρὰ ὀνομάζοντες· Δαιδάλων δὲ ἑορτὴν τῶν μεγάλων καὶ Βοιωτοί σφισι συνεορτάζουσι, διʼ ἑξηκοστοῦ δὲ ἄγουσιν ἔτους· ἐκλιπεῖν γὰρ τοσοῦτον χρόνον τὴν ἑορτήν φασιν, ἡνίκα οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ἔφευγον. ξόανα δὲ τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα ἕτοιμά σφισίν ἐστι κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστον παρασκευασθέντα ἐν Δαιδάλοις τοῖς μικροῖς. 9.3.6. ταῦτα ἀναιροῦνται κλήρῳ Πλαταιεῖς Κορωναῖοι Θεσπιεῖς Ταναγραῖοι Χαιρωνεῖς Ὀρχομένιοι Λεβαδεῖς Θηβαῖοι· διαλλαγῆναι γὰρ καὶ οὗτοι Πλαταιεῦσιν ἠξίωσαν καὶ συλλόγου μετασχεῖν κοινοῦ καὶ ἐς Δαίδαλα θυσίαν ἀποστέλλειν, ὅτε Κάσσανδρος ὁ Ἀντιπάτρου τὰς Θήβας ἀνῴκισε. τῶν δὲ πολισμάτων ὁπόσα ἐστὶν ἐλάσσονος λόγου, συντέλειαν αἱροῦνται. 9.3.7. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα κομίσαντες παρὰ τὸν Ἀσωπὸν καὶ ἀναθέντες ἐπὶ ἅμαξαν, γυναῖκα ἐφιστᾶσι νυμφεύτριαν· οἱ δὲ αὖθις κληροῦνται καθʼ ἥντινα τάξιν τὴν πομπὴν ἀνάξουσι· τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν τὰς ἁμάξας ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ πρὸς ἄκρον τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα ἐλαύνουσιν. εὐτρέπισται δέ σφισιν ἐπὶ τῇ κορυφῇ τοῦ ὄρους βωμός, ποιοῦσι δὲ τρόπῳ τοιῷδε τὸν βωμόν· ξύλα τετράγωνα ἁρμόζοντες πρὸς ἄλληλα συντιθέασι κατὰ ταὐτὰ καὶ εἰ λίθων ἐποιοῦντο οἰκοδομίαν, ἐξάραντες δὲ ἐς ὕψος φρύγανα ἐπιφέρουσιν. 9.3.8. αἱ μὲν δὴ πόλεις καὶ τὰ τέλη θήλειαν θύσαντες τῇ Ἥρᾳ βοῦν ἕκαστοι καὶ ταῦρον τῷ Διὶ τὰ ἱερεῖα οἴνου καὶ θυμιαμάτων πλήρη καὶ τὰ δαίδαλα ὁμοῦ καθαγίζουσιν ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ, ἰδιῶται δὲ ὁπόσα δὴ θύουσιν οἱ πλούσιοι· τοῖς δὲ οὐχ ὁμοίως δυναμ ένο ις τὰ λεπτότερα τῶν προβάτων θύειν καθέστηκε, καθαγίζειν δὲ τὰ ἱερεῖα ὁμοίως πάντα. σὺν δέ σφισι καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν βωμὸν ἐπιλαβὸν τὸ πῦρ ἐξανήλωσε· μεγίστην δὲ ταύτην φλόγα καὶ ἐκ μακροτάτου σύνοπτον οἶδα ἀρθεῖσαν. 9.3.9. ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς κορυφῆς, ἐφʼ ᾗ τὸν βωμὸν ποιοῦνται, πέντε που μάλιστα καὶ δέκα ὑποκαταβάντι σταδίους νυμφῶν ἐστιν ἄντρον Κιθαιρωνίδων, Σφραγίδιον μὲν ὀνομαζόμενον, μαντεύεσθαι δὲ τὰς νύμφας τὸ ἀρχαῖον αὐτόθι ἔχει λόγος. 9.8.2. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Διονύσον ναός ἐστιν Αἰγοβόλου. θύοντες γὰρ τῷ θεῷ προήχθησάν ποτε ὑπὸ μέθης ἐς ὕβριν, ὥστε καὶ τοῦ Διονύσου τὸν ἱερέα ἀποκτείνουσιν· ἀποκτείναντας δὲ αὐτίκα ἐπέλαβε νόσος λοιμώδης, καί σφισιν ἀφίκετο ἴαμα ἐκ Δελφῶν τῷ Διονύσῳ θύειν παῖδα ὡραῖον· ἔτεσι δὲ οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον τὸν θεόν φασιν αἶγα ἱερεῖον ὑπαλλάξαι σφίσιν ἀντὶ τοῦ παιδός. δείκνυται δὲ ἐν Ποτνιαῖς καὶ φρέαρ· τὰς δὲ ἵππους τὰς ἐπιχωρίους τοῦ ὕδατος πιούσας τούτου μανῆναι λέγουσιν. 9.29.6. ταύτης τε οὖν εἰκὼν καὶ μετʼ αὐτὴν Λίνος ἐστὶν ἐν πέτρᾳ μικρᾷ σπηλαίου τρόπον εἰργασμένῃ· τούτῳ κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον πρὸ τῆς θυσίας τῶν Μουσῶν ἐναγίζουσι. λέγεται δὲ ὡς ὁ Λίνος οὗτος παῖς μὲν Οὐρανίας εἴη καὶ Ἀμφιμάρου τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος, μεγίστην δὲ τῶν τε ἐφʼ αὑτοῦ καὶ ὅσοι πρότερον ἐγένοντο λάβοι δόξαν ἐπὶ μουσικῇ, καὶ ὡς Ἀπόλλων ἀποκτείνειεν αὐτὸν ἐξισούμενον κατὰ τὴν ᾠδήν. 9.33.4. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἁλιαρτίᾳ ποταμὸς Λόφις. λέγεται δὲ τῆς χώρας αὐχμηρᾶς οὔσης τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ ὕδατος οὐκ ὄντος ἐν αὐτῇ ἄνδρα τῶν δυναστευόντων ἐλθόντα ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπερέσθαι τρόπον ὅντινα ὕδωρ εὑρήσουσιν ἐν τῇ γῇ· τὴν δὲ Πυθίαν προστάσσειν, ὃς ἂν ἐπανήκοντι ἐς Ἁλίαρτον ἐντύχῃ οἱ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων, τούτου δεῖν φονέα γενέσθαι αὐτόν. ἐντυχεῖν τε δὴ αὐτῷ παραγενομένῳ τὸν υἱὸν Λόφιν καὶ τὸν οὐ μελλήσαντα τῷ ξίφει τὸν νεανίσκον παῖσαι· καὶ τὸν μὲν ἔτι ἔμπνουν περιθεῖν, ὅπου δὲ ῥυῆναι τὸ αἷμα, ὕδωρ ἐντεῦθεν ἀνεῖναι τὴν γῆν. ἐπὶ τούτῳ μὲν ὁ ποταμὸς καλεῖται Λόφις· 9.33.6. Σύλλα δὲ ἔστι μὲν καὶ τὰ ἐς Ἀθηναίους ἀνήμερα καὶ ἤθους ἀλλότρια τοῦ Ῥωμαίων, ἐοικότα δὲ τούτοις καὶ τὰ ἐς Θηβαίους τε καὶ Ὀρχομενίους· προσεξειργάσατο δὲ καὶ ἐν ταῖς Ἀλαλκομεναῖς, τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τὸ ἄγαλμα αὐτὸ συλήσας. τοῦτον μὲν τοιαῦτα ἔς τε Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις καὶ θεοὺς τοὺς Ἑλλήνων ἐκμανέντα ἐπέλαβεν ἀχαριστοτάτη νόσος πασῶν· φθειρῶν γὰρ ἤνθησεν, ἥ τε πρότερον εὐτυχία δοκοῦσα ἐς τοιοῦτο περιῆλθεν αὐτῷ τέλος. τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν ταῖς Ἀλαλκομεναῖς ἠμελήθη τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἅτε ἠρημωμένον τῆς θεοῦ. 9.39.4. τὰ δὲ ἐπιφανέστατα ἐν τῷ ἄλσει Τροφωνίου ναὸς καὶ ἄγαλμά ἐστιν, Ἀσκληπιῷ καὶ τοῦτο εἰκασμένον· Πραξιτέλης δὲ ἐποίησε τὸ ἄγαλμα. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Εὐρώπης καὶ Ζεὺς Ὑέτιος ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ. ἀναβᾶσι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ μαντεῖον καὶ αὐτόθεν ἰοῦσιν ἐς τὸ πρόσω τοῦ ὄρους, Κόρης ἐστὶ καλουμένη θήρα καὶ Διὸς Βασιλέως ναός. τοῦτον μὲν δὴ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος ἢ καὶ τῶν πολέμων τὸ ἀλλεπάλληλον ἀφείκασιν ἡμίεργον· ἐν δὲ ἑτέρῳ ναῷ Κρόνου καὶ Ἥρας καὶ Διός ἐστιν ἀγάλματα. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερόν. 9.39.5. κατὰ δὲ τὸ μαντεῖον τοιάδε γίνεται. ἐπειδὰν ἀνδρὶ ἐς τοῦ Τροφωνίου κατιέναι δόξῃ, πρῶτα μὲν τεταγμένων ἡμερῶν δίαιταν ἐν οἰκήματι ἔχει, τὸ δὲ οἴκημα Δαίμονός τε ἀγαθοῦ καὶ Τύχης ἱερόν ἐστιν ἀγαθῆς· διαιτώμενος δὲ ἐνταῦθα τά τε ἄλλα καθαρεύει καὶ λουτρῶν εἴργεται θερμῶν, τὸ δὲ λουτρὸν ὁ ποταμός ἐστιν ἡ Ἕρκυνα· καί οἱ καὶ κρέα ἄφθονά ἐστιν ἀπὸ τῶν θυσιῶν, θύει γὰρ δὴ ὁ κατιὼν αὐτῷ τε τῷ Τροφωνίῳ καὶ τοῦ Τροφωνίου τοῖς παισί, πρὸς δὲ Ἀπόλλωνί τε καὶ Κρόνῳ καὶ Διὶ ἐπίκλησιν Βασιλεῖ καὶ Ἥρᾳ τε Ἡνιόχῃ καὶ Δήμητρι ἣν ἐπονομάζοντες Εὐρώπην τοῦ Τροφωνίου φασὶν εἶναι τροφόν. 9.39.6. καθʼ ἑκάστην δὲ τῶν θυσιῶν ἀνὴρ μάντις παρὼν ἐς τοῦ ἱερείου τὰ σπλάγχνα ἐνορᾷ, ἐνιδὼν δὲ προθεσπίζει τῷ κατιόντι εἰ δὴ αὐτὸν εὐμενὴς ὁ Τροφώνιος καὶ ἵλεως δέξεται. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἄλλων ἱερείων τὰ σπλάγχνα οὐχ ὁμοίως δηλοῖ τοῦ Τροφωνίου τὴν γνώμην· ἐν δὲ νυκτὶ ᾗ κάτεισιν ἕκαστος, ἐν ταύτῃ κριὸν θύουσιν ἐς βόθρον, ἐπικαλούμενοι τὸν Ἀγαμήδην. θυμάτων δὲ τῶν πρότερον πεφηνότων αἰσίων λόγος ἐστὶν οὐδείς, εἰ μὴ καὶ τοῦδε τοῦ κριοῦ τὰ σπλάγχνα τὸ αὐτὸ θέλοι λέγειν· ὁμολογούντων δὲ καὶ τούτων, τότε ἕκαστος ἤδη κάτεισιν εὔελπις, κάτεισι δὲ οὕτω. 9.39.7. πρῶτα μὲν ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ αὐτὸν ἄγουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τὴν Ἕρκυναν, ἀγαγόντες δὲ ἐλαίῳ χρίουσι καὶ λούουσι δύο παῖδες τῶν ἀστῶν ἔτη τρία που καὶ δέκα γεγονότες, οὓς Ἑρμᾶς ἐπονομάζουσιν· οὗτοι τὸν καταβαίνοντά εἰσιν οἱ λούοντες καὶ ὁπόσα χρὴ διακονούμενοι ἅτε παῖδες. τὸ ἐντεῦθεν ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ αὐτίκα ἐπὶ τὸ μαντεῖον, ἐπὶ δὲ ὕδατος πηγὰς ἄγεται· αἱ δὲ ἐγγύτατά εἰσιν ἀλλήλων. 9.39.8. ἐνταῦθα δὴ χρὴ πιεῖν αὐτὸν Λήθης τε ὕδωρ καλούμενον, ἵνα λήθη γένηταί οἱ πάντων ἃ τέως ἐφρόντιζε, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε ἄλλο αὖθις ὕδωρ πίνειν Μνημοσύνης· ἀπὸ τούτου τε μνημονεύει τὰ ὀφθέντα οἱ καταβάντι. θεασάμενος δὲ ἄγαλμα ὃ ποιῆσαι Δαίδαλόν φασιν—ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ ἐπιδείκνυται πλὴν ὅσοι παρὰ τὸν Τροφώνιον μέλλουσιν ἔρχεσθαι— τοῦτο τὸ ἄγαλμα ἰδὼν καὶ θεραπεύσας τε καὶ εὐξάμενος ἔρχεται πρὸς τὸ μαντεῖον, χιτῶνα ἐνδεδυκὼς λινοῦν καὶ ταινίαις τὸν χιτῶνα ἐπιζωσθεὶς καὶ ὑποδησάμενος ἐπιχωρίας κρηπῖδας. 9.39.9. ἔστι δὲ τὸ μαντεῖον ὑπὲρ τὸ ἄλσος ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους. κρηπὶς μὲν ἐν κύκλῳ περιβέβληται λίθου λευκοῦ, περίοδος δὲ τῆς κρηπῖδος κατὰ ἅλων τὴν ἐλαχίστην ἐστίν, ὕψος δὲ ἀποδέουσα δύο εἶναι πήχεις· ἐφεστήκασι δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ κρηπῖδι ὀβελοὶ καὶ αὐτοὶ χαλκοῖ καὶ αἱ συνέχουσαι σφᾶς ζῶναι, διὰ δὲ αὐτῶν θύραι πεποίηνται. τοῦ περιβόλου δὲ ἐντὸς χάσμα γῆς ἐστιν οὐκ αὐτόματον ἀλλὰ σὺν τέχνῃ καὶ ἁρμονίᾳ πρὸς τὸ ἀκριβέστατον ᾠκοδομημένον. 9.39.10. τοῦ δὲ οἰκοδομήματος τούτου τὸ σχῆμα εἴκασται κριβάνῳ· τὸ δὲ εὖρος ἡ διάμετρος αὐτοῦ τέσσαρας παρέχοιτο ἂν ὡς εἰκάσαι πήχεις· βάθος δὲ τοῦ οἰκοδομήματος, οὐκ ἂν οὐδὲ τοῦτο εἰκάζοι τις ἐς πλέον ὀκτὼ καθήκειν πηχῶν. κατάβασις δὲ οὐκ ἔστι πεποιημένη σφίσιν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος· ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀνὴρ ἔρχηται παρὰ τὸν Τροφώνιον, κλίμακα αὐτῷ κομίζουσι στενὴν καὶ ἐλαφράν. καταβάντι δέ ἐστιν ὀπὴ μεταξὺ τοῦ τε ἐδάφους καὶ τοῦ οἰκοδομήματος· σπιθαμῶν τὸ εὖρος δύο, τὸ δὲ ὕψος ἐφαίνετο εἶναι σπιθαμῆς. 9.39.11. ὁ οὖν κατιὼν κατακλίνας ἑαυτὸν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος ἔχων μάζας μεμαγμένας μέλιτι προεμβάλλει τε ἐς τὴν ὀπὴν τοὺς πόδας καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιχωρεῖ, τὰ γόνατά οἱ τῆς ὀπῆς ἐντὸς γενέσθαι προθυμούμενος· τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν σῶμα αὐτίκα ἐφειλκύσθη τε καὶ τοῖς γόνασιν ἐπέδραμεν, ὥσπερ ποταμῶν ὁ μέγιστος καὶ ὠκύτατος συνδεθέντα ὑπὸ δίνης ἀποκρύψειεν ἂν ἄνθρωπον. τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν τοῖς ἐντὸς τοῦ ἀδύτου γενομένοις οὐχ εἷς οὐδὲ ὁ αὐτὸς τρόπος ἐστὶν ὅτῳ διδάσκονται τὰ μέλλοντα, ἀλλά πού τις καὶ εἶδε καὶ ἄλλος ἤκουσεν. ἀναστρέψαι δὲ ὀπίσω τοῖς καταβᾶσι διὰ στομίου τε ἔστι τοῦ αὐτοῦ καὶ προεκθεόντων σφίσι τῶν ποδῶν. 9.39.12. ἀποθανεῖν δὲ οὐδένα τῶν καταβάντων λέγουσιν ὅτι μὴ μόνον τῶν Δημητρίου τινὰ δορυφόρων· τοῦτον δὲ οὔτε ποιῆσαι περὶ τὸ ἱερόν φασιν οὐδὲν τῶν νενομισμένων οὔτε χρησόμενον τῷ θεῷ καταβῆναι, χρυσὸν δὲ καὶ ἄργυρον ἐκκομιεῖν ἐλπίσαντα ἐκ τοῦ ἀδύτου. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τούτου τὸν νεκρὸν ἑτέρωθι ἀναφανῆναι καὶ οὐ κατὰ στόμα ἐκβληθῆναι τὸ ἱερόν. ἐς μὲν δὴ τὸν ἄνθρωπον λεγομένων καὶ ἄλλων εἴρηταί μοι τὰ ἀξιολογώτατα· 9.39.13. τὸν δὲ ἀναβάντα παρὰ τοῦ Τροφωνίου παραλαβόντες αὖθις οἱ ἱερεῖς καθίζουσιν ἐπὶ θρόνον Μνημοσύνης μὲν καλούμενον, κεῖται δὲ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ ἀδύτου, καθεσθέντα δὲ ἐνταῦθα ἀνερωτῶσιν ὁπόσα εἶδέ τε καὶ ἐπύθετο· μαθόντες δὲ ἐπιτρέπουσιν αὐτὸν ἤδη τοῖς προσήκουσιν. οἱ δὲ ἐς τὸ οἴκημα, ἔνθα καὶ πρότερον διῃτᾶτο παρά τε Τύχῃ καὶ Δαίμονι ἀγαθοῖς, ἐς τοῦτο ἀράμενοι κομίζουσι κάτοχόν τε ἔτι τῷ δείματι καὶ ἀγνῶτα ὁμοίως αὑτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν πέλας. ὕστερον μέντοι τά τε ἄλλα οὐδέν τι φρονήσει μεῖον ἢ πρότερον καὶ γέλως ἐπάνεισίν οἱ. 9.39.14. γράφω δὲ οὐκ ἀκοὴν ἀλλὰ ἑτέρους τε ἰδὼν καὶ αὐτὸς τῷ Τροφωνίῳ χρησάμενος. τοὺς δὲ ἐς τοῦ Τροφωνίου κατελθόντας, ἀνάγκη σφᾶς, ὁπόσα ἤκουσεν ἕκαστος ἢ εἶδεν, ἀναθεῖναι γεγραμμένα ἐν πίνακι. λείπεται δʼ ἔτι καὶ τοῦ Ἀριστομένους ἐνταῦθα ἡ ἀσπίς· τὰ δὲ ἐς αὐτὴν ὁποῖα ἐγένετο, ἐδήλωσα ἐν τοῖς προτέροις τοῦ λόγου. 10.13.8. λέγεται δὲ ὑπὸ Δελφῶν Ἡρακλεῖ τῷ Ἀμφιτρύωνος ἐλθόντι ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον τὴν πρόμαντιν Ξενόκλειαν οὐκ ἐθελῆσαί οἱ χρᾶν διὰ τοῦ Ἰφίτου τὸν φόνον· τὸν δὲ ἀράμενον τὸν τρίποδα ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ φέρειν ἔξω, εἰπεῖν τε δὴ τὴν πρόμαντιν· ἄλλος ἄρʼ Ἡρακλέης Τιρύνθιος, οὐχὶ Κανωβεύς· πρότερον γὰρ ἔτι ὁ Αἰγύπτιος Ἡρακλῆς ἀφίκετο ἐς Δελφούς. τότε δὲ ὁ Ἀμφιτρύωνος τόν τε τρίποδα ἀποδίδωσι τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ παρὰ τῆς Ξενοκλείας ὁπόσα ἐδεῖτο ἐδιδάχθη. παραδεξάμενοι δὲ οἱ ποιηταὶ τὸν λόγον μάχην Ἡρακλέους πρὸς Ἀπόλλωνα ὑπὲρ τρίποδος ᾄδουσιν. 10.31.9. αἱ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν Πενθεσίλειαν φέρουσαι μέν εἰσιν ὕδωρ ἐν κατεαγόσιν ὀστράκοις, πεποίηται δὲ ἡ μὲν ἔτι ὡραία τὸ εἶδος, ἡ δὲ ἤδη τῆς ἡλικίας προήκουσα· ἰδίᾳ μὲν δὴ οὐδὲν ἐπίγραμμα ἐπὶ ἑκατέρᾳ τῶν γυναικῶν, ἐν κοινῷ δέ ἐστιν ἐπὶ ἀμφοτέραις εἶναι σφᾶς τῶν οὐ μεμυημένων γυναικῶν. 10.31.11. ἔστι δὲ καὶ πίθος ἐν τῇ γραφῇ, πρεσβύτης δὲ ἄνθρωπος, ὁ δὲ ἔτι παῖς, καὶ γυναῖκες, νέα μὲν ὑπὸ τῇ πέτρᾳ, παρὰ δὲ τὸν πρεσβύτην ἐοικυῖα ἐκείνῳ τὴν ἡλικίαν· οἱ μὲν δὴ ἄλλοι φέρουσιν ὕδωρ, τῇ δὲ γραῒ κατεᾶχθαι τὴν ὑδρίαν εἰκάσεις· ὅσον δὲ ἐν τῷ ὀστράκῳ λοιπόν ἦν τοῦ ὕδατος, ἐκχέουσά ἐστιν αὖθις ἐς τὸν πίθον. ἐτεκμαιρόμεθα δʼ εἶναι καὶ τούτους τῶν τὰ δρώμενα Ἐλευσῖνι ἐν οὐδενὶ θεμένων λόγῳ· οἱ γὰρ ἀρχαιότεροι τῶν Ἑλλήνων τελετὴν τὴν Ἐλευσινίαν πάντων ὁπόσα ἐς εὐσέβειαν ἥκει τοσούτῳ ἦγον ἐντιμότερον ὅσῳ καὶ θεοὺς ἐπίπροσθεν ἡρώων. | 1.4.4. So they tried to save Greece in the way described, but the Gauls, now south of the Gates, cared not at all to capture the other towns, but were very eager to sack Delphi and the treasures of the god. They were opposed by the Delphians themselves and the Phocians of the cities around Parnassus ; a force of Aetolians also joined the defenders, for the Aetolians at this time were pre-eminent for their vigorous activity. When the forces engaged, not only were thunderbolts and rocks broken off from Parnassus hurled against the Gauls, but terrible shapes as armed warriors haunted the foreigners. They say that two of them, Hyperochus and Amadocus, came from the Hyperboreans, and that the third was Pyrrhus son of Achilles. Because of this help in battle the Delphians sacrifice to Pyrrhus as to a hero, although formerly they held even his tomb in dishonor, as being that of an enemy. 1.15.1. As you go to the portico which they call painted, because of its pictures, there is a bronze statue of Hermes of the Market-place, and near it a gate. On it is a trophy erected by the Athenians, who in a cavalry action overcame Pleistarchus, to whose command his brother Cassander had entrusted his cavalry and mercenaries. This portico contains, first, the Athenians arrayed against the Lacedaemonians at Oenoe in the Argive territory. Date unknown. What is depicted is not the crisis of the battle nor when the action had advanced as far as the display of deeds of valor, but the beginning of the fight when the combatants were about to close. 1.19.3. There is also the place called Cynosarges, sacred to Heracles; the story of the white dog “Cynosarges” may mean white dog. may be known by reading the oracle. There are altars of Heracles and Hebe, who they think is the daughter of Zeus and wife to Heracles. An altar has been built to Alcmena and to Iolaus, who shared with Heracles most of his labours. The Lyceum has its name from Lycus, the son of Pandion, but it was considered sacred to Apollo from the be ginning down to my time, and here was the god first named Lyceus. There is a legend that the Termilae also, to whom Lycus came when he fled from Aegeus, were called Lycii after him. 1.22.3. When Theseus had united into one state the many Athenian parishes, he established the cults of Aphrodite Pandemos (Common) and of Persuasion. The old statues no longer existed in my time, but those I saw were the work of no inferior artists. There is also a sanctuary of Earth, Nurse of Youth, and of Demeter Chloe (Green). You can learn all about their names by conversing with the priests. 1.22.8. Right at the very entrance to the Acropolis are a Hermes (called Hermes of the Gateway) and figures of Graces, which tradition says were sculptured by Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus, who the Pythia testified was the wisest of men, a title she refused to Anacharsis, although he desired it and came to Delphi to win it. 1.24.5. Their ritual, then, is such as I have described. As you enter the temple that they name the Parthenon, all the sculptures you see on what is called the pediment refer to the birth of Athena, those on the rear pediment represent the contest for the land between Athena and Poseidon. The statue itself is made of ivory and gold. On the middle of her helmet is placed a likeness of the Sphinx—the tale of the Sphinx I will give when I come to my description of Boeotia—and on either side of the helmet are griffins in relief. 1.24.6. These griffins, Aristeas An early Greek traveller and writer. of Proconnesus says in his poem, fight for the gold with the Arimaspi beyond the Issedones. The gold which the griffins guard, he says, comes out of the earth; the Arimaspi are men all born with one eye; griffins are beasts like lions, but with the beak and wings of an eagle. I will say no more about the griffins. 1.24.7. The statue of Athena is upright, with a tunic reaching to the feet, and on her breast the head of Medusa is worked in ivory. She holds a statue of Victory about four cubits high, and in the other hand a spear; at her feet lies a shield and near the spear is a serpent. This serpent would be Erichthonius. On the pedestal is the birth of Pandora in relief. Hesiod and others have sung how this Pandora was the first woman; before Pandora was born there was as yet no womankind. The only portrait statue I remember seeing here is one of the emperor Hadrian, and at the entrance one of Iphicrates, A famous Athenian soldier.fl. 390 B.C. who accomplished many remarkable achievements. 1.28.2. In addition to the works I have mentioned, there are two tithes dedicated by the Athenians after wars. There is first a bronze Athena, tithe from the Persians who landed at Marathon. It is the work of Pheidias, but the reliefs upon the shield, including the fight between Centaurs and Lapithae, are said to be from the chisel of Mys fl. 430 B.C. , for whom they say Parrhasius the son of Evenor, designed this and the rest of his works. The point of the spear of this Athena and the crest of her helmet are visible to those sailing to Athens , as soon as Sunium is passed. Then there is a bronze chariot, tithe from the Boeotians and the Chalcidians in Euboea c. 507 B.C. . There are two other offerings, a statue of Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, and the best worth seeing of the works of Pheidias, the statue of Athena called Lemnian after those who dedicated it. 1.28.8. The Athenians have other law courts as well, which are not so famous. We have the Parabystum (Thrust aside) and the Triangle; the former is in an obscure part of the city, and in it the most trivial cases are tried; the latter is named from its shape. The names of Green Court and Red Court, due to their colors, have lasted down to the present day. The largest court, to which the greatest numbers come, is called Heliaea. One of the other courts that deal with bloodshed is called “At Palladium,” into which are brought cases of involuntary homicide. All are agreed that Demophon was the first to be tried there, but as to the nature of the charge accounts differ. 1.28.9. It is reported that after the capture of Troy Diomedes was returning home with his fleet when night overtook them as in their voyage they were off Phalerum. The Argives landed, under the impression that it was hostile territory, the darkness preventing them from seeing that it was Attica . Thereupon they say that Demophon, he too being unaware of the facts and ignorant that those who had landed were Argives, attacked them and, having killed a number of them, went off with the Palladium. An Athenian, however, not seeing before him in the dark, was knocked over by the horse of Demophon, trampled upon and killed. Whereupon Demophon was brought to trial, some say by the relatives of the man who was trampled upon, others say by the Argive commonwealth. 2.10.1. In the gymnasium not far from the market-place is dedicated a stone Heracles made by Scopas. Flourished first half of fourth century B.C. There is also in another place a sanctuary of Heracles. The whole of the enclosure here they name Paedize; in the middle of the enclosure is the sanctuary, and in it is an old wooden figure carved by Laphaes the Phliasian. I will now describe the ritual at the festival. The story is that on coming to the Sicyonian land Phaestus found the people giving offerings to Heracles as to a hero. Phaestus then refused to do anything of the kind, but insisted on sacrificing to him as to a god. Even at the present day the Sicyonians, after slaying a lamb and burning the thighs upon the altar, eat some of the meat as part of a victim given to a god, while the rest they offer as to a hero. The first day of the festival in honor of Heracles they name . . . ; the second they call Heraclea . 2.17.4. The statue of Hera is seated on a throne; it is huge, made of gold and ivory, and is a work of Polycleitus. She is wearing a crown with Graces and Seasons worked upon it, and in one hand she carries a pomegranate and in the other a sceptre. About the pomegranate I must say nothing, for its story is somewhat of a holy mystery. The presence of a cuckoo seated on the sceptre they explain by the story that when Zeus was in love with Hera in her maidenhood he changed himself into this bird, and she caught it to be her pet. This tale and similar legends about the gods I relate without believing them, but I relate them nevertheless. 2.20.6. Not far from the statues are shown the tomb of Danaus and a cenotaph of the Argives who met their death at Troy or on the journey home. Here there is also a sanctuary of Zeus the Saviour. Beyond it is a building where the Argive women bewail Adonis. On the right of the entrance is the sanctuary of Cephisus. It is said that the water of this river was not utterly destroyed by Poseidon, but that just in this place, where the sanctuary is, it can be heard flowing under the earth. 2.31.2. In this temple are altars to the gods said to rule under the earth. It is here that they say Semele was brought out of Hell by Dionysus, and that Heracles dragged up the Hound of Hell. Cerberus, the fabulous watch-dog. But I cannot bring myself to believe even that Semele died at all, seeing that she was the wife of Zeus; while, as for the so-called Hound of Hell, I will give my views in another place. Paus. 3.25.6 . 2.31.10. Here there is also a Hermes called Polygius. Against this image, they say, Heracles leaned his club. Now this club, which was of wild olive, taking root in the earth (if anyone cares to believe the story), grew up again and is still alive; Heracles, they say, discovering the wild olive by the Saronic Sea, cut a club from it. There is also a sanctuary of Zeus surnamed Saviour, which, they say, was made by Aetius, the son of Anthas, when he was king. To a water they give the name River of Gold. They say that when the land was afflicted with a drought for nine years, during which no rain fell, all the other waters dried up, but this River of Gold even then continued to flow as before. 2.35.4. The object most worthy of mention is a sanctuary of Demeter on Pron. This sanctuary is said by the Hermionians to have been founded by Clymenus, son of Phoroneus, and Chthonia, sister of Clymenus. But the Argive account is that when Demeter came to Argolis , while Atheras and Mysius afforded hospitality to the goddess, Colontas neither received her into his home nor paid her any other mark of respect. His daughter Chthoia disapproved of this conduct. They say that Colontas was punished by being burnt up along with his house, while Chthonia was brought to Hermion by Demeter, and made the sanctuary for the Hermionians. 2.35.5. At any rate, the goddess herself is called Chthonia, and Chthonia is the name of the festival they hold in the summer of every year. The manner of it is this. The procession is headed by the priests of the gods and by all those who hold the annual magistracies; these are followed by both men and women. It is now a custom that some who are still children should honor the goddess in the procession. These are dressed in white, and wear wreaths upon their heads. Their wreaths are woven of the flower called by the natives cosmosandalon , which, from its size and color, seems to me to be an iris; it even has inscribed upon it the same letters of mourning. The letters AI, an exclamation of woe supposed to be inscribed on the flower. 2.35.6. Those who form the procession are followed by men leading from the herd a full-grown cow, fastened with ropes, and still untamed and frisky. Having driven the cow to the temple, some loose her from the ropes that she may rush into the sanctuary, others, who hitherto have been holding the doors open, when they see the cow within the temple, close the doors. 2.35.7. Four old women, left behind inside, are they who dispatch the cow. Whichever gets the chance cuts the throat of the cow with a sickle. Afterwards the doors are opened, and those who are appointed drive up a second cow, and a third after that, and yet a fourth. All are dispatched in the same way by the old women, and the sacrifice has yet another strange feature. On whichever of her sides the first cow falls, all the others must fall on the same. 2.35.8. Such is the manner in which the sacrifice is performed by the Hermionians. Before the temple stand a few statues of the women who have served Demeter as her priestess, and on passing inside you see seats on which the old women wait for the cows to be driven in one by one, and images, of no great age, of Athena and Demeter. But the thing itself that they worship more than all else, I never saw, nor yet has any other man, whether stranger or Hermionian. The old women may keep their knowledge of its nature to themselves. 4.17.1. There is a place Aegila in Laconia , where is a sanctuary sacred to Demeter. Aristomenes and his men knowing that the women were keeping festival there . . . the women were inspired by the goddess to defend themselves, and most of the Messenians were wounded with the knives with which the women sacrificed the victims and the spits on which they pierced and roasted the meat. Aristomenes was struck with the torches and taken alive. Nevertheless he escaped to Messenia during the same night. Archidameia, the priestess of Demeter, was charged with having released him, not for a bribe but because she had been in love with him before; but she maintained that Aristomenes had escaped by burning through his bonds. 4.34.10. But the people of Asine give this account of themselves. They admit that they were conquered by Heracles and their city in Parnassus captured, but they deny that they were made prisoners and brought to Apollo. But when the walls were carried by Heracles, they deserted the town and fled to the heights of Parnassus , and afterwards crossed the sea to Peloponnese and appealed to Eurystheus. Being at feud with Heracles, he gave them Asine in the Argolid . 4.34.11. The men of Asine are the only members of the race of the Dryopes to pride themselves on the name to this day. The case is very different with the Euboeans of Styra . They too are Dryopes in origin, who took no part in the battle with Heracles, as they dwelt at some distance from the city. Yet the people of Styra disdain the name of Dryopes, just as the Delphians have refused to be called Phocians. But the men of Asine take the greatest pleasure in being called Dryopes, and clearly have made the most holy of their sanctuaries in memory of those which they once had, established on Parnassus . For they have both a temple of Apollo and again a temple and ancient statue of Dryops, whose mysteries they celebrate every year, saying that he is the son of Apollo. 4.34.12. The town itself lies on the coast just as the old Asine in Argive territory. It is a journey of forty stades from Colonides to Asine , and of an equal number from Asine to the promontory called Acritas. Acritas projects into the sea and has a deserted island, Theganussa, lying off it. After Acritas is the harbor Phoenicus and the Oenussae islands lying opposite. 5.11.10. All the floor in front of the image is paved, not with white, but with black tiles. In a circle round the black stone runs a raised rim of Parian marble, to keep in the olive oil that is poured out. For olive oil is beneficial to the image at Olympia , and it is olive oil that keeps the ivory from being harmed by the marshiness of the Altis. On the Athenian Acropolis the ivory of the image they call the Maiden is benefited, not by olive oil, but by water. For the Acropolis, owing to its great height, is over-dry, so that the image, being made of ivory, needs water or dampness. 5.13.3. The woodman is one of the servants of Zeus, and the task assigned to him is to supply cities and private individuals with wood for sacrifices at a fixed rate, wood of the white poplar, but of no other tree, being allowed. If anybody, whether Elean or stranger, eat of the meat of the victim sacrificed to Pelops, he may not enter the temple of Zeus. The same rule applies to those who sacrifice to Telephus at Pergamus on the river Caicus ; these too may not go up to the temple of Asclepius before they have bathed. 5.13.4. The following tale too is told. When the war of the Greeks against Troy was prolonged, the soothsayers prophesied to them that they would not take the city until they had fetched the bow and arrows of Heracles and a bone of Pelops. So it is said that they sent for Philoctetes to the camp, and from Pisa was brought to them a bone of Pelops—a shoulder-blade. As they were returning home, the ship carrying the bone of Pelops was wrecked off Euboea in the storm. 5.13.5. Many years later than the capture of Troy , Damarmenus, a fisherman from Eretria , cast a net into the sea and drew up the bone. Marvelling at its size he kept it hidden in the sand. At last he went to Delphi , to inquire whose the bone was, and what he ought to do with it. 5.13.6. It happened that by the providence of Heaven there was then at Delphi an Elean embassy praying for deliverance from a pestilence. So the Pythian priestess ordered the Eleans to recover the bones of Pelops, and Damarmenus to give back to the Eleans what he had found. He did so, and the Eleans repaid him by appointing him and his descendants to be guardians of the bone. The shoulder-blade of Pelops had disappeared by my time, because, I suppose, it had been hidden in the depths so long, and besides its age it was greatly decayed through the salt water. 5.13.7. That Pelops and Tantalus once dwelt in my country there have remained signs right down to the present day. There is a lake called after Tantalus and a famous grave, and on a peak of Mount Sipylus there is a throne of Pelops beyond the sanctuary of Plastene the Mother. If you cross the river Hermus you see an image of Aphrodite in Temnus made of a living myrtle-tree. It is a tradition among us that it was dedicated by Pelops when he was propitiating the goddess and asking for Hippodameia to be his bride. 6.22.1. Going forward about a stade from the grave one sees traces of a sanctuary of Artemis, surnamed Cordax because the followers of Pelops celebrated their victory by the side of this goddess and danced the cordax, a dance peculiar to the dwellers round Mount Sipylus. Not far from the sanctuary is a small building containing a bronze chest, in which are kept the bones of Pelops. of the wall and of the rest of the building there were no remains, but vines were planted over all the district where Pisa stood. 7.22.4. There is a similar method of divination practised at the sanctuary of Apis in Egypt . At Pharae there is also a water sacred to Hermes. The name of the spring is Hermes' stream, and the fish in it are not caught, being considered sacred to the god. Quite close to the image stand square stones, about thirty in number. These the people of Pharae adore, calling each by the name of some god. At a more remote period all the Greeks alike worshipped uncarved stones instead of images of the gods. 8.8.2. The following story is told by the Arcadians. When Rhea had given birth to Poseidon, she laid him in a flock for him to live there with the lambs, and the spring too received its name just because the lambs pastured around it. Rhea, it is said, declared to Cronus that she had given birth to a horse, and gave him a foal to swallow instead of the child, just as later she gave him in place of Zeus a stone wrapped up in swaddling clothes. 8.8.3. When I began to write my history I was inclined to count these legends as foolishness, but on getting as far as Arcadia I grew to hold a more thoughtful view of them, which is this. In the days of old those Greeks who were considered wise spoke their sayings not straight out but in riddles, and so the legends about Cronus I conjectured to be one sort of Greek wisdom. In matters of divinity, therefore, I shall adopt the received tradition. 8.22.2. The story has it that in the old Stymphalus dwelt Temenus, the son of Pelasgus, and that Hera was reared by this Temenus, who himself established three sanctuaries for the goddess, and gave her three surnames when she was still a maiden, Girl; when married to Zeus he called her Grown-up; when for some cause or other she quarrelled with Zeus and came back to Stymphalus, Temenus named her Widow. This is the account which, to my own knowledge, the Stymphalians give of the goddess. 8.22.3. The modern city contains none of these sanctuaries, but I found the following notable things. In the Stymphalian territory is a spring, from which the emperor Hadrian brought water to Corinth . In winter the spring makes a small lake in Stymphalus, and the river Stymphalus issues from the lake; in summer there is no lake, but the river comes straight from the spring. This river descends into a chasm in the earth, and reappearing once more in Argolis it changes its name, and is called Erasinus instead of Stymphalus. 8.34.1. As you go from Megalopolis to Messene , after advancing about seven stades, there stands on the left of the highway a sanctuary of goddesses. They call the goddesses themselves, as well as the district around the sanctuary, Maniae (Madnesses). In my view this is a surname of the Eumenides; in fact they say that it was here that madness overtook Orestes as punishment for shedding his mother's blood. 8.34.2. Not far from the sanctuary is a mound of earth, of no great size, surmounted by a finger made of stone; the name, indeed, of the mound is the Tomb of the Finger. Here, it is said, Orestes on losing his wits bit off one finger of one of his hands. Adjoining this place is another, called Ace (Remedies) because in it Orestes was cured of his malady. Here too there is a sanctuary for the Eumenides. 8.34.3. The story is that, when these goddesses were about to put Orestes out of his mind, they appeared to him black; but when he had bitten off his finger they seemed to him again to be white and he recovered his senses at the sight. So he offered a sin-offering to the black goddesses to avert their wrath, while to the white deities he sacrificed a thank-offering. It is customary to sacrifice to the Graces also along with the Eumenides. Near to the place called Ace is another . . . a sanctuary called . . . because here Orestes cut off his hair on coming to his senses. 8.51.5. But, nevertheless, Philopoemen too was to be punished for his pride. After being appointed commander of the Achaeans for the eighth time, he reproached a man of no little distinction for having been captured alive by the enemy. Now at this time the Achaeans had a grievance against the Messenians, and Philopoemen, despatching Lycortas with the army to lay waste the land of the Messenians, was very anxious two or three days later, in spite of his seventy years and a severe attack of fever, to take his share in the expedition of Lycortas. He led about sixty horsemen and targeteers. 8.51.6. Lycortas, however, and his army were already on their way back to their country, having neither suffered great harm nor inflicted it on the Messenians. Philopoemen, wounded in the head during the battle, fell from his horse and was taken alive to Messene . A meeting of the assembly was immediately held, at which the most widely divergent opinions were expressed. 8.51.7. Deinocrates, and all the Messenians whose wealth made them influential, urged that Philopoemen should be put to death; but the popular party were keen on saving his life, calling him Father, and more than Father, With the reading of Madvig, “pitying him, and calling him Father of all the Greek people.” of all the Greek people. But Deinocrates, after all, and in spite of Messenian opposition, was to bring about the death of Philopoemen, for he sent poison in to him. 183 B.C 8.51.8. Shortly afterwards Lycortas gathered a force from Arcadia and Achaia and marched against Messene . The Messenian populace at once went over to the side of the Arcadians, and those responsible for the death of Philopoemen were caught and punished, all except Deinocrates, who perished by his own hand. The Arcadians also brought back to Megalopolis the bones of Philopoemen. 9.2.7. Advancing in the city itself from the altar and the image which have been made to Zeus of Freedom, you come to a hero-shrine of Plataea . The legends about her, and my own conjectures, I have already See paus. 9.1 . stated. There is at Plataea a temple of Hera, worth seeing for its size and for the beauty of its images. On entering you see Rhea carrying to Cronus the stone wrapped in swaddling clothes, as though it were the babe to which she had given birth. The Hera they call Full-grown; it is an upright image of huge size. Both figures are of Pentelic marble, and the artist was Praxiteles. Here too is another image of Hera; it is seated, and was made by Callimachus. The goddess they call the Bride for the following reason. 9.3.1. Hera, they say, was for some reason or other angry with Zeus, and had retreated to Euboea . Zeus, failing to make her change her mind, visited Cithaeron, at that time despot in Plataea , who surpassed all men for his cleverness. So he ordered Zeus to make an image of wood, and to carry it, wrapped up, in a bullock wagon, and to say that he was celebrating his marriage with Plataea , the daughter of Asopus. 9.3.2. So Zeus followed the advice of Cithaeron. Hera heard the news at once, and at once appeared on the scene. But when she came near the wagon and tore away the dress from the image, she was pleased at the deceit, on finding it a wooden image and not a bride, and was reconciled to Zeus. To commemorate this reconciliation they celebrate a festival called Daedala, because the men of old time gave the name of daedala to wooden images. My own view is that this name was given to wooden images before Daedalus, the son of Palamaon, was born at Athens , and that he did not receive this name at birth, but that it was a surname afterwards given him from the daedala. 9.3.3. So the Plataeans hold the festival of the Daedala every six years, according to the local guide, but really at a shorter interval. I wanted very much to calculate exactly the interval between one Daedala and the next, but I was unable to do so. In this way they celebrate the feast. 9.3.4. Not far from Alalcomenae is a grove of oaks. Here the trunks of the oaks are the largest in Boeotia . To this grove come the Plataeans, and lay out portions of boiled flesh. They keep a strict watch on the crows which flock to them, but they are not troubled at all about the other birds. They mark carefully the tree on which a crow settles with the meat he has seized. They cut down the trunk of the tree on which the crow has settled, and make of it the daedalum; for this is the name that they give to the wooden image also. 9.3.5. This feast the Plataeans celebrate by themselves, calling it the Little Daedala, but the Great Daedala, which is shared with them by the Boeotians, is a festival held at intervals of fifty-nine years, for that is the period during which, they say, the festival could not be held, as the Plataeans were in exile. There are fourteen wooden images ready, having been provided each year at the Little Daedala. 9.3.6. Lots are cast for them by the Plataeans, Coronaeans, Thespians, Tanagraeans, Chaeroneans, Orchomenians, Lebadeans, and Thebans; for at the time when Cassander, the son of Antipater, rebuilt Thebes , the Thebans wished to be reconciled with the Plataeans, to share in the common assembly, and to send a sacrifice to the Daedala. The towns of less account pool their funds for images. 9.3.7. Bringing the image to the Asopus, and setting it upon a wagon, they place a bridesmaid also on the wagon. They again cast lots for the position they are to hold in the procession. After this they drive the wagons from the river to the summit of Cithaeron. On the peak of the mountain an altar has been prepared, which they make after the following way. They fit together quadrangular pieces of wood, putting them together just as if they were making a stone building, and having raised it to a height they place brushwood upon the altar. 9.3.8. The cities with their magistrates sacrifice severally a cow to Hera and a bull to Zeus, burning on the altar the victims, full of wine and incense, along with the daedala. Rich people, as individuals, sacrifice what they wish; but the less wealthy sacrifice the smaller cattle; all the victims alike are burned. The fire seizes the altar and the victims as well, and consumes them all together. I know of no blaze that is so high, or seen so far as this. 9.3.9. About fifteen stades below the peak, on which they make the altar, is a cave of the Cithaeronian nymphs. It is named Sphragidium, and the story is that of old the nymphs gave oracles in this place. 9.8.2. Here there is also a temple of Dionysus Goat-shooter. For once, when they were sacrificing to the god, they grew so violent with wine that they actually killed the priest of Dionysus. Immediately after the murder they were visited by a pestilence, and the Delphic oracle said that to cure it they must sacrifice a boy in the bloom of youth. A few years afterwards, so they say, the god substituted a goat as a victim in place of their boy. In Potniae is also shown a well. The mares of the country are said on drinking this water to become mad. 9.29.6. So her portrait is here, and after it is Linus on a small rock worked into the shape of a cave. To Linus every year they sacrifice as to a hero before they sacrifice to the Muses. It is said that this Linus was a son of Urania and Amphimarus, a son of Poseidon, that he won a reputation for music greater than that of any contemporary or predecessor, and that Apollo killed him for being his rival in singing. 9.33.4. In the land of Haliartus there is a river Lophis. It is said that the land was originally arid and without water, so that one of the rulers came to Delphi and asked in what way they would find water in the land. The Pythian priestess, they say, commanded him to kill the man who should first meet him on his return to Haliartus. On his arrival he was met by his son Lophis, and at once smote the youth with his sword. Still living, the lad ran about, and where the blood ran water rose up from the earth. Wherefore the river is called Lophis. 9.33.6. Sulla's treatment of the Athenians was savage and foreign to the Roman character, but quite consistent with his treatment of Thebes and Orchomenus . But in Alalcomenae he added yet another to his crimes by stealing the image of Athena itself. After these mad outrages against the Greek cities and the gods of the Greeks he was attacked by the most foul of diseases. He broke out into lice, and what was formerly accounted his good fortune came to such an end. The sanctuary at Alalcomenae, deprived of the goddess, was hereafter neglected. 9.39.4. The most famous things in the grove are a temple and image of Trophonius; the image, made by Praxiteles, is after the likeness of Asclepius. There is also a sanctuary of Demeter surnamed Europa, and a Zeus Rain-god in the open. If you go up to the oracle, and thence onwards up the mountain, you come to what is called the Maid's Hunting and a temple of King Zeus. This temple they have left half finished, either because of its size or because of the long succession of the wars. In a second temple are images of Cronus, Hera and Zeus. There is also a sanctuary of Apollo. 9.39.5. What happens at the oracle is as follows. When a man has made up his mind to descend to the oracle of Trophonius, he first lodges in a certain building for an appointed number of days, this being sacred to the good Spirit and to good Fortune. While he lodges there, among other regulations for purity he abstains from hot baths, bathing only in the river Hercyna. Meat he has in plenty from the sacrifices, for he who descends sacrifices to Trophonius himself and to the children of Trophonius, to Apollo also and Cronus, to Zeus surnamed King, to Hera Charioteer, and to Demeter whom they surname Europa and say was the nurse of Trophonius. 9.39.6. At each sacrifice a diviner is present, who looks into the entrails of the victim, and after an inspection prophesies to the person descending whether Trophonius will give him a kind and gracious reception. The entrails of the other victims do not declare the mind of Trophonius so much as a ram, which each inquirer sacrifices over a pit on the night he descends, calling upon Agamedes. Even though the previous sacrifices have appeared propitious, no account is taken of them unless the entrails of this ram indicate the same; but if they agree, then the inquirer descends in good hope. The procedure of the descent is this. 9.39.7. First, during the night he is taken to the river Hercyna by two boys of the citizens about thirteen years old, named Hermae, who after taking him there anoint him with oil and wash him. It is these who wash the descender, and do all the other necessary services as his attendant boys. After this he is taken by the priests, not at once to the oracle, but to fountains of water very near to each other. 9.39.8. Here he must drink water called the water of Forgetfulness, that he may forget all that he has been thinking of hitherto, and afterwards he drinks of another water, the water of Memory, which causes him to remember what he sees after his descent. After looking at the image which they say was made by Daedalus (it is not shown by the priests save to such as are going to visit Trophonius), having seen it, worshipped it and prayed, he proceeds to the oracle, dressed in a linen tunic, with ribbons girding it, and wearing the boots of the country. 9.39.9. The oracle is on the mountain, beyond the grove. Round it is a circular basement of white marble, the circumference of which is about that of the smallest threshing floor, while its height is just short of two cubits. On the basement stand spikes, which, like the cross-bars holding them together, are of bronze, while through them has been made a double door. Within the enclosure is a chasm in the earth, not natural, but artificially constructed after the most accurate masonry. 9.39.10. The shape of this structure is like that of a bread-oven. Its breadth across the middle one might conjecture to be about four cubits, and its depth also could not be estimated to extend to more than eight cubits. They have made no way of descent to the bottom, but when a man comes to Trophonius, they bring him a narrow, light ladder. After going down he finds a hole between the floor and the structure. Its breadth appeared to be two spans, and its height one span. 9.39.11. The descender lies with his back on the ground, holding barley-cakes kneaded with honey, thrusts his feet into the hole and himself follows, trying hard to get his knees into the hole. After his knees the rest of his body is at once swiftly drawn in, just as the largest and most rapid river will catch a man in its eddy and carry him under. After this those who have entered the shrine learn the future, not in one and the same way in all cases, but by sight sometimes and at other times by hearing. The return upwards is by the same mouth, the feet darting out first. 9.39.12. They say that no one who has made the descent has been killed, save only one of the bodyguard of Demetrius. But they declare that he performed none of the usual rites in the sanctuary, and that he descended, not to consult the god but in the hope of stealing gold and silver from the shrine. It is said that the body of this man appeared in a different place, and was not cast out at the sacred mouth. Other tales are told about the fellow, but I have given the one most worthy of consideration. 9.39.13. After his ascent from Trophonius the inquirer is again taken in hand by the priests, who set him upon a chair called the chair of Memory, which stands not far from the shrine, and they ask of him, when seated there, all he has seen or learned. After gaining this information they then entrust him to his relatives. These lift him, paralyzed with terror and unconscious both of himself and of his surroundings, and carry him to the building where he lodged before with Good Fortune and the Good Spirit. Afterwards, however, he will recover all his faculties, and the power to laugh will return to him. 9.39.14. What I write is not hearsay; I have myself inquired of Trophonius and seen other inquirers. Those who have descended into the shrine of Trophonius are obliged to dedicate a tablet on which is written all that each has heard or seen. The shield also of Aristomenes is still preserved here. Its story I have already given in a former part of my work. See Paus. 4.16.7 to Paus. 4.32.6 . 10.13.8. The Delphians say that when Heracles the son of Amphitryon came to the oracle, the prophetess Xenocleia refused to give a response on the ground that he was guilty of the death of Iphitus. Whereupon Heracles took up the tripod and carried it out of the temple. Then the prophetess said:— Then there was another Heracles, of Tiryns , not the Canopian. For before this the Egyptian Heracles had visited Delphi . On the occasion to which I refer the son of Amphitryon restored the tripod to Apollo, and was told by Xenocleia all he wished to know. The poets adopted the story, and sing about a fight between Heracles and Apollo for a tripod. 10.31.9. The women beyond Penthesileia are carrying water in broken pitchers; one is depicted as in the bloom of youth, the other is already advanced in years. There is no separate inscription on either woman, but there is one common to the pair, which states that they are of the number of the uninitiated. 10.31.11. There is also in the painting a jar, and an old man, with a boy and two women. One of these, who is young, is under the rock; the other is beside the old man and of a like age to his. The others are carrying water, but you will guess that the old woman's water-jar is broken. All that remains of the water in the sherd she is pouring out again into the jar. We inferred that these people too were of those who had held of no account the rites at Eleusis . For the Greeks of an earlier period looked upon the Eleusinian mysteries as being as much higher than all other religious acts as gods are higher than heroes. |
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| 156. Palestinian Talmud, Hagigah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 256 |
157. Origen, Against Celsus, 7.32 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 194 | 7.32. Celsus next assails the doctrine of the resurrection, which is a high and difficult doctrine, and one which more than others requires a high and advanced degree of wisdom to set forth how worthy it is of God; and how sublime a truth it is which teaches us that there is a seminal principle lodged in that which Scripture speaks of as the tabernacle of the soul, in which the righteous do groan, being burdened, not for that they would be unclothed, but clothed upon. Celsus ridicules this doctrine because he does not understand it, and because he has learned it from ignorant persons, who were unable to support it on any reasonable grounds. It will be profitable, therefore, that in addition to what we have said above, we should make this one remark. Our teaching on the subject of the resurrection is not, as Celsus imagines, derived from anything that we have heard on the doctrine of metempsychosis; but we know that the soul, which is immaterial and invisible in its nature, exists in no material place, without having a body suited to the nature of that place. Accordingly, it at one time puts off one body which was necessary before, but which is no longer adequate in its changed state, and it exchanges it for a second; and at another time it assumes another in addition to the former, which is needed as a better covering, suited to the purer ethereal regions of heaven. When it comes into the world at birth, it casts off the integuments which it needed in the womb; and before doing this, it puts on another body suited for its life upon earth. Then, again, as there is a tabernacle and an earthly house which is in some sort necessary for this tabernacle, Scripture teaches us that the earthly house of this tabernacle shall be dissolved, but that the tabernacle shall be clothed upon with a house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens. The men of God say also that the corruptible shall put on incorruption, which is a different thing from the incorruptible; and the mortal shall put on immortality, which is different from the immortal. Indeed, what wisdom is to the wise, and justice to the just, and peace to the peaceable, the same relation does incorruption hold to the incorruptible, and immortality to the immortal. Behold, then, to what a prospect Scripture encourages us to look, when it speaks to us of being clothed with incorruption and immortality, which are, as it were, vestments which will not suffer those who are covered with them to come to corruption or death. Thus far I have taken the liberty of referring to this subject, in answer to one who assails the doctrine of the resurrection without understanding it, and who, simply because he knew nothing about it, made it the object of contempt and ridicule. |
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| 158. Nag Hammadi, The Treatise On The Resurrection, 40.27, 40.28, 44, 44.6, 44.8, 44.9, 45.14, 45.15, 45.19, 45.20, 45.21, 45.22, 45.27, 45.36, 45.39-46.2, 45.40, 45.48-46.2, 46.7, 46.8, 46.21, 46.22, 46.23, 46.24, 47.1, 47.2, 47.3, 47.4, 47.5, 47.6, 47.7, 47.8, 47.17, 47.18, 47.19, 47.20, 47.21, 47.22, 47.24, 47.31, 47.32, 47.33, 47.34, 47.35, 47.36, 47.37, 47.38, 47.38-48.6, 47.38-48.1, 48.3, 48.4, 48.10, 48.11, 48.12, 48.13, 48.14, 48.16, 48.31, 48.38-49.6, 49.6, 49.7, 49.11, 49.12, 49.13, 49.14, 49.15, 49.16, 49.17, 49.18, 49.19, 49.20, 49.21, 49.22, 49.23, 49.24, 49.25, 49.26, 49.27, 49.28, 49.29, 49.30, 49.31, 49.32, 49.33, 49.34, 49.35, 49.36, 49.37, 50.17, 50.18 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 197 |
| 159. Nag Hammadi, The Tripartite Tractate, 124-125, 127-128, 132, 87 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 180 |
160. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.18, 1.21 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance •cultic ritual practice, scapegoat rituals Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 45, 464 | 1.18. In this place also they are to be refuted, who not only admit that gods have been made from men, but even boast of it as a subject of praise, either on account of their valour, as Hercules, or of their gifts, as Ceres and Liber, or of the arts which they discovered, as Æsculapius or Minerva. But how foolish these things are, and how unworthy of being the causes why men should contaminate themselves with inexpiable guilt, and become enemies to God, in contempt of whom they undertake offerings to the dead, I will show from particular instances. They say that it is virtue which exalts man to heaven, - not, however, that concerning which philosophers discuss, which consists in goods of the soul, but this connected with the body, which is called fortitude; and since this was pre-eminent in Hercules, it is believed to have deserved immortality. Who is so foolishly senseless as to judge strength of body to be a divine or even a human good, when it has been assigned in greater measure to cattle, and it is often impaired by one disease, or is lessened by old age itself, and altogether fails? And so Hercules, when he perceived that his muscles were disfigured by ulcers, neither wished to be healed nor to grow old, that he might not at any time appear to have less strength or comeliness than he once had. They supposed that he ascended into heaven from the funeral pile on which he had burnt himself alive; and those very qualities which they most foolishly admired, they expressed by statues and images, and consecrated, so that they might for ever remain as memorials of the folly of those who had believed that gods owed their origin to the slaughter of beasts. But this, perchance, may be the fault of the Greeks, who always esteemed most trifling things as of the greatest consequence. What is the case of our own countrymen? Are they more wise? For they despise valour in an athlete, because it produces no injury; but in the case of a king, because it occasions widely-spread disasters, they so admire it as to imagine that brave and warlike generals are admitted to the assembly of the gods, and that there is no other way to immortality than to lead armies, to lay waste the territory of others, to destroy cities, to overthrow towns, to put to death or enslave free peoples. Truly the greater number of men they have cast down, plundered, and slain, so much the more noble and distinguished do they think themselves; and ensnared by the show of empty glory, they give to their crimes the name of virtue. I would rather that they should make to themselves gods from the slaughter of wild beasts, than approve of an immortality so stained with blood. If any one has slain a single man, he is regarded as contaminated and wicked, nor do they think it lawful for him to be admitted to this earthly abode of the gods. But he who has slaughtered countless thousands of men, has inundated plains with blood, and infected rivers, is not only admitted into the temple, but even into heaven. In Ennius Africanus thus speaks: If it is permitted any one to ascend to the regions of the gods above, the greatest gate of heaven is open to me alone. Because, in truth, he extinguished and destroyed a great part of the human race. Oh how great the darkness in which you were involved, O Africanus, or rather O poet, in that you imagined the ascent to heaven to be open to men through slaughters and bloodshed! And Cicero also assented to this delusion. It is so in truth, he said, O Africanus, for the same gate was open to Hercules; as though he himself had been doorkeeper in heaven at the time when this took place. I indeed cannot determine whether I should think it a subject of grief or of ridicule, when I see grave and learned, and, as they appear to themselves, wise men, involved in such miserable waves of errors. If this is the virtue which renders us immortal, I for my part should prefer to die, rather than to be the cause of destruction to as many as possible. If immortality can be obtained in no other way than by bloodshed, what will be the result if all shall agree to live in harmony? And this may undoubtedly be realized, if men would cast aside their pernicious and impious madness, and live in innocence and justice. Shall no one, then, be worthy of heaven? Shall virtue perish, because it will not be permitted men to rage against their fellow-men? But they who reckon the overthrow of cities and people as the greatest glory will not endure public tranquillity: they will plunder and rage; and by the infliction of outrageous injuries will disturb the compact of human society, that they may have an enemy whom they may destroy with greater wickedness than that with which they attacked. Now let us proceed to the remaining subjects. The conferring of benefits gave the name of gods to Ceres and Liber. I am able to prove from the sacred writings that wine and grain were used by men before the offspring of Cœlus and Saturnus. But let us suppose that they were introduced by these. Can it appear to be a greater thing to have collected grain, and having bruised it, to have taught men to make bread; or to have pressed grapes gathered from the vine, and to have made wine, than to have produced and brought forth from the earth grain itself, or the vine? God, indeed, may have left these things to be drawn out by the ingenuity of man; yet all things must belong to Him, who gave to man both wisdom to discover, and those very things which might be discovered. The arts also are said to have gained immortality for their inventors, as medicine for Æsculapius, the craft of the smith for Vulcan. Therefore let us worship those also who taught the art of the fuller and of the shoemaker. But why is not honour paid to the discoverer of the potter's art? Is it that those rich men despise Samian vessels? There are also other arts, the inventors of which greatly profited the life of man. Why have not temples been assigned to them also? But doubtless it is Minerva who discovered all, and therefore workmen offer prayers to her. Such, then, was the low condition from which Minerva ascended to heaven. Is there truly any reason why any one should leave the worship of Him who created the earth with its living creatures, and the heaven with its stars, for the adoration of her who taught men to set up the woof? What place does he hold who taught the healing of wounds in the body? Can he be more excellent than Him who formed the body itself, and the power of sensibility and of life? Finally, did he contrive and bring to light the herbs themselves, and the other things in which the healing art consists? 1.21. We have spoken of the gods themselves who are worshipped; we must now speak a few words respecting their sacrifices and mysteries. Among the people of Cyprus, Teucer sacrificed a human victim to Jupiter, and handed down to posterity that sacrifice which was lately abolished by Hadrian when he was emperor. There was a law among the people of Tauris, a fierce and inhuman nation, by which it was ordered that strangers should be sacrificed to Diana; and this sacrifice was practised through many ages. The Gauls used to appease Hesus and Teutas with human blood. Nor, indeed, were the Latins free from this cruelty, since Jupiter Latialis is even now worshipped with the offering of human blood. What benefit do they who offer such sacrifices implore from the gods? Or what are such deities able to bestow on the men by whose punishments they are propitiated? But this is not so much a matter of surprise with respect to barbarians, whose religion agrees with their character. But are not our countrymen, who have always claimed for themselves the glory of gentleness and civilization, found to be more inhuman by these sacrilegious rites? For these ought rather to be esteemed impious, who, though they are embellished with the pursuits of liberal training, turn aside from such refinement, than those who, being ignorant and inexperienced, glide into evil practices from their ignorance of those which are good. And yet it is plain that this rite of immolating human victims is ancient, since Saturn was honoured in Latium with the same kind of sacrifice; not indeed that a man was slain at the altar, but that he was thrown from the Milvian bridge into the Tiber. And Varro relates that this was done in accordance with an oracle; of which oracle the last verse is to this effect: And offer heads to Ades, and to the father a man. And because this appears ambiguous, both a torch and a man are accustomed to be thrown to him. But it is said that sacrifices of this kind were put an end to by Hercules when he returned from Spain; the custom still continuing, that instead of real men, images made from rushes were cast forth, as Ovid informs us in his Fasti: Until the Tirynthian came into these lands, gloomy sacrifices were annually offered in the Leucadian manner: he threw into the water Romans made of straw; do you, after the example of Hercules, cast in the images of human bodies. The Vestal virgins make these sacred offerings, as the same poet says: Then also a virgin is accustomed to cast from the wooden bridge the images of ancient men made from rushes. For I cannot find language to speak of the infants who were immolated to the same Saturn, on account of his hatred of Jupiter. To think that men were so barbarous, so savage, that they gave the name of sacrifice to the slaughter of their own children, that is, to a deed foul, and to be held in detestation by the human race; since, without any regard to parental affection, they destroyed tender and innocent lives, at an age which is especially pleasing to parents, and surpassed in brutality the savageness of all beasts, which - savage as they are - still love their offspring! O incurable madness! What more could those gods do to them, if they were most angry, than they now do when propitious, when they defile their worshippers with parricide, visit them with bereavements, and deprive them of the sensibilities of men? What can be sacred to these men? Or what will they do in profane places, who commit the greatest crimes amidst the altars of the gods? Pescennius Festus relates in the books of his History by a Satire, that the Carthaginians were accustomed to immolate human victims to Saturn; and when they were conquered by Agathocles, the king of the Sicilians, they imagined that the god was angry with them; and therefore, that they might more diligently offer an expiation, they immolated two hundred sons of their nobles: So great the ills to which religion could prompt, which has ofttimes produced wicked and impious deeds. What advantage, then, did the men propose by that sacrifice, when they put to death so large a part of the state, as not even Agathocles had slain when victorious? From this kind of sacrifices those public rites are to be judged signs of no less madness; some of which are in honour of the mother of the gods, in which men mutilate themselves; others are in honour of Virtus, whom they also call Bellona, in which the priests make offsprings not with the blood of another victim, but with their own. For, cutting their shoulders, and thrusting forth drawn swords in each hand, they run, they are beside themselves, they are frantic. Quintilian therefore says excellently in his Fanatic: If a god compels this, he does it in anger. Are even these things sacred? Is it not better to live like cattle, than to worship deities so impious, profane, and sanguinary? But we will discuss at the proper time the source from which these errors and deeds of such great disgrace originated. In the meantime, let us look also to other matters which are without guilt, that we may not seem to select the worse parts through the desire of finding fault. In Egypt there are sacred rites in honour of Isis, since she either lost or found her little son. For at first her priests, having made their bodies smooth, beat their breasts, and lament, as the goddess herself had done when her child was lost. Afterwards the boy is brought forward, as if found, and that mourning is changed into joy. Therefore Lucan says, And Osiris never sufficiently sought for. For they always lose, and they always find him. Therefore in the sacred rites there is a representation of a circumstance which really occurred; and which assuredly declares, if we have any intelligence, that she was a mortal woman, and almost desolate, had she not found one person. And this did not escape the notice of the poet himself; for he represents Pompey when a youth as thus speaking, on hearing the death of his father: I will now draw forth the deity Isis from the tomb, and send her through the nations; and I will scatter through the people Osiris covered with wood. This Osiris is the same whom the people call Serapis. For it is customary for the names of the dead who are deified to be changed, that no one, as I believe, may imagine them to be men. For Romulus after his death became Quirinus, and Leda became Nemesis, and Circe Marica; and Ino, when she had leapt into the sea, was called Leucothea; and the mother Matuta; and her son Melicerta was called Pal mon and Portumnus. And the sacred rites of the Eleusinian Ceres are not unlike these. For as in those which have been mentioned the boy Osiris is sought with the wailing of his mother, so in these Proserpine is carried away to contract an incestuous marriage with her uncle; and because Ceres is said to have sought for her in Sicily with torches lighted from the top of Etna, on this account her sacred rites are celebrated with the throwing of torches. At Lampsacus the victim to be offered to Priapus is an ass, and the cause of the sacrifice of this animal is thus set forth in the Fasti:- When all the deities had assembled at the festival of the Great Mother, and when, satiated with feasting, they were spending the night in sport, they say that Vesta had laid herself on the ground for rest, and had fallen asleep, and that Priapus upon this formed a design against her honour as she slept; but that she was aroused by the unseasonable braying of the ass on which Silenus used to ride, and that the design of the insidious plotter was frustrated. On this account they say that the people of Lampsacus were accustomed to sacrifice an ass to Priapus, as though it were in revenge; but among the Romans the same animal was crowned at the Vestalia (festival of Vesta) with loaves, in honour of the preservation of her chastity. What is baser, what more disgraceful, than if Vesta is indebted to an ass for the preservation of her purity? But the poet invented a fable. But was that more true which is related by those who wrote Phenomena, when they speak concerning the two stars of Cancer, which the Greeks call asses? That they were asses which carried across father Liber when he was unable to cross a river, and that he rewarded one of them with the power of speaking with human voice; and that a contest arose between him and Priapus; and Priapus, being worsted in the contest, was enraged, and slew the victor. This truly is much more absurd. But poets have the licence of saying what they will. I do not meddle with a mystery so odious; nor do I strip Priapus of his disguise, lest something deserving of ridicule should be brought to light. It is true the poets invented these fictions, but they must have been invented for the purpose of concealing some greater depravity. Let us inquire what this is. But in fact it is evident. For as the bull is sacrificed to Luna, because he also has horns as she has; and as Persia propitiates with a horse Hyperion surrounded with rays, that a slow victim may not be offered to the swift god; so in this case no more suitable victim could be found than that which resembled him to whom it is offered. At Lindus, which is a town of Rhodes, there are sacred rites in honour of Hercules, the observance of which differs widely from all other rites; for they are not celebrated with words of good omen (as the Greeks term it), but with revilings and cursing. And they consider it a violation of the sacred rites, if at any time during the celebration of the solemnities a good word shall have escaped from any one even inadvertently. And this is the reason assigned for this practice, if indeed there can be any reason in things utterly senseless. When Hercules had arrived at the place, and was suffering hunger, he saw a ploughman at work, and began to ask him to sell one of his oxen. But the ploughman replied that this was impossible, because his hope of cultivating the land depended altogether upon those two bullocks. Hercules, with his usual violence, because he was not able to receive one of them, killed both. But the unhappy man, when he saw that his oxen were slain, avenged the injury with revilings - a circumstance which afforded gratification to the man of elegance and refinement. For while he prepares a feast for his companions, and while he devours the oxen of another man, he receives with ridicule and loud laughter the bitter reproaches with which the other assails him. But when it had been determined that divine honours should be paid to Hercules in admiration of his excellence, an altar was erected in his honour by the citizens, which he named, from the circumstance, the yoke of oxen; and at this altar two yoked oxen were sacrificed, like those which he had taken from the ploughman. And he appointed the same man to be his priest, and directed him always to use the same revilings in offering sacrifice, because he said that he had never feasted more pleasantly. Now these things are not sacred, but sacrilegious, in which that is said to be enjoined, which, if it is done in other things, is punished with the greatest severity. What, moreover, do the rites of the Cretan Jupiter himself show, except the manner in which he was withdrawn from his father, or brought up? There is a goat belonging to the nymph Amalthea, which gave suck to the infant; and of this goat Germanicus C sar thus speaks, in his poem translated from Aratus: - She is supposed to be the nurse of Jupiter; if in truth the infant Jupiter pressed the faithful teats of the Cretan goat, which attests the gratitude of her lord by a bright constellation.Mus us relates that Jupiter, when fighting against the Titans, used the hide of this goat as a shield, from which circumstance he is called by the poets shield-bearer. Thus, whatever was done in concealing the boy, that also is done by way of representation in the sacred rites. Moreover, the mystery of his mother also contains the same story which Ovid sets forth in the Fasti:- Now the lofty Ida resounds with tinklings, that the boy may cry in safety with infant mouth. Some strike their shields with stakes, some beat their empty helmets. This is the employment of the Curetes, this of the Corybantes. The matter was concealed, and imitations of the ancient deed remain; the attendant goddesses shake instruments of brass, and hoarse hides. Instead of helmets they strike cymbals, and drums instead of shields; the flute gives Phrygian strains, as it gave before.Sallust rejected this opinion altogether, as though invented by the poets, and wished to give an ingenious explanation of the reasons for which the Curetes are said to have nourished Jupiter; and he speaks to this purport: Because they were the first to understand the worship of the deity, that therefore antiquity, which exaggerates all things, made them known as the nourishers of Jupiter. How much this learned man was mistaken, the matter itself at once declares. For if Jupiter holds the first place, both among the gods and in religious rites, if no gods were worshipped by the people before him, because they who are worshipped were not yet born; it appears that the Curetes, on the contrary, were the first who did not understand the worship of the deity, since all error was introduced by them, and the memory of the true God was taken away. They ought therefore to have understood from the mysteries and ceremonies themselves, that they were offering prayers to dead men. I do not then require that any one should believe the fictions of the poets. If any one imagines that these speak falsely, let him consider the writings of the pontiffs themselves, and weigh whatever there is of literature pertaining to sacred rites: he will perhaps find more things than we bring forward, from which he may understand that all things which are esteemed sacred are empty, vain, and fictitious. But if any one, having discovered wisdom, shall lay aside his error, he will assuredly laugh at the follies of men who are almost without understanding: I mean those who either dance with unbecoming gestures, or run naked, anointed, and crowned with chaplets, either wearing a mask or besmeared with mud. What shall I say about shields now putrid with age? When they carry these, they think that they are carrying gods themselves on their shoulders. For Furius Bibaculus is regarded among the chief examples of piety, who, though he was pr tor, nevertheless carried the sacred shield, preceded by the lictors, though his office as prœtor gave him an exemption from this duty. He was therefore not Furius, but altogether mad, who thought that he graced his pr torship by this service. Deservedly then, since these things are done by men not unskilful and ignorant, does Lucretius exclaim:- O foolish minds of men! O blinded breasts! In what darkness of life and in how great dangers is passed this term of life, whatever be its duration!Who that is possessed of any sense would not laugh at these mockeries, when he sees that men, as though bereft of intelligence, do those things seriously, which if any one should do in sport, he would appear too full of sport and folly? |
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| 161. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 1.263-1.347, 4.277-4.278, 4.296-4.433, 4.436-4.461, 4.1957-4.1989, 4.2773, 5.471-5.472, 7.686-7.692, 8.15-8.21, 8.74-8.81 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, magic •cultic ritual practice, curse tablets Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144 |
| 162. Nag Hammadi, The Gospel of Philip, 68 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 181 |
163. Origen, On First Principles, 2.10.3 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 191 | 2.10.3. We now turn our attention to some of our own (believers), who, either from feebleness of intellect or want of proper instruction, adopt a very low and abject view of the resurrection of the body. We ask these persons in what manner they understand that an animal body is to be changed by the grace of the resurrection, and to become a spiritual one; and how that which is sown in weakness will arise in power; how that which is planted in dishonour will arise in glory; and that which was sown in corruption, will be changed to a state of incorruption. Because if they believe the apostle, that a body which arises in glory, and power, and incorruptibility, has already become spiritual, it appears absurd and contrary to his meaning to say that it can again be entangled with the passions of flesh and blood, seeing the apostle manifestly declares that flesh and blood shall not inherit the kingdom of God, nor shall corruption inherit incorruption. But how do they understand the declaration of the apostle, We shall all be changed? This transformation certainly is to be looked for, according to the order which we have taught above; and in it, undoubtedly, it becomes us to hope for something worthy of divine grace; and this we believe will take place in the order in which the apostle describes the sowing in the ground of a bare grain of grain, or of any other fruit, to which God gives a body as it pleases Him, as soon as the grain of grain is dead. For in the same way also our bodies are to be supposed to fall into the earth like a grain; and (that germ being implanted in them which contains the bodily substance) although the bodies die, and become corrupted, and are scattered abroad, yet by the word of God, that very germ which is always safe in the substance of the body, raises them from the earth, and restores and repairs them, as the power which is in the grain of wheat, after its corruption and death, repairs and restores the grain into a body having stalk and ear. And so also to those who shall deserve to obtain an inheritance in the kingdom of heaven, that germ of the body's restoration, which we have before mentioned, by God's command restores out of the earthly and animal body a spiritual one, capable of inhabiting the heavens; while to each one of those who may be of inferior merit, or of more abject condition, or even the lowest in the scale, and altogether thrust aside, there is yet given, in proportion to the dignity of his life and soul, a glory and dignity of body — nevertheless in such a way, that even the body which rises again of those who are to be destined to everlasting fire or to severe punishments, is by the very change of the resurrection so incorruptible, that it cannot be corrupted and dissolved even by severe punishments. If, then, such be the qualities of that body which will arise from the dead, let us now see what is the meaning of the threatening of eternal fire. |
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| 164. Babylonian Talmud, Meilah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, decrees of, against jewish ritual practice Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 66 |
165. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 251| 32a. ראשית קראתי אתכם על עסקי ראשית הזהרתי אתכם נשמה שנתתי בכם קרויה נר על עסקי נר הזהרתי אתכם אם אתם מקיימים אותם מוטב ואם לאו הריני נוטל נשמתכם,ומ"ש בשעת לידתן אמר רבא נפל תורא חדד לסכינא אביי אמר תפיש תירוס אמתא בחד מחטרא ליהוי רב חסדא אמר שבקיה לרויא דמנפשיה נפיל מר עוקבא אמר רעיא חגרא ועיזי ריהטן אבב חוטרא מילי ואבי דרי חושבנא רב פפא אמר אבב חנואתא נפישי אחי ומרחמי אבב בזיוני לא אחי ולא מרחמי,וגברי היכא מיבדקי אמר ריש לקיש בשעה שעוברים על הגשר גשר ותו לא אימא כעין גשר רב לא עבר במברא דיתיב ביה עכו"ם אמר דילמא מיפקיד ליה דינא עליה ומתפיסנא בהדיה שמואל לא עבר אלא במברא דאית ביה עכו"ם אמר שטנא בתרי אומי לא שליט,ר' ינאי בדיק ועבר ר' ינאי לטעמיה דאמר לעולם אל יעמוד אדם במקום סכנה לומר שעושין לו נס שמא אין עושים לו נס ואם עושין לו נס מנכין לו מזכיותיו אמר רבי חנין מאי קראה (בראשית לב, יא) קטנתי מכל החסדים ומכל האמת רבי זירא ביומא דשותא לא נפיק לביני דיקלא,אמר ר' יצחק בריה דרב יהודה לעולם יבקש אדם רחמים שלא יחלה שאם יחלה אומרים לו הבא זכות והפטר אמר מר עוקבא מאי קראה (דברים כב, ח) כי יפול הנופל ממנו ממנו להביא ראיה תנא דבי רבי ישמעאל כי יפול הנופל ממנו (ממנו) ראוי זה ליפול מששת ימי בראשית שהרי לא נפל והכתוב קראו נופל אלא שמגלגלין זכות על ידי זכאי וחובה על ידי חייב.,ת"ר מי שחלה ונטה למות אומרים לו התודה שכן כל המומתין מתודין אדם יוצא לשוק יהי דומה בעיניו כמי שנמסר לסרדיוט חש בראשו יהי דומה בעיניו כמי שנתנוהו בקולר עלה למטה ונפל יהי דומה בעיניו כמו שהעלוהו לגרדום לידון שכל העולה לגרדום לידון אם יש לו פרקליטין גדולים ניצול ואם לאו אינו ניצול,ואלו הן פרקליטין של אדם תשובה ומעשים טובים ואפי' תשע מאות ותשעים ותשעה מלמדים עליו חובה ואחד מלמד עליו זכות ניצול שנאמר (איוב לג, כג) אם יש עליו מלאך מליץ אחד מני אלף להגיד לאדם ישרו ויחננו ויאמר פדעהו מרדת שחת וגו': ר' אליעזר בנו של ר' יוסי הגלילי אומר אפילו תשע מאות ותשעים ותשעה באותו מלאך לחובה ואחד לזכות ניצול שנאמר מליץ אחד מני אלף:,תנו רבנן על שלש עבירות נשים מתות יולדות רבי אלעזר אומר נשים מתות ילדות ר' אחא אומר בעון שמכבסות צואת בניהם בשבת וי"א על שקורין לארון הקודש ארנא.,תניא ר' ישמעאל בן אלעזר אומר בעון שני דברים עמי . הארצות מתים על שקורין לארון הקודש ארנא ועל שקורין לבית הכנסת בית עם תניא ר' יוסי אומר שלשה בדקי מיתה נבראו באשה ואמרי לה שלשה דבקי מיתה נדה וחלה והדלקת הנר חדא כר' אלעזר וחדא כרבנן,תניא רשב"ג אומר הלכות הקדש תרומות ומעשרות הן הן גופי תורה | 32a. b I called you first, /b as it is stated: “Israel is the Lord’s hallowed portion, His first fruits of the increase” (Jeremiah 2:3) b and I warned you about matters of the first: /b “of the first of your dough you shall set apart i ḥalla /i for a gift” (Numbers 15:20). b The soul that I have placed in you is called i ner /i : /b “The spirit of man is the lamp [ i ner /i ] of the Lord” (Proverbs 20:27), and b I warned you about matters of the /b Shabbat b lamp. If you fulfill these /b mitzvot, b fine, and if not, then I will take your soul. /b , b And, /b if so, b what is different during childbirth? /b Why does the divine attribute of judgment punish them for dereliction in fulfillment of these mitzvot specifically then? The Gemara cites several folk sayings expressing the concept that when a person is in danger, he is punished for his sins. b Rava said: /b If b the ox fell, sharpen the knife /b to slaughter it. b Abaye said: /b If b the maidservant’s insolence abounds, she will be struck by a single blow /b as punishment for all her sins. So too, when a woman is giving birth and her suffering is great due to Eve’s sin of eating from the Tree of Knowledge, all the punishments for her own sins are added to that suffering. b Rav Ḥisda said: Leave the drunk, as /b he b falls on his own. /b Similarly, the time of birth is a time of danger, and if the Holy One, Blessed be He, does not come to her assistance at that time, that is sufficient to cause her death. b Mar Ukva said: The shepherd is crippled, and the goats are running, /b and he cannot catch them. However, b next to the gate, /b he speaks harsh b words, and inside the pen /b he settles the b account. /b Similarly, as long as a woman is in a healthy state, her sins are in abeyance, and she is not held accountable for them. However, when she is giving birth, which is a time of danger, she is held accountable for her sins and a calculation is made whether or not she is worthy of a miracle. b Rav Pappa said: At the entrance to the stores, /b during a time of prosperity, b brothers and loved ones abound. /b When a person is prospering ficially, everyone acts like his brother or friend. However, b at the gate of disgrace, /b during a time of loss and poverty, he has b no brothers and no loved ones; /b everyone abandons him.,And the Gemara asks: b And where /b are b men examined? /b When are men vulnerable to judgment and held accountable for their actions? b Reish Lakish said: When they are crossing a bridge. /b The Gemara wonders: Only when they are crossing b a bridge and at no other /b time? Rather, b say: /b Anything b like a bridge, /b any place where danger is commonplace. On a similar note, the Gemara relates: b Rav would not cross /b a river b in a ferry in which a gentile sat. He said /b to himself: b Perhaps a judgment will be reckoned with him, and I will be caught together with him /b when he is punished. Whereas, b Shmuel would only cross in a ferry if there was a gentile in it. He said: Satan does not have dominion over two nations. /b He settles his accounts with people from each nationality separately., b Rabbi Yannai would examine /b the ferry b and cross. /b The Gemara comments that b Rabbi Yannai /b acted b in accordance with his reasoning /b stated elsewhere, as b he said: A person should never stand in a place of danger saying that they /b on High b will perform a miracle for him, lest /b in the end b they do not perform a miracle for him. And, /b moreover, even b if they do perform a miracle for him, they will deduct it from his merits. Rabbi Ḥanin said: What is the verse /b that alludes to this? When Jacob said: b “I am not worthy of all the mercies, and of all the truth, /b which You have shown unto Your servant” (Genesis 32:11), and he explains: Since You have bestowed upon me so much kindness and truth, my merits have been diminished. Similarly, the Gemara relates that b Rabbi Zeira would not go out /b and walk b among the palm trees on a day when there was a southern wind /b blowing due to the fear that the trees might fall on him.,In a similar vein, b Rav Yitzḥak, son of Rav Yehuda, said: A person should always pray that he will not become ill, as if he becomes ill they say to him: Bring /b proof of your b virtue and exempt yourself. /b It is preferable for a person not to be forced to prove that he merits staying alive, as he might not be able to prove it. b Mar Ukva said: What is the verse /b that alludes to this? As it says: “When you build a new house, then you shall make a parapet for your roof, that you bring not blood upon your house, b if the fallen falls i mimenu /i ” /b (Deuteronomy 22:8). He explains: b i Mimenu /i , from him proof must be brought. /b When one falls from his previous situation, it is his own responsibility to prove his innocence and emerge unharmed. b The school of Rabbi Yishmael taught: /b What is the meaning of the phrase: b If the fallen falls from it? This /b person b was destined to fall /b from that roof b from the six days of Creation, /b it was ingrained into nature. b As, /b although b he did not /b yet b fall, the verse calls him fallen. Nevertheless, /b the owner of the house is indicted for this, as b merit is engendered by means of /b the b innocent and guilt by means of /b the b guilty. /b , b The Sages taught: One who became ill and tended toward death, they say to him: Confess, as all those executed /b by the courts b confess. /b Even if he is dying of natural causes, it is worthwhile for him to consider his death atonement for his sins. The Sages said: When b a person goes out to the marketplace /b where there are fights and disputes, b he should consider himself as someone who has been handed over to a soldier [ i seradiyot /i ]. /b If b his head hurt, he should consider it as if they placed him in a chain [ i kolar /i ] /b around his neck. If b he climbed into bed and fell ill, he should consider himself as if they took him up to the gallows to be judged, as /b with regard to b anyone who goes up to the gallows to be judged, if he has great advocates [ i peraklitin /i ], he is spared, and if not, he is not spared. /b , b And /b with regard to divine judgment, b these are a person’s advocates: Repentance and good deeds. /b The Gemara comments: b And even /b if there are b nine hundred ninety-nine asserting his guilt and /b only b one /b asserting his b innocence, he is spared, /b as b it is stated: “If there be for him an angel, an advocate, one among a thousand, to vouch for a man’s uprightness; then He is gracious unto him, and says: Deliver him from going down to the pit, /b I have found a ransom” (Job 33:23–24). b Rabbi Eliezer, son of Rabbi Yosei HaGelili, says: Even /b if there are b nine hundred ninety-nine /b portions b within that same angel accusing /b him, b and one /b portion asserting b his innocence, he is spared, as it stated: “An advocate, one among a thousand.” /b Even when the advocate who asserts his innocence finds only one-tenth of one percent of innocence in this man, even then, he is gracious unto him, and says: Deliver him from going down to the pit, I have found a ransom., b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b For three transgressions women die in childbirth [ i yoledot /i ]. Rabbi Elazar /b has a different version and b says /b that b women die /b when they are b young [ i yeladot /i ]. /b These transgressions are those enumerated in the mishna: The i halakhot /i of a menstruating woman, i ḥalla /i , and Shabbat lights. b Rabbi Aḥa says /b they are punished b for the sin of laundering their children’s feces /b from clothing b on Shabbat. And some say: Because they call the Holy Ark /b simply b ark. /b ,Similarly, b we learned /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yishmael ben Elazar says: On account of two sins, ignoramuses [ i amei ha /i ’ i aretz /i ] die /b young (Rav Ya’akov Emden): b Because they call the Holy Ark /b simply b ark, and because they call the synagogue the house of the people. It was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yosei says: Three crucibles /b potentially leading to b death were created in the woman, and some say: Three accelerants of death. /b They are: b Menstruation, i ḥalla /i , and lighting the Shabbat lights. /b The Gemara explains that b one /b version, accelerants of death, is b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Elazar, /b who said that women die young. b And /b the other b one, /b crucibles of death, is b in accordance with /b the opinion of b the Rabbis, /b who said that women die in childbirth.,Similarly, b it was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Shimon ben Gamliel says: The i halakhot /i of consecrated items, i terumot /i , and tithes are themselves /b the b essence of Torah /b and are extremely severe, |
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166. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, decrees of, against jewish ritual practice Found in books: Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 60, 61| 21a. משום דנפישי בני חילא דמחוזא,אילפא ור' יוחנן הוו גרסי באורייתא דחיקא להו מילתא טובא אמרי ניקום וניזיל וניעבד עיסקא ונקיים בנפשין (דברים טו, ד) אפס כי לא יהיה בך אביון אזלו אותבי תותי גודא רעיעא הוו קא כרכי ריפתא אתו תרי מלאכי השרת,שמעיה רבי יוחנן דאמר חד לחבריה נישדי עלייהו האי גודא ונקטלינהו שמניחין חיי עולם הבא ועוסקין בחיי שעה אמר ליה אידך שבקינהו דאיכא בהו חד דקיימא ליה שעתא רבי יוחנן שמע אילפא לא שמע אמר ליה ר' יוחנן לאילפא שמע מר מידי אמר ליה לא אמר מדשמעי אנא ואילפא לא שמע ש"מ לדידי קיימא לי שעתא,אמר ליה רבי יוחנן איהדר ואוקי בנפשאי (דברים טו, יא) כי לא יחדל אביון מקרב הארץ ר' יוחנן הדר אילפא לא הדר עד דאתא אילפא מליך רבי יוחנן,אמרו לו אי אתיב מר וגריס לא הוה מליך מר אזל תלא נפשיה באסקריא דספינתא אמר אי איכא דשאיל לי במתניתא דר' חייא ורבי אושעיא ולא פשטינא ליה ממתני' נפילנא מאסקריא דספינתא וטבענא,אתא ההוא סבא תנא ליה האומר תנו שקל לבניי בשבת והן ראויין לתת להם סלע נותנין להם סלע ואם אמר אל תתנו להם אלא שקל אין נותנין להם אלא שקל,אם אמר מתו ירשו אחרים תחתיהם בין שאמר תנו בין שאמר אל תתנו אין נותנין להם אלא שקל א"ל הא מני ר"מ היא דאמר מצוה לקיים דברי המת,אמרו עליו על נחום איש גם זו שהיה סומא משתי עיניו גידם משתי ידיו קיטע משתי רגליו וכל גופו מלא שחין והיה מוטל בבית רעוע ורגלי מטתו מונחין בספלין של מים כדי שלא יעלו עליו נמלים פעם אחת [היתה מטתו מונחת בבית רעוע] בקשו תלמידיו לפנות מטתו ואח"כ לפנות את הכלים אמר להם בניי פנו את הכלים ואח"כ פנו את מטתי שמובטח לכם כל זמן שאני בבית אין הבית נופל פינו את הכלים ואחר כך פינו את מטתו ונפל הבית,אמרו לו תלמידיו רבי וכי מאחר שצדיק גמור אתה למה עלתה לך כך אמר להם בניי אני גרמתי לעצמי שפעם אחת הייתי מהלך בדרך לבית חמי והיה עמי משוי ג' חמורים אחד של מאכל ואחד של משתה ואחד של מיני מגדים בא עני אחד ועמד לי בדרך ואמר לי רבי פרנסני אמרתי לו המתן עד שאפרוק מן החמור לא הספקתי לפרוק מן החמור עד שיצתה נשמתו,הלכתי ונפלתי על פניו ואמרתי עיני שלא חסו על עיניך יסומו ידיי שלא חסו על ידיך יתגדמו רגליי שלא חסו על רגליך יתקטעו ולא נתקררה דעתי עד שאמרתי כל גופי יהא מלא שחין אמרו לו אוי לנו שראינוך בכך אמר להם אוי לי אם לא ראיתוני בכך,ואמאי קרו ליה נחום איש גם זו דכל מילתא דהוה סלקא ליה אמר גם זו לטובה זימנא חדא בעו לשדורי ישראל דורון לבי קיסר אמרו מאן ייזיל ייזיל נחום איש גם זו דמלומד בניסין הוא שדרו בידיה מלא סיפטא דאבנים טובות ומרגליות אזל בת בההוא דירה בליליא קמו הנך דיוראי ושקלינהו לסיפטיה ומלונהו עפרא (למחר כי חזנהו אמר גם זו לטובה),כי מטא התם [שרינהו לסיפטא חזנהו דמלו עפרא] בעא מלכא למקטלינהו לכולהו אמר קא מחייכו בי יהודאי [אמר גם זו לטובה] אתא אליהו אדמי ליה כחד מינייהו א"ל דלמא הא עפרא מעפרא דאברהם אבוהון הוא דכי הוה שדי עפרא הוו סייפיה גילי הוו גירי דכתיב (ישעיהו מא, ב) יתן כעפר חרבו כקש נדף קשתו,הויא חדא מדינתא דלא מצו למיכבשה בדקו מיניה וכבשוה עיילו לבי גנזיה ומלוהו לסיפטיה אבנים טובות ומרגליות ושדרוהו ביקרא רבה,כי אתו ביתו בההוא דיורא אמרו ליה מאי אייתית בהדך דעבדי לך יקרא כולי האי אמר להו מאי דשקלי מהכא אמטי להתם סתרו לדירייהו ואמטינהו לבי מלכא אמרו ליה האי עפרא דאייתי הכא מדידן הוא בדקוה ולא אשכחוה וקטלינהו להנך דיוראי:,אי זו היא דבר עיר המוציאה חמש מאות רגלי כו': ת"ר עיר המוציאה חמש מאות ואלף רגלי כגון כפר עכו ויצאו הימנה תשעה מתים בשלשה ימים זה אחר זה הרי זה דבר,ביום אחד או בד' ימים אין זה דבר ועיר המוציאה חמש מאות רגלי כגון כפר עמיקו ויצאו ממנה שלשה מתים בג' ימים זה אחר זה הרי זה דבר | 21a. b due to /b the fact that b there are many soldiers in /b the city of b Meḥoza, /b and if I let them all eat, they will take all the food I own.,§ The Gemara relates another story that involves an unstable wall. b Ilfa and Rabbi Yoḥa studied Torah /b together, and as a result b they became very hard-pressed /b for money. b They said: Let us get up and go and engage in commerce, and we will fulfill, with regard to ourselves, /b the verse: b “Although there should be no needy among you” /b (Deuteronomy 15:4), as we will no longer be complete paupers. b They went and sat under a dilapidated wall /b and b were eating bread, /b when b two ministering angels arrived. /b , b Rabbi Yoḥa heard that one /b angel b said to the other: Let us knock this wall down upon them and kill them, as they abandon eternal life /b of Torah study b and engage in temporal life /b for their own sustece. b The other /b angel b said to him: Leave them, as there is one of them whose time /b of achievement b stands before him, /b i.e., his time has yet to come. b Rabbi Yoḥa heard /b all this, but b Ilfa did not hear /b the angels’ conversation. b Rabbi Yoḥa said to Ilfa: Did the Master hear anything? /b Ilfa b said to him: No. /b Rabbi Yoḥa b said /b to himself: b Since I heard /b the angels b and Ilfa did not hear, /b I can b learn from this /b that it is b I whose time /b of achievement b stands before me. /b , b Rabbi Yoḥa said to Ilfa: I will return /b home and b fulfill with regard to myself /b the contrary verse: b “For the poor shall never cease out of the land” /b (Deuteronomy 15:11). b Rabbi Yoḥa returned /b to the study hall, and b Ilfa did not return, /b but went to engage in business instead. b By /b the time b that Ilfa came /b back from his business travels, b Rabbi Yoḥa /b had been b appointed /b head of the academy, and his ficial situation had improved.,His colleagues b said to /b Ilfa: b If the Master had sat and studied, /b instead of going off to his business ventures, b wouldn’t the Master have /b been b appointed /b head of the academy? Ilfa b went and suspended himself from the mast [ i askariya /i ] of a ship, saying: If there is anyone who can ask me /b a question b concerning a i baraita /i of Rabbi Ḥiyya and Rabbi Oshaya, and I do not resolve his /b problem b from a mishna, I will fall from the mast of this ship and be drowned. /b Ilfa sought to demonstrate that despite the time he had spent in business, he still retained his extensive Torah knowledge., b A certain old man came and taught /b a i baraita /i before b him: /b If there is a man b who, /b upon his deathbed, b says /b in his will: b Give a shekel to my sons /b every b week, but /b this is a situation b where, /b based on their needs, b they are fit /b for the b court to give them a i sela /i , /b i.e., double the amount, b they give them a i sela /i . /b When the dying man mentioned a shekel, he presumably meant that they should be given a sum in accordance with their actual requirements, not that specific amount. b But if he said: Give them only a shekel, /b the court b gives them only a shekel /b and no more.,The i baraita /i further states that b if one said: If /b my sons b die, others should inherit /b their portion b in their stead, /b regardless of b whether he said: Give them /b a shekel, or b whether he said: Give them only /b a shekel, then the court b gives /b his sons b only a shekel /b per week, as their father clearly stated that he wishes to give his sons only a specific stipend and that he intends to leave the bulk of his property to others. Ilfa b said to /b the old man: In accordance with b whose /b opinion b is this /b ruling? b It is /b in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Meir, who said: It is a mitzva to fulfill the statement of the dead. /b This entire i baraita /i can be explained based on a principle that appears in a mishna: In all cases, one should try to execute the wishes of the deceased.,§ The Gemara relates another story about a rundown building. b They said about Naḥum of Gam Zu that he was blind in both eyes, both his arms were amputated, both his legs were amputated, and his entire body was covered in boils. And he was lying in a dilapidated house, and legs of his bed were placed in buckets of water so that ants should not climb onto him, /b as he was unable to keep them off in any other manner. b Once his students sought to remove his bed /b from the house b and afterward remove /b his other b vessels. He said to them: My sons, remove the vessels first, and afterward remove my bed, as I can guarantee you that as long as I am in the house, the house will not fall. /b Indeed b they removed the vessels and afterward they removed his bed, and /b immediately b the house collapsed. /b , b His students said to him: Rabbi, since you are /b evidently b a wholly righteous man, /b as we have just seen that as long as you were in your house it did not fall, b why has this /b suffering b befallen you? He said to them: My sons, I brought it upon myself. /b Naḥum of Gam Zu related to them the following: b As once I was traveling along the road to my father-in-law’s house, and I had with me a load /b distributed among b three donkeys, one of food, one of drink, and one of delicacies. A poor person came and stood /b before me b in the road, saying: My rabbi, sustain me. I said to him: Wait until I unload the donkey, /b after which I will give you something to eat. However, b I had not managed to unload the donkey before his soul left /b his body., b I went and fell upon his face and said: May my eyes, which had no compassion on your eyes, be blinded; may my hands, which had no compassion on your hands, be amputated; may my legs, which had no compassion on your legs, be amputated. And my mind did not rest until I said: May my whole body be covered in boils. /b Naḥum of Gam Zu prayed that his suffering might atone for his failure. His students b said to him: /b Even so, b woe to us that we have seen you in this /b state. b He said to them: Woe is me if you had not seen me in this /b state, as this suffering atones for me.,The Gemara inquires: b And why did they call him Naḥum of Gam Zu? /b The reason is b that /b with regard to b any matter that occurred to him, he /b would b say: This too is for the good [ i gam zu letova /i ]. Once, the Jews wished to send a gift [ i doron /i ] to the house of the emperor. They said: Who should go /b and present this gift? b Let Naḥum of Gam Zu go, as he is accustomed to miracles. They sent with him a chest [ i sifta /i ] full of jewels and pearls, /b and b he went and spent the night in a certain inn. During the night, these residents /b of the inn arose and b took all of /b the precious jewels and pearls from b the chest, and filled it with earth. /b The next day, when he saw what had happened, Naḥum of Gam Zu said: This too is for the good., b When he arrived there, /b at the ruler’s palace, b they opened the chest /b and b saw that it was filled with earth. The king wished to put all /b the Jewish emissaries b to death. He said: The Jews are mocking me. /b Naḥum of Gam Zu b said: This too is for the good. Elijah /b the Prophet b came and appeared before /b the ruler b as one of /b his ministers. He b said to /b the ruler: b Perhaps this earth is from the earth of their father Abraham. As when he threw earth, it turned into swords, /b and when he threw b stubble, it turned into arrows, as it is written /b in a prophecy that the Sages interpreted this verse as a reference to Abraham: b “His sword makes them as the dust, his bow as the driven stubble” /b (Isaiah 41:2)., b There was one province that /b the Romans b were unable to conquer. /b They took some of this earth, b tested it /b by throwing it at their enemies, b and conquered /b that province. When the ruler saw that this earth indeed had miraculous powers, his servants b entered his treasury and filled /b Naḥum of Gam Zu’s b chest with precious jewels and pearls and sent him off with great honor. /b , b When /b Naḥum of Gam Zu b came to spend the night at that /b same b inn, /b the residents b said to him: What did you bring with you /b to the emperor b that he bestowed upon you such great honor? He said to them: That which I took from here, I brought there. /b When they heard this, the residents of the inn thought that the soil upon which their house stood had miraculous powers. b They tore down their inn and brought /b the soil underneath b to the king’s palace. They said to him: That earth that was brought here was from our /b property. The miracle had been performed only in the merit of Naḥum of Gam Zu. The emperor b tested /b the inn’s soil in battle, b and it was not found /b to have miraculous powers, b and he /b had b these residents /b of the inn b put to death. /b ,§ The mishna taught: b What is /b considered a plague of b pestilence? /b If it is b a city that sends out five hundred infantrymen, /b and three dead are removed from it on three consecutive days, one dead per day, this is a plague of pestilence. b The Sages taught: /b If b a city that sends out fifteen hundred infantrymen, /b i.e., one that has a population of at least fifteen hundred men, e.g., b the village of Akko, and nine dead are removed from it on three consecutive days, /b i.e., three dead per day, b this is /b considered a plague of b pestilence. /b ,If all nine died b on a single day, /b while none died on the other days, b or /b if the nine died b over /b a period of b four days, this is not /b a plague of b pestilence. And a city that sends out five hundred infantrymen, for example, the village of Amiko, and three dead are removed from it on three consecutive days, this is /b a plague of b pestilence. /b |
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167. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 256| 46a. השתא דמרחקי מהדדי אהני לרבויי עבודת כוכבים דדמי ליה בכל מילי,ור' אליעזר דריש ריבויי ומיעוטי והומת ותלית רבוי כי קללת מיעוט אי הוו מקרבי להדדי לא הוו מרבינן אלא עבודת כוכבי' דדמי לה בכל מילי השתא דמרחקי מהדדי אהני לרבויי שאר הנסקלין:,האיש תולין וכו': מ"ט דרבנן אמר קרא (דברים כא, כב) ותלית אותו אותו ולא אותה ור' אליעזר אותו בלא כסותו,ורבנן אין הכי נמי אלא אמר קרא (דברים כא, כב) וכי יהיה באיש חטא איש ולא אשה,ור' אליעזר האי וכי יהיה באיש מאי דריש ביה אמר ריש לקיש ההוא למעוטי בן סורר ומורה והתניא בן סורר ומורה נסקל ונתלה דברי ר' אליעזר אלא אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק לרבות בן סורר ומורה מאי טעמא,דאמר קרא וכי יהיה באיש חטא איש ולא בן חטא מי שעל חטאו נהרג יצא בן סורר ומורה שעל שום סופו נהרג הוי מיעוט אחר מיעוט ואין מיעוט אחר מיעוט אלא לרבות:,אמר להן רבי אליעזר והלא שמעון בן שטח תלה נשים כו': אמר רב חסדא לא שנו אלא בשתי מיתות אבל במיתה אחת דנין והא מעשה דשמעון בן שטח דמיתה אחת הואי וקא אמרו ליה דאין דנין,אלא אי איתמר הכי איתמר לא שנו אלא במיתה אחת כעין שתי מיתות והיכי דמי כגון שתי עבירות אבל במיתה אחת ועבירה אחת דנין,מתיב רב אדא בר אהבה אין דנין שנים ביום אחד ואפילו בנואף ונואפת תרגמא רב חסדא בבת כהן ובועלה,או בבת כהן וזוממי זוממיה,תניא ר"א בן יעקב אומר שמעתי שבית דין מכין ועונשין שלא מן התורה ולא לעבור על דברי תורה אלא כדי לעשות סייג לתורה,ומעשה באחד שרכב על סוס בשבת בימי יונים והביאוהו לבית דין וסקלוהו לא מפני שראוי לכך אלא שהשעה צריכה לכך שוב מעשה באדם אחד שהטיח את אשתו תחת התאנה והביאוהו לבית דין והלקוהו לא מפני שראוי לכך אלא שהשעה צריכה לכך:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big כיצד תולין אותו משקעין את הקורה בארץ והעץ יוצא ומקיף שתי ידיו זו על גב זו ותולה אותו רבי יוסי אומר הקורה מוטה על הכותל ותולה אותו כדרך שהטבחין עושין,ומתירין אותו מיד ואם לן עובר עליו בלא תעשה שנאמר (דברים כא, כג) לא תלין נבלתו על העץ כי קבר תקברנו כי קללת אלהים תלוי וגו' כלומר מפני מה זה תלוי מפני שבירך את השם ונמצא שם שמים מתחלל,אמר רבי מאיר בשעה שאדם מצטער שכינה מה לשון אומרת קלני מראשי קלני מזרועי אם כן המקום מצטער על דמן של רשעים שנשפך קל וחומר על דמן של צדיקים,ולא זו בלבד אמרו אלא כל המלין את מתו עובר בלא תעשה הלינהו לכבודו להביא לו ארון ותכריכים אינו עובר עליו,ולא היו קוברין אותו בקברות אבותיו אלא שתי בתי קברות היו מתוקנין לבית דין אחת לנהרגין ולנחנקין ואחת לנסקלין ולנשרפין נתעכל הבשר מלקטין את העצמות וקוברין אותן במקומן והקרובים באים ושואלים בשלום הדיינין ובשלום העדים כלומר שאין בלבנו עליכם שדין אמת דנתם | 46a. b Now that /b the generalization and the detail b are distant from each other, /b i.e., they are written in different verses, the verses b serve to include /b one who was found guilty of b idol worship, as he is similar to /b the blasphemer b in all matters. /b He too is subject to be hung after he is executed., b And Rabbi Eliezer, /b by contrast, b interprets /b the verses based on the principle of b amplifications and restrictions. /b The phrase b “And he is put to death, and you shall hang /b him” is b an amplification. /b The phrase b “For /b he that is hung is b a curse of /b God” is b a restriction. Were /b the amplification and the restriction right b next to each other, we would /b apply the principle of amplifications and restrictions and b include only /b one who is guilty of b idol worship, as he is similar to /b the blasphemer b in all ways. Now that they are distant from each other, /b the verses b serve to include /b all b those who are /b liable to be b stoned /b to death. All of their corpses are hung after they are put to death.,§ The mishna teaches that according to the opinion of Rabbi Eliezer, the corpse of b a man is hung /b facing the people while the corpse of a woman is hung facing the tree, whereas the Rabbis say that the corpse of a woman is not hung at all. The Gemara asks: b What is the reasoning /b behind the opinion b of the Rabbis? /b The Gemara answers: As b the verse states: /b “And if a man has committed a sin worthy of death, and he is put to death, b and you shall hang him /b on a tree” (Deuteronomy 21:22), which teaches that you shall hang b him /b on a tree after his death, b but /b you shall b not /b hang b her /b on a tree after her death. b And Rabbi Eliezer /b would respond that that the inference to be drawn from this verse is that after his death they hang b him /b by himself, b without his clothing. /b ,The Gemara asks: b And /b from where do b the Rabbis /b derive that the corpse of the executed man is hung without his clothing? The Gemara answers: b Yes, it is indeed so /b that they agree that the word “him” teaches that the corpse is hung without clothing. b But /b the source of their ruling is b the verse /b that b states: “And if a man has committed a sin,” /b which indicates that b a man /b is hung after he is put to death, b but a woman /b is b not /b hung after she is put to death.,The Gemara asks: b And /b as for b Rabbi Eliezer, what does he learn from this /b clause of the verse: b “And if a man /b has committed a sin”? b Reish Lakish says: That /b clause of the verse serves b to exclude a stubborn and rebellious son, /b who, according to the opinion of Rabbi Eliezer, is not hung after he is executed, because he is not a man. The Gemara raises a difficulty: b But isn’t it taught /b explicitly in a i baraita /i : b A stubborn and rebellious son is /b first b stoned and /b afterward his corpse is b hung; /b this is b the statement of Rabbi Eliezer? Rather, Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: /b That part of the verse comes b to include a stubborn and rebellious son, /b that his corpse is also hung. b What is the reason /b for this?,The Gemara explains: b As the verse states: “And if a man has committed a sin,” /b indicating that only the corpse of b a man /b is hung, b but not /b that of b a child, /b thereby excluding a stubborn and rebellious son. And the word b “sin” /b indicates that only the corpse of b one who is put to death on account of a sin /b is hung, b to the exclusion of a stubborn and rebellious son, who is executed /b not because of a sin that he has already committed but b on account of /b what he is likely to do in b the future. This is /b an example of b a restrictive expression following a restrictive expression, /b as both expressions indicate that a stubborn and rebellious son is not hung after he is put to death. b And /b there is a hermeneutical principle that b a restrictive expression following a restrictive expression /b serves b only to amplify /b the i halakha /i and include additional cases. In this case, it serves to teach that the corpse of a stubborn and rebellious son is hung after he is put to death.,§ The mishna teaches that b Rabbi Eliezer said to /b the Rabbis: b Did Shimon ben Shataḥ not hang in Ashkelon women /b who were found guilty of witchcraft? And the Rabbis replied that no proof can be brought from there since he hanged eighty women on a single day, which clearly indicates that this was an extraordinary measure and therefore cannot serve as a precedent for normative i halakha /i . b Rav Ḥisda says: They taught /b that one court may not judge two capital cases on one day b only when /b the two cases involve b two /b different modes of b execution, but when /b they involve only b one /b mode of b execution, /b the court b may /b in fact b judge /b them on the same day. The Gemara raises a difficulty: b But the incident /b relating to b Shimon ben Shataḥ involved /b only b one /b mode of b execution, /b as all the women were accused of witchcraft, and b yet /b the Rabbis b said to him that /b the court b may not judge /b them on one day., b Rather, if /b a ruling b was stated /b citing Rav Ḥisda, b this is /b what b was stated: They taught /b that one court may not judge two capital cases on one day b only when /b the two cases involving b one /b mode of b execution /b are b similar to /b two cases involving b two /b different modes of b execution. And what are the circumstances /b of such a situation? b For example, /b when there are b two /b different b transgressions /b that are punishable by the same mode of execution, the court may not judge two such cases in one day. b But /b where there is only b one /b mode of b execution and /b only b one transgression, /b the court b may /b in fact b judge /b two cases on one day., b Rav Adda bar Ahava raises an objection /b from a i baraita /i that states: The same court b may not judge two /b people charged with capital transgressions b on one day, /b not b even an adulterer and an adulteress. /b This indicates that a court may not judge two cases on one day even if the two cases involve only one mode of execution and the same transgression. b Rav Ḥisda interpreted /b the i baraita /i as referring to a case of adultery involving b the daughter of a priest and the man with whom she engaged in intercourse, /b as the daughter of a priest is liable to receive death by burning, while the man is liable to receive death by stoning if the woman was betrothed to another man, or strangulation if she was married to another man., b Or, /b the i baraita /i is referring to a case of adultery involving b the daughter of a priest and those who rendered as conspiring witnesses /b the witnesses who b rendered as conspiring witnesses /b the witnesses who testified about b her. /b , b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says: I heard that the court may administer lashes and /b capital b punishment, /b even b when not /b required b by Torah /b law. b And /b they may b not /b administer these punishments with the intention b of violating the statement of the Torah, /b i.e., to disregard the punishment stated in the Torah and administer another punishment; b rather, /b they may administer these punishments b to erect a fence around the Torah, /b so that people will fear sinning., b And an incident /b occurred b involving one who rode a horse on Shabbat during the days of the Greeks, and they brought him to court and stoned him, not because he deserved that /b punishment, as riding a horse on Shabbat is forbidden only by rabbinic decree, b but because the hour required it, /b as people had become lax in their observance of Shabbat and therefore it became necessary to impose the severe punishment for a relatively minor offense. b Another incident /b occurred b involving a man who engaged in intercourse with his wife /b in public b under a fig tree, and they brought him to court and flogged him, not because that /b punishment b was fitting /b for him, as such conduct is not forbidden by the Torah, b but because the hour required it. /b People had become remiss in matters of modesty; therefore, stringent measures had to be taken to rectify the situation., strong MISHNA: /strong b How do they hang /b the corpse of one who was put to death by stoning? b They sink a post into the earth /b with a piece of b wood jutting out, /b forming a T-shaped structure. b And /b the court appointee then b places /b the dead man’s b two hands one upon the other, /b ties them, b and hangs him /b by his hands. b Rabbi Yosei says: The post /b is not sunk into the ground; rather, it b leans against a wall, and he hangs /b the corpse on it b the way that butchers do /b with meat.,The dead man hangs there for only a very short time, b and /b then b they immediately untie him. And if he was left /b hanging b overnight, a prohibition is transgressed, as it is stated: “His body shall not remain all night upon the tree, but you shall bury him /b that day, b for he that is hung is a curse of God” /b (Deuteronomy 21:23). b That is to say: /b Were the corpse left hanging on the tree overnight, people would ask: b For what /b reason b was this one hung /b after he was put to death? They would be answered: b Because he blessed God, /b a euphemism for blasphemy. b And therefore the name of Heaven would be desecrated /b were the dead man’s corpse to remain hanging, reminding everybody of his transgression., b Rabbi Meir said: /b The phrase “for he that is hung is a curse [ i kilelat /i ] of God” should be understood as follows: b When a man suffers /b in the wake of his sin, b what expression does the Divine Presence use? I am distressed [ i kallani /i ] about My head, I am distressed about My arm, /b meaning, I, too, suffer when the wicked are punished. From here it is derived: b If God suffers /b such distress b over the blood of the wicked that is spilled, /b even though they justly deserved their punishment, it can be inferred b i a fortiori /i /b that He suffers distress b over the blood of the righteous. /b , b And /b the Sages b said not only this, /b that an executed transgressor must be buried on the same day that he is killed, b but /b they said that b anyone who leaves his deceased /b relative b overnight /b with-out burying him b transgresses a prohibition. /b But if b he left /b the deceased b overnight for the sake of /b the deceased’s b honor, /b e.g., b to bring a coffin or shrouds /b for his burial, b he does not transgress /b the prohibition against leaving him unburied overnight.,After the executed transgressor is taken down he is buried, b and they would not bury him in his ancestral /b burial b plot. Rather, two graveyards were established for /b the burial of those executed by b the court: One for those who were killed /b by decapitation b or strangled, and one for those who were stoned or burned. /b Once b the flesh /b of the deceased b had decomposed, they would gather his bones and bury them in their /b proper b place /b in his ancestral burial plot. b And /b soon after the execution, b the relatives /b of the executed transgressor b would come and inquire about the welfare of the judges and about the welfare of the witnesses, as if to say: We hold no /b grudges b against you, as you judged a true judgment. /b |
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168. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.16.4, 2.20.1, 2.54-2.55 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •household (oikos), location of ritual practice •women, role in religion and ritual practice •cultic ritual practice, scapegoat rituals Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 246, 247, 464 | 2.54. 54.And that we do not carelessly assert these things, but that what we have said is abundantly confirmed by history, the following narrations sufficiently testify. For in Rhodes, on the sixth day of June, a man was sacrificed to Saturn; which custom having prevailed for a long time, was afterwards changed [into a more human mode of sacrificing]. For one of those men who, by the public decision, had been sentenced to death, was kept in prison till the Saturnalia commenced; but as soon as this festival began, they brought the man out of the gates of the city, opposite to the temple of Aristobulus, and giving him wine to drink, they cut his throat. But in the island which is now called Salamis, but was formerly denominated Coronis, in the month according to the Cyprians Aphrodisius, a man was sacrificed to Agraule, the daughter of Cecrops, and the nymph Agraulis. And this custom continued till the time of Diomed. Afterwards it was changed, so that a man was sacrificed to Diomed. But the temples of Minerva, of Agraule, and Diomed, were contained in one and the same enclosure. The man who was also about to be slain, was first led by young men thrice round the altar, afterwards the priest pierced him with a lance in the stomach, and thus being thrown on the pyre, he was entirely consumed. SPAN 2.55. 55.This sacred institute was, however, abolished by Diphilus, the king of Cyprus, who flourished about the time of Seleucus, the theologist. But Daemon substituted an ox for a man; thus causing the latter sacrifice to be of equal worth with the former. Amosis also abolished the law of sacrificing men in the Egyptian city Heliopolis; the truth of which is testified by Manetho in his treatise on Antiquity and Piety. But the sacrifice was made to Juno, and an investigation took place, as if they were endeavouring to find pure calves, and such as were marked by the impression of a seal. Three men also were sacrificed on the day appointed for this purpose, in the place of whom Amosis ordered them to substitute three waxen images. In Chios likewise, they sacrificed a man to Omadius Bacchus 23, the man being for this purpose torn in pieces; and the same custom, as Eulpis Carystius says, was adopted in |77 Tenedos. To which may be added, that the Lacedaemonians, as Apollodorus says, sacrificed a man to Mars. SPAN |
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169. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 106| 45a. ורב ענן ברייתא לא שמיע ליה,ואי מדשמואל ממאי דאינה מכורה ומעות חוזרין דילמא אינה מכורה ומעות מתנה נינהו מידי דהוה אמקדש את אחותו דאיתמר המקדש את אחותו רב אמר מעות חוזרין ושמואל אמר מעות מתנה,אמר ליה אביי לרב יוסף מאי חזית דקנסינן ללוקח נקנסיה למוכר א"ל לאו עכברא גנב אלא חורא גנב א"ל אי לאו עכברא חורא מנא ליה,מסתברא היכא דאיכא איסורא התם קנסינן:,ההוא עבדא דערק מחוצה לארץ לארץ אזל מריה אבתריה אתא לקמיה דרבי אמי אמר ליה נכתוב לך שטרא אדמיה וכתוב ליה גיטא דחירותא ואי לא מפקנא ליה מינך מדרבי אחי ברבי יאשיה,דתניא (שמות כג, לג) לא ישבו בארצך פן יחטיאו אותך לי וגו' יכול בעובד כוכבים שקיבל עליו שלא לעבוד עבודת כוכבים הכתוב מדבר ת"ל (דברים כג, טז) לא תסגיר עבד אל אדוניו אשר ינצל אליך מעם אדוניו מאי תקנתו עמך ישב בקרבך וגו',וקשיא ליה לר' יאשיה האי מעם אדוניו מעם אביו מיבעי ליה אלא אמר רבי יאשיה במוכר עבדו לחוצה לארץ הכתוב מדבר,וקשיא ליה לרבי אחי ברבי יאשיה האי אשר ינצל אליך אשר ינצל מעמך מיבעי ליה אלא אמר רבי אחי בר' יאשיה בעבד שברח מחו"ל לארץ הכתוב מדבר,תניא אידך לא תסגיר עבד אל אדוניו רבי אומר בלוקח עבד ע"מ לשחררו הכתוב מדבר היכי דמי אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק דכתב ליה הכי לכשאקחך הרי עצמך קנוי לך מעכשיו,רב חסדא ערק ליה עבדא לבי כותאי שלח להו הדרוה ניהלי שלחו ליה לא תסגיר עבד אל אדוניו (שלח להו (דברים כב, ג) וכן תעשה לחמורו וכן תעשה לשמלתו וכן תעשה לכל אבידת אחיך שלחו ליה והכתיב לא תסגיר עבד אל אדוניו) שלח להו ההוא בעבד שברח מחו"ל לארץ וכדרבי אחי ברבי יאשיה,ומאי שנא דשלח להו כדר' אחי בר' יאשיה משום דמשמע להו קראי,אביי אירכס ליה חמרא בי כותאי שלח להו שדרוה לי שלחו ליה שלח סימנא שלח להו דחיוורא כריסיה שלחו ליה אי לאו דנחמני את לא הוה משדרנא ליה ניהלך אטו כולי חמרי לאו כריסייהו חיוורין נינהו:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אין פודין את השבויין יתר על כדי דמיהן מפני תיקון העולם ואין מבריחין את השבויין מפני תיקון העולם רשב"ג אומר מפני תקנת השבויין:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big איבעיא להו האי מפני תיקון העולם משום דוחקא דצבורא הוא או דילמא משום דלא לגרבו ולייתו טפי,ת"ש דלוי בר דרגא פרקא לברתיה בתליסר אלפי דינרי זהב,אמר אביי ומאן לימא לן דברצון חכמים עבד דילמא שלא ברצון חכמים עבד:,ואין מבריחין את השבויין מפני תיקון העולם רשב"ג אומר מפני תקנת שבויין: מאי בינייהו איכא בינייהו דליכא אלא חד:,בנתיה דרב נחמן בחשן קדרא בידייהו קשיא ליה לרב עיליש כתיב (קהלת ז, כח) אדם אחד מאלף מצאתי ואשה בכל אלה לא מצאתי הא איכא בנתיה דרב נחמן גרמא להו מילתא ואשתביין ואישתבאי איהו נמי בהדייהו,יומא חד הוה יתיב גביה ההוא גברא דהוה ידע בלישנא דציפורי אתא עורבא וקא קרי ליה אמר ליה מאי קאמר אמר ליה עיליש ברח עיליש ברח אמר עורבא שיקרא הוא ולא סמיכנא עליה,אדהכי אתא יונה וקא קריא אמר ליה מאי קאמרה א"ל עיליש ברח עיליש ברח אמר כנסת ישראל כיונה מתילא ש"מ מתרחיש לי ניסא אמר איזיל אחזי בנתיה דרב נחמן אי קיימן בהימנותייהו אהדרינהו,אמר נשי כל מילי דאית להו סדרן להדדי בבית הכסא שמעינהו דקאמרן עדי גוברין ונהרדעי גוברין לימא להו לשבוייהו דלירחקינהו מהכא דלא ליתו אינשין ולישמעי וליפרקינן,קם ערק אתא איהו וההוא גברא לדידיה איתרחיש ליה ניסא עבר במברא וההוא גברא אשכחוה וקטלוה כי הדרן ואתן אמר הוו קא בחשן קידרא בכשפים:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ואין לוקחין ספרים תפילין ומזוזות מן העובדי כוכבים יותר על כדי דמיהן | 45a. The Gemara says: b And /b as for b Rav A, /b who could not determine in which case the money of the sale is returned, b the i baraita /i was not known to him, /b so he was not able to use it in order to resolve his dilemma., b And if /b Rav A would attempt to resolve his dilemma b from /b the statement b of Shmuel, /b who said that the sale does not take effect at all, this should mean that the money used in the sale is returned, it is possible to say: b From where /b can you assume b that it is not sold, and /b therefore b the money is returned? Perhaps it is not sold and the money is /b considered to be b a gift, just as it is /b according to the opinion of Shmuel b in /b the case of b one who betroths his sister. As /b it b was stated /b with regard to b one who betroths his sister, Rav said: The money /b he gave for the betrothal b is returned, /b since the betrothal does not take effect; b and Shmuel said: /b This b money /b is b a gift, /b meaning that he wished to give a gift to his sister and he did so in this manner. Therefore, Rav A remained uncertain as to when Shmuel required the money to be returned.,With regard to the i halakha /i that if one sells his slave to a Jew outside of Eretz Yisrael it is the purchaser who loses his money, b Abaye said to Rav Yosef: What did you see /b to cause you to say b that we apply the penalty to the purchaser, /b in that he is required to emancipate the slave and loses his money; b we should apply the penalty to the seller, /b and he should be required to return the money. Rav Yosef answered Abaye with a parable and b said to him: /b It is b not the mouse /b that b steals, but the hole /b that b steals. /b In other words, a mouse cannot steal anything unless he has a hole for hiding the stolen items. Here too, the slave would not have been sold without the help of the purchaser. The Gemara questions this logic: But b if not /b for b the mouse, from where /b would b the hole /b have the stolen item; since they both contribute to the prohibited act, each of them is deserving of being penalized.,Rav Yosef responded to him: b It stands to reason /b that b anywhere that the forbidden /b item, i.e., the slave, b is, /b in this case, with the purchaser, b there we /b should b penalize. /b ,§ The Gemara relates: There was b a certain slave who fled /b from his master b from outside of Eretz /b Yisrael b to Eretz /b Yisrael. b His master followed him /b to Eretz Yisrael and b came before Rabbi Ami. /b Rabbi Ami b said to /b the master: b We will write a /b promissory b note for his value for you, and you /b should b write a bill of manumission for him. And if /b you do b not /b do this, b I will remove him from you /b entirely, since he does not have to return to outside of Eretz Yisrael, b based on /b the statement b of Rabbi Aḥai, son of Rabbi Yoshiya. /b , b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : The verse states with regard to the residents of the Land of Canaan: b “They shall not dwell in your land lest they make you to sin against Me, /b for you will serve their gods; for they will be a snare to you” (Exodus 23:33). One b might /b have thought that b the verse is /b also b speaking of a gentile who accepted upon himself not to /b engage in b idol worship, /b and is teaching that such a gentile may not dwell in Eretz Yisrael as well; therefore b the verse states: “You shall not deliver to his master a slave who escaped to you from his master” /b (Deuteronomy 23:16). The i baraita /i understands that the verse is speaking in metaphoric terms about a gentile who has come to Eretz Yisrael, escaping his idolatrous past. The i baraita /i continues: b What /b is this gentile’s b remedy? “He shall dwell with you in your midst” /b (Deuteronomy 23:17). This teaches that as long as he accepts upon himself not to engage in idol worship, he may remain in Eretz Yisrael., b And /b the explanation of the verse in the i baraita /i is b difficult for Rabbi Yoshiya: This /b expression employed in the verse: b “From his master,” /b is imprecise if it is speaking about a gentile who abandons idol worship, as b it should have /b stated: b From his father, /b as a father is a more apt metaphor for the religion in which one was raised. b Rather, Rabbi Yoshiya /b explains differently and b says: The verse is speaking of one who sells his slave to /b a Jew who lives b outside of Eretz /b Yisrael, and the continuation of the verse: “He shall dwell with you,” means that he does not go to his new master outside of Eretz Yisrael, but is emancipated and remains in Eretz Yisrael., b And /b the explanation of Rabbi Yoshiya is b difficult for Rabbi Aḥai, son of Rabbi Yoshiya: /b If it is referring to a slave who is sold to one outside of Eretz Yisrael, then b this /b expression: b “Who escaped to you,” /b is not accurate, as he is leaving from Eretz Yisrael, not escaping to Eretz Yisrael. According to Rabbi Yoshiya’s explanation, b it should have /b stated: b Who escaped from you. Rather, Rabbi Aḥai, son of Rabbi Yoshiya, said: The verse is speaking of a slave who escaped from outside of Eretz /b Yisrael b to Eretz /b Yisrael, which indicates that in such a case he may dwell there and is not returned to his master. Based on this statement of Rabbi Aḥai, son of Rabbi Yoshiya, Rabbi Ami told the master that the slave will in any case be emancipated.,It b is taught /b in b another /b i baraita /i : The verse states: b “You shall not deliver to his master a slave” /b (Deuteronomy 23:16); b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b says: The verse is speaking of one who acquires a slave in order to emancipate him. /b The court may not deliver him to this master, because he is not his slave and he may not treat him as such. The Gemara asks: b What are the circumstances /b of this case? b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: /b For example, b when he wrote to /b the slave b like this: When I will purchase you, you are hereby acquired to yourself from now. /b The new master does not take possession of the slave, as he is emancipated immediately upon being purchased.,The Gemara relates that b Rav Ḥisda’s slave escaped to Bei Kutai, /b a place where Samaritans lived. b He sent /b a request b to /b the residents of that place: b Return him to me. They sent /b a response b to him: /b The verse states: b “You shall not deliver to his master a slave,” /b so we will not return this slave to you. b He sent /b a response b to them: /b The verse also states with regard to lost items: “And you shall restore it to him… b and so you shall do for his donkey and so you shall do for his garment and so you shall do for anything your brother has lost” /b (Deuteronomy 22:2–3). b They sent /b a response b to him /b again: b But isn’t it written: “You shall not deliver to his master a slave”? /b Rav Ḥisda b sent /b a response b to them: That /b verse is referring b to a slave who escaped from outside of Eretz /b Yisrael b to Eretz /b Yisrael, b and in accordance with /b the explanation b of Rabbi Aḥai, son of Rabbi Yoshiya, /b and my slave escaped from one location outside of Eretz Yisrael to another location outside of Eretz Yisrael.,The Gemara asks: b And what is different /b about this case b that /b led him to b send /b a response b to them /b specifically b in accordance with /b the explanation b of Rabbi Aḥai, son of Rabbi Yoshiya, /b and not in accordance with any other interpretation of the verse? The Gemara answers: b Because that is /b how the Samaritans would b understand the verse. /b Samaritans did not generally accept the explanations of the Sages, and this explanation accords with the straightforward reading of the verse, while the other explanations do not.,The Gemara relates that b Abaye lost a donkey /b among the Samaritans in b Bei Kutai. He sent /b a request b to them: Send it to me. They sent /b a response b to him: Send a distinguishing mark /b and we will return it to you. b He sent /b the following distinguishing mark b to them: That its belly is white. They sent /b a response b to him: If not /b for the fact b that you are Naḥmani, /b meaning that we know that you are a trustworthy man, b we would not send it to you. Is that to say /b that b bellies of all donkeys aren’t white? /b Therefore, it is not a true distinguishing mark., strong MISHNA: /strong b The captives are not redeemed /b for b more than their /b actual monetary b value, for the betterment of the world; and one may not aid the captives /b in their attempt to b escape /b from their captors b for the betterment of the world, /b so that kidnappers will not be more restrictive with their captives to prevent them from escaping. b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: For the betterment of the captives, /b so that kidnappers will not avenge the escape of the captives by treating other captives with cruelty., strong GEMARA: /strong b A dilemma was raised before /b the Sages: With regard to b this /b expression: b For the betterment of the world, /b is b it due to the /b ficial b pressure of the community? /b Is the concern that the increase in price will lead to the community assuming ficial pressures it will not be able to manage? b Or perhaps /b it is b because /b the result of this will be b that they will not seize and bring additional /b captives, as they will see that it is not worthwhile for them to take Jews captive?,The Gemara suggests: b Come /b and b hear /b an answer based on the fact b that Levi bar Darga redeemed his daughter /b who was taken captive b with thirteen thousand gold dinars. /b This indicates that private citizens may pay excessive sums to redeem a captive if they so choose. Therefore, it must be that the reason for the ordice was to avoid an excessive burden being placed upon the community. If the ordice was instituted to remove the incentive for kidnappers to capture Jews, a private citizen would also not be permitted to pay an excessive sum., b Abaye said: And who told us that he acted in accordance with the wishes of the Sages? Perhaps he acted against the wishes of the Sages, /b and this anecdote cannot serve as a proof.,The mishna taught: b And one may not aid the captives /b in their attempt to b escape /b from their captors, b for the betterment of the world. Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: For the betterment of /b the b captives. /b The Gemara asks: b What is /b the difference b between /b the two reasons given? The Gemara answers: b There is /b a difference b between them when there is only one /b captive. If this ordice was instituted for the benefit of the other captives, so that the kidnappers should not avenge a captive’s escape by treating the others with cruelty, then if there is only one captive to begin with, one may help him to escape. If it was instituted so that kidnappers in general will not act restrictively with their captives, it would be prohibited in this case as well.,§ The Gemara relates that b Rav Naḥman’s daughters would stir a /b boiling b pot with their /b bare b hands, /b and people thought that the heat did not harm them due to their righteousness. b Rav Ilish had a difficulty /b with a verse, as it b is written: “A man one of a thousand I have found, and a woman among all those have I not found” /b (Ecclesiastes 7:28). b Aren’t there Rav Naḥman’s daughters, /b who were exceptionally righteous? b These words caused them to be taken captive, /b due to the evil eye, b and /b Rav Ilish b was also taken captive with them. /b , b One day a certain man was sitting with him /b in captivity b who knew the language of birds. A raven came and called to /b Rav Ilish. Rav Ilish b said to /b the man: b What is /b the raven b saying? He said to him /b that it is saying: b Ilish, escape; Ilish, escape. /b Rav Ilish b said: It is a lying raven, and I do not rely on it. /b , b In the meantime, a dove came and was calling /b out. Rav Ilish b said to /b the man: b What is it saying? He said to him /b that the dove said: b Ilish, escape; Ilish, escape. /b Ilish b said: The Congregation of Israel is compared to a dove; /b I b conclude from /b the dove’s words that b a miracle will happen for me, /b and I can attempt to escape. Rav Ilish b said: /b Before I leave, b I will go /b and b I will see Rav Naḥman’s daughters. If they remained /b steadfast b in their faith /b and are acting appropriately, then I will take them with me and b I will return them /b to their home., b He said: Women tell all of their /b secret b matters to each other in the bathroom, /b so he went there to eavesdrop on them. b He heard them saying: These /b captors are now b our husbands, and the men of Neharde’a /b to whom we are married are b our husbands. We should tell our captors to distance us from here so that our husbands should not come /b to this area b and hear /b that we are here, b and redeem us, /b and take us home. They preferred to remain with their captors.,Upon hearing this Rav Ilish b arose /b and b escaped. He and that man /b who knew the language of the birds b came /b to a river crossing. b A miracle happened for him /b and b he crossed /b the river b on a ferry, and /b the captors b found that man and killed him. When /b Rav Naḥman’s daughters b were returned and they came /b back from their captivity, Rav Ilish b said: They would stir the pot with witchcraft, /b and that is why they were not burned by the boiling pot, but it was not due to their righteousness., strong MISHNA: /strong b And /b Torah b scrolls, phylacteries, or i mezuzot /i are not purchased from the gentiles /b when they acquire these objects, if they request b more than their /b actual monetary b value, /b |
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170. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 8.33 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 334 | 8.33. Right has the force of an oath, and that is why Zeus is called the God of Oaths. Virtue is harmony, and so are health and all good and God himself; this is why they say that all things are constructed according to the laws of harmony. The love of friends is just concord and equality. We should not pay equal worship to gods and heroes, but to the gods always, with reverent silence, in white robes, and after purification, to the heroes only from midday onwards. Purification is by cleansing, baptism and lustration, and by keeping clean from all deaths and births and all pollution, and abstaining from meat and flesh of animals that have died, mullets, gurnards, eggs and egg-sprung animals, beans, and the other abstinences prescribed by those who perform rites in the sanctuaries. |
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171. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 106| 153a. סבור מיניה הני מילי לאחר אבל לעצמו לא אמר להו רב חסדא כי אתא רב הונא מכופרי פירשה בין לעצמו בין לאחרים,ההוא דקנו מיניה אתא לקמיה דרב הונא אמר מאי איעבד לך דלא אקנית כדמקנו אינשי,ההיא מתנתא דהוה כתוב בה בחיים ובמות רב אמר הרי היא כמתנת שכיב מרע ושמואל אמר הרי היא כמתנת בריא,רב אמר הרי היא כמתנת שכיב מרע מדכתיב בה במות אחר מיתה קאמר ליה והאי דכתיב בחיים סימן בעלמא דחיי,ושמואל אמר הרי היא כמתנת בריא מדכתיב בה בחיים מחיים קאמר והאי דכתב ובמות כמאן דאמר מעתה ועד עולם אמרי נהרדעי הלכתא כוותיה דרב,אמר רבא ואי כתיב בה מחיים קנה,אמר אמימר לית הלכתא כוותיה דרבא אמר ליה רב אשי לאמימר פשיטא דהא אמרי נהרדעי הלכתא כוותיה דרב מהו דתימא מחיים מודי רב קא משמע לן,ההוא דאתא לקמיה דרב נחמן לנהרדעא שדריה לקמיה דר' ירמיה בר אבא לשום טמיא אמר הכא אתרא דשמואל היכי נעביד כוותיה דרב,ההיא דאתאי לקמיה דרבא עבד לה רבא כשמעתיה הוה קא טרדא ליה,אמר ליה לרב פפא בריה דרב חנן ספריה זיל כתוב לה וכתוב בה שוכר עליהן או מטען אמרה ליטבע ארביה אטעויי קא מטעית לי אמשינהו למניה דרבא במיא ואפי' הכי לא איפרק מטיבעא:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big לא כתב בה שכיב מרע הוא אומר שכיב מרע הייתי והן אומרים בריא היית צריך להביא ראיה ששכיב מרע היה דברי ר"מ וחכ"א המוציא מחברו עליו הראיה:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ההוא מתנתא דהוה כתב בה כד הוה קציר ורמי בערסיה ולא כתב בה ומגו מרעיה איפטר לבית עולמיה | 153a. Rav’s disciples b understood from this /b that b this statement /b applies only when the person on his deathbed wishes to retract his gift and transfer it b to another. But /b if he recovers and wishes to retract the gift and retain it b for himself, /b Shmuel’s statement b does not /b apply. b Rav Ḥisda said to them: When Rav Huna came from Kufrei, he explained /b that Shmuel’s statement applies b both /b to retaining the property b for himself and /b to transferring it b to others. /b ,The Gemara relates: There was b a certain /b person on his deathbed who wrote a deed of transfer granting his property to another, and b it was acquired from him /b by means of an act of acquisition. He subsequently recovered and wanted to retract the gift, and b he came before Rav Huna. /b Rav Huna b said /b to him: b What can I do for you? /b You cannot retract the gift, b as you did not transfer /b the gift b in the manner that people /b on their deathbed b transfer /b ownership of gifts, and you enhanced the legal power of the recipient by performing an act of acquisition.,§ The Gemara relates: There was a deed pertaining to b a certain gift /b of a person on his deathbed, b in which it was written /b that the gift is given both b in life and in death. /b In such a case, b Rav says: It is like /b the b gift of a person on his deathbed, /b and if he recovers he can retract it. b And Shmuel says: It is like /b the b gift of a healthy person, /b and he cannot retract it.,The Gemara explains: b Rav says: It is like /b the b gift of a person on his deathbed. /b This can be inferred b from /b the fact b that it is written in /b the deed that the gift is given b in death. /b This means that the giver b is saying to him /b that the gift should take effect b after /b his b death, and that which is written /b in the deed, that the gift is given b in life, /b is b merely /b an auspicious b omen, /b expressing hope b that /b the giver b will live. /b , b And Shmuel says: It is like /b the b gift of a healthy person. /b This can be inferred b from /b the fact b that it is written in /b the deed that the gift is given b in life. /b This means that the giver b is saying /b that the gift takes effect b during /b his b life, /b i.e., immediately. b And that which he wrote, /b that the gift is given b in death, is like one who says: From now and for evermore, /b i.e., that the gift is not retractable. The Sages b of Neharde’a say: The i halakha /i /b is b in accordance with /b the opinion b of Rav. /b , b Rava said: And if it was written in /b the deed that the gift is given b during life /b and in death, the recipient b acquires /b the gift and it cannot be retracted, as this term indicates that the gift takes effect while the giver still lives., b Ameimar said: The i halakha /i is not in accordance with /b the opinion b of Rava. Rav Ashi said to Ameimar: /b Isn’t that b obvious, as /b the Sages b of Neharde’a say /b that b the i halakha /i /b is b in accordance with /b the opinion b of Rav? /b Ameimar replied: b Lest you say /b that with regard to the term: b During life, Rav concedes /b that the giver intends for the gift to take effect immediately, Ameimar b teaches us /b that since the giver also mentioned death, he intended the gift as the gift of a person on his deathbed and he can retract it.,The Gemara relates: There was b a certain /b person who wrote in the deed that the gift is given in life and in death. When he recovered he wanted to retract the gift. He b came before Rav Naḥman in Neharde’a. /b Rav Naḥman b sent him to /b appear b before Rabbi Yirmeya bar Abba in Shum Tamya. /b Rav Naḥman b said /b in explanation of his actions: b Here, /b Neharde’a, b is the place of Shmuel. /b Consequently, Shmuel’s rulings should be followed, and therefore b how can we act in accordance with /b the opinion b of Rav? /b ,The Gemara relates: There was b a certain /b woman who wrote in the deed that the gift is given during life and in death. She b came before Rava. Rava acted with regard to her /b case b in accordance with his halakhic /b ruling, and he ruled that she cannot retract the gift. She did not accept the ruling, and b she /b constantly b troubled him, /b saying that he had not judged her case properly.,Rava b said to Rav Pappa, his scribe, son of Rav Ḥa: Go, write for her /b a ruling in her favor, b and write in /b the ruling the phrase: He may b hire /b replacements b at their /b expense, b or deceive them /b to get them to return to work. This is a phrase from the mishna ( i Bava Metzia /i 75b) that discusses the ruling in the case of one who hired laborers to perform a task that cannot be delayed, and they quit. Rava intended this phrase to indicate to the court that the ruling was merely a ruse in order to persuade the woman to leave. The woman understood the ruse. b She said: May his ship sink; you are deceiving me. Rava had his clothes immersed in water /b so that the curse should be fulfilled in this alternative manner, b but even so he was not saved from /b the b sinking /b of his ship., strong MISHNA: /strong If one b did not write in /b the deed that he was b on his deathbed, /b and he then recovered and wished to retract the gift, and b he says: I was on my deathbed, /b and since I recovered, I can retract the gift, b but /b the recipients b say: You were healthy, /b and the gift cannot be retracted, the giver b must bring proof that he was on his deathbed /b in order to retract the gift. This is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say: The burden of proof rests upon the claimant, /b and since the property is in the possession of the giver, the recipients must bring proof that they have the right to receive it., strong GEMARA: /strong There was a deed pertaining to b a certain gift /b of a person on his deathbed, b in which it was written /b that the gift was bestowed b when /b the giver b was sick and lying in his bed, but /b the continuation of the standard formula: b And from his sickness he departed to his /b eternal b home, was not written in it. /b The giver’s heirs claimed that although he was ill when he wrote the deed, he later recovered, and his gift is not valid. |
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| 172. Athanasius, Quaestio 136 E Quaestionibus Ad Antiochum Ducem (E Cod. Guelferbytanogudiano 51) [Sp], None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 330 |
| 173. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 2.62 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 75 |
| 174. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Acts, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 141 |
| 175. Gregory of Nazianzus, In Theophania (Orat. 38), 37, 131 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137 |
| 176. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 7.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 256 |
| 177. Anon., Apostolic Constitutions, 7.23.2, 8.47.65, 8.47.71 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, practice of •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 253; Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 15 |
| 178. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.8.2-3.8.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •transvestism and cross-dressing, as ritual practice Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 181 |
| 179. Augustine, Confessions, 1.8.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, practices Found in books: Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 271, 272 |
| 180. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.8.2-3.8.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •transvestism and cross-dressing, as ritual practice Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 181 |
| 181. John Chrysostom, Against The Jews, 1.2.7, 1.6.2-1.6.3, 1.7.2, 1.8.1, 2.3.4, 4.7.3, 7.1.2, 8.5.6, 8.8.7-8.8.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 254, 255 |
| 182. Anon., Alphabetical Collection, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 200 |
| 183. Justinian, Novellae, 146 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 254 |
| 184. Justinian, Novellae, 146 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabbath, rituals and practices Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 254 |
| 185. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Mensibus, 4.67 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •transvestism and cross-dressing, as ritual practice Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 181 |
| 186. Epigraphy, Lsam, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 223 |
187. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.498-1.504 Tagged with subjects: •greek literature and practice, young womens rituals in Found in books: Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 208 | 1.498. Dido, assembling her few trusted friends, 1.499. prepared her flight. There rallied to her cause 1.500. all who did hate and scorn the tyrant king, 1.501. or feared his cruelty. They seized his ships, 1.502. which haply rode at anchor in the bay, 1.503. and loaded them with gold; the hoarded wealth 1.504. of vile and covetous Pygmalion |
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| 188. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,1, 764 Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, financial upkeep and donations Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 107 |
| 189. Anon., Scholia On Argonautika, 1.1212-1.1219 Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138, 142 |
| 190. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Nemean Odes, 7.62, 9.3 Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137, 200 |
| 191. Epigraphy, Ngsl, 66-68, 65 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 538, 539 |
| 192. Epigraphy, Ig V,2, 514 Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, processions Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 102 |
| 193. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,4, 348 Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 42 |
| 194. Epigraphy, Ig V,1, 1390, 36 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 102 |
| 195. Epigraphy, Ig Iv, 203 Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 234 |
| 196. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1006.11-1006.12, 1008.9-1008.10, 1011.10-1011.11, 1421.112, 3634.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 169, 173, 181; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382 |
| 197. Epigraphy, Ig I , None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 42, 171 |
| 198. Demosthenes, Orations, 4.35 Tagged with subjects: •ritual practice, manipulation of Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 275 |
199. Strabo, Geography, 7.7.1, 7.7.8, 8.6.12-8.6.13, 9.2, 9.2.18, 9.3.9, 9.4-9.5, 9.4.17, 10.1-10.2, 13.1.32 Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 127; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138, 200, 328, 329, 342 | 7.7.1. EpirusThese alone, then, of all the tribes that are marked off by the Ister and by the Illyrian and Thracian mountains, deserve to be mentioned, occupying as they do the whole of the Adriatic seaboard beginning at the recess, and also the sea-board that is called the left parts of the Pontus, and extends from the Ister River as far as Byzantium. But there remain to be described the southerly parts of the aforesaid mountainous country and next thereafter the districts that are situated below them, among which are both Greece and the adjacent barbarian country as far as the mountains. Now Hecataeus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus that before the time of the Greeks it was inhabited by barbarians. Yet one might say that in the ancient times the whole of Greece was a settlement of barbarians, if one reasons from the traditions themselves: Pelops brought over peoples from Phrygia to the Peloponnesus that received its name from him; and Danaus from Egypt; whereas the Dryopes, the Caucones, the Pelasgi, the Leleges, and other such peoples, apportioned among themselves the parts that are inside the isthmus — and also the parts outside, for Attica was once held by the Thracians who came with Eumolpus, Daulis in Phocis by Tereus, Cadmeia by the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and Boeotia itself by the Aones and Temmices and Hyantes. According to Pindar, there was a time when the Boeotian tribe was called Syes. Moreover, the barbarian origin of some is indicated by their names — Cecrops, Godrus, Aiclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus. And even to the present day the Thracians, Illyrians, and Epeirotes live on the flanks of the Greeks (though this was still more the case formerly than now); indeed most of the country that at the present time is indisputably Greece is held by the barbarians — Macedonia and certain parts of Thessaly by the Thracians, and the parts above Acaria and Aitolia by the Thesproti, the Cassopaei, the Amphilochi, the Molossi, and the Athamanes — Epeirotic tribes. 7.7.8. The Amphilochians are Epeirotes; and so are the peoples who are situated above them and border on the Illyrian mountains, inhabiting a rugged country — I mean the Molossi, the Athamanes, the Aethices, the Tymphaei, the Orestae, and also the Paroraei and the Atintanes, some of them being nearer to the Macedonians and others to the Ionian Sea. It is said that Orestes once took possession of Orestias — when is, exile on account of the murder of his mother — and left the country bearing his name; and that he also founded a city and called it Argos Oresticum. But the Illyrian tribes which are near the southern part of the mountainous country and those which are above the Ionian Sea are intermingled with these peoples; for above Epidamnus and Apollonia as far as the Ceraunian Mountains dwell the Bylliones, the Taulantii, the Parthini, and the Brygi. Somewhere nearby are also the silver mines of Damastion, where the Perisadyes and the Encheleii (also called Sesarethii) together established their dominion; and near these people are also the Lyncestae, the territory Deuriopus, the Pelagonian Tripolitis, the Eordi, Elimeia, and Eratyra. In earlier times these peoples were ruled separately, each by its own dynasty. For instance, it was the descendants of Cadmus and Harmonia who ruled over the Encheleii; and the scenes of the stories told about them are still pointed out there. These people, I say, were not ruled by men of native stock; and the Lyncestae became subject to Arrabaeus, who was of the stock of the Bacchiads (Eurydice, the mother of Philip, Amyntas' son, was Arrabaeus' daughter's daughter and Sirra was his daughter); and again, of the Epeirotes, the Molossi became subject to Pyrrhus, the son of Neoptolemus the son of Achilles, and to his descendants, who were Thessalians. But the rest were ruled by men of native stock. Then, because one tribe or another was always getting the mastery over others, they all ended in the Macedonian empire, except a few who dwelt above the Ionian Sea. And in fact the regions about Lyncus, Pelagonia, Orestias, and Elimeia, used to be called Upper Macedonia, though later on they were by some also called Free Macedonia. But some go so far as to call the whole of the country Macedonia, as far as Corcyra, at the same time stating as their reason that in tonsure, language, short cloak, and other things of the kind, the usages of the inhabitants are similar, although, they add, some speak both languages. But when the empire of the Macedonians was broken up, they fell under the power of the Romans. And it is through the country of these tribes that the Egnatian Road runs, which begins at Epidamnus and Apollonia. Near the Road to Candavia are not only the lakes which are in the neighborhood of Lychnidus, on the shores of which are salt-fish establishments that are independent of other waters, but also a number of rivers, some emptying into the Ionian Sea and others flowing in a southerly direction — I mean the Inachus, the Aratthus, the Achelous and the Evenus (formerly called the Lycormas); the Aratthus emptying into the Ambracian Gulf, the Inachus into the Achelous, the Achelous itself and the Evenus into the sea — the Achelous after traversing Acaria and the Evenus after traversing Aitolia. But the Erigon, after receiving many streams from the Illyrian mountains and from the countries of the Lyncestae, Brygi, Deuriopes, and Pelagonians, empties into the Axius. 8.6.12. Hermione is one of the important cities; and its seaboard is held by the Halieis, as they are called, men who busy themselves on the sea. And it is commonly reported that the descent to Hades in the country of the Hermionians is a short cut; and this is why they do not put passage money in the mouths of their dead. 8.6.13. It is said that Asine too was a habitation of the Dryopians — whether, being inhabitants of the regions of the Spercheius, they were settled here by the Arcadian Dryops, as Aristotle has said, or whether they were driven by Heracles out of the part of Doris that is near Parnassus. As for the Scyllaion in Hermione, they say that it was named after Scylla, the daughter of Nisus, who, they say, out of love for Minos betrayed Nisaea to him and was drowned in the sea by him, and was here cast ashore by the waves and buried. Eiones was a village, which was depopulated by the Mycenaeans and made into a naval station, but later it disappeared from sight and now is not even a naval station. 9.2. 1. Boeotia Next in order is Boeotia; and when I discuss this country and the tribes that are continuous with it, I must, for the sake of clearness, call to mind what I have said before. As I have said, the seaboard from Sounion to Thessaloniceia extends towards the north, slightly inclining towards the west and keeping the sea on the east; and that the parts above this seaboard lie towards the west — ribbon-like stretches of country extending parallel to one another through the whole country. The first of these parts is Attica together with Megaris — a ribbon-like stretch of country, having as its eastern side the seaboard from Sounion to Oropus and Boeotia, and as its western side the Isthmus and the Alcyonian Sea, which extends from Pagae to the boundaries of Boeotia near Creusa, and as its remaining two sides, the seaboard from Sounion to the Isthmus and the mountainous country approximately parallel thereto which separates Attica from Boeotia. The second of these parts is Boeotia, extending ribbon-like from the east towards the west, from the Euboean Sea to the sea at the Crisaean Gulf; and it is about equal in length to Attica or perhaps less; in the fertility of its soil, however, it is far superior.,2. Ephorus declares that Boeotia is superior to the countries of the bordering tribes, not only in fertility of soil, but also because it alone has three seas and has a greater number of good harbors; in the Crisaean and Corinthian Gulf s it receives the products of Italy and Sicily and Libya, while in the part which faces Euboea, since its seaboard branches off on either side of the Euripus, on one side towards Aulis and the territory of Tanagra and on the other towards Salganeus and Anthedon, the sea stretches unbroken in the one direction towards Egypt and Cyprus and the islands, and in the other direction towards Macedonia and the regions of the Propontis and the Hellespont. And he adds that Euboea has, in a way, been made a part of Boeotia by the Euripus, since the Euripus is so narrow and is spanned by a bridge to Euripus only two plethra long. Now he praises the country on account of these things; and he says that it is naturally well suited to hegemony, but that those who were from time to time its leaders neglected careful training and education, and therefore, although they at times achieved success, they maintained it only for a short time, as is shown in the case of Epameinondas; for after he died the Thebans immediately lost the hegemony, having had only a taste of it; and that the cause of this was the fact that they belittled the value of learning and of intercourse with mankind, and cared for the military virtues alone. Ephorus should have added that these things are particularly useful in dealing with Greeks, although force is stronger than reason in dealing with the barbarians. And the Romans too, in ancient times, when carrying on war with savage tribes, needed no training of this kind, but from the time that they began to have dealings with more civilized tribes and races, they applied themselves to this training also, and so established themselves as lords of all.,3. Be that as it may, Boeotia in earlier times was inhabited by barbarians, the Aones and the Temmices, who wandered thither from Sounion, and by the Leleges and the Hyantes. Then the Phoenicians occupied it, I mean the Phoenicians with Cadmus, the man who fortified the Cadmeia and left the dominion to his descendants. Those Phoenicians founded Thebes in addition to the Cadmeia, and preserved their dominion, commanding most of the Boeotians until the expedition of the Epigoni. On this occasion they left Thebes for a short time, but came back again. And, in the same way, when they were ejected by the Thracians and the Pelasgians, they established their government in Thessaly along with the Arnaei for a long time, so that they were all called Boeotians. Then they returned to the homeland, at the time when the Aeolian fleet, near Aulis in Boeotia, was now ready to set sail, I mean the fleet which the sons of Orestes were despatching to Asia. After adding the Orchomenian country to Boeotia (for in earlier times the Orchomenians were not a part of the Boeotian community, nor did Homer enumerate them with the Boeotians, but as a separate people, for he called them Minyae), they, with the Orchomenians, drove out the Pelasgians to Athens (it was after these that a part of the city was named Pelasgicon, though they took up their abode below Hymettus), and the Thracians to Parnassus; and the Hyantes founded a city Hyas in Phocis.,4. Ephorus says that the Thracians, after making a treaty with the Boeotians, attacked them by night when they, thinking that peace had been made, were encamping rather carelessly; and when the Boeotians frustrated the Thracians, at the same time making the charge that they were breaking the treaty, the Thracians asserted that they had not broken it, for the treaty said by day, whereas they had made the attack by night; whence arose the proverb, Thracian pretense; and the Pelasgians, when the war was still going on, went to consult the oracle, as did also the Boeotians. Now Ephorus is unable, he says, to tell the oracular response that was given to the Pelasgians, but the prophetess replied to the Boeotians that they would prosper if they committed sacrilege; and the messengers who were sent to consult the oracle, suspecting that the prophetess responded thus out of favor to the Pelasgians, because of her kinship with them (indeed, the sanctuary also was from the beginning Pelasgian), seized the woman and threw her upon a burning pile, for they considered that, whether she had acted falsely or had not, they were right in either case, since, if she uttered a false oracle, she had her punishment, whereas, if she did not act falsely, they had only obeyed the order of the oracle. Now those in charge of the sanctuary, he says, did not approve of putting to death without trial — and that too in the sanctuary — the men who did this, and therefore they brought them to trial, and summoned them before the priestesses, who were also the prophetesses, being the two survivors of the three; but when the Boeotians said that it was nowhere lawful for women to act as judges, they chose an equal number of men in addition to the women. Now the men, he says, voted for acquittal, but the women for conviction, and since the votes cast were equal, those for acquittal prevailed; and in consequence of this prophecies are uttered at Dodona by men to Boeotians only; the prophetesses, however, explain the oracle to mean that the god ordered the Boeotians to steal the tripods and take one of them to Dodona every year; and they actually do this, for they always take down one of the dedicated tripods by night and cover it up with garments, and secretly, as it were, carry it to Dodona.,5. After this the Boeotians cooperated with Penthilus and his followers in forming the Aeolian colony, sending with him most of their own people, so that it was also called a Boeotian colony. A long time afterwards the country was thoroughly devastated by the Persian war that took place near Plataeae. Then they recovered themselves to such an extent that the Thebans, having conquered the Lacedemonians in two battles, laid claim to supremacy over the Greeks. But Epameinondas fell in the battle, and consequently they were disappointed in this hope; but still they went to war on behalf of the Greeks against the Phocians, who had robbed their common sanctuary. And after suffering loss from this war, as also from the Macedonians when these attacked the Greeks, they lost their city, which was razed to the ground by these same people, and then received it back from them when rebuilt. From that time on the Thebans have fared worse and worse down to our own time, and Thebes today does not preserve the character even of a respectable village; and the like is true of other Boeotian cities, except Tanagra and Thespiae, which, as compared with Thebes, have held out fairly well.,6. Next in order I must make a circuit of the country, beginning at that part of the coastline opposite Euboea which joins Attica. The beginning is Oropus, and the Sacred Harbor, which is called Delphinium, opposite which is the ancient Eretria in Euboea, the distance across being sixty stadia. After Delphinium, at a distance of twenty stadia, is Oropus; and opposite Oropus is the present Eretria, and to it the passage across the strait is forty stadia.,7. Then one comes to Delium, the sanctuary of Apollo, which is a reproduction of that in Delos. It is a small town of the Tanagraeans, thirty stadia distant from Aulis. It was to this place that the Athenians, after their defeat in battle, made their headlong flight; and in the flight Socrates the philosopher, who was serving on foot, since his horse had got away from him, saw Xenophon the son of Gryllus lying on the ground, having fallen from his horse, and took him up on his shoulders and carried him in safety for many stadia, until the flight ceased.,8. Then one comes to a large harbor, which is called Bathys Limen; then to Aulis, a rocky place and a village of the Tanagraeans. Its harbor is large enough for only fifty boats; and therefore it is reasonable to suppose that the naval station of the Greeks was in the large harbor. And near by, also, is the Euripus at Chalcis, to which the distance from Sounion is six hundred and seventy stadia; and over it is a bridge two plethra long, as I have said; and a tower stands on each side, one on the side of Chalcis, and the other on the side of Boeotia; and tube-like passages have been constructed into the towers. Concerning the refluent currents of the Euripus it is enough to say only thus much, that they are said to change seven times each day and night; but the cause of the changes must be investigated elsewhere.,9. Near the Euripus, upon a height, is situated a place called Salganeus. It is named after Salganeus, a Boeotian, who was buried there — the man who guided the Persians when they sailed into this channel from the Maliac Gulf. It is said that he was put to death before they reached the Euripus by Megabates, the commander of the fleet, because he was considered a villain, on the ground that he had deceitfully rushed the fleet into a blind alley of the sea, but that the barbarian, when he perceived that he himself was mistaken, not only repented, but deemed worthy of burial the man who had been put to death without cause.,10. Near Oropus is a place called Graea, and also the sanctuary of Amphiaraus, and the monument of Narcissus the Eretrian, which is called Sigelus's, because people pass it in silence. Some say that Graea is the same as Tanagra. The Poemandrian territory is the same as the Tanagraean; and the Tanagraeans are also called Gephyraeans. The sanctuary of Amphiaraus was transferred hither in accordance with an oracle from the Theban Cnopia.,11. Also Mycalessus, a village, is in the Tanagraean territory. It is situated on the road that leads from Thebes to Chalcis; and in the Boeotian dialect it is called Mycalettus. And Harma is likewise in the Tanagraean territory; it is a deserted village near Mycalettus, and received its name from the chariot of Amphiaraus, and is a different place from the Harma in Attica, which is near Phyle, a deme of Attica bordering on Tanagra. Here originated the proverb, when the lightning flashes through Harma; for those who are called the Pythaistae look in the general direction of Harma, in accordance with an oracle, and note any flash of lightning in that direction, and then, when they see the lightning flash, take the offering to Delphi. They would keep watch for three months, for three days and nights each month, from the altar of Zeus Astrapaeus; this altar is within the walls between the Pythium and the Olympium. In regard to the Harma in Boeotia, some say that Amphiaraus fell in the battle out of his chariot near the place where his sanctuary now is, and that the chariot was drawn empty to the place which bears the same name; others say that the chariot of Adrastus, when he was in flight, was smashed to pieces there, but that Adrastus safely escaped on Areion. But Philochorus says that Adrastus was saved by the inhabitants of the village, and that on this account they obtained equal rights of citizenship from the Argives.,12. To anyone returning from Thebes to Argos, Tanagra is on the left; and . . . is situated on the right. And Hyria, also, belongs to the Tanagraean territory now, though in earlier times it belonged to the Theban territory. Hyria is the scene of the myth of Hyrieus, and of the birth of Orion, of which Pindar speaks in his dithyrambs; it is situated near Aulis. Some say that Hysiae is called Hyria, belonging to the Parasopian country below Cithaeron, near Erythrae, in the interior, and that it is a colony of the Hyrieans and was founded by Nycteus, the father of Antiope. There is also a Hysiae in the Argive territory, a village; and its inhabitants are called Hysiatae. The Erythrae in Ionia is a colony of this Erythrae. And Heleon, also, is a village belonging to Tanagra, having been so named from the hele.,13. After Salganeus one comes to Anthedon, a city with a harbor; and it is the last city on that part of the Boeotian seaboard which is opposite to Euboea, as the poet says, Anthedon at the extremity. As one proceeds a little farther, however, there are still two small towns belonging to the Boeotians: Larymna, near which the Cephissus empties, and, still farther on, Halae, which bears the same name as the Attic demes. Opposite this seaboard is situated, it is said, the Aegae in Euboea, in which is the sanctuary of the Aegaean Poseidon, which I have mentioned before. The distance across the strait from Anthedon to Aegae is one hundred and twenty stadia, but from the other places it is much less. The sanctuary is situated on a high mountain, where there was once a city. And Orobiae also is near Aegae. In the Anthedonian territory is Mount Messapius, named after Messapus, who, when he came into Iapygia, called the country Messapia. Here, too, is the scene of the myth of Glaucus, the Anthedonian, who is said to have changed into a sea-monster.,14. Near Anthedon, and belonging to Boeotia, is a place that is esteemed sacred, and contains traces of a city, Isus, as it is called, with the first syllable pronounced short. Some, however, think that the verse should be written, sacred Isus and Anthedon at the extremity, lengthening the first syllable by poetic licence on account of the meter, instead of sacred Nisa, for Nisa is nowhere to be seen in Boeotia, as Apollodorus says in his work On Ships; so that Nisa could not be the correct reading, unless by Nisa the poet means Isus; for there was a city Nisa bearing the same name in the territory of Megara, whose inhabitants emigrated to the foothills of Cithaeron, but it has now disappeared. Some, however, think that we should write sacred Creusa, taking the poet to mean the Creusa of today, the naval station of the Thespians, which is situated in the Crisaean Gulf; but others think that we should read sacred Pharae. Pharae is one of the Four United Villages in the neighborhood of Tanagra, which are: Heleon, Harma, Mycalessus, and Pharae. And still others write as follows: sacred Nysa. And Nysa is a village in Helicon. Such, then, is the seaboard facing Euboea.,15. The plains in the interior, which come next in order, are hollows, and are surrounded everywhere on the remaining sides by mountains; by the mountains of Attica on the south, and on the north by the mountains of Phocis; and, on the west, Cithaeron inclines, obliquely, a little above the Crisaean Sea; it begins contiguous with the mountains of Megara and Attica, and then bends into the plains, terminating in the neighborhood of Thebes.,16. Some of these plains are marshy, since rivers spread out over them, though other rivers fall into them and later find a way out; other plains are dried up, and on account of their fertility are tilled in all kinds of ways. But since the depths of the earth are full of caverns and holes, it has often happened that violent earthquakes have blocked up some of the passages, and also opened up others, some up to the surface of the earth and others through underground channels. The result for the waters, therefore, is that some of the streams flow through underground channels, whereas others flow on the surface of the earth, thus forming lakes and rivers. And when the channels in the depths of the earth are stopped up, it comes to pass that the lakes expand as far as the inhabited places, so that they swallow up both cities and districts, and that when the same channels, or others, are opened up, these cities and districts are uncovered; and that the same regions at one time are traversed in boats and at another on foot, and the same cities at one time are situated on the lake and at another far away from it.,17. One of two things has taken place: either the cities have remained unremoved, when the increase in the waters has been insufficient to overflow the dwellings because of their elevation, or else they have been abandoned and rebuilt elsewhere, when, being oftentimes endangered by their nearness to the lake, they have relieved themselves from fear by changing to districts farther away or higher up. And it follows that the cities thus rebuilt which have kept the same name, though at first called by names truly applying to them, derived from local circumstances, have names which no longer truly apply to them; for instance, it is probable that Plataeae was so called from the blade of the oars, and Plataeans were those who made their living from rowing; but now, since they live far away from the lake, the name can no longer truly apply to them. Helos and Heleon and Heilesium were so called because they were situated near marshes; but now the case is different with these places, since they have been rebuilt elsewhere, or else the lake has been greatly reduced because of outflows that later took place; for this is possible.,18. This is best shown by the Cephissus, which fills lake Copais; for when the lake had increased so much that Copae was in danger of being swallowed up (Copae is named by the poet, and from it the lake took its name), a rent in the earth, which was formed by the lake near Copae, opened up a subterranean channel about thirty stadia in length and admitted the river; and then the river burst forth to the surface near Larymna in Locris; I mean the Upper Larymna, for there is another Larymna, which I have already mentioned, the Boeotian Larymna on the sea, to which the Romans annexed the Upper Larymna. The place is called Anchoe; and there is also a lake of the same name. And when it leaves this lake the Cephissus at last flows out to the sea. Now at that time, when the flooding of the lake ceased, there was also a cessation of danger to those who lived near it, except in the case of the cities which had already been swallowed up. And though the subterranean channels filled up again, Crates the mining engineer of Chalcis ceased clearing away the obstructions because of party strife among the Boeotians, although, as he himself says in the letter to Alexander, many places had already been drained. Among these places, some writers suppose, was the ancient site of Orchomenus, and others, those of Eleusis and Athens on the Triton River. These cities, it is said, were founded by Cecrops, when he ruled over Boeotia, then called Ogygia, but were later wiped out by inundations. And it is said that a fissure in the earth opened up near Orchomenus, also, and that it admitted the Melas River, which flowed through the territory of Haliartus and formed there the marsh which produces the reed that is used for flutes. But this river has completely disappeared, either because it is dispersed by the fissure into invisible channels or because it is used up beforehand by the marshes and lakes in the neighborhood of Haliartus, from which the poet calls the place grassy, when he says, and grassy Haliartus.,19. Now these rivers flow down from the Phocian mountains, and among them the Cephissus, which takes its beginning at Lilaea, a Phocian city, as Homer says: And those who held Lilaea, at the sources of Cephissus. And flowing through Elateia, the largest of the cities of Phocis, and through Parapotamii and Phanoteus, which are likewise Phocian towns, it goes on into Chaeroneia in Boeotia, and then through the territories of Orchomenus and Coroneia, and discharges into Lake Copais. And also the Permessus and the Olmeius, flowing from Helicon, meet one another and fall into the same Lake Copais near Haliartus; and also other streams empty into it. Now it is a large lake, having a circuit of three hundred and eighty stadia, but its outlets are nowhere to be seen, except for the fissure which admits the Cephissus, and for the marshes.,20. Among the neighboring lakes are Lake Trephia and the Cephissian Lake, which is also mentioned by the poet: Who dwelt in Hyle, strongly intent upon wealth, on the shore of the Cephissian Lake. For he does not mean Lake Copais, as some think, but lake Hylice (accented on the last syllable like lyrice), which is named after the village near by that is called Hyle (accented like lyra and thyra), not Hyde, as some write, who dwelt in Hyde. For Hyde is in Lydia, below snowy Tmolus in the fertile land of Hyde, whereas Hyle is in Boeotia; at any rate, the poet appends to the words, on the shore of the Cephissian lake, the words, and near him dwelt the rest of the Boeotians. For Lake Copais is large, and not in the territory of Thebes; whereas the other is small, and is filled from lake Copais through subterranean channels; and it is situated between Thebes and Anthedon. Homer, however, uses the word in the singular number, at one time making the first syllable long, as in the Catalogue, and Hyle and Peteon, by poetic licence, and at another making it short, who dwelt in Hyle, and Tychius . . ., by far the best of leather workers, who had his home in Hyle. And certain critics are not correct in writing Hyde here, either; for Aias was not sending to fetch his shield from Lydia.,21. These lakes suggest the order of the places that come next after them, so that nominally their positions are clearly determined, because the poet observes no order in naming the places, whether those that are worthy of mention or those that are not. But it is difficult, in naming so many places, most of them insignificant and situated in the interior, to avoid error in every case in the matter of their order. The seaboard, however, has a certain advantage with regard to this: the places there are better known; and, too, the sea more readily suggests the order of places. Therefore I, too, shall try to take my beginnings from the seaboard, although at present I shall disregard this intention, and following the poet shall make my enumeration of the places, adding everything taken from other writers, but omitted by him, that may be useful to us. He begins at Hyria and Aulis, concerning which I have already spoken.,22. Schoenus is a district of the Theban territory on the road that leads from Thebes to Anthedon, and is about fifty stadia distant from Thebes; and there is also a river Schoenus which flows through it.,23. Scolus is a village in the Parasopian country at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, a place that is rugged and hardly habitable; whence the proverb, neither go to Scolus thyself nor follow another thither. And this is also said to be the place from which Pentheus was brought when he was torn to pieces. And there was another Scolus among the cities in the neighborhood of Olynthus bearing the same name as this village. And, as I have already said, there is also in the Trachinian Heracleia a village called Parasopii, past which flows a River Asopus; and in Sikyonia there is another Asopus River, and also the country Asopia, through which that Asopus flows; and there are also other rivers which bear this name.,24. The name Eteonus was changed to Scarphe, and Scarphe too is in Parasopia; for the Asopus and the Ismenus flow through the plain which is in front of Thebes. And there is the spring called Dirce; and also Potniae, where is the scene of the myth of Glaucus of Potniae, who was torn to pieces by the Potnian mares near the city. Cithaeron, also, ends not far from Thebes. The Asopus flows past it, washing its foothills and causing the division of the Parasopii into several settlements; and all the settlements are subject to Thebes, though another set of writers say that Scolus, Eteonus, and Erythrae are in the territory of the Plataeans, for the river flows past Plataea, also, and empties near Tanagra. And in the territory of Thebes are also Therapnae and Teumessus, which latter Antimachus has adorned with praise in many verses, although he enumerates goodly attributes which do not belong to it, as, for instance, there is a windy little hill; but the verses are well known.,25. The Thespiae of today is by Antimachus spelled Thespeia; for there are many names of places which are used in both ways, both in the singular and in the plural, just as there are many which are used both in the masculine and in the feminine, whereas there are others which are used in either one or the other number only. Thespiae is a city near Mt. Helicon, lying somewhat to the south of it; and both it and Helicon are situated on the Crisaean Gulf. It has a seaport Creusa, also called Creusis. In the Thespian territory, in the part lying towards Helicon, is Ascre, the native city of Hesiod; it is situated on the right of Helicon, on a high and rugged place, and is about forty stadia distant from Thespiae. This city Hesiod himself has satirized in verses which allude to his father, because at an earlier time his father changed his abode to this place from the Aeolian Cyme, saying: And he settled near Helicon in a wretched village, Ascre, which is bad in winter, oppressive in summer, and pleasant at no time. Helicon is contiguous to Phocis in its northerly parts, and to a slight extent also in its westerly parts, in the region of the last harbor belonging to Phocis, the harbor which, from the fact in the case, is called Mychus (inmost depth); for, speaking generally, it is above this harbor of the Crisaean Gulf that Helicon and Ascre, and also Thespiae and its seaport Creusa, are situated. This is also considered the deepest recess of the Crisaean Gulf, and in general of the Corinthian Gulf. The length of the coastline from the harbor Mychus to Creusa is ninety stadia; and the length from Creusa as far as the promontory called Holmiae is one hundred and twenty; and hence Pagae and Oinoe, of which I have already spoken, are situated in the deepest recess of the gulf. Now Helicon, not far distant from Parnassus, rivals it both in height and in circuit; for both are rocky and covered with snow, and their circuit comprises no large extent of territory. Here are the sanctuary of the Muses and Hippu-crene and the cave of the nymphs called the Leibethrides; and from this fact one might infer that those who consecrated Helicon to the Muses were Thracians, the same who dedicated Pieris and Leibethrum and Pimpleia to the same goddesses. The Thracians used to be called Pieres, but, now that they have disappeared, the Macedonians hold these places. It has been said that Thracians once settled in this part of Boeotia, having overpowered the Boeotians, as did also Pelasgians and other barbarians. Now in earlier times Thespiae was well known because of the Eros of Praxiteles, which was sculptured by him and dedicated by Glycera the courtesan (she had received it as a gift from the artist) to the Thespians, since she was a native of the place. Now in earlier times travellers would go up to Thespeia, a city otherwise not worth seeing, to see the Eros; and at present it and Tanagra are the only Boeotian cities that still endure; but of all the rest only ruins and names are left.,26. After Thespiae Homer names Graea and Mycalessus, concerning which I have already spoken. He likewise says concerning the rest: And those who lived about Harma and Heilesium and Erythrae, and those who held Eleon and Hyle and Peteon. Peteon is a village in the Theban territory near the road to Anthedon. Ocalea is midway between Haliartus and Alalcomenium, thirty stadia distant from each; and a river bearing the same name flows past it. The Phocian Medeon is on the Crisaean Gulf, at a distance of one hundred and sixty stadia from Boeotia, whereas the Boeotian Medeon, which was named after it, is near Onchestus at the base of the mountain Phoenicius; and from this fact its name has been changed to Phoenicis. This mountain is also called a part of the Theban territory; but by some both Medeon and Ocalea are called a part of the territory of Haliartus.,27. Homer then goes on to say: Copae, and Eutresis, and Thisbe abounding in doves. Concerning Copae I have already spoken. It lies towards the north on Lake Copais; and the others around the lake are these: Acraephiae, Phoenicis, Onchestus, Haliartus, Ocalea, Alalcomenae, Tilphusium, Coroneia. In early times, at least, the lake had no common name, but was called by different names corresponding to the several settlements lying on it, as, for instance, Copais from Copae, Haliartis from Haliartus, and so in the case of the rest of the settlements; but later the whole lake was called Copais, this name prevailing over all others; for the region of Copae forms the deepest recess of the lake. Pindar calls this lake Cephissis; at any rate, he places near it the spring Tilphossa, which flows at the foot of Mount Tilphossius near Haliartus and Alalcomenae, near which latter is the tomb of Teiresias; and here, too, is the sanctuary of the Tilphossian Apollo.,28. Next in order after Copae Homer names Eutresis, a small village of the Thespians, where Zethus and Amphion are said to have lived before they reigned over Thebes. Thisbe is now called Thisbae; the place is inhabited and is situated slightly above the sea, bordering on the territory of the Thespians and on that of Coroneia; and it, too, lies at the foot of Helicon on the south; and it has a seaport situated on a rocky place, which abounds in doves, in reference to which the poet says, Thisbe abounding in doves. From here to Sikyon is a voyage of one hundred and sixty stadia.,29. Next Homer names Coroneia, Haliartus, Plataeae, and Glissas. Now Coroneia is situated on a height near Helicon. The Boeotians took possession of it on their return from the Thessalian Arne after the Trojan War, at which time they also occupied Orchomenus. And when they got the mastery of Coroneia, they built in the plain before the city the sanctuary of the Itonian Athena, bearing the same name as the Thessalian sanctuary; and they called the river which flowed past it Cuarius, giving it the same name as the Thessalian river. But Alcaeus calls it Coralius, when he says, Athena, warrior queen, who dost keep watch o'er the cornfields of Coroneia before thy temple on the banks of the Coralius River. Here, too, the Pamboeotian Festival used to be celebrated. And for some mystic reason, as they say, a statue of Hades was dedicated along with that of Athena. Now the people in Coroneia are called Coronii, whereas those in the Messenian Coroneia are called Coronaeis.,30. Haliartus is no longer in existence, having been razed to the ground in the war against Perseus; and the country is held by the Athenians, a gift from the Romans. It was situated in a narrow place, between the mountain situated above it and Lake Copais, near the Permessus and Olmeius Rivers and the marsh that produces the flute reed.,31. Plataeae, which Homer speaks of in the singular number, is at the foot of Cithaeron, between it and Thebes, along the road that leads to Athens and Megara, on the confines of Attica and Megaris; for Eleutherae is near by, which some say belongs to Attica, others to Boeotia. I have already said that the Asopus flows past Plataeae. Here it was that the forces of the Greeks completely wiped out Mardonius and his three hundred thousand Persians; and they built a sanctuary of Zeus Eleutherius, and instituted the athletic games in which the victor received a crown, calling them the Eleutheria. And tombs of those who died in the battle, erected at public expense, are still to be seen. In Sikyonia, also, there is a deme called Plataeae, the home of Mnasalces the poet: The tomb of Mnasalces the Plataean. Homer speaks of Glissas, a settlement in the mountain Hypatus, which is in the Theban country near Teumessus and Cadmeia. The hillocks below which lies the Aonian Plain, as it is called, which extends from the Hypatus mountain to Thebes, are called Dria.,32. In these words of the poet, and those who held Hypothebes, some take him to mean some little city called Hypothebes, others Potniae; for Thebes, the latter say, was deserted because of the expedition of the Epigoni and had no part in the Trojan War. The former, however, say that the Thebans indeed had a part in the war, but that they were living in the level districts below Cadmeia at that time, since they were unable to rebuild Cadmeia; and since Cadmeia was called Thebes, they add, the poet called the Thebans of that time Hypothebans instead of people who live below Cadmeia.,33. Onchestus is where the Amphictyonic Council used to convene, in the territory of Haliartus near Lake Copais and the Teneric Plain; it is situated on a height, is bare of trees, and has a sacred Precinct of Poseidon, which is also bare of trees. But the poets embellish things, calling all sacred precincts sacred groves, even if they are bare of trees. Such, also, is the saying of Pindar concerning Apollo: stirred, he traversed both land and sea, and halted on great lookouts above mountains, and whirled great stones, laying foundations of sacred groves. But Alcaeus is wrong, for just as he perverted the name of the River Cuarius, so he falsified the position of Onchestus, placing it near the extremities of Helicon, although it is at quite a distance from this mountain.,34. The Teneric Plain is named after Tenerus. In myth he was the son of Apollo by Melia, and was a prophet of the oracle on the Ptous Mountain, which the same poet calls three-peaked: and once he took possession of the three-peaked hollow of Ptous. And he calls Tenerus temple minister, prophet, called by the same name as the plains. The Ptous lies above the Teneric Plain and Lake Copais near Acraephium. Both the oracle and the mountain belonged to the Thebans. And Acraephium itself also lies on a height. They say that this is called Arne by the poet, the same name as the Thessalian city.,35. Some say that Arne too was swallowed up by the lake, as well as Mideia. Zenodotus, who writes and those who possessed Ascre rich in vineyards, seems not to have read the statements of Hesiod concerning his native land, nor those of Eudoxus, who says much worse things concerning Ascre. For how could anyone believe that such a place was called rich in vineyards by the poet? Wrong, also, are those who write Tarne instead of Arne; for not a single place named Tarne is pointed out among the Boeotians, though there is one among the Lydians, and this the poet mentions: Idomeneus then slew Phaestus, son of Borus the Maeonian, who came from fertile Tarne. The remaining Boeotian cities concerning which it is worthwhile to make mention are: of those situated round the lake, Alalcomenae and Tilphossium, and, of the rest, Chaeroneia, Lebadeia, and Leuctra.,36. Now as for Alalcomenae, the poet mentions it, but not in the Catalogue: Argive Hera and Alalcomenian Athena. It has an ancient sanctuary of Athena which is held in great honor; and they say, at least, that the goddess was born there, just as Hera was born in Argos, and that it was because of this that the poet named them both in this way, as natives of these places. And it was because of this, perhaps, that he did not mention in the Catalogue the men of Alalcomenae, since, being sacred, they were excused from the expedition. And in fact the city always continued unravaged, although it was neither large nor situated in a secure position, but in a plain. But all peoples, since they revered the goddess, held aloof from any violence towards the inhabitants, so that when the Thebans, at the time of the expedition of the Epigonoi, left their city, they are said to have fled for refuge to Alalcomenae, and to Tilphossius, the mountain, a natural stronghold that lies above it; and at the base of this mountain is a spring called Tilphossa, and the monument of Teiresias, who died there at the time of the flight.,37. Chaeroneia is near Orchomenus. It was here that Philip the son of Amyntas conquered the Athenians, Boeotians, and Corinthians in a great battle, and set himself up as lord of Greece. And here, too, are to be seen tombs of those who fell in the battle, tombs erected at public expense. And it was in the same region that the Romans so completely defeated the forces of Mithridates, many tens of thousands in number, that only a few escaped in safety to the sea and fled in their ships, whereas the rest either perished or were taken captive.,38. At Lebadeia is situated an oracle of Trophonian Zeus. The oracle has a descent into the earth consisting of an underground chasm; and the person who consults the oracle descends into it himself. It is situated between Mt. Helicon and Chaeroneia, near Coroneia.,39. Leuctra is the place where Epameinondas defeated the Lacedemonians in a great battle and found a beginning of his overthrow of them; for after that time they were never again able to regain the hegemony of the Greeks which they formerly held, and especially because they also fared badly in the second clash near Mantineia. However, although they had suffered such reverses, they continued to avoid being subject to others until the Roman conquest. And among the Romans, also, they have continued to be held in honor because of the excellence of their government. This place is to be seen on the road that leads from Plataeae to Thespiae.,40. Next the poet gives the catalogue of the Orchomenians, whom he separates from the Boeotian tribe. He calls Orchomenus Minyeian, after the tribe of the Minyae. They say that some of the Minyae emigrated from there to Iolcus, and that from this fact the Argonauts were called Minyae. Clearly it was in early times both a rich and very powerful city. Now to its wealth Homer also is a witness, for when enumerating the places that abounded in wealth he says: Nor yet all that comes to Orchomenus nor all that comes to Egyptian Thebes. And of its power there is this proof, that the Thebans were wont to pay tribute to the Orchomenians and to Erginus their tyrant, who is said to have been put to death by Heracles. Eteocles, one of those who reigned as king at Orchomenus, who founded a sanctuary of the Graces, was the first to display both wealth and power; for he honored these goddesses either because he was successful in receiving Graces, or in giving them, or both. For necessarily, when he had become naturally inclined to kindly deeds, he began doing honor to these goddesses; and therefore he already possessed this power; but in addition he also had to have money, for neither could anyone give much if he did not have much, nor could anyone have much if he did not receive much. But if he has both together, he has the reciprocal giving and receiving; for the vessel that is at the same time being emptied and filled is always full for use; but he who gives and does not receive could not succeed in either, for he will stop giving because his treasury fails; also the givers will stop giving to him who receives only and grants no favours; and therefore he could not succeed in either way. And like things might be said concerning power. Apart from the common saying, money is the most valuable thing to men, and it has the most power of all things among men, we should look into the subject in detail. We say that kings have the greatest power; and on this account we call them potentates. They are potent in leading the multitudes whither they wish, through persuasion or force. Generally they persuade through kindness, for persuasion through words is not kingly; indeed, this belongs to the orator, whereas we call it kingly persuasion when kings win and attract men whither they wish by kindly deeds. They persuade men, it is true, through kindly deeds, but they force them by means of arms. Both these things may be bought with money; for he has the largest army who is able to support the largest, and he who possesses the most means is also able to show the most kindness. They say that the place now occupied by Lake Copais was formerly dry ground, and that it was tilled in all kinds of ways when it was subject to the Orchomenians, who lived near it. And this fact, accordingly, is adduced as an evidence of their wealth.,41. Aspledon was by some called Spledon, without the first syllable. Then the name, both of it and of the country, was changed to Eudeielos, perhaps because, from its evening inclination, it offered a special advantage peculiar to its inhabitants, especially the mildness of its winters; for the two ends of the day are coldest; and of these the evening is colder than the morning, for as night approaches the cold is more intense, and as night retires it abates. But the sun is a means of mitigating the cold. The place, therefore, that is warmed most by the sun at the coldest time is mildest in winter. Eudeielos is twenty stadia distant from Orchomenus. And the River Melas is between them.,42. Above the Orchomenian territory lies Panopeus, a Phocian city, and also Hyampolis. And bordering on these is Opus, the metropolis of the Epicnemidian Locrians. Now in earlier times Orchomenus was situated on a plain, they say, but when the waters overflowed, the inhabitants migrated up to the mountain Acontius, which extends for a distance of sixty stadia to Parapotamii in Phocis. And they relate that the Achaeans in Pontus, as they are called, are a colony of Orchomenians who wandered there with Ialmenus after the capture of Troy. There was also an Orchomenus in the neighborhood of Carystus. Those who have written concerning the Ships have supplied us well with such materials, and are the writers we follow when they say things appropriate to the purpose of our work. 9.2.18. This is best shown by the Cephissus, which fills lake Copais; for when the lake had increased so much that Copae was in danger of being swallowed up (Copae is named by the poet, and from it the lake took its name), a rent in the earth, which was formed by the lake near Copae, opened up a subterranean channel about thirty stadia in length and admitted the river; and then the river burst forth to the surface near Larymna in Locris; I mean the Upper Larymna, for there is another Larymna, which I have already mentioned, the Boeotian Larymna on the sea, to which the Romans annexed the Upper Larymna. The place is called Anchoe; and there is also a lake of the same name. And when it leaves this lake the Cephissus at last flows out to the sea. Now at that time, when the flooding of the lake ceased, there was also a cessation of danger to those who lived near it, except in the case of the cities which had already been swallowed up. And though the subterranean channels filled up again, Crates the mining engineer of Chalcis ceased clearing away the obstructions because of party strife among the Boeotians, although, as he himself says in the letter to Alexander, many places had already been drained. Among these places, some writers suppose, was the ancient site of Orchomenus, and others, those of Eleusis and Athens on the Triton River. These cities, it is said, were founded by Cecrops, when he ruled over Boeotia, then called Ogygia, but were later wiped out by inundations. And it is said that a fissure in the earth opened up near Orchomenus, also, and that it admitted the Melas River, which flowed through the territory of Haliartus and formed there the marsh which produces the reed that is used for flutes. But this river has completely disappeared, either because it is dispersed by the fissure into invisible channels or because it is used up beforehand by the marshes and lakes in the neighborhood of Haliartus, from which the poet calls the place grassy, when he says, and grassy Haliartus. 9.3.9. of the temples, the one with wings must be placed among the myths; the second is said to be the work of Trophonius and Agamedes; and the present temple was built by the Amphictyons. In the sacred precinct is to be seen the tomb of Neoptolemus, which was made in accordance with an oracle, Machaereus, a Delphian, having slain him because, according to the myth, he was asking the god for redress for the murder of his father; but according to all probability it was because he had attacked the sanctuary. Branchus, who presided over the sanctuary at Didyma, is called a descendant of Machaereus. 9.4. 1. Locris Locris comes next in order, and therefore I must describe this country. It is divided into two parts: one part is that which is inhabited by the Locrians and faces Euboea; and, as I was saying, it was once split into two parts, one on either side of Daphnus. The Opuntians were named after their metropolis, and the Epicnemidians after a mountain called Cnemis. The rest of Locris is inhabited by the Western Locrians, who are also called Ozolian Locrians. They are separated from the Opuntians and the Epicnemidians by Parnassus, which is situated between them, and by the Tetrapolis of the Dorians. But I must begin with the Opuntians.,2. Next, then, after Halae, where that part of the Boeotian coast which faces Euboea terminates, lies the Opuntian Gulf. Opus is the metropolis, as is clearly indicated by the inscription on the first of the five pillars in the neighborhood of Thermopylae, near the Polyandrium: Opoeis, metropolis of the Locrians of righteous laws, mourns for these who perished in defence of Greece against the Medes. It is about fifteen stadia distant from the sea, and sixty from the seaport. Cynus is the seaport, a cape which forms the end of the Opuntian Gulf, the gulf being about forty stadia in extent. Between Opus and Cynus is a fertile plain; and Cynus lies opposite Aedepsus in Euboea, where are the hot waters of Heracles, and is separated from it by a strait one hundred and sixty stadia wide. Deucalion is said to have lived in Cynus; and the grave of Pyrrha is to be seen there, though that of Deucalion is to be seen at Athens. Cynus is about fifty stadia distant from Mount Cnemis. The island Atalanta is also situated opposite Opus, and bears the same name as the island in front of Attica. It is said that a certain people in Eleia are also called Opuntians, but it is not worth while to mention them, except to say that they are reviving a kinship which exists between them and the Opuntians. Now Homer says that Patroclus was from Opus, and that after committing an involuntary murder he fled to Peleus, but that his father Menoetius remained in his native land; for thither Achilles says that he promised Menoetius to bring back Patroclus when Patroclus should return from the expedition. However, Menoetius was not king of the Opuntians, but Aias the Locrian, whose native land, as they say, was Narycus. They call the man who was slain by Patroclus Aeanes; and both a sacred precinct, the Aeaneium, and a spring, Aeanis, named after him, are to be seen.,3. Next after Cynus, one comes to Alope and to Daphnus, which latter, as I said, is razed to the ground; and here there is a harbor which is about ninety stadia distant from Cynus, and one hundred and twenty stadia from Elateia, for one going on foot into the interior. We have now reached the Maliac Gulf, which is continuous with the Opuntian Gulf.,4. After Daphnus one comes to Cnemides, a natural stronghold, about twenty stadia by sea; and opposite it, in Euboea, lies Kenaion, a cape facing the west and the Maliac Gulf, and separated from it by a strait about twenty stadia in width. At this point we have now reached the territory of the Epicnemidian Locrians. Here, too, lying off the coast, are the three Lichades Islands, as they are called, named after Lichas; and there are also other islands along the coast, but I am purposely omitting them. After twenty stadia from Cnemides one comes to a harbor, above which, at an equal distance in the interior, lies Thronium. Then one comes to the Boagrius River, which flows past Thronium and empties into the sea. They also call it Manes. It is a winter stream, so that at times one can cross it dry-shod, though at other times it has a breadth of two plethra. After this one comes to Scarpheia, which is situated ten stadia above the sea, thirty stadia distant from Thronium, and slightly less from the harbor itself. Then one comes to Nicaea and Thermopylae.,5. As for the remaining cities, it is not worthwhile to mention any of them except those which are mentioned by Homer. Calliarus is no longer inhabited, but is now a beautifully-tilled plain, and they so call it from what is the fact in the case. Bessa, too, does not exist; it is a wooded place. Neither does Augeiae, whose territory is held by the Scarphians. Now this Bessa should be written with a double s (for it is named from its being a wooded place, being spelled the same way — like Nape in the plain of Methymne, which Hellanicus ignorantly names Lape), whereas the deme in Attica, whose inhabitants are accordingly called Besaeeis, should be written with one s.,6. Tarphe is situated on a height, at a distance of twenty stadia from Thronium; its territory is both fruitful and well-wooded, for already this place had been named from its being thickly wooded. But it is now called Pharygae; and here is situated a sanctuary of Pharygaean Hera, so called from the Hera in the Argive Pharygae; and, indeed, they say that they are colonists of the Argives.,7. However, Homer does not mention the Western Locrians, or at least not in express words, but only in that he seems by contrast to distinguish these from those other Locrians of whom I have already spoken, when he says, of the Locrians who dwell opposite sacred Euboea, implying that there was a different set of Locrians. But they have not been much talked about by many others either. The cities they held were Amphissa and Naupactus; of these, Naupactus survives, near Antirrhium, and it was named from the shipbuilding that was once carried on there, whether it was because the Heracleidae built their fleet there, or (as Ephorus says) because the Locrians had built ships there even before that time. It now belongs to the Aitolians, having been adjudged to them by Philip.,8. Here, also, is Chalcis, which the poet mentions in the Aitolian Catalogue; it is below Calydon. Here, also, is the hill Taphiassus, on which are the tombs of Nessus and the other Centaurs, from whose putrefied bodies, they say, flows forth at the base of the hill the water which is malodorous and clotted; and it is on this account, they add, that the tribe is also called Ozolian. Molycreia, an Aitolian town, is also near Antirrhium. The site of Amphissa is on the edge of the Crisaean Plain; it was razed to the ground by the Amphictyons, as I have said. And both Oiantheia and Eupalium belong to the Locrians. The whole voyage along the Locrian coast slightly exceeds two hundred stadia in length.,9. There is a place named Alope, not only here and among the Epicnemidian Locrians, but also in Phthiotis. Now these are colonists of the Epicnemidian Locrians, but the Epizephyrian Locrians are colonists of these.,10. The Aitolians border on the western Locrians; and the Aenianians who inhabit Mount Oita border on the Epicnemidian Locrians; and in the middle between them are Dorians. Now these Dorians are the people who inhabited the Tetrapolis, which, they say, was the metropolis of all the Dorians; and the cities they held were Erineus, Boeum, Pindus and Cytinium. Pindus is situated above Erineus; and a river bearing the same name flows past it, emptying into the Cephissus not very far from Lilaea. By some, however, Pindus is called Acyphas. The king of these Dorians was Aegimius, who was driven from his throne, but was brought back again, as the story goes, by Heracles; accordingly, Aegimius requited the favor to Heracles after the latter's death on Oita; for he adopted Hyllus, the eldest of the sons of Heracles; and Hyllus and his descendants became his successors on the throne. From here it was that the Heracleidae set out on their return to the Peloponnesus.,11. Now for a time the cities in question were held in respect, although they were small and had poor soil, but afterwards they were lightly esteemed. During the Phocian War and the domination of the Macedonians, Aitolians, and Athamanians — it is marvellous that even a trace of them passed to the Romans. And the Aenianians had the same experience, for they too were destroyed by the Aitolians and the Athamanians: by the Aitolians, when they waged war in conjunction with the Acarians, and were very powerful, and by the Athamanians, when they attained to distinction (the last of the Epeirotes to do so, the other peoples having by this time been worn out) and under their king Amyder had acquired power. These Athamanians kept possession of Oita.,12. This mountain extends from Thermopylae in the east to the Ambracian Gulf in the west; and, in a way, it cuts at right angles the mountainous country which extends from Parnassus to Pindus and to the barbarians who are situated beyond Pindus. of this mountain, the part which verges towards Thermopylae is called Oita; its length is two hundred stadia, and it is rugged and high; but it is highest at Thermopylae, for there it rises into a peak, and ends at the sea in sharp and abrupt precipices, though it leaves a narrow pass for invasions from Thessaly into the country of the Locrians.,13. Now the pass is called not only Pylae and Narrows, but also Thermopylae, for there are hot waters near it that are held in honor as sacred to Heracles; and the mountain that lies above it is called Callidromus, but by some the remaining part of the mountain, which extends through Aitolia and Acaria to the Ambracian Gulf, is also called Callidromus. Near Thermopylae, inside the narrows, are forts — Nicaea, towards the sea of the Locrians, and above it, Teichius and Heracleia, the latter in earlier times having been called Trachin, a settlement of Lacedemonians. Heracleia is about six stadia distant from the old Trachin. Next one comes to Rhoduntia, a natural stronghold.,14. These places are rendered difficult of access both by the ruggedness of the country and by the number of streams of water which here form ravines through which they flow. For besides the Spercheius, which flows past Anticyra, there is the Dyras River, which, they say, tried to quench the funeral pyre of Heracles, and also another Melas, which is five stadia distant from Trachin. To the south of Trachin, according to Herodotus, there is a deep gorge through which the Asopus, bearing the same name as the aforesaid Asopus Rivers, empties into the sea outside Pylae after receiving the Phoenix River, which meets it from the south and bears the name of the hero Phoenix, whose tomb is to be seen near it. The distance from the Asopus to Thermopylae is fifteen stadia.,15. Now at that time these places were at the height of their fame when they held the mastery over the keys of the Narrows, and when there were struggles for the primacy between the peoples outside the Narrows and those inside them; for instance, Philip used to call Chalcis and Corinth the fetters of Greece, having Macedonia in view as his base of operations; and the men of later times called, not only these, but also the city Demetrias shackles, for Demetrias commanded the passes round Tempe, since it held both Pelion and Ossa. But later, now that all peoples have been brought into subjection to a single power, everything is free from toll and open to all mankind.,16. It was at these Narrows that Leonidas and his men, with a few who came from the neighborhood thereof, held out against all those forces of the Persians, until the barbarians, coming around the mountains through by-paths, cut them down. And today their Polyandrium is to be seen, and pillars, and the oft-quoted inscription on the pillar of the Lacedemonians, which is as follows: Stranger, report to the Lacedemonians that we lie here in obedience to their laws.,17. There is also a large harbor here, and a sanctuary of Demeter, in which at the time of every Pylaean assembly the Amphictyons performed sacrificial rites. From the harbor to Heracleian Trachin the distance on foot is forty stadia, and by boat to Kenaion seventy stadia. The Spercheius empties immediately outside Pylae. The distance to Pylae from the Euripus is five hundred and thirty stadia. And whereas Locris ends at Pylae, the parts outside Pylae towards the east and the Maliac Gulf belong to the Thessalians, and the parts towards the west belong to the Aitolians and the Acarians. As for the Athamanians, they are now extinct.,18. Now the largest and most ancient composite part of the Greeks is that of the Thessalians, who have been described partly by Homer and partly by several others. The Aitolians Homer always speaks of under one name, classing cities, not tribes, under them, except the Curetes, who should be classified as Aitolians. But I must begin with Thessaly, omitting such things as are very old and mythical and for the most part not agreed upon, as I have already done in all other cases, and telling such things as seem to me appropriate to my purpose. 9.4.17. There is also a large harbor here, and a sanctuary of Demeter, in which at the time of every Pylaean assembly the Amphictyons performed sacrificial rites. From the harbor to Heracleian Trachin the distance on foot is forty stadia, and by boat to Kenaion seventy stadia. The Spercheius empties immediately outside Pylae. The distance to Pylae from the Euripus is five hundred and thirty stadia. And whereas Locris ends at Pylae, the parts outside Pylae towards the east and the Maliac Gulf belong to the Thessalians, and the parts towards the west belong to the Aitolians and the Acarians. As for the Athamanians, they are now extinct. 9.5. 1. Thessaly Thessaly comprises, first, on the sea, the coast which extends from Thermopylae to the outlet of the Peneius River and the extremities of Pelion, and faces the east and the northern extremities of Euboea. The parts that are near Euboea and Thermopylae are held by the Malians and the Achaean Phthiotae, and the parts near Pelion by the Magnetans. Let this side of Thessaly, then, be called the eastern or coastal side. As for the two sides of Thessaly: on one side, beginning at Pelion and the Peneius, Macedonia stretches towards the interior as far as Paeonia and the Epeirote tribes, and on the other side, beginning at Thermopylae, the Oitaean and Aitolian mountains lie parallel to Macedonia, bordering on the country of the Dorians and on Parnassus. Let the former side, which borders on Macedonia, be called the northern side, and the latter the southern side. There remains the western side, which is surrounded by the Aitolians and Acarians and Amphilochians, and, of the Epeirotes, the Athamanians and Molossians and what was once called the land of the Aethices, or, in a word, the land about Pindus. The land of Thessaly, as a whole, is a plain, except Pelion and Ossa. These mountains rise to a considerable height; they do not, however, enclose much territory in their circuits, but end in the plains.,2. These plains are the middle parts of Thessaly, a country most blest, except so much of it as is subject to inundations by rivers. For the Peneius, which flows through the middle of it and receives many rivers, often overflows; and in olden times the plain formed a lake, according to report, being hemmed in by mountains on all sides except in the region of the seacoast; and there too the region was more elevated than the plains. But when a cleft was made by earthquakes at Tempe, as it is now called, and split off Ossa from Olympus, the Peneius poured out through it towards the sea and drained the country in question. But there remains, nevertheless, Lake Nessonis, which is a large lake, and Lake Boebeis, which is smaller than the former and nearer to the seacoast.,3. Such being its nature, Thessaly was divided into four parts. One part was called Phthiotis, another Hestiaeotis, another Thessaliotis, and another Pelasgiotis. Phthiotis occupies the southern parts which extend alongside Oita from the Maliac, or Pylaic, Gulf as far as Dolopia and Pindus, and widen out as far as Pharsalus and the Thessalian plains. Hestiaeotis occupies the western parts and the parts between Pindus and Upper Macedonia. The remaining parts of Thessaly are held, first, by the people who live in the plains below Hestiaeotis (they are called Pelasgiotae and their country borders on Lower Macedonia), and, secondly, by the Thessaliotae next in order, who fill out the districts extending as far as the Magnetan seacoast. Here, too, there will be an enumeration of famous names of cities, and especially because of the poetry of Homer; only a few of the cities preserve their ancient dignity, but Larisa most of all.,4. The poet, after dividing into ten parts, or dynasties, the whole of the country which we now call Thessaly, and after adding certain parts both of the Oitaean and the Locrian countries, and likewise certain parts of the country now classed under Macedonia, intimates a fact which is common to, and true of, all countries, that whole regions and their several parts undergo changes in proportion to the power of those who hold sway.,5. Now the first peoples he names in the Catalogue are those under Achilles, who occupied the southern side and were situated alongside Oita and the Epicnemidian Locrians, all who dwelt in the Pelasgian Argos and those who inhabited Alus and Alope and Trachin, and those who held Phthia and also Hellas the land of fair women, and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes and Achaeans. with these he joins also the subjects of Phoenix, and makes the expedition common to both leaders. It is true that the poet nowhere mentions the Dolopian army in connection with the battles round Ilium, for he does not represent their leader Phoenix as going forth into the perils of battle either, any more than he does Nestor; yet others so state, as Pindar, for instance, who mentions Phoenix and then says, who held a throng of Dolopians, bold in the use of the sling and bringing aid to the missiles of the Danaans, tamers of horses. This, in fact, is the interpretation which we must give to the Homeric passage according to the principle of silence, as the grammarians are wont to call it, for it would be ridiculous if the king Phoenix shared in the expedition (I dwelt in the farthermost part of Phthia, being lord over the Dolopians) without his subjects being present; for if they were not present, he would not have been regarded as sharing in the expedition with Achilles, but only as following him in the capacity of a chief over a few men and as a speaker, perhaps as a counsellor. Homer's verses on this subject mean also to make this clear, for such is the import of the words, to be a speaker of words and a doer of deeds. Clearly, therefore, he means, as I have already said, that the forces under Achilles and Phoenix are the same. But the aforesaid statements concerning the places subject to Achilles are themselves under controversy. Some take the Pelasgian Argos as a Thessalian city once situated in the neighborhood of Larisa but now no longer existent; but others take it, not as a city, but as the plain of the Thessalians, which is referred to by this name because Abas, who brought a colony there from Argos, so named it.,6. As for Phthia, some say that it is the same as Hellas and Achaea, and that these constitute the other, the southern, of the two parts into which Thessaly as a whole was divided; but others distinguish between Hellas and Achaea. The poet seems to make Phthia and Hellas two different things when he says, and those who held Phthia and Hellas, as though there were two, and when he says, And then (I fled) far away through spacious Hellas, and I came to Phthia, and, There are many Achaean women throughout Hellas and Phthia. So the poet makes them two, but he does not make it plain whether they are cities or countries. As for later authorities, some, speaking of Hellas as a country, say that it stretches from Palaepharsalus to Phthiotic Thebes. In this country also is the Thetideium, near both Pharsaluses, both the old and the new; and they infer from the Thetideium that this country too is a part of that which was subject to Achilles. As for those, however, who speak of Hellas as a city, the Pharsalians point out at a distance of sixty stadia from their own city a city in ruins which they believe to be Hellas, and also two springs near it, Messeis and Hypereia, whereas the Melitaeans say that Hellas was situated about ten stadia distant from themselves on the other side of the Enipeus, at the time when their own city was named Pyrrha, and that it was from Hellas, which was situated in a low-lying district, that the Hellenes migrated to their own city; and they cite as bearing witness to this the tomb of Hellen, son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, situated in their marketplace. For it is related that Deucalion ruled over Phthia, and, in a word, over Thessaly. The Enipeus, flowing from Othrys past Pharsalus, turns aside into the Apidanus, and the latter into the Peneius. Thus much, then, concerning the Hellenes.,7. Phthians is the name given to those who were subject to Achilles and Protesilaus and Philoctetes. And the poet is witness to this, for after mentioning in the Catalogue those who were subject to Achilles and those who held Phthia, he represents these, in the battle at the ships, as staying behind with Achilles in their ships and as being inactive, but those who were subject to Philoctetes as taking part in the battle, having Medon as marshal, and those who were subject to Protesilaus as marshalled by Podarces. Concerning these, speaking in a general way, he says, And there the Boeotians and Ionians with trailing tunics, the Locrians and Phthians and illustrious Epeians; and, in a specific way, and in front of the Phthians was Medon, and also Podarces steadfast in war. These in their armour, in front of the great-hearted Phthians, were fighting along with the Boeotians in defence of the ships. Perhaps the men with Eurypylus also were called Phthians, since their country indeed bordered on Phthia. Now, however, historians regard as belonging to Magnesia, not only the region round Ormenium, which belonged to the country that was subject to Eurypylus, but also the whole of the country that was subject to Philoctetes; but they regard the country that was subject to Protesilaus as a part of Phthia, extending from Dolopia and Pindus as far as the Magnetan Sea; whereas the land subject to Peleus and Achilles, beginning at the Trachinian and Oitaean countries, is defined as extending in breadth as far as Antron, the city subject to Protesilaus, the name of which is now spelled in the plural number. And the Maliac Gulf has about the same length.,8. But as regards Halus and Alope, historians are thoroughly in doubt, suspecting that the poet does not mean the places so named which now are classed in the Phthiotic domain, but those among the Locrians, since the dominion of Achilles extended thus far, just as it also extended as far as Trachin and the Oitaean country; for there is both a Halus and a Halius on the seaboard of the Locrians, just as there is also an Alope. Some substitute Halius for Alope and write as follows: and those who dwelt in Halus and in Halius and in Trachin. The Phthiotic Halus is situated below the end of Othrys, a mountain situated to the north of Phthiotis, bordering on Mount Typhrestus and the country of the Dolopians, and extending from there to the region of the Maliac Gulf. Halus (either feminine or masculine, for the name is used in both genders) is about sixty stadia distant from Itonus. It was Athamas who founded Halus, but in later times, after it had been wiped out, the Pharsalians colonized the place. It is situated above the Crocian Plain; and the Amphrysus River flows close to its walls. Below the Crocian Plain lies Phthiotic Thebes. Halus is called both Phthiotic and Achaean Halus, and it borders on the country of the Malians, as do also the spurs of Othrys Mountain. And just as the Phylace, which was subject to Protesilaus, is in that part of Phthiotis which lies next to the country of the Malians, so also is Halus; it is about one hundred stadia distant from Thebes, and it is midway between Pharsalus and the Phthiotae. However, Philip took it away from the Phthiotae and assigned it to the Pharsalians. And so it comes to pass, as I have said before, that the boundaries and the political organizations of tribes and places are always undergoing changes. So, also, Sophocles speaks of Trachinia as belonging to Phthiotis. And Artemidorus places Halus on the seaboard, as situated outside the Maliac Gulf, indeed, but as belonging to Phthiotis; for proceeding thence in the direction of the Peneius, he places Pteleum after Antron, and then Halus at a distance of one hundred and ten stadia from Pteleum. As for Trachin, I have already described it, and the poet mentions it by name.,9. Since the poet often mentions the Spercheius as a river of this country, and since it has its sources in Typhrestus, the Dryopian mountain which in earlier times was called . . ., and empties near Thermopylae and between it and Lamia, he plainly indicates that both the region inside the Gates, I mean in so far as it belonged to the Maliac Gulf, and the region outside the Gates, were subject to Achilles. The Spercheius is about thirty stadia distant from Lamia, which is situated above a certain plain that extends down to the Maliac Gulf. And he plainly indicates that the Spercheius was a river of this country, not only by the assertion of Achilles that he fostered the growth of his hair as an offering to Spercheius, but also by the fact that Menesthius, one of his commanders, was called the son of Spercheius and the sister of Achilles. And it is reasonable to suppose that all the people, the subjects of Achilles and Patroclus, who had accompanied Peleus in his flight from Aigina, were called Myrmidons. And all the Phthiotae were called Achaeans.,10. Historians enumerate the settlements in the Phthiotic domain that was subject to Achilles, and they begin with the Malians. They name several, and among them Phthiotic Thebes, Echinus, Lamia (near which the Lamian War arose between the Macedonians, under Antipater, and the Athenians, and in this war Leosthenes, a general of the Athenians, fell, and also Leonnatus, the comrade of king Alexander), and also Narthacium, Erineus, Coroneia (bearing the same name as the Boeotian city), Melitaea, Thaumaci, Proerna, Pharsalus, Eretria (bearing the same name as the Euboean city), and Paracheloitae (this, too, bearing the same name as the Aitolian city), for here too, near Lamia, is a river Achelous, on whose banks live the Paracheloitae. This country bordered, in its stretch towards the north, on the country of the most westerly of the Asclepiadae, and on the country of Eurypylus, and also on that of Protesilaus, these countries inclining towards the east; and in its stretch towards the south, on the Oitaean country, which was divided into fourteen demes, and also Heracleia and Dryopis, Dryopis having at one time been a tetrapolis, like Doris, and regarded as the metropolis of the Dryopians who lived in the Peloponnesus. To the Oitaean country belong also Acyphas, Parasopias, Oineiadae, and Anticyra, which bears the same name as the city among the Western Locrians. But I am speaking of these divisions of the country, not as having always remained the same, but as having undergone various changes. However, only the most significant divisions are particularly worthy of mention.,11. As for the Dolopians, the poet himself says clearly enough that they were situated in the farthermost parts of Phthia, and that both these and the Phthiotae were under the same leader, Peleus; for I dwelt, he says, in the farthermost part of Phthia, being lord over the Dolopians, whom Peleus gave me. The country borders on Pindus, and on the region round Pindus, most of which belongs to the Thessalians. For both on account of the fame and of the predomice of the Thessalians and the Macedonians, the countries of those Epeirotes who were their nearest neighbors were made, some willingly and the others unwillingly, parts of Thessaly or Macedonia; for instance, the Athamanes, the Aethices, and the Talares were made parts of Thessaly, and the Orestae, the Pelagonians, and the Elimiotae of Macedonia.,12. The Pindus Mountain is large, having the country of the Macedonians on the north, the Perrhaebian immigrants on the west, the Dolopians on the south, and Hestiaeotis on the east; and this last is a part of Thessaly. The Talares, a Molossian tribe, a branch of those who lived in the neighborhood of Mount Tomarus, lived on Mount Pindus itself, as did also the Aethices, amongst whom, the poet says, the Centaurs were driven by Peirithous; but history now tells us that they are extinct. The term extinct is to be taken in one of two meanings; either the people vanished and their country has become utterly deserted, or else merely their ethnic name no longer exists and their political organization no longer remains what it was. When, therefore, any present political organization that survives from an earlier time is utterly insignificant, I hold that it is not worth mentioning, either itself or the new name it has taken; but when it affords a fair pretext for being mentioned, I must needs give an account of the change.,13. It remains for me to tell the order of the places on the coast that were subject to Achilles, beginning at Thermopylae; for I have already spoken of the Locrian and the Oitaean countries. Thermopylae, then, is separated from Kenaion by a strait seventy stadia wide; but, to one sailing along the coast beyond Pylae, it is about ten stadia from the Spercheius; and thence to Phalara twenty stadia; and above Phalara, fifty stadia from the sea, is situated the city of the Lamians; and then next, after sailing fifty stadia along the coast, one comes to Echinus, which is situated above the sea; and in the interior from the next stretch of coast, twenty stadia distant from it, is Larisa Cremaste (it is also called Larisa Pelasgia).,14. Then one comes to Myonnesus, a small island; and then to Antron, which was subject to Protesilaus. So much, then, for the portion that was subject to Achilles. But since the poet, through naming both the leaders and the cities subject to them, has divided Thessaly into numerous well-known parts and arranged in order the whole circuit of it, I, following him again, as above, shall go on to complete the remainder of my geographical description of the country. Now he enumerates next in order after those who were subject to Achilles those who were subject to Protesilaus; and these are also the people who come next in order after the stretch of coast which was subject to Achilles as far as Antron. Therefore, the territory that was subject to Protesilaus is in the boundaries of the country that comes next in order, that is, it lies outside the Maliac Gulf, but still inside Phthiotis, though not inside the part of Phthiotis that was subject to Achilles. Now Phylace is near Phthiotic Thebes, which itself is subject to Protesilaus. And Halus, also, and Larisa Cremaste, and Demetrium, are subject to him, all being situated to the east of the Othrys Mountain. Demetrium he speaks of as sacred precinct of Demeter, and calls it Pyrasus. Pyrasus was a city with a good harbor; at a distance of two stadia it had a sacred precinct and a holy sanctuary, and was twenty stadia distant from Thebes. Thebes is situated above Pyrasus, but the Crocian Plain is situated in the interior back of Thebes near the end of Othrys; and it is through this plain that the Amphrysus flows. Above this river are the Itonus, where is the sanctuary of the Itonian, after which the sanctuary in Boeotia is named, and the Cuarius Rivers. But I have already spoken of this river and of Arne in my description of Boeotia. These places are in Thessaliotis, one of the four portions of all Thessaly, in which were not only the regions that were subject to Eurypylus, but also Phyllus, where is the sanctuary of Phyllian Apollo, and Ichnae, where the Ichnaean Themis is held in honor. Cierus, also, was tributary to it, and so was the rest of that region as far as Athamania. Near Antron, in the Euboean strait, is a submarine reef called Ass of Antron; and then one comes to Pteleum and Halus; and then to the sanctuary of Demeter; and to Pyrasus, which has been razed to the ground; and, above it, to Thebes; and then to Cape Pyrrha, and to two isles near it, one of which is called Pyrrha and the other Deucalion. And it is somewhere here that Phthiotis ends.,15. Next the poet enumerates the peoples that were subject to Eumelus, that is, the adjacent seacoast, which from this point on belongs to Magnesia and the land of Pelasgiotis. Now Pherae is at the end of the Pelasgian plains on the side towards Magnesia; and these plains extend as far as Pelion, one hundred and sixty stadia. The seaport of Pherae is Pagasae, which is ninety stadia distant from Pherae and twenty from Iolcus. Iolcus has indeed been razed to the ground from early times, but it was from there that Pelias despatched Jason and the Argo. It was from the construction here of the ship Argo, according to mythology, that the place was called Pagasae, though some believe, more plausibly, that this name was given the place from its fountains, which are both numerous and of abundant flow. Nearby is Aphetae also, so named as being the apheterium of the Argonauts. Iolcus is situated above the sea seven stadia from Demetrias. Demetrias, which is on the sea between Nelia and Pagasae, was founded by Demetrius Poliorcetes, who named it after himself, settling in it the inhabitants of the nearby towns, Nelia and Pagasae and Ormenium, and also Rhizus, Sepias, Olizon, Boebe, and Iolcus, which are now villages belonging to Demetrias. Furthermore, for a long time this was both a naval station and a royal residence for the kings of the Macedonians; and it held the mastery over both Tempe and the two mountains, Pelion and Ossa, as I have already said. At present it is reduced in power, but still it surpasses all the cities in Magnesia. Lake Boebeis is near Pherae, and also borders on the foothills of Pelion and the frontiers of Magnesia; and Boebe is a place situated on the lake. Just as seditions and tyrannies destroyed Iolcus after its power had been greatly increased, so they reduced Pherae also, which had once been raised to greatness by its tyrants and was then destroyed along with them. Near Demetrias flows the Anaurus River; and the adjoining shore is also called Iolcus. Here, too, they used to hold the Pylaic Festal Assembly. Artemidorus places the Pagasitic Gulf in the region subject to Philoctetes, farther away from Demetrias; and he says that the island Cicynethos and a town bearing the same name are in the gulf.,16. The poet next enumerates the cities subject to Philoctetes. Now Methone is different from the Thracian Methone, which was razed to the ground by Philip. I have mentioned heretofore the change of the names of these places, and of certain places in the Peloponnesus. And the other places enumerated by the poet are Thaumacia and Olizon and Meliboea, which are on the next stretch of seacoast. off the country of the Magnetans lie numerous islands, but the only notable ones are Sciathos, Peparethos, and Icos, and also Halonnesos and Scyros, all having cities of the same name. But Scyros is the most notable, because of the family relation between Lycomedes and Achilles, and of the birth and nurture there of Neoptolemus the son of Achilles. In later times, when Philip had waxed powerful and saw that the Athenians dominated the sea and ruled over the islands, both these and the rest, he caused the islands that were near him to be most famous; for, since he was fighting for the hegemony, he always attacked those places which were close to him, and, just as he added to Macedonia most parts of the Magnetan country and of Thrace and of the rest of the land all round, so he also seized the islands off Magnesia and made those which were previously well-known to nobody objects of contention and hence well-known. Now Scyros is chiefly commended by the place it occupies in the ancient legends, but there are other things which cause it to be widely mentioned, as, for instance, the excellence of the Scyrian goats, and the quarries of the Scyrian variegated marble, which is comparable to the Carystian marble, and to the Docimaean or Synnadic, and to the Hierapolitic. For at Rome are to be seen monolithic columns and great slabs of the variegated marble; and with this marble the city is being adorned both at public and at private expense; and it has caused the quarries of white marble to be of little worth.,17. However, the poet, after proceeding thus far on the Magnetan seacoast, returns to Upper Thessaly; for, beginning at Dolopia and Pindus, he recounts the parts that stretch alongside Phthiotis, as far as Lower Thessaly: And those who held Tricce and rocky Ithome. These places belong in fact to Histiaeotis, though in earlier times Histiaeotis was called Doris, as they say; but when the Perrhaebians took possession of it, who had already subdued Histiaeotis in Euboea and had forced its inhabitants to migrate to the mainland, they called the country Histiaeotis after these Histiaeans, because of the large number of these people who settled there. They call Histiaeotis and Dolopia Upper Thessaly, which is in a straight line with Upper Macedonia, as is Lower Thessaly with Lower Macedonia. Now Tricce, where is the earliest and most famous sanctuary of Asclepius, borders on the country of the Dolopians and the regions round Pindus. Ithome, which is called by the same name as the Messenian city, ought not, they say, to be pronounced in this way, but without the first syllable; for thus, they add, it was called in earlier times, though now its name has been changed to Ithome. It is a stronghold and is in reality a heap of stones; and it is situated between four strongholds, which lie in a square, as it were: Tricce, Metropolis, Pelinnaion, and Gomphi. But Ithome belongs to the territory of the Metropolitans. Metropolis in earlier times was a joint settlement composed of three insignificant towns; but later several others were added to it, among which was Ithome. Now Callimachus, in his Iambics, says that, of all the Aphrodites (for there was not merely one goddess of this name), Aphrodite Castnietis surpasses all in wisdom, since she alone accepts the sacrifice of swine. And surely he was very learned, if any other man was, and all his life, as he himself states, wished to recount these things. But the writers of later times have discovered that not merely one Aphrodite, but several, have accepted this rite; and that among these was the Aphrodite at Metropolis, and that one of the cities included in the settlement transmitted to it the Onthurian rite. Pharcadon, also, is in Histiaeotis; and the Peneius and the Curalius flow through its territory. of these rivers, the Curalius flows past the sanctuary of the Itonian Athena and empties into the Peneius; but the Peneius itself rises in Pindus, as I have already said, and after leaving Tricce and Pelinnaion and Pharcadon on the left flows past both Atrax and Larisa, and after receiving the rivers in Thessaliotis flows on through Tempe to its outlet. Historians place the Oichalia which is called the city of Eurytus not only in this region, but also in Euboea and in Arcadia; and they give its name in different ways, as I have already said in my description of the Peloponnesus. They inquire concerning these, and particularly in regard to what Oichalia it was that was captured by Heracles, and concerning what Oichalia was meant by the poet who wrote The Capture of Oichalia. These places, then, were classed by Homer as subject to the Asclepiadae.,18. Next he speaks of the country subject to Eurypylus: and those who held the fountain Hypereia, and those who held Asterium and the white summits of Titanus. Now at the present time Ormenium is called Orminium; it is a village situated at the foot of Pelion near the Pagasitic Gulf, one of the cities included in the settlement of Demetrias, as I have said. And Lake Boebeis, also, must be near, since Boebe, as well as Ormenium itself, was one of the dependencies of Demetrias. Now Ormenium is distant by land twenty-seven stadia from Demetrias, whereas the site of Iolcus, which is situated on the road, is distant seven stadia from Demetrias and the remaining twenty stadia from Ormenium. The Scepsian says that Phoenix was from Ormenium, and that he fled thence from his father Amyntor the son of Ormenus into Phthia to Peleus the king; for this place, he adds, was founded by Ormenus the son of Cercaphus the son of Aeolus; and he says that both Amyntor and Euaemon were sons of Ormenus, and that Phoenix was son of the former and Eurypylus of the latter, but that the succession to the throne, to which both had equal right, was kept for Eurypylus, inasmuch as Phoenix had gone away from his homeland. Furthermore, the Scepsian writes thus, as when first I left Ormenium rich in flocks, instead of I left Hellas, land of fair women. But Crates makes Phoenix a Phocian, judging this from the helmet of Meges, which Odysseus used at the time of his night spying, concerning which the poet says, Autolycus filched it from Eleon, from Amyntor the son of Ormenus, having broken into his close-built home. For Eleon, he says, is a town of Parnassus; and Amyntor, son of Ormenus, means no other than the father of Phoenix; and Autolycus, who lived on Parnassus, must have broken into the house of a neighbor (as is the way of any housebreaker), and not into that of people far away. But the Scepsian says that there is no place called Eleon to be seen on Parnassus, though there is a place called Neon, founded in fact after the Trojan War, and also that housebreakings are not confined to neighbors only. And there are other arguments which one might give, but I hesitate to spend further time on this subject. Others write from Heleon, but Heleon is a place in Tanagria, and this reading would increase the absurdity of the statement, Then I fled afar off through Hellas and came to Phthia. The fountain Hypereia is in the middle of the city of the Pheraeans, which belonged to Eumelus. It is absurd, therefore, to assign the fountain to Eurypylus. Titanus was named from the fact in the case there; for the region near Arne and Aphetae has white soil. Asterium, also, is not far from these.,19. Continuous with this portion of Thessaly is the country of those who are called the subjects of Polypoetes: And those who held Argissa and dwelt in Gyrtone, Orthe, and Elone and the white city Oloosson. In earlier times the Perrhaebians inhabited this country, dwelling in the part near the sea and near the Peneius, extending as far as its outlet and Gyrton, a Perrhaebian city. Then the Lapiths humbled the Perrhaebians and thrust them back into the river country in the interior, and seized their country — I mean the Lapiths Ixion and his son Peirithous, the latter of whom also took possession of Pelion, forcing out the Centaurs, a wild folk, who had seized it. Now these he thrust from Pelion and made them draw near to the Aethices, and he gave over the plains to the Lapiths, though the Perrhaebians kept possession of some of them, those near Olympus, and also in some places lived completely intermingled with the Lapiths. Now Argissa, the present Argura, is situated on the Peneius; and forty stadia above it lies Atrax, which also is close to the river; and the Perrhaebians held the river country between the two places. Some have called Orthe the acropolis of the Phalannaeans; and Phalanna is a Perrhaebian city close to the Peneius near Tempe. Now the Perrhaebians, being overpowered by the Lapiths, for the most part emigrated to the mountainous country about Pindus and to the countries of the Athamanians and Dolopians, but their country and all Perrhaebians who were left behind there were seized by the Larisaeans, who lived near the Peneius and were their neighbors and dwelt in the most fertile parts of the plains, though not in the very low region near the lake called Nessonis, into which the river, when it overflowed, would carry away a portion of the arable soil belonging to the Larisaeans. Later, however, they corrected this by means of embankments. The Larisaeans, then, kept possession of Perrhaebia and exacted tribute until Philip established himself as lord over the region. Larisa is also the name of a place on Ossa; another is Larisa Cremaste, by some called Pelasgia; and in Crete is a city Larisa, now joined to Hierapytna, whence the plain that lies below is now called Larisian Plain; and, in the Peloponnesus both Larisa, the citadel of the Argives, and the Larisus River, which is the boundary between the Eleian country and Dyme. Theopompus speaks of another city Larisa situated on the same common boundary; and in Asia is a Larisa Phryconis near Cyme; and also the Larisa near Hamaxitis in the Troad; and there is the Ephesian Larisa, and the Larisa in Syria; and there are Larisaean Rocks fifty stadia from Mitylene on the road to Methymne; and there is a Larisa in Attica; and a village Larisa thirty stadia distant from Tralleis, above the city, on the road which runs through Mesogis towards the Cayster Plain near the sanctuary of the Isodromian Mother, which in its topographical position and its goodly attributes is like Larisa Cremaste, for it has an abundance of water and of vineyards; and perhaps the Larisaean Zeus received his epithet from this place; and also on the left of the Pontus is a village called Larisa, between Naulochus and. . ., near the end of Mount Haemus. And Oloosson, called white from the fact that its soil is a white clay, and Elone, and Gonnus are Perrhaebian cities. But Elone changed its name to Leimone, and is now in ruins. Both are situated below Olympus, not very far from the Europus River, which the poet calls the Titaresius.,20. The poet next mentions both Titaresius and the Perrhaebians, when he says, And Guneus led from Cyphus twenty-two ships. And there followed him the Enienians, and the Perrhaebians steadfast in war, who had established their homes round wintry Dodona, and dwelt in the fields about lovely Titaresius. Now he speaks of these places as belonging to the Perrhaebians, places which fell into their possession as a part of Hestiaeotis. And also the cities subject to Polypoetes were in part Perrhaebian. However, he assigned them to the Lapiths because the two peoples lived intermingled with one another, and also because, although the Lapiths held possession of the plains and the Perrhaebian element there were for the most part subject to the Lapiths, the Perrhaebians held possession of the more mountainous parts near Olympus and Tempe, as, for example, Cyphus, and Dodona, and the region about the Titaresius; this river rises in the Titarius Mountain, which connects with Olympus, and flows into the territory of Perrhaebia which is near Tempe, and somewhere in that neighborhood unites with the Peneius. Now the water of the Peneius is pure, but that of the Titaresius is oily, because of some substance or other, so that it does not mingle with that of the Peneius, but runs over it on the top like oil. Because of the fact that the two peoples lived intermingled, Simonides uses the terms Perrhaebians and Lapiths of all the Pelasgiotes who occupy the region about Gyrton and the outlets of the Peneius and Mount Ossa and Mount Pelion, and the region about Demetrias, and the region in the plain, I mean Larisa, Crannon, Scotussa, Mopsium, Atrax, and the region about Lake Nessonis and Lake Boebeis. of these places the poet mentions only a few, because the rest of them had not yet been settled, or else were only wretched settlements, on account of the inundations which took place at various times. Indeed, he does not mention Lake Nessonis either, but Lake Boebeis only (though it is much smaller), because the latter alone persisted, whereas the former, in all probability, was at times filled at irregular intervals and at times gave out altogether. Scotussa I have already mentioned in my account of Dodona and of the oracle in Thessaly, saying that originally it was near this place. In the territory of Scotussa there is a place called Cynoscephalae, near which Titus Quintius and the Romans, along with the Aitolians, in a great battle conquered Philip the son of Demetrius, king of the Macedonians.,21. Magnetis, also, has been treated by Homer in about the same way. For although he has already enumerated many of the places in Magnetis, none of these are called Magnetan by him except those two places, and even these are designated by him in a dim and indistinct way: who dwelt about Peneius and Pelion with its shaking foliage. Assuredly, however, about the Peneius and Pelion lived those who held Gyrton, whom he had already named, as also those who held Ormenium, and several other Perrhaebian peoples; and yet farther away from Pelion there were still Magnetans, beginning with those subject to Eumelus, at least according to the writers of later times. These writers, however, on account of the continual migrations, changes of political administrations, and intermixture of tribes, seem to have confused both the names and the tribes, so that they sometimes present difficult questions for the writers of today. For example, this has proved true, in the first place, in the case of Crannon and Gyrton; for in earlier times the Gyrtonians were called Phlegyae, from Phlegyas, the brother of Ixion, and the Crannonians Ephyri, so that it is a difficult question who can be meant by the poet when he says, Verily these twain, going forth from Thrace, arm themselves to pursue the Ephyri, or to pursue the great-hearted Phlegyae.,22. Again, the same thing is true in the case of the Perrhaebians and Aenianians. For Homer connected the two, as living near one another; and in fact we are told by the writers of later times that for a long time the habitation of the Aenianians was in the Dotian Plain. This plain is near the Perrhaebia just mentioned above, and Ossa and Lake Boebeis; and while it is situated in the middle of Thessaly, yet it is enclosed all round by hills of its own. Concerning this plain Hesiod has spoken thus: Or as the unwedded virgin who, dwelling on the holy Didyman Hills, in the Dotian Plain, in front of Amyrus, bathed her foot in Lake Boebeis. Now as for the Aenianians, most of them were driven into Oita by the Lapiths; and there too they became predomit, having taken away certain parts of the country from the Dorians and the Malians as far as Heracleia and Echinus, although some remained in the neighborhood of Cyphus, a Perrhaebian mountain which had a settlement of the same name. As for the Perrhaebians, some of them drew together round the western parts of Olympus and stayed there, being neighbors to the Macedonians, but the greater part of them were driven out of their country into the mountains round Athamania and Pindus. But today little or no trace of them is preserved. At any rate, the Magnetans mentioned last by the poet in the Thessalian Catalogue should be regarded as those inside Tempe, extending from the Peneius and Ossa as far as Pelion, and bordering on the Pieriotae in Macedonia, who held the country on the far side of the Peneius as far as the sea. Now Homolium, or Homole (for it is spelled both ways), should be assigned to the Magnetans; as I have said in my description of Macedonia, it is close to Ossa, situated where the Peneius begins to discharge its waters through Tempe. And if one were to proceed as far as the seacoast nearest to Homolium, there is reason for assigning to them Rhizus and Erymnae, which were situated on that part of the seacoast which was subject to Philoctetes and on that which was subject to Eumelus. However, let this question remain undecided. And also the order of the places next thereafter as far as the Peneius is not plainly told by the poet; but since these places are without repute, neither should I myself regard the matter as of great importance. Cape Sepias, however, was afterwards celebrated both in tragedies and in hymns on account of the total destruction there of the Persian fleet. Sepias itself is a rocky cape, but between it and Casthanaea, a village situated at the foot of Pelion, is a beach where the fleet of Xerxes was lying in wait when, a violent east wind bursting forth, some of the ships were immediately driven high and dry on the beach and broken to pieces on the spot, and the others were carried along the coast to Ipni, one of the rugged places in the region of Pelion, or to Meliboea, or to Casthanaea, and destroyed. The whole voyage along the coast of Pelion is rough, a distance of about eighty stadia; and that along the coast of Ossa is equally long and rough. Between is a gulf more than two hundred stadia in circuit, on which is Meliboea. The whole voyage along the coast from Demetrias to the Peneius, following the sinuosities of the gulfs, is more than one thousand stadia in length, and from the Sperchius eight hundred more, and from the Euripus two thousand three hundred and fifty. Hieronymus declares that the plain country of Thessaly and Magnetis is three thousand stadia in circuit, and that it was inhabited by Pelasgians, and that these were driven out of their country by the Lapiths, and that the present Pelasgian Plain, as it is called, is that in which are situated Larisa, Gyrtone, Pherae, Mopsium, Boebeis, Ossa, Homole, Pelion, and Magnetis. Mopsium is named, not after Mopsus, the son of Manto the daughter of Teiresias, but after Mopsus the Lapith who sailed with the Argonauts. But Mopsopus, after whom the Attic Mopsopia is named, is a different person.,23. So much, then, for the several parts of Thessaly. But speaking of it as a whole, I may say that in earlier times it was called Pyrrhaea, after Pyrrha the wife of Deucalion, and Haemonia after Haemon, and Thessaly after Thessalus the son of Haemon. But some writers, dividing it into two parts, say that Deucalion obtained the portion towards the south and called it Pandora after his mother, and that the other part fell to Haemon, after whom it was called Haemonia, but that the former name was changed to Hellas, after Hellen the son of Deucalion, and the latter to Thessaly, after the son of Haemon. Some, however, say that descendants of Antiphus and Pheidippus, the sons of Thessalus the son of Heracles, invaded the country from Thesprotian Ephyra and named it after Thessalus, their own ancestor. And it has been said that the country too was once named Nessonis, like the lake, after Nesson the son of Thessalus. 10.1. 1. Since Euboea lies parallel to the whole of the coast from Sounion to Thessaly, with the exception of the ends on either side, it would be appropriate to connect my description of the island with that of the parts already described before passing on to Aitolia and Acaria, which are the remaining parts of Europe to be described.,2. In its length, then, the island extends parallel to the coast for a distance of about one thousand two hundred stadia from Kenaion to Geraistos, but its breadth is irregular and generally only about one hundred and fifty stadia. Now Kenaion lies opposite to Thermopylae and, to a slight extent, to the region outside Thermopylae, whereas Geraistos and Petalia lie towards Sounion. Accordingly, the island lies across the strait and opposite Attica, Boeotia, Locris, and the Malians. Because of its narrowness and of the above-mentioned length, it was named Macris by the ancients. It approaches closest to the mainland at Chalcis, where it juts out in a convex curve towards the region of Aulis in Boeotia and forms the Euripus. Concerning the Euripus I have already spoken rather at length, as also to a certain extent concerning the places which lie opposite one another across the strait, both on the mainland and on the island, on either side of the Euripus, that is, the regions both inside and outside the Euripus. But if anything has been left out, I shall now explain more fully. And first, let me explain that the parts between Aulis and the region of Geraistos are called the Hollows of Euboea; for the coast bends inwards, but when it approaches Chalcis it forms a convex curve again towards the mainland.,3. The island was called, not only Macris, but also Abantis; at any rate, the poet, although he names Euboea, never names its inhabitants Euboeans, but always Abantes: And those who held Euboea, the courage-breathing Abantes . . . 5And with him followed the Abantes. 7 Aristotle says that Thracians, setting out from the Phocian Aba, recolonized the island and renamed those who held it Abantes. Others derive the name from a hero, just as they derive Euboea from a heroine. But it may be, just as a certain cave on the coast which fronts the Aegean, where Io is said to have given birth to Epaphus, is called Boos Aule, that the island got the name Euboea from the same cause. The island was also called Oche; and the largest of its mountains bears the same name. And it was also named Ellopia, after Ellops the son of Ion. Some say that he was the brother of Aiclus and Cothus; and he is also said to have founded Ellopia, a place in Oria, as it is called, in Histiaeotis near the mountain Telethrius, and to have added to his dominions Histiaea, Perias, Cerinthus, Aedepsus, and Orobia; in this last place was an oracle most averse to falsehood (it was an oracle of Apollo Selinaios (Selinuntius in ms). The Ellopians migrated to Histiaea and enlarged the city, being forced to do so by Philistides the tyrant, after the battle of Leuctra. Demosthenes says that Philistides was set up by Philip as tyrant of the Oreitae too; for thus in later times the Histiaeans were named, and the city was named Oreus instead of Histiaea. But according to some writers, Histiaea was colonized by Athenians from the deme of the Histiaeans, as Eretria was colonized from that of the Eretrians. Theopompus says that when Pericles overpowered Euboea the Histiaeans by agreement migrated to Macedonia, and that two thousand Athenians who formerly composed the deme of the Histiaeans came and took up their abode in Oreus.,4. Oreus is situated at the foot of the mountain Telethrius in the Drymus, as it is called, on the River Callas, upon a high rock; and hence, perhaps, it was because the Ellopians who formerly inhabited it were mountaineers that the name Oreus was assigned to the city. It is also thought that Orion was so named because he was reared there. Some writers say that the Oreitae had a city of their own, but because the Ellopians were making war on them they migrated and took up their abode with the Histiaeans; and that, although they became one city, they used both names, just as the same city is called both Lacedemon and Sparta. As I have already said, Histiaeotis in Thessaly was also named after the Histiaeans who were carried off from here into the mainland by the Perrhaebians.,5. Since Ellopia induced me to begin my description with Histiaea and Oreus, let me speak of the parts which border on these places. In the territory of this Oreus lies, not only Kenaion, near Oreus, but also, near Kenaion, Dium and Athenae Diades, the latter founded by the Athenians and lying above that part of the strait where passage is taken across to Cynus; and Canae in Aeolis was colonized from Dium. Now these places are in the neighborhood of Histiaea; and so is Cerinthus, a small city by the sea; and near it is the Budorus River, which bears the same name as the mountain in Salamis which is close to Attica.,6. Carystus is at the foot of the mountain Oche; and near it are Styra and Marmarium, in which latter are the quarry of the Carystian columns and a sanctuary of Apollo Marmarinus; and from here there is a passage across the strait to Halae Araphenides. In Carystus is produced also the stone which is combed and woven, so that the woven material is made into towels, and, when these are soiled, they are thrown into fire and cleansed, just as linens are cleansed by washing. These places are said to have been settled by colonists from the Marathonian Tetrapolis and by Steirians. Styra was destroyed in the Malian war by Phaedrus, the general of the Athenians; but the country is held by the Eretrians. There is also a Carystus in the Laconian country, a place belonging to Aegys, towards Arcadia; whence the Carystian wine of which Alcman speaks.,7. Geraistos is not named in the Catalogue of Ships, but still the poet mentions it elsewhere: and at night they landed at Geraistos. And he plainly indicates that the place is conveniently situated for those who are sailing across from Asia to Attica, since it comes near to Sounion. It has a sanctuary of Poseidon, the most notable of those in that part of the world, and also a noteworthy settlement.,8. After Geraistos one comes to Eretria, the greatest city in Euboea except Chalcis; and then to Chalcis, which in a way is the metropolis of the island, being situated on the Euripus itself. Both are said to have been founded by the Athenians before the Trojan War. And after the Trojan War, Aiclus and Cothus, setting out from Athens, settled inhabitants in them, the former in Eretria and the latter in Chalcis. There were also some Aeolians from the army of Penthilus who remained in the island, and, in ancient times, some Arabians who had crossed over with Cadmus. Be this as it may, these cities grew exceptionally strong and even sent forth noteworthy colonies into Macedonia; for Eretria colonized the cities situated round Pallene and Athos, and Chalcis colonized the cities that were subject to Olynthus, which later were treated outrageously by Philip. And many places in Italy and Sicily are also Chalcidian. These colonies were sent out, as Aristotle states, when the government of the Hippobatae, as it is called, was in power; for at the head of it were men chosen according to the value of their property, who ruled in an aristocratic manner. At the time of Alexander's passage across, the Chalcidians enlarged the circuit of the walls of their city, taking inside them both Canethus and the Euripus, and fortifying the bridge with towers and gates and a wall.,9. Above the city of the Chalcidians is situated the Lelantine Plain. In this plain are fountains of hot water suited to the cure of diseases, which were used by Cornelius Sulla, the Roman commander. And in this plain was also a remarkable mine which contained copper and iron together, a thing which is not reported as occurring elsewhere; now, however, both metals have given out, as in the case of the silver mines at Athens. The whole of Euboea is much subject to earthquakes, but particularly the part near the strait, which is also subject to blasts through subterranean passages, as are Boeotia and other places which I have already described rather at length. And it is said that the city which bore the same name as the island was swallowed up by reason of a disturbance of this kind. This city is also mentioned by Aeschylus in his Glaucus Pontius: Euboeis, about the bending shore of Zeus Cenaeus, near the very tomb of wretched Lichas. In Aitolia, also, there is a place called by the same name Chalcis: and Chalcis near the sea, and rocky Calydon, and in the present Eleian country: and they went past Cruni and rocky Chalcis, that is, Telemachus and his companions, when they were on their way back from Nestor's to their homeland.,10. As for Eretria, some say that it was colonized from Triphylian Macistus by Eretrieus, but others say from the Eretria at Athens, which now is a marketplace. There is also an Eretria near Pharsalus. In the Eretrian territory there was a city Tamynae, sacred to Apollo; and the sanctuary, which is near the strait, is said to have been founded by Admetus, at whose house the god served as an hireling for a year. In earlier times Eretria was called Melaneis and Arotria. The village Amarynthus, which is seven stadia distant from the walls, belongs to this city. Now the old city was razed to the ground by the Persians, who netted the people, as Herodotus says, by means of their great numbers, the barbarians being spread about the walls (the foundations are still to be seen, and the place is called Old Eretria); but the Eretria of today was founded on it. As for the power the Eretrians once had, this is evidenced by the pillar which they once set up in the sanctuary of Artemis Amarynthia. It was inscribed thereon that they made their festal procession with three thousand heavy-armed soldiers, six hundred horsemen, and sixty chariots. And they ruled over the peoples of Andros, Teos, Ceos, and other islands. They received new settlers from Elis; hence, since they frequently used the letter r, not only at the end of words, but also in the middle, they have been ridiculed by comic writers. There is also a village Oichalia in the Eretrian territory, the remains of the city which was destroyed by Heracles; it bears the same name as the Trachinian Oichalia and that near Tricce, and the Arcadian Oichalia, which the people of later times called Andania, and that Oichalia in Aitolia in the neighborhood of the Eurytanians.,11. Now at the present time Chalcis by common consent holds the leading position and is called the metropolis of the Euboeans; and Eretria is second. Yet even in earlier times these cities were held in great esteem, not only in war, but also in peace; indeed, they afforded philosophers a pleasant and undisturbed place of abode. This is evidenced by the school of the Eretrian philosophers, Menedemus and his disciples, which was established in Eretria, and also, still earlier, by the sojourn of Aristotle in Chalcis, where he also ended his days.,12. Now in general these cities were in accord with one another, and when differences arose concerning the Lelantine Plain they did not so completely break off relations as to wage their wars in all respects according to the will of each, but they came to an agreement as to the conditions under which they were to conduct the fight. This fact, among others, is disclosed by a certain pillar in the Amarynthium, which forbids the use of long distance missiles. In fact among all the customs of warfare and of the use of arms there neither is, nor has been, any single custom; for some use long distance missiles, as, for example, bowmen and slingers and javelin-throwers, whereas others use close-fighting arms, as, for example, those who use sword, or outstretched spear; for the spear is used in two ways, one in hand-to-hand combat and the other for hurling like a javelin; just as the pike serves both purposes, for it can be used both in close combat and as a missile for hurling, which is also true of the sarissa and the hyssus.,13. The Euboeans excelled in standing combat, which is also called close and hand-to-hand combat; and they used their spears outstretched, as the poet says: spearmen eager with outstretched ashen spears to shatter corselets. Perhaps the javelins were of a different kind, such as probably was the Pelian ashen spear, which, as the poet says,Achilles alone knew how to hurl; and he who said,And the spear I hurl farther than any other man can shoot an arrow, means the javelin-spear. And those who fight in single combat are first introduced as using javelin-spears, and then as resorting to swords. And close fighters are not those who use the sword alone, but also the spear hand-to-hand, as the poet says: he pierced him with bronze-tipped polished spear, and loosed his limbs. Now he introduces the Euboeans as using this mode of fighting, but he says the contrary of the Locrians, thatthey cared not for the tolls of close combat, . . . but relying on bows and well-twisted slings of sheep's wool they followed with him to Ilium. There is current, also, an oracle which was given out to the people of Aegium,Thessalian horse, Lacedemonian woman, and men who drink the water of sacred Arethusa, meaning that the Chalcidians are best of all, for Arethusa is in their territory.,14. There are now two rivers in Euboea, the Cereus and the Neleus; and the sheep which drink from one of them turn white, and from the other black. A similar thing takes place in connection with the Crathis River, as I have said before.,15. When the Euboeans were returning from Troy, some of them, after being driven out of their course to Illyria, set out for home through Macedonia, but remained in the neighborhood of Edessa, after aiding in war those who had received them hospitably; and they founded a city Euboe. There was also a Euboea in Sicily, which was founded by the Chalcidians of Sicily, but they were driven out of it by Gelon; and it became a stronghold of the Syracusans. In Corcyra, also, and in Lemnos, there were places called Euboea; and in the Argive country a hill of that name.,16. Since the Aitolians, Acarians, and Athamanians (if these too are to be called Greeks) live to the west of the Thessalians and the Oitaeans, it remains for me to describe these three, in order that I may complete the circuit of Greece; I must also add the islands which lie nearest to Greece and are inhabited by the Greeks, so far as I have not already included them in my description. 10.2. 1. Aitolians Acarians Now the Aitolians and the Acarians border on one another, having between them the Achelous River, which flows from the north and from Pindus on the south through the country of the Agraeans, an Aitolian tribe, and through that of the Amphilochians, the Acarians holding the western side of the river as far as that part of the Ambracian Gulf which is near Amphilochi and the sanctuary of the Actian Apollo, but the Aitolians the eastern side as far as the Ozolian Locrians and Parnassus and the Oitaeans. Above the Acarians, in the interior and the parts towards the north, are situated the Amphilochians, and above these the Dolopians and Pindus, and above the Aitolians are the Perrhaebians and Athamanians and a part of the Aenianians who hold Oita. The southern side, of Acaria and Aitolia alike, is washed by the sea which forms the Corinthian Gulf, into which empties the Achelous River, which forms the boundary between the coast of the Aitolians and that of Acaria. In earlier times the Achelous was called Thoas. The river which flows past Dyme bears the same name as this, as I have already said, and also the river near Lamia. I have already stated, also, that the Corinthian Gulf is said to begin at the mouth of this river.,2. As for cities, those of the Acarians are Anactorium, which is situated on a peninsula near Actium and is a trading center of the Nicopolis of today, which was founded in our times; Stratus, where one may sail up the Achelous River more than two hundred stadia; and Oineiadae, which is also on the river — the old city, which is equidistant from the sea and from Stratus, being uninhabited, whereas that of today lies at a distance of about seventy stadia above the outlet of the river. There are also other cities, Palaerus, Alyzia, Leucas, Argos Amphilochicum , and Ambracia, most of which, or rather all, have become dependencies of Nicopolis. Stratus is situated about midway of the road between Alyzia and Anactorium.,3. The cities of the Aitolians are Calydon and Pleuron, which are now indeed reduced, though in early times these settlements were an ornament to Greece. Further, Aitolia has come to be divided into two parts, one part being called Old Aitolia and the other Aitolia Epictetus. The Old Aitolia was the seacoast extending from the Achelous to Calydon, reaching for a considerable distance into the interior, which is fertile and level; here in the interior lie Stratus and Trichonium, the latter having excellent soil. Aitolia Epictetus is the part which borders on the country of the Locrians in the direction of Naupactus and Eupalium, being a rather rugged and sterile country, and extends to the Oitaean country and to that of the Athamanians and to the mountains and tribes which are situated next beyond these towards the north.,4. Aitolia also has a very large mountain, Corax, which borders on Oita; and it has among the rest of its mountains, and more in the middle of the country than Corax, Aracynthus, near which New Pleuron was founded by the inhabitants of the old, who abandoned their city, which had been situated near Calydon in a district both fertile and level, at the time when Demetrius, surnamed Aetolicus, laid waste the country; above Molycreia are Taphiassus and Chalcis, rather high mountains, on which were situated the small cities Macynia and Chalcis, the latter bearing the same name as the mountain, though it is also called Hypochalcis. Near Old Pleuron is the mountain Curium, after which, as some have supposed, the Pleuronian Curetes were named.,5. The Evenus River begins in the territory of those Bomians who live in the country of the Ophians, the Ophians being an Aitolian tribe (like the Eurytanians and Agraeans and Curetes and others), and flows at first, not through the Curetan country, which is the same as the Pleuronian, but through the more easterly country, past Chalcis and Calydon; and then, bending back towards the plains of Old Pleuron and changing its course to the west, it turns towards its outlets and the south. In earlier times it was called Lycormas. And there Nessus, it is said, who had been appointed ferryman, was killed by Heracles because he tried to violate Deianeira when he was ferrying her across the river.,6. The poet also names Olenus and Pylene as Aitolian cities. of these, the former, which bears the same name as the Achaean city, was razed to the ground by the Aeolians; it was near New Pleuron, but the Acarians claimed possession of the territory. The other, Pylene, the Aeolians moved to higher ground, and also changed its name, calling it Proschium. Hellanicus does not know the history of these cities either, but mentions them as though they too were still in their early status; and among the early cities he names Macynia and Molycreia, which were founded even later than the return of the Heracleidae, almost everywhere in his writings displaying a most convenient carelessness.,7. Upon the whole, then, this is what I have to say concerning the country of the Acarians and the Aitolians, but the following is also to be added concerning the seacoast and the islands which lie off it: Beginning at the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf the first place which belongs to the Acarians is Actium. The sanctuary of the Actian Apollo bears the same name, as also the cape which forms the mouth of the Gulf and has a harbor on the outer side. Anactorium, which is situated on the gulf, is forty stadia distant from the sanctuary, whereas Leucas is two hundred and forty.,8. In early times Leucas was a peninsula of Acaria, but the poet calls it shore of the mainland, using the term mainland for the country which is situated across from Ithaca and Cephallenia; and this country is Acaria. And therefore, when he says, shore of the mainland, one should take it to mean shore of Acaria. And to Leucas also belonged, not only Nericus, which Laertes says he took (verily I took Nericus, well-built citadel, shore of the mainland, when I was lord over the Cephallenians), but also the cities which Homer names in the Catalogue (and dwell in Crocyleia and rugged Aegilips). But the Corinthians sent by Cypselus and Gorgus took possession of this shore and also advanced as far as the Ambracian Gulf; and both Ambracia and Anactorium were colonized at this time; and the Corinthians dug a canal through the isthmus of the peninsula and made Leucas an island; and they transferred Nericus to the place which, though once an isthmus, is now a strait spanned by a bridge, and they changed its name to Leucas, which was named, as I think, after Leucatas; for Leucatas is a rock of white color jutting out from Leucas into the sea and towards Cephallenia and therefore it took its name from its color.,9. It contains the sanctuary of Apollo Leucatas, and also the Leap, which was believed to put an end to the longings of love.Where Sappho is said to have been the first, as Meder says,when through frantic longing she was chasing the haughty Phaon, to fling herself with a leap from the far-seen rock, calling upon thee in prayer, O lord and master. Now although Meder says that Sappho was the first to take the leap, yet those who are better versed than he in antiquities say that it was Cephalus, who was in love with Pterelas the son of Deioneus. It was an ancestral custom among the Leucadians, every year at the sacrifice performed in honor of Apollo, for some criminal to be flung from this rocky look-out for the sake of averting evil, wings and birds of all kinds being fastened to him, since by their fluttering they could lighten the leap, and also for a number of men, stationed all round below the rock in small fishing-boats, to take the victim in, and, when he had been taken on board, to do all in their power to get him safely outside their borders. The author of the Alcmaeonis says that Icarius, the father of Penelope, had two sons, Alyzeus and Leucadius, and that these two reigned over Acaria with their father; accordingly, Ephorus thinks that the cities were named after these.,10. But though at the present time only the people of the island Cephallenia are called Cephallenians, Homer so calls all who were subject to Odysseus, among whom are also the Acarians. For after saying,but Odysseus led the Cephallenians, who held Ithaca and Neritum with quivering foliage (Neritum being the famous mountain on this island, as also when he says, and those from Dulichium and the sacred Echinades, Dulichium itself being one of the Echinades; and those who dwelt in Buprasium and Elis, Buprasium being in Elis; and those who held Euboea and Chalcis and Eiretria, meaning that these cities were in Euboea; and Trojans and Lycians and Dardanians, meaning that the Lycians and Dardanians were Trojans) — however, after mentioning Neritum, he says, and dwelt in Crocyleia and rugged Aegilips, and those who held Zacynthos and those who dwelt about Samos, and those who held the mainland and dwelt in the parts over against the islands. By mainland, therefore, he means the parts over against the islands, wishing to include, along with Leucas, the rest of Acaria as well, concerning which he also speaks in this way, twelve herd on the mainland, and as many flocks of sheep, perhaps because Epeirotis extended thus far in early times and was called by the general name mainland. But by Samos he means the Cephallenia of today, as, when he says, in the strait between Ithaca and rugged Samos; for by the epithet he differentiates between the objects bearing the same name, thus making the name apply, not to the city, but to the island. For the island was a tetrapolis, and one of its four cities was the city called indifferently either Samos or Same, bearing the same name as the island. And when the poet says,for all the nobles who hold sway over the islands, Dulichium and Same and woody Zacynthos, he is evidently making an enumeration of the islands and calling Same that island which he had formerly called Samos. But Apollodorus, when he says in one passage that ambiguity is removed by the epithet when the poet says and rugged Samos, showing that he meant the island, and then, in another passage, says that one should copy the reading,Dulichium and Samos, instead of Same, plainly takes the position that the city was called Same or Samos indiscriminately, but the island Samos only; for that the city was called Same is clear, according to Apollodorus, from the fact that, in enumerating the wooers from the several cities, the poet said, from Same came four and twenty men, and also from the statement concerning Ktimene, they then sent her to Same to wed. But this is open to argument, for the poet does not express himself distinctly concerning either Cephallenia or Ithaca and the other places near by; and consequently both the commentators and the historians are at variance with one another.,11. For instance, when Homer says in regard to Ithaca, those who held Ithaca and Neritum with quivering foliage, he clearly indicates by the epithet that he means the mountain Neritum; and in other passages he expressly calls it a mountain; but I dwell in sunny Ithaca, wherein is a mountain, Neritum, with quivering leaves and conspicuous from afar. But whether by Ithaca he means the city or the island, is not clear, at least in the following verse, those who held Ithaca and Neritum; for if one takes the word in its proper sense, one would interpret it as meaning the city, just as though one should say Athens and Lycabettus, or Rhodes and Atabyris, or Lacedemon and Taygetus; but if he takes it in a poetical sense the opposite is true. However, in the words, but I dwell in sunny Ithaca, wherein is a mountain, Neritum, his meaning is clear, for the mountain is in the island, not in the city. But when he says as follows, we have come from Ithaca below Neium, it is not clear whether he means that Neium is the same as Neritum or different, or whether it is a mountain or place. However, the critic who writes Nericum instead of Neritum, or the reverse, is utterly mistaken; for the poet refers to the latter as quivering with foliage, but to the former as well-built citadel, and to the latter as in Ithaca, but to the former as shore of the mainland.,12. The following verse also is thought to disclose a sort of contradiction: Now Ithaca itself lies chthamale, panypertate on the sea; for chthamale means low, or on the ground, whereas panypertate means high up, as Homer indicates in several places when he calls Ithaca rugged. And so when he refers to the road that leads from the harbor as rugged path up through the wooded place, and when he says for not one of the islands which lean upon the sea is eudeielos or rich in meadows, and Ithaca surpasses them all. Now although Homer's phraseology presents incongruities of this kind, yet they are not poorly explained; for, in the first place, writers do not interpret chthamale as meaning low-lying here, but lying near the mainland, since it is very close to it, and, secondly, they do not interpret panypertate as meaning highest, but highest towards the darkness, that is, farthest removed towards the north beyond all the others; for this is what he means by towards the darkness, but the opposite by towards the south, as inbut the other islands lie aneuthe towards the dawn and the sun, for the word aneuthe is at a distance, or apart, implying that the other islands lie towards the south and farther away from the mainland, whereas Ithaca lies near the mainland and towards the north. That Homer refers in this way to the southerly region is clear also from these words,whether they go to the right, towards the dawn and the sun, or yet to the left towards the misty darkness, and still more clear from these words,my friends, lo, now we know not where is the place of darkness, nor of dawn, nor where the sun, that gives light to men, goes beneath the earth; nor where he rises. For it is indeed possible to interpret this as meaning the four climata, if we interpret the dawn as meaning the southerly region (and this has some plausibility), but it is better to conceive of the region which is along the path of the sun as set opposite to the northerly region, for the poetic words are intended to signify a considerable change in the celestial phenomena, not merely a temporary concealment of the climata, for necessarily concealment ensues every time the sky is clouded, whether by day or by night; but the celestial phenomena change to a greater extent as we travel farther and farther towards the south or in the opposite direction. Yet this travel causes a hiding, not of the western or eastern sky, but only of the southern or northern, and in fact this hiding takes place when the sky is clear; for the pole is the most northerly point of the sky, but since the pole moves and is sometimes at our zenith and sometimes below the earth, the arctic circles also change with it and in the course of such travels sometimes vanish with it, so that you cannot know where the northern clima is, or even where it begins. And if this is true, neither can you know the opposite clima. The circuit of Ithaca is about eighty stadia. So much for Ithaca.,13. As for Cephallenia, which is a tetrapolis, the poet mentions by its present name neither it nor any of its cities except one, Same or Samos, which now no longer exists, though traces of it are to be seen midway of the passage to Ithaca; and its people are called Samaeans. The other three, however, survive even to this day in the little cities Paleis, Pronesus, and Cranii. And in our time Gaius Antonius, the uncle of Marcus Antonius, founded still another city, when, after his consulship, which he held with Cicero the orator, he went into exile, sojourned in Cephallenia, and held the whole island in subjection as though it were his private estate. However, before he could complete the settlement he obtained permission to return home, and ended his days amid other affairs of greater importance.,14. Some, however, have not hesitated to identify Cephallenia with Dulichium, and others with Taphos, calling the Cephallenians Taphians, and likewise Teleboans, and to say that Amphitryon made an expedition thither with Cephalus, the son of Deioneus, whom, an exile from Athens, he had taken along with him, and that when Amphitryon seized the island he gave it over to Cephalus, and that the island was named after Cephalus and the cities after his children. But this is not in accordance with Homer; for the Cephallenians were subject to Odysseus and Laertes, whereas Taphos was subject to Mentes: I declare that I am Mentes the son of wise Anchialus, and I am lord over the oar loving Taphians. Taphos is now called Taphius. Neither is Hellanicus in accord with Homer when he identifies Cephallenia with Dulichium, for Homer makes Dulichium and the remainder of the Echinades subject to Meges; and their inhabitants were Epeians, who had come there from Elis; and it is on this account that he calls Otus the Cylleniancomrade of Phyleides and ruler of the high-hearted Epeians; but Odysseus led the high-hearted Cephallenians. According to Homer, therefore, neither is Cephallenia Dulichium nor is Dulichium a part of Cephallenia, as Andron says; for the Epeians held possession of Dulichium, whereas the Cephallenians held possession of the whole of Cephallenia and were subject to Odysseus, whereas the Epeians were subject to Meges. Neither is Paleis called Dulichium by the poet, as Pherecydes writes. But that writer is most in opposition to Homer who identifies Cephallenia with Dulichium, if it be true that fifty-two of the suitors were from Dulichium and twenty-four from Same; for in that case would not Homer say that fifty-two came from the island as a whole and a half of that number less two from a single one of its four cities? However, if one grants this, I shall ask what Homer can mean by Same in the passage,Dulichium and Same and woody Zacynthos.,15. Cephallenia lies opposite Acaria, at a distance of about fifty stadia from Leucatas (some say forty), and about one hundred and eighty from Chelonatas. It has a perimeter of about three hundred stadia, is long, extending towards Eurus, and is mountainous. The largest mountain upon it is Aenus, whereon is the sanctuary of Zeus Aenesius; and where the island is narrowest it forms an isthmus so low-lying that it is often submerged from sea to sea. Both Paleis and Crannii are on the gulf near the narrows.,16. Between Ithaca and Cephallenia is the small island Asteria (the poet calls it Asteris), which the Scepsian says no longer remains such as the poet describes it,but in it are harbors safe for anchorage with entrances on either side; Apollodorus, however, says that it still remains so to this day, and mentions a town Alalcomenae upon it, situated on the isthmus itself.,17. The poet also uses the name Samos for that Thrace which we now call Samothrace. And it is reasonable to suppose that he knows the Ionian Samos, for he also appears to know of the Ionian migration; otherwise he would not have differentiated between the places of the same name when referring to Samothrace, which he designates at one time by the epithet,high on the topmost summit of woody Samos, the Thracian, and at another time by connecting it with the islands near it,unto Samos and Imbros and inhospitable Lemnos. And again,between Samos and rugged Imbros. He therefore knew the Ionian island, although he did not name it; in fact it was not called by the same name in earlier times, but Melampylus, then Anthemis, then Parthenia, from the River Parthenius, the name of which was changed to Imbrasus. Since, then, both Cephallenia and Samothrace were called Samos at the time of the Trojan War (for otherwise Hecabe would not be introduced as saying that he was for selling her children whom he might take captive unto Samos and unto Imbros), and since the Ionian Samos had not yet been colonized, it plainly got its name from one of the islands which earlier bore the same name. Whence that other fact is also clear, that those writers contradict ancient history who say that colonists came from Samos after the Ionian migration and the arrival of Tembrion and named Samothrace Samos, since this story was fabricated by the Samians to enhance the glory of their island. Those writers are more plausible who say that the island came upon this name from the fact that lofty places are called samoi, for thence all Ida was plain to see, and plain to see were the city of Priam and the ships of the Achaeans But some say that the island was called Samos after the Saii, the Thracians who inhabited it in earlier times, who also held the adjacent mainland, whether these Saii were the same people as the Sapaei or Sinti (the poet calls them Sinties) or a different tribe. The Saii are mentioned by Archilochus: One of the Saii robbed me of my shield, which, a blameless weapon, I left behind me beside a bush, against my will.,18. of the islands classified as subject to Odysseus, Zacynthos remains to be described. It leans slightly more to the west of the Peloponnesus than Cephallenia and lies closer to the latter. The circuit of Zacynthos is one hundred and sixty stadia. It is about sixty stadia distant from Cephallenia. It is indeed a woody island, but it is fertile; and its city, which bears the same name, is worthy of note. The distance thence to the Libyan Hesperides is three thousand three hundred stadia.,19. To the east of Zacynthos and Cephallenia are situated the Echinades Islands, among which is Dulichium, now called Dolicha, and also what are called the Oxeiae, which the poet called Thoae. Dolicha lies opposite Oineiadae and the outlet of the Achelous, at a distance of one hundred stadia from Araxus, the promontory of the Eleians; the rest of the Echinades (they are several in number, all poor soiled and rugged) lie off the outlet of the Achelous, the farthermost being fifteen stadia distant and the nearest five. In earlier times they lay out in the high sea, but the silt brought down by the Achelous has already joined some of them to the mainland and will do the same to others. It was this silt which in early times caused the country called Paracheloitis, which the river overflows, to be a subject of dispute, since it was always confusing the designated boundaries between the Acarians and the Aitolians; for they would decide the dispute by arms, since they had no arbitrators, and the more powerful of the two would win the victory; and this is the cause of the fabrication of a certain myth, telling how Heracles defeated Achelous and, as the prize of his victory, won the hand of Deianeira, the daughter of Oineus, whom Sophocles represents as speaking as follows: For my suitor was a river-god, I mean Achelous, who would demand me of my father in three shapes, coming now as a bull in bodily form, now as a gleaming serpent in coils, now with trunk of man and front of ox. Some writers add to the myth, saying that this was the horn of Amaltheia, which Heracles broke off from Achelous and gave to Oineus as a wedding gift. Others, conjecturing the truth from the myths, say that the Achelous, like the other rivers, was called like a bull from the roaring of its waters, and also from the bendings of its streams, which were called Horns, and like a serpent because of its length and windings, and with front of ox for the same reason that he was called bull-faced; and that Heracles, who in general was inclined to deeds of kindness, but especially for Oineus, since he was to ally himself with him by marriage, regulated the irregular flow of the river by means of embankments and channels, and thus rendered a considerable part of Paracheloitis dry, all to please Oineus; and that this was the horn of Amaltheia. Now, as for the Echinades, or the Oxeiae, Homer says that they were ruled over in the time of the Trojan War by Meges,who was begotten by the knightly Phyleus, dear to Zeus, who once changed his abode to Dulichium because he was wroth with his father. His father was Augeas, the ruler of the Eleian country and the Epeians; and therefore the Epeians who set out for Dulichium with Phyleus held these islands.,20. The islands of the Taphians, or, in earlier times, of the Teleboans, among which was Taphos,. now called Taphius, were distinct from the Echinades; not in the matter of distances (for they lie near them), but in that they are classified as under different commanders, Taphians and Teleboans. Now in earlier times Amphitryon made an expedition against them with Cephalus the son of Deioneus, an exile from Athens, and gave over their government to him, but the poet says that they were marshalled under Mentes, calling them pirates, as indeed all the Teleboans are said to be pirates. So much, then, for the islands lying off Acaria.,21. Between Leucas and the Ambracian Gulf is a salt lake, called Myrtuntium. Next after Leucas one comes to Palaerus and Alyzia, cities of Acaria; of these, Alyzia is fifteen stadia distant from the sea, where is a harbor sacred to Heracles and a sacred precinct. It is from this precinct that one of the commanders carried to Rome the Labours of Heracles, works of Lysippus, which were lying out of place where they were, because it was a deserted region. Then one comes to Cape Crithote, and the Echinades, and the city Astacus, which bears the same name as the city near Nicomedeia and Gulf Astacenus, the name being used in the feminine gender. Crithote also bears the same name as one of the little cities in the Thracian Chersonesus. All parts of the coast between these places have good harbors. Then one comes to Oiniadae and the Achelous; then to a lake of the Oiniadae, called Melite, which is thirty stadia in length and twenty in breadth; and to another lake, Cynia, which is twice the size of Melite, both in length and in breadth; and to a third, Uria, which is much smaller than those. Now Cynia empties into the sea, but the others lie about half a stadium above it. Then one comes to the Evenus, to which the distance from Actium is six hundred and seventy stadia. After the Evenus one comes to the mountain Chalcis, which Artemidorus has called Chalcia; then to Pleuron; then to the village Halicyrna, above which thirty stadia in the interior, lies Calydon; and near Calydon is the sanctuary of the Laphrian Apollo. Then one comes to the mountain Taphiassus; then to the city Macynia; then to Molycreia and, near by, to Antirrhium, the boundary between Aitolia and Locris, to which the distance from the Evenus is about one hundred and twenty stadia. Artemidorus, indeed, does not give this account of the mountain, whether we call it Chalcis or Chalcia, since he places it between the Achelous and Pleuron, but Apollodorus, as I have said before, places both Chalcis and Taphiassus above Molycreia, and he also says that Calydon is situated between Pleuron and Chalcis. Perhaps, however, we should postulate two mountains, one near Pleuron called Chalcis, and the other near Molycreia called Chalcia. Near Calydon, also, is a lake, which is large and well supplied with fish; it is held by the Romans who live in Patrae.,22. Apollodorus says that in the interior of Acaria there is a people called Erysichaeans, who are mentioned by Alcman: nor yet an Erysichaean nor shepherd, but from the heights of Sardeis. But Olenus, which Homer mentions in the Aitolian catalogue, was in Aitolia, though only traces of it are left, near Pleuron at the foot of Aracynthus. Near it, also, was Lysimacheia; this, too, has disappeared; it was situated by the lake now called Lysimacheia, in earlier times Hydra, between Pleuron and the city Arsinoe. In earlier times Arsinoe was only a village, and was called Conopa, but it was first founded as a city by Arsinoe, who was both wife and sister of Ptolemy the Second; it was rather happily situated at the ford across the Achelous. Pylene has also suffered a fate similar to that of Olenus. When the poet calls Calydon both steep and rocky, one should interpret him as referring to the country; for, as I have said, they divided the country into two parts and assigned the mountainous part, or Epictetus, to Calydon and the level country to Pleuron.,23. At the present time both the Acarians and the Aitolians, like many of the other tribes, have been exhausted and reduced to impotence by their continual wars. However, for a very long time the Aitolians, together with the Acarians, stood firm, not only against the Macedonians and the other Greeks, but also finally against the Romans, when fighting for autonomy. But since they are often mentioned by Homer, as also both by the other poets and by historians, sometimes in words that are easy to interpret and about which there is no disagreement, and sometimes in words that are less intelligible (this has been shown in what I have already said about them), I should also add some of those older accounts which afford us a basis of fact to begin with, or are matters of doubt.,24. For instance, in the case of Acaria, Laertes and the Cephallenians acquired possession of it, as I have said; but as to what people held it before that time, many writers have indeed given an opinion, but since they do not agree in their statements, which have, however, a wide currency, there is left for me a word of arbitration concerning them. They say that the people who were called both Taphians and Teleboans lived in Acaria in earlier times, and that their leader Cephalus, who had been set up by Amphitryon as master over the islands about Taphos, gained the mastery over this country too. And from this fact they go on to add the myth that Cephalus was the first to take the leap from Leucatas which became the custom, as I have said before. But the poet does not say that the Taphians were ruling the Acarians before the Cephallenians and Laertes came over, but only that they were friends to the Ithacans, and therefore, according to the poet, they either had not ruled over the region at all, or had yielded Acaria to the Ithacans voluntarily, or had become joint occupants with them. It appears that also a colony from Lacedemon settled in Acaria, I mean Icarius, father of Penelope, and his followers; for in the Odyssey the poet represents both Icarius and the brothers of Penelope as living: who shrink from going to the house of her father, Icarius, that he himself may exact the bride-gifts for his daughter, and, concerning her brothers,for already her father and her brothers bid her marry Eurymachus; for, in the first place, it is improbable that they were living in Lacedemon, since in that case Telemachus would not have lodged at the home of Menelaus when he went to Lacedemon, and, secondly, we have no tradition of their having lived elsewhere. But they say that Tyndareus and his brother Icarius, after being banished by Hippocoon from their homeland, went to Thestius, the ruler of the Pleuronians, and helped him to acquire possession of much of the country on the far side of the Achelous on condition that they should receive a share of it; that Tyndareus, however, went back home, having married Leda, the daughter of Thestius, whereas Icarius stayed on, keeping a portion of Acaria, and by Polycaste, the daughter of Lygaeus, begot both Penelope and her brothers. Now I have already set forth that the Acarians were enumerated in the Catalogue of Ships, that they took part in the expedition to Ilium, and that among these were named those who lived on the 'shore,' and also those who held the mainland and dwelt in parts opposite. But as yet neither had the mainland been named Acaria nor the shore Leucas.,25. Ephorus denies that they joined the Trojan expedition, for he says that Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraus, made an expedition with Diomedes and the other Epigoni, and had brought to a successful issue the war against the Thebans, and then joined Diomedes and with him took vengeance upon the enemies of Oineus, after which he himself, first giving over Aitolia to them, passed into Acaria and subdued it; and meanwhile Agamemnon attacked the Argives and easily prevailed over them, since the most of them had accompanied the army of Diomedes; but a little later, when the expedition against Troy confronted him, he conceived the fear that, when he was absent on the expedition, Diomedes and his army might come back home (and in fact it was reported that a great army had gathered round him) and seize the empire to which they had the best right, for one was the heir of Adrastus and the other of his father; and accordingly, after thinking this all over, Agamemnon invited them both to resume possession of Argos and to take part in the war; and although Diomedes was persuaded to take part in the expedition, Alcmaeon was vexed and refused to heed the invitation; and for this reason the Acarians alone refused to share in the expedition with the Greeks. And it was probably by following this account that the Acarians tricked the Romans, as they are said to have done, and obtained from them their autonomy, urging that they alone had had no part in the expedition against the ancestors of the Romans, for they were named neither in the Aitolian catalogue nor separately, and in fact their name was not mentioned in the Epic poems at all.,26. Ephorus, then, makes Acaria subject to Alcmaeon even before the Trojan War; and he not only declares that the Amphilochian Argos was founded by him, but also says that Acaria was named after Alcmaeon's son Acar, and the Amphilochians after Alcmaeon's brother Amphilochus; therefore his account is to be cast out amongst those contrary to Homeric history. But Thucydides and others say that Amphilochus, on his return from the Trojan expedition, was displeased with the state of affairs at Argos, and took up his abode in this country, some saying that he came by right of succession to the domain of his brother, others giving a different account. So much may be said of the Acarians specifically; I shall now speak of their history in a general way, in so far as their history is interwoven with that of the Aitolians, in so far as I have thought best to add to my previous narrative. 13.1.32. The length of this coast, I mean on a straight voyage from Rhoeteium to Sigeium, and the monument of Achilles, is sixty stadia; and the whole of it lies below Ilium, not only the present Ilium, from which, at the Harbor of the Achaeans, it is about twelve stadia distant, but also the earlier Ilium, which lies thirty stadia farther inland in the direction of Mt. Ida. Now there are a sanctuary and a monument of Achilles near Sigeium, as also monuments of Patroclus and Antilochus; and the Ilians offer sacrifices to all four heroes, both to these and to Aias. But they do not honor Heracles, giving as their reason his sacking of the city. But one might say that, although Heracles did sack it, yet he sacked it in such a way as still to leave it a city, even though damaged, for those who were later to sack it utterly; and for this reason the poet states it thus: He sacked the city of Ilios and widowed her streets; for widowed means a loss of the male population, not a complete annihilation. But the others, whom they think fit to worship with sacrifices and to honor as gods, completely annihilated the city. Perhaps they might give as their reason for this that these waged a just war, whereas Heracles waged an unjust one on account of the horses of Laomedon. But writers set over against this reason the myth that it was not on account of the horses but of the reward offered for Hesione and the sea-monster. But let us disregard these reasons, for they end merely in controversies about myths. And perhaps we fail to notice certain more credible reasons why it occurred to the Ilians to honor some and not others. And it appears that the poet, in what he says about Heracles, represents the city as small, if it be true thatwith only six ships and fewer men he sacked the city of Ilium. And it is clearly shown by this statement that Priam became great and king of kings from a small beginning, as I have said before. Advancing a little farther along this shore, one comes to the Achaeium, where begins the part of the mainland that belongs to Tenedos. |
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| 200. Stephanos Ho Byzantios, Ethnica, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 342 |
| 201. Gerontios, V. Mel., 15 Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 186 |
| 202. Epigraphy, Lscg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 240, 248, 249, 265, 275, 277 |
| 203. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,7, 1 Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, curse tablets •cultic ritual practice, prayers and curses Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 455 |
| 204. Epigraphy, Syll. , 38, 398, 37 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 454 |
| 205. Epigraphy, Seg, 4.616, 22.417, 42.785, 50.1101, 52.170 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 268, 492, 544; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 240, 248, 249, 265, 275, 277 |
| 206. Sallust, Fragmenta Dubia Vel Falsa, 228 Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137 |
| 207. Epigraphy, Knidos, 72, 71 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 248 |
| 208. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,9, 1189, 91 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382 |
| 209. Papyri, P.Oxy., 1792 (Π 7) Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 351 |
| 210. Demetrius Phalereus Rhetor, Eloc. 76 451 N. 121, 119, 21 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382 |
| 211. Epigraphy, Ivo, 91-93, 95-98, 94 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 240 |
| 212. Epigraphy, Ipark, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 240 |
| 213. Heniokhos, Pcg, None Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 |
| 214. Epigraphy, Clara Rhodos Ii (1932), 64 Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382 |
| 215. Stesimbrotus Thasius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 262 |
| 216. Epigraphy, Ig 12.7, 239 Tagged with subjects: •ritual practice Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 248 |
| 217. Sophocles, No., 532 Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 262 |
| 218. Demosthenes, Epitaph., 36 Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 262 |
| 219. Heraclitus Lesbius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices of purification Found in books: Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 108 |
| 220. Epigraphy, Jameson, Jordan, Kotansky, A Lex Sacra From Selinous (1993), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 235, 238 |
| 221. Lysias, Orations, 30.17 Tagged with subjects: •ritual practice, introduction Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 131 |
| 222. Anon., Catenae (Cramer), 12.3-12.4 Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 382 |
| 223. Papyri, Sp, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 330 |
| 224. [Pseudo-Aristotle], De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus, None Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 85, 171, 206 |
| 225. Epigraphy, Lss, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 265; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 334 |
| 226. Epigraphy, Ig Iv4, 950 Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, processions •cultic ritual practice, ritual performance Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 497 |
| 227. Papyri, P. Apokrimata, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 |
| 228. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q514, None Tagged with subjects: •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 245 |
| 229. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q286-90, 0 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, as emotional practice Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 227 |
| 230. Epigraphy, Ml, 1262.23 Tagged with subjects: •migrations, myths of, fostered in ritual practice Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 |
| 231. Epigraphy, Lscgsupp., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 248 |
| 232. Anon., Hekhalot Rabbati, 106-149, 151, 150 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 75 |
| 234. Callimachus, Hymns, 5.107-5.118 Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, theoxenia (ritual reception/hosting ceremony) Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 494 |
| 235. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q284, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 255 |
| 238. Demosthenes, Schol., 23.71, 59.85-59.86 Tagged with subjects: •cultic ritual practice, processions •cultic ritual practice, feasting Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 179, 467 |
239. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 100-120, 3, 306, 31, 310, 313, 315, 317, 45, 5, 83-93, 95-99, 94 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 215 | 94. is carried out. There is a special place set apart for them to rest in, where those who are relieved from duty sit. When this takes place, those who have already rested and are ready to assume their duties rise up spontaneously since there is no one to give orders with regard to the arrangement of |
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| 240. Epigraphy, Antcl 52, 1983 (= Daux 1983), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 234 |
| 241. Epigraphykernos 12, 1999, 234-235, No. 45, Kernos 12, 1999, 234-235, No. 45 222, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 222 |
| 243. Epigraphy, Sgo, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 167 |
| 244. Epigraphy, Isa, None Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 220 |
| 245. Alkidamas, (Radermacher 1951), 14 Tagged with subjects: •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 206 |
| 246. Various, Fgrh, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 171 |
| 248. Isaius, Or., 2.46 Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 86 |
| 249. Charon, De Sacr., 13, 9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 242 |
| 251. Epigraphy, Lgs, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 220 |
| 252. Aristophanes, Her. Fr., 322 Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 333 |
| 253. Menander, Synepheboi Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 333 |
| 254. New Testament, 1 Corinthians 1-2, 1.13-1.15, 15.20-15.28 Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Tellbe Wasserman and Nyman (2019), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity, 149, 150 |
| 255. Anon., Contra Macartatum, 66 Tagged with subjects: •mortality, contrast with immortality and relation to ritual practices •immortality,, contrast with mortality and relation to ritual practices Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 332, 334 |
| 256. Anon., Byom, 105.11-105.14 Tagged with subjects: •ritual practices Found in books: Seim and Okland (2009), Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity, 77 |
