| 1. Hippocrates, On The Diet of Acute Diseases, 5.23.14-5.23.15, 5.23.19 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 53, 58 |
| 2. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.110, 7.2, 7.27, 9.61 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 55, 57 |
3. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 57| 13. Caius Gracchus, or of the liberty of these men, or of any single man who has really been a friend of the people, after having attempted to violate the liberty of this people, to tempt their merciful disposition, and to change the customs, not only with unusual punishments, but with a perfectly unheard-of cruelty of language? For these expressions of yours, which you, O merciful and people-loving man, are so fond of; “Go, lictor, bind his hands,” are not only not quite in character with this liberty and this merciful disposition, but they are not suited to the times even of Romulus or of Numa Pompilius. Those are the songs suited to the torments in use in the time of Tarquin, that most haughty and in human monarch; but you, O merciful man, O friend of the people, delight to rehearse, “Cover his head—hang him to the ill-omened tree,”—words, O Romans, which in this republic have long since been buried in the darkness of antiquity, and have been overwhelmed by the light of liberty | |
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4. Cicero, Pro Murena, 26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 57| 26. ' fundus Sabinus meus est.' ' immo meus,' deinde iudicium, noluerunt. ' Fvndvs ' inquit ' qui est in agro qui sabinus vocatur. ' satis verbose; cedo quid quid ... quid S : fort. ecquid postea? ' eum ego ex iure Quiritium iure Quiritium Lambinus ( cf. Gaium iv. 16): iureque codd. meum esse aio aios S A . ' quid tum? ' inde ibi ibi om. A p ego te ex iure manum manum Gellius xx. 10: manu codd. consertum voco. ' quid huic tam loquaciter litigioso responderet ille unde petebatur non habebat. transit idem iuris consultus tibicinis Latini modo. ' Vnde tu me ' inquit ' ex iure manum consertum vocasti, inde ibi ego te revoco. ' praetor praetor py2 : praeter cett. interea ne pulchrum se ac beatum putaret atque aliquid ipse sua sponte loqueretur, ei quoque carmen compositum est cum ceteris rebus absurdum tum vero in illo: ' Suis in illo suis nullo usui y2 utrisque superstitibus praesentibus istam viam dico; ite ite Arusianus ( s. v. it illam viam): inite codd. viam. ' praesto aderat sapiens ille qui inire viam doceret. ' redite viam. ' eodem duce redibant. haec iam tum apud illos barbatos barbatos y2 : barbaros cett. ridicula, credo, videbantur videbantur rudebantur S : ridebantur A, homines, cum recte atque in loco constitissent, iuberi abire ut, unde abissent, eodem statim redirent. isdem ineptiis fucata fucata ed. R : fugata codd. sunt illa omnia: ' Quando te in iure conspicio conspicios S A ' et haec et haec Naugerius (2): et haec sed codd. : ' anne tu dicas tu dicas Halm : tudiciis Sp : tu dicus A fw : tu dicis xy : dicas Gaius qua ex qua ex Gaius : qui codd. causa vindicaveris? ' quae dum erant occulta, necessario ab eis qui ea tenebant petebantur; postea vero pervolgata atque in manibus iactata et excussa, iissima prudentiae reperta sunt, fraudis autem et stultitiae plenissima. | |
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| 5. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 147-148, 166, 2, 32, 55, 1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 49 |
| 6. Cicero, Orator, 129 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50, 54 |
| 7. Cicero, In Catilinam, 1.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 59 |
| 8. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 4.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 63 |
9. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.245, 2.105 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 49, 57| 1.245. Et, credo, in illa militis causa, si tu aut heredem aut militem defendisses, ad Hostilianas te actiones, non ad tuam vim et oratoriam facultatem contulisses: tu vero, vel si testamentum defenderes, sic ageres, ut omne omnium testamentorum ius in eo iudicio positum videretur, vel si causam ageres militis, patrem eius, ut soles, dicendo a mortuis excitasses; statuisses ante oculos; complexus esset filium flensque eum centum viris commendasset; lapides me hercule omnis flere ac lamentari coegisses, ut totum illud vti lingva nvn- cvpassit non in xii tabulis, quas tu omnibus bibliothecis anteponis, sed in magistri carmine scriptum videretur. 2.105. Ac nostrae fere causae, quae quidem sunt criminum, plerumque infitiatione defenduntur; nam et de pecuniis repetundis quae maximae sunt, neganda fere sunt omnia, et de ambitu raro illud datur, ut possis liberalitatem atque benignitatem ab ambitu atque largitione seiungere; de sicariis, de veneficiis, de peculatu infitiari necesse est: id est igitur genus primum causarum in iudiciis ex controversia facti; in deliberationibus plerumque ex futuri, raro ex instantis aut acti. | |
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10. Cicero, On Duties, 3.36, 3.73 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 59| 3.36. Quare error hominum non proborum, cum aliquid, quod utile visum est, arripuit, id continuo secernit ab honesto. Hinc sicae, hinc venena, hinc falsa testamenta nascuntur, hinc furta, peculatus, expilationes dir-ptionesque sociorum et civium, hinc opum nimiarum, potentiae non ferendae, postremo etiam in liberis civitatibus regdi exsistunt cupiditates, quibus nihil nec taetrius nec foedius excogitari potest. Emolumenta enim rerum fallacibus iudiciis vident, poenam non dico legum, quam saepe perrumpunt, sed ipsius turpitudinis, quae acerbissima est, non vident. 3.73. Periclitemur, si placet, et in iis quidem exemplis, in quibus peccari volgus hominum fortasse non putet. Neque enim de sicariis, veneficis, testamentariis, furibus, peculatoribus hoc loco disserendum est, qui non verbis sunt et disputatione philosophorum, sed vinclis et carcere fatigandi, sed haec consideremus, quae faciunt ii, qui habentur boni. L. Minuci Basili, locupletis hominis, falsum testamentum quidam e Graecia Romamn attulerunt. Quod quo facilius optinerent, scripserunt heredes secum M. Crassum et Q. Hortensium, homines eiusdem aetatis potentissimos; qui cum illud falsum esse suspicarentur, sibi autem nullius essent conscii culpae, alieni facinoris munusculum non repudiaverunt. Quid ergo? satin est hoc, ut non deliquisse videantur? Mihi quidem non videtur, quamquam alterum vivum amavi, alterum non odi mortuum; | 3.36. Thus it is the error of men who are not strictly upright to seize upon something that seems to be expedient and straightway to dissociate that from the question of moral right. To this error the assassin's dagger, the poisoned cup, the forged wills owe their origin; this gives rise to theft, embezzlement of public funds, exploitation and plundering of provincials and citizens; this engenders also the lust for excessive wealth, for despotic power, and finally for making oneself king even in the midst of a free people; and anything more atrocious or repulsive than such a passion cannot be conceived. For with a false perspective they see the material rewards but not the punishment â I do not mean the penalty of the law, which they often escape, but the heaviest penalty of all, their own demoralization. 3.73. Let us put our principle to the test, if you please, and see if it holds good in those instances in which, perhaps, the world in general finds no wrong; for in this connection we do not need to discuss cut-throats, poisoners, forgers of wills, thieves, and embezzlers of public moneys, who should be repressed not by lectures and discussions of philosophers, but by chains and prison walls; but let us study here the conduct of those who have the reputation of being honest men. Certain individuals brought from Greece to Rome a forged will, purporting to be that of the wealthy Lucius Minucius Basilus. The more easily to procure validity for it, they made joint-heirs with themselves two of the most influential men of the day, Marcus Crassus and Quintus Hortensius. Although these men suspected that the will was a forgery, still, as they were conscious of no personal guilt in the matter, they did not spurn the miserable boon procured through the crime of others. What shall we say, then? Is this excuse competent to acquit them of guilt? I cannot think so, although I loved the one while he lived, and do not hate the other now that he is dead. |
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| 11. Cicero, On Laws, 2.35-2.36, 2.59 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 48, 57 |
12. Cicero, On Invention, 2.58 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 49| 2.58. admodum oportet egerit. quare in iure plerumque ver- santur. ibi enim et exceptiones postulantur et agendi potestas datur et omnis conceptio privatorum iudi- ciorum constituitur. in ipsis autem iudiciis rarius incidunt et tamen, si quando incidunt, eiusmodi sunt, ut per se minus habeant firmitudinis, confirmentur autem assumpta alia aliqua constitutione: ut in quodam iudicio, cum veneficii cuiusdam nomen esset de- latum et, quia parricidii causa subscripta esset, extra ordinem esset acceptum, in accusatione autem alia quaedam crimina testibus et argumentis confirmaren- tur, parricidii autem mentio solum facta esset, defensor in hoc ipso multum oportet et diu consistat: cum de nece parentis nihil demonstratum esset, indignum facinus esse ea poena afficere reum, qua parricidae afficiuntur; id autem, si damnaretur, fieri necesse esse, quoniam et id causae subscriptum et ea re nomen extra ordinem sit acceptum. | |
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13. Cicero, On Divination, 1.46-1.47, 1.90-1.91, 2.111 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 57, 64| 1.46. Matrem Phalaridis scribit Ponticus Heraclides, doctus vir, auditor et discipulus Platonis, visam esse videre in somnis simulacra deorum, quae ipsa domi consecravisset; ex iis Mercurium e patera, quam dextera manu teneret, sanguinem visum esse fundere; qui cum terram attigisset, refervescere videretur sic, ut tota domus sanguine redundaret. Quod matris somnium inmanis filii crudelitas conprobavit. Quid ego, quae magi Cyro illi principi interpretati sint, ex Dinonis Persicis proferam? Nam cum dormienti ei sol ad pedes visus esset, ter eum scribit frustra adpetivisse manibus, cum se convolvens sol elaberetur et abiret; ei magos dixisse, quod genus sapientium et doctorum habebatur in Persis, ex triplici adpetitione solis triginta annos Cyrum regnaturum esse portendi. Quod ita contigit; nam ad septuagesimum pervenit, cum quadraginta natus annos regnare coepisset. 1.47. Est profecto quiddam etiam in barbaris gentibus praesentiens atque divis, siquidem ad mortem proficiscens Callanus Indus, cum inscenderet in rogum ardentem, O praeclarum discessum, inquit, e vita, cum, ut Herculi contigit, mortali corpore cremato in lucem animus excesserit! Cumque Alexander eum rogaret, si quid vellet, ut diceret, Optime, inquit; propediem te videbo . Quod ita contigit; nam Babylone paucis post diebus Alexander est mortuus. Discedo parumper a somniis, ad quae mox revertar. Qua nocte templum Ephesiae Dianae deflagravit, eadem constat ex Olympiade natum esse Alexandrum, atque, ubi lucere coepisset, clamitasse magos pestem ac perniciem Asiae proxuma nocte natam. Haec de Indis et magis. 1.90. Eaque divinationum ratio ne in barbaris quidem gentibus neglecta est, siquidem et in Gallia Druidae sunt, e quibus ipse Divitiacum Haeduum, hospitem tuum laudatoremque, cognovi, qui et naturae rationem, quam fusiologi/an Graeci appellant, notam esse sibi profitebatur et partim auguriis, partim coniectura, quae essent futura, dicebat, et in Persis augurantur et divit magi, qui congregantur in fano commentandi causa atque inter se conloquendi, quod etiam idem vos quondam facere Nonis solebatis; 1.91. nec quisquam rex Persarum potest esse, qui non ante magorum disciplinam scientiamque perceperit. Licet autem videre et genera quaedam et nationes huic scientiae deditas. Telmessus in Caria est, qua in urbe excellit haruspicum disciplina; itemque Elis in Peloponneso familias duas certas habet, Iamidarum unam, alteram Clutidarum, haruspicinae nobilitate praestantes. In Syria Chaldaei cognitione astrorum sollertiaque ingeniorum antecellunt. 2.111. Adhibuit etiam latebram obscuritatis, ut iidem versus alias in aliam rem posse accommodari viderentur. Non esse autem illud carmen furentis cum ipsum poe+ma declarat (est enim magis artis et diligentiae quam incitationis et motus), tum vero ea, quae a)krostixi/s dicitur, cum deinceps ex primis primi cuiusque versus litteris aliquid conectitur, ut in quibusdam Ennianis: Q. Ennius fecit . Id certe magis est attenti animi quam furentis. | 1.46. But come now and let us return to foreign instances. Heraclides Ponticus, a man of learning, and both a pupil and a disciple of Platos, relates a dream of the mother of Phalaris. She fell asleep and dreamed that, while looking at the consecrated images of the gods set up in her house, she saw the statue of Mercury pouring blood from a bowl which it held in its right hand and that the blood, as it touched the ground, welled up and completely filled the house. The truth of the dream was subsequently established by the inhuman cruelty of her son.Why need I bring forth from Dinons Persian annals the dreams of that famous prince, Cyrus, and their interpretations by the magi? But take this instance: Once upon a time Cyrus dreamed that the sun was at his feet. Three times, so Dinon writes, he vainly tried to grasp it and each time it turned away, escaped him, and finally disappeared. He was told by the magi, who are classed as wise and learned men among the Persians, that his grasping for the sun three times portended that he would reign for thirty years. And thus it happened; for he lived to his seventieth year, having begun to reign at forty. 1.47. It certainly must be true that even barbarians have some power of foreknowledge and of prophecy, if the following story of Callanus of India be true: As he was about to die and was ascending the funeral pyre, he said: What a glorious death! The fate of Hercules is mine. For when this mortal frame is burned the soul will find the light. When Alexander directed him to speak if he wished to say anything to him, he answered: Thank you, nothing, except that I shall see you very soon. So it turned out, for Alexander died in Babylon a few days later. I am getting slightly away from dreams, but I shall return to them in a moment. Everybody knows that on the same night in which Olympias was delivered of Alexander the temple of Diana at Ephesus was burned, and that the magi began to cry out as day was breaking: Asias deadly curse was born last night. But enough of Indians and magi. [24] 1.90. Nor is the practice of divination disregarded even among uncivilized tribes, if indeed there are Druids in Gaul — and there are, for I knew one of them myself, Divitiacus, the Aeduan, your guest and eulogist. He claimed to have that knowledge of nature which the Greeks call physiologia, and he used to make predictions, sometimes by means of augury and sometimes by means of conjecture. Among the Persians the augurs and diviners are the magi, who assemble regularly in a sacred place for practice and consultation, just as formerly you augurs used to do on the Nones. 1.91. Indeed, no one can become king of the Persians until he has learned the theory and the practice of the magi. Moreover, you may see whole families and tribes devoted to this art. For example, Telmessus in Caria is a city noted for its cultivation of the soothsayers art, and there is also Elis in Peloponnesus, which has permanently set aside two families as soothsayers, the Iamidae and the Clutidae, who are distinguished for superior skill in their art. In Syria the Chaldeans are pre-eminent for their knowledge of astronomy and for their quickness of mind. 2.111. He also employed a maze of obscurity so that the same verses might be adapted to different situations at different times. Moreover, that this poem is not the work of frenzy is quite evident from the quality of its composition (for it exhibits artistic care rather than emotional excitement), and is especially evident from the fact that it is written in what is termed acrostics, wherein the initial letters of each verse taken in order convey a meaning; as, for example, in some of Enniuss verses, the initial letters form the words, Quintus Ennius Fecit, that is, Quintus Ennius wrote it. That surely is the work of concentrated thought and not of a frenzied brain. |
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| 14. Cicero, Cato, 1.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 59 |
| 15. Varro, Menippeae, 151 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 54 |
| 16. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 90 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 49 |
| 17. Cicero, Timaeus, 1.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 63 |
| 18. Livy, History, 5.41.3, 8.9, 10.8.2, 10.38.10, 10.41.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 57 |
| 19. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 6.6, 9.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 56 |
20. Ovid, Amores, 3.7.27-3.7.28 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 54, 57| 3.7.27. Num mea Thessalico languent devota veneno 3.7.28. Corpora? num misero carmen et herba nocent, | |
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| 21. Horace, Sermones, 1.8.19 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 54 |
| 22. Horace, Letters, 2.1.53 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 52 |
| 23. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 249-251, 290 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50, 54 |
24. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 3.98-3.99 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50 | 3.98. Again, let those persons meet with the same punishment who, though they do not compound drugs which are actually deadly, nevertheless administer such as long diseases are caused by; for death is often a lesser evil than diseases; and especially than such as extend over a long time and have no fortunate or favourable end. For the illnesses which arise from poisons are difficult to be cured, and are often completely incurable. 3.99. Moreover, in the case of men who have been exposed to machinations of this kind, it often happens that diseases of the mind ensue which are worse even than the afflictions of the body; for they are often attacked by delirium and insanity, and intolerable frenzy, by means of which the mind, the greatest blessing which God has bestowed upon mankind, is impaired in every possible manner, despairing of any safety or cure, and so is utterly removed from its seat, and expelled, as it were, leaving in the body only the inferior portion of the soul, namely, its irrational part, of which even beasts partake, since every person who is deprived of reason, which is the better part of the soul, is changed into the nature of a beast, even though the characteristics of the human form remain.XVIII. |
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| 25. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.8.17-1.8.23 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 54 |
| 26. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 70.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 61 |
| 27. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 8.165, 9.79, 9.155, 11.187, 21.4-21.10, 21.66, 22.50, 23.62, 24.156-24.167, 25.129, 28.12, 28.47, 28.128, 29.14-29.16, 29.68, 29.93-29.95, 29.138, 30.30, 30.82-30.84, 32.8-32.9, 36.139, 37.54 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 57, 60, 63 |
| 28. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 128.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50 |
| 29. Suetonius, Augustus, 31.1, 94.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 63, 65 |
| 30. Suetonius, Caligula, 1.2, 3.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 55, 56 |
| 31. Suetonius, Lives of The Caesars, 2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 56 |
| 32. Suetonius, Tiberius, 25.1-25.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 61 |
33. Tacitus, Annals, 1.74.2, 2.27-2.32, 2.32.3, 2.69.3, 2.70, 2.73.4, 2.79.1, 3.7.2, 3.13.2, 3.14.1-3.14.2, 4.22, 4.22.3, 4.52.1, 6.29.4, 12.22.1-12.22.2, 12.59, 12.65.1, 16.30.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50, 51, 55, 56, 58, 61, 62, 64| 2.27. Sub idem tempus e familia Scriboniorum Libo Drusus defertur moliri res novas. eius negotii initium, ordinem, finem curatius disseram, quia tum primum reperta sunt quae per tot annos rem publicam exedere. Firmius Catus senator, ex intima Libonis amicitia, iuvenem inprovi- dum et facilem iibus ad Chaldaeorum promissa, magorum sacra, somniorum etiam interpretes impulit, dum proavum Pompeium, amitam Scriboniam, quae quondam Augusti coniunx fuerat, consobrinos Caesares, plenam imaginibus domum ostentat, hortaturque ad luxum et aes alienum, socius libidinum et necessitatum, quo pluribus indiciis inligaret. 2.28. Vt satis testium et qui servi eadem noscerent repperit, aditum ad principem postulat, demonstrato crimine et reo per Flaccum Vescularium equitem Romanum, cui propior cum Tiberio usus erat. Caesar indicium haud aspernatus congressus abnuit: posse enim eodem Flacco internuntio sermones commeare. atque interim Libonem ornat praetura, convictibus adhibet, non vultu alienatus, non verbis commotior (adeo iram condiderat); cunctaque eius dicta factaque, cum prohibere posset, scire malebat, donec Iunius quidam, temptatus ut infernas umbras carminibus eliceret, ad Fulcinium Trionem indicium detulit. celebre inter accusatores Trionis ingenium erat avidumque famae malae. statim corripit reum, adit consules, cognitionem senatus poscit. et vocantur patres, addito consultandum super re magna et atroci. 2.29. Libo interim veste mutata cum primoribus feminis circumire domos, orare adfinis, vocem adversum pericula poscere, abnuentibus cunctis, cum diversa praetenderent, eadem formidine. die senatus metu et aegritudine fessus, sive, ut tradidere quidam, simulato morbo, lectica delatus ad foris curiae innisusque fratri et manus ac supplices voces ad Tiberium tendens immoto eius vultu excipitur. mox libellos et auctores recitat Caesar ita moderans ne lenire neve asperare crimina videretur. 2.31. Responsum est ut senatum rogaret. cingebatur interim milite domus, strepebant etiam in vestibulo ut audiri, ut aspici possent, cum Libo ipsis quas in novissimam voluptatem adhibuerat epulis excruciatus vocare percussorem, prensare servorum dextras, inserere gladium. atque illis, dum trepidant, dum refugiunt, evertentibus adpositum cum mensa lumen, feralibus iam sibi tenebris duos ictus in viscera derexit. ad gemitum conlabentis adcurrere liberti, et caede visa miles abstitit. accusatio tamen apud patres adseveratione eadem peracta, iuravitque Tiberius petiturum se vitam quamvis nocenti, nisi voluntariam mortem properavisset. 2.32. Bona inter accusatores dividuntur, et praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. tunc Cotta Messalinus, ne imago Libonis exequias posterorum comitaretur, censuit, Cn. Lentulus, ne quis Scribonius cognomentum Drusi adsumeret. supplicationum dies Pomponii Flacci sententia constituti, dona Iovi, Marti, Concordiae, utque iduum Septembrium dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. Piso et Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decrevere; quorum auctoritates adulationesque rettuli ut sciretur vetus id in re publica malum. facta et de mathematicis magisque Italia pellendis senatus consulta; quorum e numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco advertere. 4.22. Per idem tempus Plautius Silvanus praetor incertis causis Aproniam coniugem in praeceps iecit, tractusque ad Caesarem ab L. Apronio socero turbata mente respondit, tamquam ipse somno gravis atque eo ignarus, et uxor sponte mortem sumpsisset. non cunctanter Tiberius pergit in domum, visit cubiculum, in quo reluctantis et impulsae vestigia cernebantur. refert ad senatum, datisque iudici- bus Vrgulania Silvani avia pugionem nepoti misit. quod perinde creditum quasi principis monitu ob amicitiam Augustae cum Vrgulania. reus frustra temptato ferro venas praebuit exolvendas. mox Numantina, prior uxor eius, accusata iniecisse carminibus et veneficiis vaecordiam marito, insons iudicatur. 12.59. At Claudius saevissima quaeque promere adigebatur eiusdem Agrippinae artibus, quae Statilium Taurum opibus inlustrem hortis eius inhians pervertit accusante Tarquitio Prisco. legatus is Tauri Africam imperio proconsulari regentis, postquam revenerant, pauca repetundarum crimina, ceterum magicas superstitiones obiectabat. nec ille diutius falsum accusatorem, indignas sordis perpessus vim vitae suae attulit ante sententiam senatus. Tarquitius tamen curia exactus est; quod patres odio delatoris contra ambitum Agrippinae pervicere. | 2.27. Nearly at the same time, a charge of revolutionary activities was laid against Libo Drusus, a member of the Scribonian family. I shall describe in some detail the origin, the progress, and the end of this affair, as it marked the discovery of the system destined for so many years to prey upon the vitals of the commonwealth. Firmius Catus, a senator, and one of Libo's closest friends, had urged that short-sighted youth, who had a foible for absurdities, to resort to the forecasts of astrologers, the ritual of magicians, and the society of interpreters of dreams; pointing to his great-grandfather Pompey, to his great-aunt Scribonia (at one time the consort of Augustus), to his cousinship with the Caesars, and to his mansion crowded with ancestral portraits; encouraging him in his luxuries and loans; and, to bind him in a yet stronger chain of evidence, sharing his debaucheries and his embarrassments. 2.28. When he had found witnesses enough, and slaves to testify in the same tenor, he asked for an interview with the sovereign, to whom the charge and the person implicated had been notified by Vescularius Flaccus, a Roman knight on familiar terms with Tiberius. The Caesar, without rejecting the information, declined a meeting, as "their conversations might be carried on through the same intermediate, Flaccus." In the interval, he distinguished Libo with a praetorship and several invitations to dinner. There was no estrangement on his brow, no hint of asperity in his speech: he had buried his anger far too deep. He could have checked every word and action of Libo: he preferred, however, to know them. At length, a certain Junius, solicited by Libo to raise departed spirits by incantations, carried his tale to Fulcinius Trio. Trio's genius, which was famous among the professional informers, hungered after notoriety. He swooped immediately on the accused, approached the consuls, and demanded a senatorial inquiry. The Fathers were summoned, to deliberate (it was added) on a case of equal importance and atrocity. 2.29. Meanwhile, Libo changed into mourning, and with an escort of ladies of quality made a circuit from house to house, pleading with his wife's relatives, and conjuring them to speak in mitigation of his danger, â only to be everywhere refused on different pretexts and identical grounds of alarm. On the day the senate met, he was so exhausted by fear and distress â unless, as some accounts have it, he counterfeited illness â that he was borne to the doors of the Curia in a litter, and, leaning on his brother, extended his hands and his appeals to Tiberius, by whom he was received without the least change of countece. The emperor then read over the indictment and the names of the sponsors, with a self-restraint that avoided the appearance of either palliating or aggravating the charges. 2.30. Besides Trio and Catus, Fonteius Agrippa and Gaius Vibius had associated themselves with the prosecution, and it was disputed which of the four should have the right of stating the case against the defendant. Finally, Vibius announced that, as no one would give way and Libo was appearing without legal representation, he would take the counts one by one. He produced Libo's papers, so fatuous that, according to one, he had inquired of his prophets if he would be rich enough to cover the Appian Road as far as Brundisium with money. There was more in the same vein, stolid, vacuous, or, if indulgently read, pitiable. In one paper, however, the accuser argued, a set of marks, sinister or at least mysterious, had been appended by Libo's hand to the names of the imperial family and a number of senators. As the defendant denied the allegation, it was resolved to question the slaves, who recognized the handwriting, under torture; and, since an old decree prohibited their examination in a charge affecting the life of their master, Tiberius, applying his talents to the discovery of a new jurisprudence, ordered them to be sold individually to the treasury agent: all to procure servile evidence against a Libo, without overriding a senatorial decree! In view of this, the accused asked for an adjournment till the next day, and left for home, after commissioning his relative, Publius Quirinius, to make a final appeal to the emperor. 2.31. The reply ran, that he must address his petitions to the senate. Meanwhile, his house was picketed by soldiers; they were tramping in the portico itself, within eyeshot and earshot, when Libo, thus tortured at the very feast which he had arranged to be his last delight on earth, called out for a slayer, clutched at the hands of his slaves, strove to force his sword upon them. They, as they shrank back in confusion, overturned lamp and table together; and he, in what was now for him the darkness of death, struck two blows into his vitals. He collapsed with a moan, and his freedmen ran up: the soldiers had witnessed the bloody scene, and retired. In the senate, however, the prosecution was carried through with unaltered gravity, and Tiberius declared on oath that, guilty as the defendant might have been, he would have interceded for his life, had he not laid an over-hasty hand upon himself. 2.32. His estate was parcelled out among the accusers, and extraordinary praetorships were conferred on those of senatorial status. Cotta Messalinus then moved that the effigy of Libo should not accompany the funeral processions of his descendants; Gnaeus Lentulus, that no member of the Scribonian house should adopt the surname of Drusus. Days of public thanksgiving were fixed at the instance of Pomponius Flaccus. Lucius Piso, Asinius Gallus, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius procured a decree that votive offerings should be made to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord; and that the thirteenth of September, the anniversary of Libo's suicide, should rank as a festival. This union of sounding names and sycophancy I have recorded as showing how long that evil has been rooted in the State. â Other resolutions of the senate ordered the expulsion of the astrologers and magic-mongers from Italy. One of their number, Lucius Pituanius, was flung from the Rock; another â Publius Marcius â was executed by the consuls outside the Esquiline Gate according to ancient usage and at sound of trumpet. 2.70. of all this Germanicus heard with at least as much anger as alarm:â "If his threshold was besieged, if he must surrender his breath under the eye of his enemies, what must the future hold in store for his unhappy wife â for his infant children? Poison was considered too dilatory; Piso was growing urgent â imperative â to be left alone with his province and his legions! But Germanicus had not fallen from himself so far, nor should the price of blood remain with the slayer!" He composed a letter renouncing his friendship: the general account adds that he ordered him to leave the province. Delaying no longer, Piso weighed anchor, and regulated his speed so that the return journey should be the shorter, if Germanicus' death opened the door in Syria. 4.22. About this time, the praetor Plautius Silvanus, for reasons not ascertained, flung his wife Apronia out of the window, and, when brought before the emperor by his father-inâlaw, Lucius Apronius, gave an incoherent reply to the effect that he had himself been fast asleep and was therefore ignorant of the facts; his wife, he thought, must have committed suicide. Without any hesitation, Tiberius went straight to the house and examined the bedroom, in which traces were visible of resistance offered and force employed. He referred the case to the senate, and a judicial committee had been formed, when Silvanus' grandmother Urgulania sent her descendant a dagger. In view of Augusta's friendship with Urgulania, the action was considered as equivalent to a hint from the emperor: the accused, after a fruitless attempt with the weapon, arranged for his arteries to be opened. Shortly afterwards, his first wife Numantina, charged with procuring the insanity of her husband by spells and philtres, was adjudged innocent. 12.59. Claudius, in contrast, was being forced to a display of sheer cruelty, still by the machinations of Agrippina. Statilius Taurus, whose wealth was famous, and whose gardens aroused her cupidity, she ruined with an accusation brought by Tarquitius Priscus. He had been the legate of Taurus when he was governing Africa with proconsular powers, and now on their return charged him with a few acts of malversation, but more seriously with addiction to magical superstitions. Without tolerating longer a lying accuser and an unworthy humiliation, Taurus took his own life before the verdict of the senate. Tarquitius, none the less, was expelled from the curia â a point which the Fathers, in their detestation of the informer, carried in the teeth of Agrippina's intrigues. |
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| 34. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 128.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50 |
| 35. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.639-1.672 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 63 |
36. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.54 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 56 | 18.54. So the senate made a decree that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all affairs there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him, as hath been related elsewhere. |
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| 37. Suetonius, Lives of The Caesars, 2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 56 |
38. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.3.7, 1.3.10, 1.3.30, 2.21.19, 4.2.54, 5.9.11, 5.10.46, 7.8.2, 8.5.31, 9.2.105 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50, 51, 56, 60 | 1.3.7. Such an one must be encouraged by appeals to his ambition; rebuke will bite him to the quick; honour will be a spur, and there is no fear of his proving indolent. 1.3.10. I approve of play in the young; it is a sign of a lively disposition; nor will you ever lead me to believe that a boy who is gloomy and in a continual state of depression is ever likely to show alertness of mind in his work, lacking as he does the impulse most natural to boys of his age. 2.21.19. Does not the orator discuss the question whether livid spots and swellings on the body are symptomatic of ill-health or poison? And yet that is a question for the qualified physician. Will he not deal with measurements and figures? And yet we must admit that they form part of mathematics. For my part I hold that practically all subjects are under certain circumstances liable to come up for treatment by the orator. If the circumstances do not occur, the subjects will not concern him. 5.9.11. On the other hand there are indications which may be made to serve either party, such as livid spots, swellings which may be regarded as symptoms either of poisoning or of bad health, or a wound in the breast which may be treated as a proof of murder or of suicide. The force of such indications depends on the amount of extraneous support which they receive. 7.8.2. Assume a law to run as follows: "A woman who is a poisoner shall be liable to capital punishment. A wife gave her husband a love-potion to cure him of his habit of beating her. She also divorced him. On being asked by her relatives to return to him, she refused. The husband hung himself. The woman is accused of poisoning." The strongest line for the accuser to take will be to assert that the love-potion was a poison. This involves definition. If it proves weak, we shall have recourse to the syllogism, to which we shall proceed after virtually dropping our previous argument, and which we shall employ to decide the question whether she does not deserve to be punished for administering the love-potion no less than if she had caused her husband's death by poison. 8.5.31. " killed your wife, though you were an adulterer yourself. I should loathe you even if you had only divorced her." Here we have a division. "Do you wish me to prove that a love-philtre is a poison? The man would still be living, if he had not drunk it." This is an argument. There are, moreover, a number of speakers who the merely deliver many such epigrams, but utter everything as if it were an epigram. |
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| 39. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.6.8-1.6.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 51 |
| 40. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.6.8-1.6.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 51 |
| 41. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 3.16, 6.16, 7.12, 8.11, 9.29, 9.31, 10.2-10.12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50, 52, 59, 66 |
| 42. Apuleius, Apology, 1.5, 2.2, 9.2, 25.5, 26.8-26.9, 28.4, 29.1, 32.8, 33.3, 41.6, 42.2, 42.6-42.8, 47.1, 61.2, 66.3, 67.1, 69.4, 78.2, 79.2, 83.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 60, 63, 66 |
43. Tertullian, Apology, 42.1, 43.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 59, 60| 42.1. sumus, silvicolae et exules vitae. Meminimus gratiam debere nos deo, domino, creatori: nullum fructum operum eius repudiamus: plane temperamus, ne ultra modum aut perperam utamur. 43.1. | 2. If, again, it is certain that we are the most wicked of men, why do you treat us so differently from our fellows, that is, from other criminals, it being only fair that the same crime should get the same treatment? When the charges made against us are made against others, they are permitted to make use both of their own lips and of hired pleaders to show their innocence. They have full opportunity of answer and debate; in fact, it is against the law to condemn anybody undefended and unheard. Christians alone are forbidden to say anything in exculpation of themselves, in defense of the truth, to help the judge to a righteous decision; all that is cared about is having what the public hatred demands - the confession of the name, not examination of the charge: while in your ordinary judicial investigations, on a man's confession of the crime of murder, or sacrilege, or incest, or treason, to take the points of which we are accused, you are not content to proceed at once to sentence - you do not take that step till you thoroughly examine the circumstances of the confession - what is the real character of the deed, how often, where, in what way, when he has done it, who were privy to it, and who actually took part with him in it. Nothing like this is done in our case, though the falsehoods disseminated about us ought to have the same sifting, that it might be found how many murdered children each of us had tasted; how many incests each of us had shrouded in darkness; what cooks, what dogs had been witness of our deeds. Oh, how great the glory of the ruler who should bring to light some Christian who had devoured a hundred infants! But, instead of that, we find that even inquiry in regard to our case is forbidden. For the younger Pliny, when he was ruler of a province, having condemned some Christians to death, and driven some from their steadfastness, being still annoyed by their great numbers, at last sought the advice of Trajan, the reigning emperor, as to what he was to do with the rest, explaining to his master that, except an obstinate disinclination to offer sacrifices, he found in the religious services nothing but meetings at early morning for singing hymns to Christ and God, and sealing home their way of life by a united pledge to be faithful to their religion, forbidding murder, adultery, dishonesty, and other crimes. Upon this Trajan wrote back that Christians were by no means to be sought after; but if they were brought before him, they should be punished. O miserable deliverance - under the necessities of the case, a self-contradiction! It forbids them to be sought after as innocent, and it commands them to be punished as guilty. It is at once merciful and cruel; it passes by, and it punishes. Why do you play a game of evasion upon yourself, O Judgment? If you condemn, why do you not also inquire. If you do not inquire, why do you not also absolve? Military stations are distributed through all the provinces for tracking robbers. Against traitors and public foes every man is a soldier; search is made even for their confederates and accessories. The Christian alone must not be sought, though he may be brought and accused before the judge; as if a search had any other end than that in view! And so you condemn the man for whom nobody wished a search to be made when he is presented to you, and who even now does not deserve punishment, I suppose, because of his guilt, but because, though forbidden to be sought, he was found. And then, too, you do not in that case deal with us in the ordinary way of judicial proceedings against offenders; for, in the case of others denying, you apply the torture to make them confess - Christians alone you torture, to make them deny; whereas, if we were guilty of any crime, we should be sure to deny it, and you with your tortures would force us to confession. Nor indeed should you hold that our crimes require no such investigation merely on the ground that you are convinced by our confession of the name that the deeds were done - you who are daily wont, though you know well enough what murder is, none the less to extract from the confessed murderer a full account of how the crime was perpetrated. So that with all the greater perversity you act, when, holding our crimes proved by our confession of the name of Christ, you drive us by torture to fall from our confession, that, repudiating the name, we may in like manner repudiate also the crimes with which, from that same confession, you had assumed that we were chargeable. I suppose, though you believe us to be the worst of mankind, you do not wish us to perish. For thus, no doubt, you are in the habit of bidding the murderer deny, and of ordering the man guilty of sacrilege to the rack if he persevere in his acknowledgment! Is that the way of it? But if thus you do not deal with us as criminals, you declare us thereby innocent, when as innocent you are anxious that we do not persevere in a confession which you know will bring on us a condemnation of necessity, not of justice, at your hands. I am a Christian, the man cries out. He tells you what he is; you wish to hear from him what he is not. Occupying your place of authority to extort the truth, you do your utmost to get lies from us. I am, he says, that which you ask me if I am. Why do you torture me to sin? I confess, and you put me to the rack. What would you do if I denied? Certainly you give no ready credence to others when they deny. When we deny, you believe at once. Let this perversity of yours lead you to suspect that there is some hidden power in the case under whose influence you act against the forms, against the nature of public justice, even against the very laws themselves. For, unless I am greatly mistaken, the laws enjoin offenders to be searched out, and not to be hidden away. They lay it down that persons who own a crime are to be condemned, not acquitted. The decrees of the senate, the commands of your chiefs, lay this clearly down. The power of which you are servants is a civil, not a tyrannical domination. Among tyrants, indeed, torments used to be inflicted even as punishments: with you they are mitigated to a means of questioning alone. Keep to your law in these as necessary till confession is obtained; and if the torture is anticipated by confession, there will be no occasion for it: sentence should be passed; the criminal should be given over to the penalty which is his due, not released. Accordingly, no one is eager for the acquittal of the guilty; it is not right to desire that, and so no one is ever compelled to deny. Well, you think the Christian a man of every crime, an enemy of the gods, of the emperor, of the laws, of good morals, of all nature; yet you compel him to deny, that you may acquit him, which without him denial you could not do. You play fast and loose with the laws. You wish him to deny his guilt, that you may, even against his will, bring him out blameless and free from all guilt in reference to the past! Whence is this strange perversity on your part? How is it you do not reflect that a spontaneous confession is greatly more worthy of credit than a compelled denial; or consider whether, when compelled to deny, a man's denial may not be in good faith, and whether acquitted, he may not, then and there, as soon as the trial is over, laugh at your hostility, a Christian as much as ever? Seeing, then, that in everything you deal differently with us than with other criminals, bent upon the one object of taking from us our name (indeed, it is ours no more if we do what Christians never do), it is made perfectly clear that there is no crime of any kind in the case, but merely a name which a certain system, ever working against the truth, pursues with its enmity, doing this chiefly with the object of securing that men may have no desire to know for certain what they know for certain they are entirely ignorant of. Hence, too, it is that they believe about us things of which they have no proof, and they are disinclined to have them looked into, lest the charges, they would rather take on trust, are all proved to have no foundation, that the name so hostile to that rival power - its crimes presumed, not proved- may be condemned simply on its own confession. So we are put to the torture if we confess, and we are punished if we persevere, and if we deny we are acquitted, because all the contention is about a name. Finally, why do you read out of your tablet-lists that such a man is a Christian? Why not also that he is a murderer? And if a Christian is a murderer, why not guilty, too, of incest, or any other vile thing you believe of us? In our case alone you are either ashamed or unwilling to mention the very names of our crimes - If to be called a Christian does not imply any crime, the name is surely very hateful, when that of itself is made a crime. |
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44. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 45.1.4, 49.43.5, 56.25.5, 57.15.4-57.15.5, 57.15.8, 57.18.9, 61.26.3, 77.17.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 55, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65 | 45.1.4. This man could distinguish most accurately of his contemporaries the order of the firmament and the differences between the stars, what they accomplish when by themselves and when together, by their conjunctions and by their intervals, and for this reason had incurred the charge of practising some forbidden art. 49.43.5. Besides doing this Agrippa drove the astrologers and charlatans from the city. During these same days a decree was passed that no one belonging to the senatorial class should be tried for piracy, and so those who were under any charge at the time were set free, and some were given a free hand to practice their villainy in the future. 56.25.5. Besides these events at that time, the seers were forbidden to prophesy to any person alone or to prophesy regarding death even if others should be present. Yet so far was Augustus from caring about such matters in his own case that he set forth to all in an edict the aspect of the stars at the time of his own birth. 57.15.4. This was one instance of inconsistency on his part; another was seen in his treatment of Lucius Scribonius Libo, a young noble suspected of revolutionary designs. So long as this man was well, he did not bring him to trial, but when he became sick unto death, he caused him to be brought into the senate in a covered litter, such as the wives of the senators use; 57.15.5. then, when there was a slight delay and Libo committed suicide before his trial could come off, he passed judgment upon him after his death, gave his money to his accusers, and caused sacrifices to be offered to commemorate the man's death, not only on his own account, but also on that of Augustus and of the latter's father Julius, as had been decreed in past times. 57.15.8. But as for all the other astrologers and magicians and such as practised divination in any other way whatsoever, he put to death those who were foreigners and banished all the citizens that were accused of still employing the art at this time after the previous decree by which it had been forbidden to engage in any such business in the city; but to those that obeyed immunity was granted. 57.18.9. His death occurred at Antioch as the result of a plot formed by Piso and Plancina. For bones of men that had been buried in the house where he dwelt and sheets of lead containing curses together with his name were found while he was yet alive; and that poison was the means of his carrying off was revealed by the condition of his body, which was brought into the Forum and exhibited to all who were present. 77.17.2. then he would ride, so far as his strength permitted, and afterward take some kind of gymnastic exercise and a bath. He then ate a plentiful luncheon, either by himself or with his sons. Next, he generally took a nap. Then he rose, attended to his remaining duties, and afterwards, when walking about, engaged in discussion in both Greek and Latin. |
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| 45. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 66 |
| 46. Servius, In Vergilii Georgicon Libros, 1.129 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50 |
| 47. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 11.458 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50 |
| 48. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.9.9-3.9.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 57 |
| 49. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.9.9-3.9.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 57 |
50. Augustine, The City of God, 5.3, 10.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 63, 66 | 5.3. It is to no purpose, therefore, that that famous fiction about the potter's wheel is brought forward, which tells of the answer which Nigidius is said to have given when he was perplexed with this question, and on account of which he was called Figulus. For, having whirled round the potter's wheel with all his strength he marked it with ink, striking it twice with the utmost rapidity, so that the strokes seemed to fall on the very same part of it. Then, when the rotation had ceased, the marks which he had made were found upon the rim of the wheel at no small distance apart. Thus, said he, considering the great rapidity with which the celestial sphere revolves, even though twins were born with as short an interval between their births as there was between the strokes which I gave this wheel, that brief interval of time is equivalent to a very great distance in the celestial sphere. Hence, said he, come whatever dissimilitudes may be remarked in the habits and fortunes of twins. This argument is more fragile than the vessels which are fashioned by the rotation of that wheel. For if there is so much significance in the heavens which cannot be comprehended by observation of the constellations, that, in the case of twins, an inheritance may fall to the one and not to the other, why, in the case of others who are not twins, do they dare, having examined their constellations, to declare such things as pertain to that secret which no one can comprehend, and to attribute them to the precise moment of the birth of each individual? Now, if such predictions in connection with the natal hours of others who are not twins are to be vindicated on the ground that they are founded on the observation of more extended spaces in the heavens, while those very small moments of time which separated the births of twins, and correspond to minute portions of celestial space, are to be connected with trifling things about which the mathematicians are not wont to be consulted - for who would consult them as to when he is to sit, when to walk abroad, when and on what he is to dine? - how can we be justified in so speaking, when we can point out such manifold diversity both in the habits, doings, and destinies of twins? 10.9. These miracles, and many others of the same nature, which it were tedious to mention, were wrought for the purpose of commending the worship of the one true God, and prohibiting the worship of a multitude of false gods. Moreover, they were wrought by simple faith and godly confidence, not by the incantations and charms composed under the influence of a criminal tampering with the unseen world, of an art which they call either magic, or by the more abominable title necromancy, or the more honorable designation theurgy; for they wish to discriminate between those whom the people call magicians, who practise necromancy, and are addicted to illicit arts and condemned, and those others who seem to them to be worthy of praise for their practice of theurgy - the truth, however, being that both classes are the slaves of the deceitful rites of the demons whom they invoke under the names of angels. For even Porphyry promises some kind of purgation of the soul by the help of theurgy, though he does so with some hesitation and shame, and denies that this art can secure to any one a return to God; so that you can detect his opinion vacillating between the profession of philosophy and an art which he feels to be presumptuous and sacrilegious. For at one time he warns us to avoid it as deceitful, and prohibited by law, and dangerous to those who practise it; then again, as if in deference to its advocates, he declares it useful for cleansing one part of the soul, not, indeed, the intellectual part, by which the truth of things intelligible, which have no sensible images, is recognized, but the spiritual part, which takes cognizance of the images of things material. This part, he says, is prepared and fitted for intercourse with spirits and angels, and for the vision of the gods, by the help of certain theurgic consecrations, or, as they call them, mysteries. He acknowledges, however, that these theurgic mysteries impart to the intellectual soul no such purity as fits it to see its God, and recognize the things that truly exist. And from this acknowledgment we may infer what kind of gods these are, and what kind of vision of them is imparted by theurgic consecrations, if by it one cannot see the things which truly exist. He says, further, that the rational, or, as he prefers calling it, the intellectual soul, can pass into the heavens without the spiritual part being cleansed by theurgic art, and that this art cannot so purify the spiritual part as to give it entrance to immortality and eternity. And therefore, although he distinguishes angels from demons, asserting that the habitation of the latter is in the air, while the former dwell in the ether and empyrean, and although he advises us to cultivate the friendship of some demon, who may be able after our death to assist us, and elevate us at least a little above the earth - for he owns that it is by another way we must reach the heavenly society of the angels - he at the same time distinctly warns us to avoid the society of demons, saying that the soul, expiating its sin after death, execrates the worship of demons by whom it was entangled. And of theurgy itself, though he recommends it as reconciling angels and demons, he cannot deny that it treats with powers which either themselves envy the soul its purity, or serve the arts of those who do envy it. He complains of this through the mouth of some Chald an or other: A good man in Chald a complains, he says, that his most strenuous efforts to cleanse his soul were frustrated, because another man, who had influence in these matters, and who envied him purity, had prayed to the powers, and bound them by his conjuring not to listen to his request. Therefore, adds Porphyry, what the one man bound, the other could not loose. And from this he concludes that theurgy is a craft which accomplishes not only good but evil among gods and men; and that the gods also have passions, and are perturbed and agitated by the emotions which Apuleius attributed to demons and men, but from which he preserved the gods by that sublimity of residence, which, in common with Plato, he accorded to them. |
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| 51. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 8.16.7, 9.14, 9.16, 9.16.3-9.16.4 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 48, 54, 66 |
| 52. Justinian, Institutiones, 4.18.5 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 65, 66 |
| 53. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 54 |
| 54. Jerome, Chronicon Eusebii (Interpretatio Chronicae Eusebii Pamphili), None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 63 |
| 55. Bacchylides, Odes, 7.24 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 63 |
| 56. Tryphoninus Claudius, Disputationes, None Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 53 |
| 57. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.3.3, 1.6 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 64, 65 |
| 58. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.24.3, 2.129.2, 2.130.3 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 61, 64 |
59. Strabo, Geography, 16.2.39 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 64 | 16.2.39. What truth there may be in these things I cannot say; they have at least been regarded and believed as true by mankind. Hence prophets received so much honour as to be thought worthy even of thrones, because they were supposed to communicate ordices and precepts from the gods, both during their lifetime and after their death; as for example Teiresias, to whom alone Proserpine gave wisdom and understanding after death: the others flit about as shadows.Such were Amphiaraus, Trophonius, Orpheus, and Musaeus: in former times there was Zamolxis, a Pythagorean, who was accounted a god among the Getae; and in our time, Decaeneus, the diviner of Byrebistas. Among the Bosporani, there was Achaicarus; among the Indians, were the Gymnosophists; among the Persians, the Magi and Necyomanteis, and besides these the Lecanomanteis and Hydromanteis; among the Assyrians, were the Chaldaeans; and among the Romans, the Tyrrhenian diviners of dreams.Such was Moses and his successors; their beginning was good, but they degenerated. |
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| 60. Pseudo-Quintilian, Minor Declamations, 246.3, 350.1-350.2, 385.4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 49, 50 |
| 61. Siricius, Epist., 2 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 60 |
| 62. Avitus, De Spirit.Hist.Gest., 48.8.14) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 52 |
| 63. Basil of Caesarea, Comm. In Is., 14 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 63 |
| 64. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q542, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 53 |
| 65. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q545, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 62, 66 |
| 66. Epigraphy, Bl, 13.2.193 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 61 |
| 67. Evagrius Ponticus, Ep., 14.183 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 52 |
| 68. Gaius, Gesta Senatus Vrbis Romae, 1.7-1.9, 15.3 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 66 |
| 69. Theodore of Mopsuestia, Zach., 8.94-8.96 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 54 |
| 70. Hippocrates, De Victu, 48.8.7 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 52 |
| 71. Lactantius, Fabricatorem Mundi, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 52 |
| 72. Marius Victorinus, Adv. Ar., 49.14.9 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 51 |
| 73. Marius Victorinus, Adversus Arium, None Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 58 |
| 74. Mart., Pall., 4.5, 6.5 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 57 |
| 75. Nonnus The Abbot, Migne Pg, 48.1.14 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 51 |
| 76. Papyri, Cpj 138-139 28N, 5.145 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 52 |
| 77. Ps.-Gregory of Nyssa, Liber De Cognitione Dei, 2.8, 3.33, 3.44, 4.23, 4.57 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 49, 57 |
| 78. Hippocrates, Hipponax, 3.3 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, deviant noxious Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 51 |
| 79. Pseudo-Quintilian, Major Declamations, 14-15 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 50, 51 |
