| 1. Varro, On The Latin Language, 6.31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rituals, ritual errors during sacrifice Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 190 |
2. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 82 | 2.28. Hence from the fact that all the parts of the world are sustained by heat the inference follows that the world itself also owes its continued preservation for so long a time to the same or a similar substance, and all the more so because it must be understood that this hot and fiery principle is interfused with the whole of nature in such a way as to constitute the male and female generative principles, and so to be the necessary cause of both the birth and the growth of all living creatures, whether animals or those whose roots are planted in the earth. |
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| 3. Cicero, Letters, 5.18.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rituals, ritual errors during sacrifice Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 190 |
| 4. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 8.4.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 67 |
5. Livy, History, 2.6.10, 2.60.4, 2.62.1-2.62.2, 3.58.4, 4.44.11, 5.15.4, 5.37.1-5.37.3, 5.40.7, 5.43.6, 5.46.3, 6.18.13, 6.25.4, 6.27.1, 6.37.12, 6.42.20, 7.1.9, 8.15.7, 9.18.11-9.18.12, 10.24.16, 10.29.7, 10.39.14-10.39.17, 21.1.2, 22.9.8, 22.29.7, 22.57.2-22.57.7, 22.58.4, 23.5.9, 23.13.4, 23.24.6, 23.33.4, 25.16.4, 26.11.4, 26.23.8, 26.29.9-26.29.10, 27.33.11, 28.11.6, 28.12.3, 28.32.11, 29.29.5, 29.29.9, 30.12.12, 30.30.3, 30.30.5, 30.30.11, 30.30.23, 33.4.4, 33.37.1, 40.6.1-40.6.2, 40.40.1, 40.52.5, 40.58.3, 40.59.6, 41.10.5-41.10.13, 41.11.4, 41.12.4, 41.14.6, 41.15.1, 41.15.4, 41.16.5, 41.16.8, 41.17.5-41.17.6, 41.18, 41.18.8, 41.18.11, 41.18.14, 45.41.1, 45.41.8-45.41.12 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error •rituals, ritual errors during sacrifice Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 66, 67, 82, 111, 119, 137, 205; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 190| 45.41.1. “quamquam, et qua felicitate rem publicam administraverim, et quae duo fulmina domum meam per hos dies perculerint, non ignorare vos, Quirites, arbitror, cum spectaculo vobis nunc triumphus meus, nunc funera liberorum meorum fuerint, 45.41.8. postquam omnia secundo navium cursu in Italiam pervenerunt neque erat, quod ultra precarer, illud optavi, ut, cum ex summo retro volvi fortuna consuesset, mutationem eius domus mea potius quam res publica sentiret. 45.41.9. itaque defunctam esse fortunam publicam mea tam insigni calamitate spero, quod triumphus meus, velut ad ludibrium casuum humanorum, duobus funeribus liberorum meorum est interpositus. 45.41.10. et cum ego et Perseus nunc nobilia maxime sortis mortalium exempla spectemur, illi, qui ante se captivos captivus ipse duci liberos vidit, incolumes tamen eos habet: 45.41.11. ego, qui de illo triumphavi, ab alterius funere filii currum escendi, alterum rediens ex Capitolio prope iam expirantem inveni; neque ex tanta stirpe liberum superest, qui L. Aemili Pauli nomen ferat. 45.41.12. duos enim tamquam ex magna progenie liberorum in adoptionem datos Cornelia et Fabia gens habent: Paulus in domo praeter senem nemo superest. sed hanc cladem domus meae vestra felicitas et secunda fortuna publica consolatur.” | |
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6. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.67.4, 4.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 66, 67 | 2.67.4. While they are yet alive they are carried upon a bier with all the formality of a funeral, their friends and relations attending them with lamentations, and after being brought as far as the Colline Gate, they are placed in an underground cell prepared within the walls, clad in their funeral attire; but they are not given a monument or funeral rites or any other customary solemnities. 4.62. 1. It is said that during the reign of Tarquinius another very wonderful piece of good luck also came to the Roman state, conferred upon it by the favour of some god or other divinity; and this good fortune was not of short duration, but throughout the whole existence of the country it has often saved it from great calamities.,2. A certain woman who was not a native of the country came to the tyrant wishing to sell him nine books filled with Sibylline oracles; but when Tarquinius refused to purchase the books at the price she asked, she went away and burned three of them. And not long afterwards, bringing the remaining six books, she offered to sell them for the same price. But when they thought her a fool and mocked at her for asking the same price for the smaller number of books that she had been unable to get for even the larger number, she again went away and burned half of those that were left; then, bringing the remaining books, she asked the same amount of money for these.,3. Tarquinius, wondering at the woman's purpose, sent for the augurs and acquainting them with the matter, asked them what he should do. These, knowing by certain signs that he had rejected a god-sent blessing, and declaring it to be a great misfortune that he had not purchased all the books, directed him to pay the woman all the money she asked and to get the oracles that were left.,4. The woman, after delivering the books and bidding him take great care of them, disappeared from among men. Tarquinius chose two men of distinction from among the citizens and appointing two public slaves to assist them, entrusted to them the guarding of the books; and when one of these men, named Marcus Atilius, seemed to have been faithless to his trust and was informed upon by one of the public slaves, he ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea as a parricide.,5. Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men.,6. But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâcalled acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. |
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| 7. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 96 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 66 |
8. Tacitus, Annals, 4.1.1, 6.28, 12.43.1, 12.64.1, 13.24.1-13.24.2, 13.58, 13.58.1, 14.12.3, 15.22.3-15.22.4, 15.44.1-15.44.2, 15.47.1-15.47.3, 16.13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 205| 6.28. Paulo Fabio L. Vitellio consulibus post longum saeculorum ambitum avis phoenix in Aegyptum venit praebuitque materiem doctissimis indigenarum et Graecorum multa super eo miraculo disserendi. de quibus congruunt et plura ambigua, sed cognitu non absurda promere libet. sacrum Soli id animal et ore ac distinctu pinnarum a ceteris avibus diversum consentiunt qui formam eius effinxere: de numero annorum varia traduntur. maxime vulgatum quingentorum spatium: sunt qui adseverent mille quadringentos sexaginta unum interici, prioresque alites Sesoside primum, post Amaside domitibus, dein Ptolemaeo, qui ex Macedonibus tertius regnavit, in civitatem cui Heliopolis nomen advolavisse, multo ceterarum volucrum comitatu novam faciem mirantium. sed antiquitas quidem obscura: inter Ptolemaeum ac Tiberium minus ducenti quinquaginta anni fuerunt. unde non nulli falsum hunc phoenicem neque Arabum e terris credidere, nihilque usurpavisse ex his quae vetus memoria firmavit. confecto quippe annorum numero, ubi mors propinquet, suis in terris struere nidum eique vim genitalem adfundere ex qua fetum oriri; et primam adulto curam sepeliendi patris, neque id temere sed sublato murrae pondere temptatoque per longum iter, ubi par oneri, par meatui sit, subire patrium corpus inque Solis aram perferre atque adolere. haec incerta et fabulosis aucta: ceterum aspici aliquando in Aegypto eam volucrem non ambigitur. 13.58. Eodem anno Ruminalem arborem in comitio, quae octingentos et triginta ante annos Remi Romulique infantiam texerat, mortuis ramalibus et arescente trunco deminutam prodigii loco habitum est, donec in novos fetus revivesceret. | 6.28. In the consulate of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius, after a long period of ages, the bird known as the phoenix visited Egypt, and supplied the learned of that country and of Greece with the material for long disquisitions on the miracle. I propose to state the points on which they coincide, together with the larger number that are dubious, yet not too absurd for notice. That the creature is sacred to the sun and distinguished from other birds by its head and the variegation of its plumage, is agreed by those who have depicted its form: as to its term of years, the tradition varies. The generally received number is five hundred; but there are some who assert that its visits fall at intervals of 1461 years, and that it was in the reigns, first of Sesosis, then of Amasis, and finally of Ptolemy (third of the Macedonian dynasty), that the three earlier phoenixes flew to the city called Heliopolis with a great escort of common birds amazed at the novelty of their appearance. But while antiquity is obscure, between Ptolemy and Tiberius there were less than two hundred and fifty years: whence the belief has been held that this was a spurious phoenix, not originating on the soil of Arabia, and following none of the practices affirmed by ancient tradition. For â so the tale is told â when its sum of years is complete and death is drawing on, it builds a nest in its own country and sheds on it a procreative influence, from which springs a young one, whose first care on reaching maturity is to bury his sire. Nor is that task performed at random, but, after raising a weight of myrrh and proving it by a far flight, so soon as he is a match for his burden and the course before him, he lifts up his father's corpse, conveys him to the Altar of the Sun, and consigns him to the flames. â The details are uncertain and heightened by fable; but that the bird occasionally appears in Egypt is unquestioned. 13.58. In the same year, the tree in the Comitium, known as the Ruminalis, which eight hundred and thirty years earlier had sheltered the infancy of Remus and Romulus, through the death of its boughs and the withering of its stem, reached a stage of decrepitude which was regarded as a portent, until it renewed its verdure in fresh shoots. |
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9. Tacitus, Histories, 1.86, 2.38.5, 3.56.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 205 | 1.86. Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess's hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno's chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people's minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes. |
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10. Plutarch, Demetrius, 24.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 277| 24.5. εἰπόντος δέ τινος τῶν καλῶν κἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν μαίνεσθαι τὸν Στρατοκλέα τοιαῦτα γράφοντα, Δημοχάρης ὁ Λευκονοεὺς μαίνοιτο μέντἄν, εἶπεν, εἰ μὴ μαίνοιτο. πολλὰ γὰρ ὁ Στρατοκλῆς ὠφελεῖτο διὰ τὴν κολακείαν. ὁ δὲ Δημοχάρης ἐπὶ τούτῳ διαβληθεὶς ἐφυγαδεύθη. τοιαῦτα ἔπραττον Ἀθηναῖοι φρουρᾶς ἀπηλλάχθαι καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἔχειν δοκοῦντες. | 24.5. |
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| 11. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 28.10-28.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual errors Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 15 |
| 12. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 66 |
| 13. Juvenal, Satires, 10.182 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 256 |
| 14. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.19, 2.28, 2.28.1, 4.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 67, 82, 256 |
| 15. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.6.10-1.6.13 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 67 |
| 16. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.16.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rituals, ritual errors during sacrifice Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 190 |
| 17. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 6.72 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 67 |
18. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 16.5.10, 17.7.9-17.7.12, 18.3.7, 21.1.12, 21.16.14, 22.16.22, 23.6.32, 25.4.2, 27.4.8, 29.1.37-29.1.38, 30.4.3, 30.4.5 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 256 | 16.5.10. When this philosopher, being a prince, was forced to practise the rudiments of military training and learn the art of marching rhythmically in pyrrhic measure to the harmony of the pipes, he often used to call on Plato’s name, quoting that famous old saying: Cic., ad Att. V. 15, 3. A pack-saddle is put on an ox; that is surely no burden for me. 17.7.9. I think the time has come to say a few words about the theories which the men of old have brought together about earthquakes; for the hidden depths of the truth itself have neither been sounded by this general ignorance of ours, nor even by the everlasting controversies of the natural philosophers, which are not yet ended after long study. 17.7.10. Hence in the books of ritual See Cic., De Div. i. 33, 72; Festus, p. 285 M. and in those which are in conformity with the pontifical priesthood, The pontificales libri of Seneca, Epist. 108, 31. nothing is said about the god that causes earthquakes, and this with due caution, for fear that by naming one deity instead of another, The Roman ritual required that in addressing a god, the identity of the god must be made sure and he must be called by his proper name; cf. for example, Horace, Sat. ii. 6, 20, Matutine pater, seu lane libentius audis , and the altar at the foot of the Palatine, sei deo sei deivae sacrum. since it is not clear which of them thus shakes the earth, impieties may be perpetrated. 17.7.11. Now earthquakes take place (as the theories state, and among them Aristotle Meteorologica , ii. 8. is perplexed and troubled) either in the tiny recesses of the earth, which in Greek we call σύριγγαι, Subterranean passages. under the excessive pressure of surging waters; or at any rate (as Anaxagoras asserts) through the force of the winds, which penetrate the innermost parts of the earth; for when these strike the solidly cemented walls and find no outlet, they violently shake those stretches of land under which they crept when swollen. Hence it is generally observed that during an earthquake not a breath of wind is felt where we are, But compare the procellae of § 3, above. because the winds are busied in the remotest recesses of the earth. 17.7.12. Anaximander says that when the earth dries up after excessive summer drought, or after soaking rainstorms, great clefts open, through which the upper air enters with excessive violence; and the earth, shaken by the mighty draft of air through these, is stirred from its very foundations. Accordingly such terrible disasters happen either in seasons of stifling heat or after excessive precipitation of water from heaven. And that is why the ancient poets and theologians call Neptune (the power of the watery element) Ennosigaeos Earthshaker, Juv. x. 182 and Sisichthon. Earthquaker, Gell. ii. 28, 1. 18.3.7. He surely was unaware of the wise saying of Aristotle of old, who, on sending his disciple and relative Callisthenes to King Alexander, charged him repeatedly to speak as seldom and as pleasantly as possible in the presence of a man who had at the tip of his tongue the power of life and death. 21.1.12. The faith in dreams, too, would be sure and indubitable, were it not that their interpreters are sometimes deceived in their conjectures. And dreams (as Aristotle declares) are certain and trustworthy, when the person is in a deep sleep and the pupil of his eye is inclined to neither side but looks directly forward. 21.16.14. Heraclitus the Ephesian The weeping philosopher, as Democritus was the laughing philosopher ; cf. Juvenal, x. 33 ff. He flourished about 535-475 B.C. also agrees with this, when he reminds us that the weak and cowardly have sometimes, through the mutability of fortune, been victorious over eminent men; but that the most conspicuous praise is won, when high-placed power sending, as it were, under the yoke the inclination to harm, to be angry, and to show cruelty, on the citadel of a spirit victorious over itself has raised a glorious trophy. 22.16.22. From here Anaxagoras foretold a rain of stones, and by handling mud from a well predicted an earthquake. Solon, too, aided by the opinions of the Egyptian priests, passed laws in accordance with the measure of justice, and thus gave also to Roman law its greatest support. Cf. Hdt. 1, 30, who says that Solon did not come to Egypt until after he had made his laws; see also Aristotle, Const. of Athens. The Romans are said to have made use of his code in compiling the XII Tables. On this source, Plato drew and after visiting Egypt, traversed higher regions, of thought. and rivalled Jupiter in lofty language, gloriously serving in the field of wisdom. 23.6.32. In these parts are the fertile fields of the Magi, about whose sects and pursuits—since we have chanced on this point—it will be in place to give a few words of explanation. According to Plato, Ax. 371, D; Isoc. ii. 28, 227 A. the most eminent author of lofty ideas, magic, under the mystic name of hagistia, ἁγιστεία, ( ritual, holy rites. is thepurest worship of the gods. To the science of this, derived from the secret lore of the Chaldaeans, in ages long past the Bactrian Zoroaster For Zarathustra, the founder of the Perso-Iranian native religion, which prevailed from 559 B.C. to A.D. 636. The Greek and Roman writers assign his birth to various places, into which his religion was introduced; it was probably Bactria, or western Iran. His date is also uncertain; Aristotle put it 6000 years before the death of Plato (Pliny, N.H. xxx. 3), others 1000 B.C. made many contributions, and after him the wise king Hystaspes, Hystaspes was not king. Others regard a much earlier Hystaspes as the teacher of magic. the father of Darius. 25.4.2. In the first place, he was so conspicuous for inviolate chastity that after the loss of his wife Cf. xxi. 1, 5. it is well known that he never gave a thought to love: bearing in mind what we read in Plato, Rep. i, 329, B-C; cf. Cic. De Senec. 14, 47. that Sophocles, the tragic poet, when he was asked, at a great age, whether he still had congress with women, said no, adding that he was glad that he had escaped from this passion as from some mad and cruel master. 27.4.8. But on the eastern corner the land is connected with the frontiers of Macedonia by a steep and narrow pass, which is called Acontisma. Cf. xxvi. 7, 12. Next to this is the postingstation of Arethusa, in which is to be seen the tomb of Euripides, Pliny, N. H. xxxi. 28. noted for his lofty tragedies, and Stagira, known as the birthplace of Aristotle, who, as Cicero says, Acad. ii. 38, 119. poured forth a golden stream. 29.1.37. There was, besides these, the philosopher Simonides, a young man, it is true, but of anyone within our memory the strictest in his principles. When he was charged with having heard of the affair through Fidustius and saw that the trial depended, not on the truth, but on the nod of one man, he said that he had learned of the predictions, but as a man of firm purpose he kept the secret which had been confided to him. 29.1.38. After all these matters had been examined with sharp eye, the emperor, in answer to the question put by the judges, under one decree ordered the execution of all of the accused; and in the presence of a vast throng, who could hardly look upon the dreadful sight without inward shuddering and burdening the air with laments—for the woes of individuals were regarded as common to all—they were all led away and wretchedly strangled except Simonides; him alone that cruel author of the verdict, maddened by his steadfast firmness, had ordered to be burned alive. 30.4.3. This trade of forensic oratory the great Plato defined as πολιτικῆς μορίου εἴδωλον (that is, the shadow of a small part of the science of government Plato, Gorgias , 463 b. For amplitudo Platonis, cf. xxii. 16, 22, sermonum amplitudine lovis aemulus Platon. ) or as the fourth part of flattery; I.e., the lowest of the four parts. but Epicurus counts it among evil arts, calling it κακοτεχνία. The art of deceiving; cf. Quintilian, ii. 15, 2; 20, 2. Epicurus denied that it was an art. Tisias One of the earliest rhetoricians, a teacher of Gorgias; see Cic., Brut. 12, 46. says that it is the artist of persuasion, and Gorgias of Leontini agrees with him. 30.4.5. Formerly judgement-seats gained glory through the support of old-time refinement, when orators of fiery eloquence, Cf. concitatus orator, xiv. 7, 18. devoted to learned studies, were eminent for talent and justice, and for the fluency and many adornments of their diction; for example Demosthenes, to hear whom, when he was going to speak, as the Attic records testify, the people were wont to flock together from all Greece Cf. Cic., Brutus , 84, 289. ; and Callistratus, According to Xen., Hell. vi. 2, 39; cf. 3, 3; and Diod. Sic., xv. 29, 6, he flourished shortly before the battle of Leuctra (371 B.C.). to whom, when he pleaded in that celebrated case in defence of Oropos (which is a place in Euboea It is really on the frontier of Attica and Boeotia opposite Euboea. The words are probably a gloss. ) that same Demosthenes attached himself, forsaking the Academy and Plato; also, Hyperides, Aeschines, Andocides, Dinarchus, and the famous Antiphon of Rhamnus, who, according to the testimony of antiquity, was the first of all to accept a fee for conducting a defence. |
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| 19. Nicephorus, Numenius, 41.1 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 66 |
| 21. Epigraphy, Cil, 12.581 Tagged with subjects: •ritual errors Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 15 |
| 22. Epigraphy, Illrp, 511 Tagged with subjects: •ritual errors Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 15 |
| 23. Zonaras, Epitome, 7.11.1 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 67 |
| 24. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.5.9 Tagged with subjects: •rituals, ritual errors during sacrifice Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 190 |
| 25. Tzetzes John, Ad Lycophronem, 1279 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, error Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 67 |
| 26. Epigraphy, Seg, 42.785 Tagged with subjects: •ritual error Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 277 |
| 27. Epigraphy, Lscg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 277 |
