1. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 21.6 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pseudo-phocylides, and religious experience Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35| 21.6. "פֹּעַל אוֹצָרוֹת בִּלְשׁוֹן שָׁקֶר הֶבֶל נִדָּף מְבַקְשֵׁי־מָוֶת׃", | 21.6. "The getting of treasures by a lying tongue Is a vapour driven to and fro; they [that seek them] seek death.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 12.37, 13.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 239| 12.37. "וַיִּסְעוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל מֵרַעְמְסֵס סֻכֹּתָה כְּשֵׁשׁ־מֵאוֹת אֶלֶף רַגְלִי הַגְּבָרִים לְבַד מִטָּף׃", | 12.37. "And the children of Israel journeyed from Rameses to Succoth, about six hundred thousand men on foot, beside children.", 13.20. "And they took their journey from Succoth, and encamped in Etham, in the edge of the wilderness.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 23.40, 23.42-23.43 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 225, 239, 308| 23.42. "בַּסֻּכֹּת תֵּשְׁבוּ שִׁבְעַת יָמִים כָּל־הָאֶזְרָח בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל יֵשְׁבוּ בַּסֻּכֹּת׃", 23.43. "לְמַעַן יֵדְעוּ דֹרֹתֵיכֶם כִּי בַסֻּכּוֹת הוֹשַׁבְתִּי אֶת־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּהוֹצִיאִי אוֹתָם מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם אֲנִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם׃", | 23.40. "And ye shall take you on the first day the fruit of goodly trees, branches of palm-trees, and boughs of thick trees, and willows of the brook, and ye shall rejoice before the LORD your God seven days.", 23.42. "Ye shall dwell in booths seven days; all that are home-born in Israel shall dwell in booths;", 23.43. "that your generations may know that I made the children of Israel to dwell in booths, when I brought them out of the land of Egypt: I am the LORD your God.", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 24.8-24.16, 25.12 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 32| 24.8. "בֶּן־שְׁמֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה יְהוֹיָכִין בְּמָלְכוֹ וּשְׁלֹשָׁה חֳדָשִׁים מָלַךְ בִּירוּשָׁלִָם וְשֵׁם אִמּוֹ נְחֻשְׁתָּא בַת־אֶלְנָתָן מִירוּשָׁלִָם׃", 24.9. "וַיַּעַשׂ הָרַע בְּעֵינֵי יְהוָה כְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה אָבִיו׃", 24.11. "וַיָּבֹא נְבוּכַדְנֶאצַּר מֶלֶךְ־בָּבֶל עַל־הָעִיר וַעֲבָדָיו צָרִים עָלֶיהָ׃", 24.12. "וַיֵּצֵא יְהוֹיָכִין מֶלֶךְ־יְהוּדָה עַל־מֶלֶךְ בָּבֶל הוּא וְאִמּוֹ וַעֲבָדָיו וְשָׂרָיו וְסָרִיסָיו וַיִּקַּח אֹתוֹ מֶלֶךְ בָּבֶל בִּשְׁנַת שְׁמֹנֶה לְמָלְכוֹ׃", 24.13. "וַיּוֹצֵא מִשָּׁם אֶת־כָּל־אוֹצְרוֹת בֵּית יְהוָה וְאוֹצְרוֹת בֵּית הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיְקַצֵּץ אֶת־כָּל־כְּלֵי הַזָּהָב אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה שְׁלֹמֹה מֶלֶךְ־יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּהֵיכַל יְהוָה כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר יְהוָה׃", 24.14. "וְהִגְלָה אֶת־כָּל־יְרוּשָׁלִַם וְאֶת־כָּל־הַשָּׂרִים וְאֵת כָּל־גִּבּוֹרֵי הַחַיִל עשרה [עֲשֶׂרֶת] אֲלָפִים גּוֹלֶה וְכָל־הֶחָרָשׁ וְהַמַּסְגֵּר לֹא נִשְׁאַר זוּלַת דַּלַּת עַם־הָאָרֶץ׃", 24.15. "וַיֶּגֶל אֶת־יְהוֹיָכִין בָּבֶלָה וְאֶת־אֵם הַמֶּלֶךְ וְאֶת־נְשֵׁי הַמֶּלֶךְ וְאֶת־סָרִיסָיו וְאֵת אולי [אֵילֵי] הָאָרֶץ הוֹלִיךְ גּוֹלָה מִירוּשָׁלִַם בָּבֶלָה׃", 24.16. "וְאֵת כָּל־אַנְשֵׁי הַחַיִל שִׁבְעַת אֲלָפִים וְהֶחָרָשׁ וְהַמַּסְגֵּר אֶלֶף הַכֹּל גִּבּוֹרִים עֹשֵׂי מִלְחָמָה וַיְבִיאֵם מֶלֶךְ־בָּבֶל גּוֹלָה בָּבֶלָה׃", 25.12. "וּמִדַּלַּת הָאָרֶץ הִשְׁאִיר רַב־טַבָּחִים לְכֹרְמִים וּלְיֹגְבִים׃", | 24.8. "Jehoiachin was eighteen years old when he began to reign; and he reigned in Jerusalem three months; and his mother’s name was Nehushta the daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem.", 24.9. "And he did that which was evil in the sight of the LORD, according to all that his father had done.", 24.10. "At that time the servants of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came up to Jerusalem, and the city was besieged.", 24.11. "And Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came unto the city, while his servants were besieging it.", 24.12. "And Jehoiachin the king of Judah went out to the king of Babylon, he, and his mother, and his servants, and his princes, and his officers; and the king of Babylon took him in the eighth year of his reign.", 24.13. "And he carried out thence all the treasures of the house of the LORD, and the treasures of the king’s house, and cut in pieces all the vessels of gold which Solomon king of Israel had made in the temple of the LORD, as the LORD had said.", 24.14. "And he carried away all Jerusalem, and all the princes, and all the mighty men of valour, even ten thousand captives, and all the craftsmen and the smiths; none remained, save the poorest sort of the people of the land.", 24.15. "And he carried away Jehoiachin to Babylon; and the king’s mother, and the king’s wives, and his officers, and the chief men of the land, carried he into captivity from Jerusalem to Babylon.", 24.16. "And all the men of might, even seven thousand, and the craftsmen and the smiths a thousand, all of them strong and apt for war, even them the king of Babylon brought captive to Babylon.", 25.12. "But the captain of the guard left of the poorest of the land to be vinedressers and husbandmen.", |
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| 5. Homer, Odyssey, 13.312-13.313 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, epiphany Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 493 |
6. Homer, Iliad, 1.197-1.201, 20.131 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, epiphany Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 493, 495 | 1.197. / for in her heart she loved and cared for both men alike.She stood behind him, and seized the son of Peleus by his fair hair, appearing to him alone. No one of the others saw her. Achilles was seized with wonder, and turned around, and immediately recognized Pallas Athene. Terribly her eyes shone. 1.198. / for in her heart she loved and cared for both men alike.She stood behind him, and seized the son of Peleus by his fair hair, appearing to him alone. No one of the others saw her. Achilles was seized with wonder, and turned around, and immediately recognized Pallas Athene. Terribly her eyes shone. 1.199. / for in her heart she loved and cared for both men alike.She stood behind him, and seized the son of Peleus by his fair hair, appearing to him alone. No one of the others saw her. Achilles was seized with wonder, and turned around, and immediately recognized Pallas Athene. Terribly her eyes shone. 1.200. / Then he addressed her with winged words, and said:Why now, daughter of aegis-bearing Zeus, have you come? Is it so that you might see the arrogance of Agamemnon, son of Atreus? One thing I will tell you, and I think this will be brought to pass: through his own excessive pride shall he presently lose his life. 1.201. / Then he addressed her with winged words, and said:Why now, daughter of aegis-bearing Zeus, have you come? Is it so that you might see the arrogance of Agamemnon, son of Atreus? One thing I will tell you, and I think this will be brought to pass: through his own excessive pride shall he presently lose his life. 20.131. / he shall have dread hereafter when some god shall come against him in battle; for hard are the gods to look upon when they appear in manifest presence. Then Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth, answered her:Hera, be not thou wroth beyond what is wise; thou needest not at all. I verily were not fain to make gods chash |
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7. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 4.5-4.6 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 269| 4.5. "וּבָרָא יְהוָה עַל כָּל־מְכוֹן הַר־צִיּוֹן וְעַל־מִקְרָאֶהָ עָנָן יוֹמָם וְעָשָׁן וְנֹגַהּ אֵשׁ לֶהָבָה לָיְלָה כִּי עַל־כָּל־כָּבוֹד חֻפָּה׃", 4.6. "וְסֻכָּה תִּהְיֶה לְצֵל־יוֹמָם מֵחֹרֶב וּלְמַחְסֶה וּלְמִסְתּוֹר מִזֶּרֶם וּמִמָּטָר׃", | 4.5. "And the LORD will create over the whole habitation of mount Zion, and over her assemblies, a cloud and smoke by day, and the shining of a flaming fire by night; for over all the glory shall be a canopy.", 4.6. "And there shall be a pavilion for a shadow in the day-time from the heat, and for a refuge and for a covert from storm and from rain.", |
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| 8. Sappho, Fragments, 168, 140 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 251 |
| 9. Sappho, Fragments, 168, 140 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 251 |
10. Hebrew Bible, Haggai, 2.1-2.5 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 32| 2.1. "בַּשְּׁבִיעִי בְּעֶשְׂרִים וְאֶחָד לַחֹדֶשׁ הָיָה דְּבַר־יְהוָה בְּיַד־חַגַּי הַנָּבִיא לֵאמֹר׃", 2.1. "בְּעֶשְׂרִים וְאַרְבָּעָה לַתְּשִׁיעִי בִּשְׁנַת שְׁתַּיִם לְדָרְיָוֶשׁ הָיָה דְּבַר־יְהוָה אֶל־חַגַּי הַנָּבִיא לֵאמֹר׃", 2.2. "אֱמָר־נָא אֶל־זְרֻבָּבֶל בֶּן־שַׁלְתִּיאֵל פַּחַת יְהוּדָה וְאֶל־יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בֶּן־יְהוֹצָדָק הַכֹּהֵן הַגָּדוֹל וְאֶל־שְׁאֵרִית הָעָם לֵאמֹר׃", 2.2. "וַיְהִי דְבַר־יְהוָה שֵׁנִית אֶל־חַגַּי בְּעֶשְׂרִים וְאַרְבָּעָה לַחֹדֶשׁ לֵאמֹר׃", 2.3. "מִי בָכֶם הַנִּשְׁאָר אֲשֶׁר רָאָה אֶת־הַבַּיִת הַזֶּה בִּכְבוֹדוֹ הָרִאשׁוֹן וּמָה אַתֶּם רֹאִים אֹתוֹ עַתָּה הֲלוֹא כָמֹהוּ כְּאַיִן בְּעֵינֵיכֶם׃", 2.4. "וְעַתָּה חֲזַק זְרֻבָּבֶל נְאֻם־יְהוָה וַחֲזַק יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בֶּן־יְהוֹצָדָק הַכֹּהֵן הַגָּדוֹל וַחֲזַק כָּל־עַם הָאָרֶץ נְאֻם־יְהוָה וַעֲשׂוּ כִּי־אֲנִי אִתְּכֶם נְאֻם יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת׃", 2.5. "אֶת־הַדָּבָר אֲשֶׁר־כָּרַתִּי אִתְּכֶם בְּצֵאתְכֶם מִמִּצְרַיִם וְרוּחִי עֹמֶדֶת בְּתוֹכְכֶם אַל־תִּירָאוּ׃", | 2.1. "In the seventh month, in the one and twentieth day of the month, came the word of the LORD by Haggai the prophet, saying:", 2.2. "’Speak now to Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel, governor of Judah, and to Joshua the son of Jehozadak, the high priest, and to the remt of the people, saying:", 2.3. "Who is left among you that saw this house in its former glory? and how do ye see it now? is not such a one as nothing in your eyes?", 2.4. "Yet now be strong, O Zerubbabel, saith the LORD; and be strong, O Joshua, son of Jehozadak, the high priest; and be strong, all ye people of the land, saith the LORD, and work; for I am with you, saith the LORD of hosts.", 2.5. "The word that I coveted with you when ye came out of Egypt have I established, and My spirit abideth among you; fear ye not.", |
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11. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 160 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, epiphany Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 13| 160. Ζεύς, ὅστις ποτʼ ἐστίν, εἰ τόδʼ αὐ- | 160. Zeus, whosoe’er he be, — if that express |
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| 12. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.3.3, 4.7.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •experience, collective religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 217, 218 |
13. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.6.2-1.6.9, 4.3.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •experience, religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 206| 1.6.2. ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐγὼ μὲν ᾤμην τοὺς φιλοσοφοῦντας εὐδαιμονεστέρους χρῆναι γίγνεσθαι· σὺ δέ μοι δοκεῖς τἀναντία τῆς φιλοσοφίας ἀπολελαυκέναι. ζῇς γοῦν οὕτως ὡς οὐδʼ ἂν εἷς δοῦλος ὑπὸ δεσπότῃ διαιτώμενος μείνειε· σῖτά τε σιτῇ καὶ ποτὰ πίνεις τὰ φαυλότατα, καὶ ἱμάτιον ἠμφίεσαι οὐ μόνον φαῦλον, ἀλλὰ τὸ αὐτὸ θέρους τε καὶ χειμῶνος, ἀνυπόδητός τε καὶ ἀχίτων διατελεῖς. 1.6.3. καὶ μὴν χρήματά γε οὐ λαμβάνεις, ἃ καὶ κτωμένους εὐφραίνει καὶ κεκτημένους ἐλευθεριώτερόν τε καὶ ἥδιον ποιεῖ ζῆν. εἰ οὖν ὥσπερ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἔργων οἱ διδάσκαλοι τοὺς μαθητὰς μιμητὰς ἑαυτῶν ἀποδεικνύουσιν, οὕτω καὶ σὺ τοὺς συνόντας διαθήσεις, νόμιζε κακοδαιμονίας διδάσκαλος εἶναι. 1.6.4. καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης πρὸς ταῦτα εἶπε· δοκεῖς μοι, ὦ Ἀντιφῶν, ὑπειληφέναι με οὕτως ἀνιαρῶς ζῆν, ὥστε πέπεισμαι σὲ μᾶλλον ἀποθανεῖν ἂν ἑλέσθαι ἢ ζῆν ὥσπερ ἐγώ. ἴθι οὖν ἐπισκεψώμεθα τί χαλεπὸν ᾔσθησαι τοῦ ἐμοῦ βίου. 1.6.5. πότερον ὅτι τοῖς μὲν λαμβάνουσιν ἀργύριον ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν ἀπεργάζεσθαι τοῦτο ἐφʼ ᾧ ἂν μισθὸν λάβωσιν, ἐμοὶ δὲ μὴ λαμβάνοντι οὐκ ἀνάγκη διαλέγεσθαι ᾧ ἂν μὴ βούλωμαι; ἢ τὴν δίαιτάν μου φαυλίζεις ὡς ἧττον μὲν ὑγιεινὰ ἐσθίοντος ἐμοῦ ἢ σοῦ, ἧττον δὲ ἰσχὺν παρέχοντα; ἢ ὡς χαλεπώτερα πορίσασθαι τὰ ἐμὰ διαιτήματα τῶν σῶν διὰ τὸ σπανιώτερά τε καὶ πολυτελέστερα εἶναι; ἢ ὡς ἡδίω σοι ἃ σὺ παρασκευάζῃ ὄντα ἢ ἐμοὶ ἃ ἐγώ; οὐκ οἶσθʼ ὅτι ὁ μὲν ἥδιστα ἐσθίων ἥκιστα ὄψου δεῖται, ὁ δὲ ἥδιστα πίνων ἥκιστα τοῦ μὴ παρόντος ἐπιθυμεῖ ποτοῦ; 1.6.6. τά γε μὴν ἱμάτια οἶσθʼ ὅτι οἱ μεταβαλλόμενοι ψύχους καὶ θάλπους ἕνεκα μεταβάλλονται, καὶ ὑποδήματα ὑποδοῦνται, ὅπως μὴ διὰ τὰ λυποῦντα τοὺς πόδας κωλύωνται πορεύεσθαι· ἤδη οὖν ποτε ᾔσθου ἐμὲ ἢ διὰ ψῦχος μᾶλλόν του ἔνδον μένοντα, ἢ διὰ θάλπος μαχόμενόν τῳ περὶ σκιᾶς, ἢ διὰ τὸ ἀλγεῖν τοὺς πόδας οὐ βαδίζοντα ὅπου ἂν βούλωμαι; 1.6.7. οὐκ οἶσθʼ ὅτι οἱ φύσει ἀσθενέστατοι τῷ σώματι μελετήσαντες τῶν ἰσχυροτάτων ἀμελησάντων κρείττους τε γίγνονται πρὸς ἃ ἂν μελετῶσι καὶ ῥᾷον αὐτὰ φέρουσιν; ἐμὲ δὲ ἄρα οὐκ οἴει, τῷ σώματι ἀεὶ τὰ συντυγχάνοντα μελετῶντα καρτερεῖν, πάντα ῥᾷον φέρειν σοῦ μὴ μελετῶντος; 1.6.8. τοῦ δὲ μὴ δουλεύειν γαστρὶ μηδʼ ὕπνῳ καὶ λαγνείᾳ οἴει τι ἄλλο αἰτιώτερον εἶναι ἢ τὸ ἕτερα ἔχειν τούτων ἡδίω, ἃ οὐ μόνον ἐν χρείᾳ ὄντα εὐφραίνει, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐλπίδας παρέχοντα ὠφελήσειν ἀεί; καὶ μὴν τοῦτό γε οἶσθα, ὅτι οἱ μὲν οἰόμενοι μηδὲν εὖ πράττειν οὐκ εὐφραίνονται, οἱ δὲ ἡγούμενοι καλῶς προχωρεῖν ἑαυτοῖς ἢ γεωργίαν ἢ ναυκληρίαν ἢ ἄλλʼ ὅ τι ἂν τυγχάνωσιν ἐργαζόμενοι ὡς εὖ πράττοντες εὐφραίνονται. 1.6.9. οἴει οὖν ἀπὸ πάντων τούτων τοσαύτην ἡδονὴν εἶναι ὅσην ἀπὸ τοῦ ἑαυτόν τε ἡγεῖσθαι βελτίω γίγνεσθαι καὶ φίλους ἀμείνους κτᾶσθαι; ἐγὼ τοίνυν διατελῶ ταῦτα νομίζων. ἐὰν δὲ δὴ φίλους ἢ πόλιν ὠφελεῖν δέῃ, ποτέρῳ ἡ πλείων σχολὴ τούτων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, τῷ ὡς ἐγὼ νῦν ἢ τῷ ὡς σὺ μακαρίζεις διαιτωμένῳ; στρατεύοιτο δὲ πότερος ἂν ῥᾷον, ὁ μὴ δυνάμενος ἄνευ πολυτελοῦς διαίτης ζῆν ἢ ᾧ τὸ παρὸν ἀρκοίη; ἐκπολιορκηθείη δὲ πότερος ἂν θᾶττον, ὁ τῶν χαλεπωτάτων εὑρεῖν δεόμενος ἢ ὁ τοῖς ῥᾴστοις ἐντυγχάνειν ἀρκούντως χρώμενος; 4.3.12. τὸ δὲ καὶ ἑρμηνείαν δοῦναι, διʼ ἧς πάντων τῶν ἀγαθῶν μεταδίδομέν τε ἀλλήλοις διδάσκοντες καὶ κοινωνοῦμεν καὶ νόμους τιθέμεθα καὶ πολιτευόμεθα; παντάπασιν ἐοίκασιν, ὦ Σώκρατες, οἱ θεοὶ πολλὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπιμέλειαν ποιεῖσθαι. τὸ δὲ καί, ᾗ ἀδυνατοῦμεν τὰ συμφέροντα προνοεῖσθαι ὑπὲρ τῶν μελλόντων, ταύτῃ αὐτοὺς ἡμῖν συνεργεῖν, διὰ μαντικῆς τοῖς πυνθανομένοις φράζοντας τὰ ἀποβησόμενα καὶ διδάσκοντας ᾗ ἂν ἄριστα γίγνοιτο; σοὶ δʼ, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐοίκασιν ἔτι φιλικώτερον ἢ τοῖς ἄλλοις χρῆσθαι, εἴ γε μηδὲ ἐπερωτώμενοι ὑπὸ σοῦ προσημαίνουσί σοι ἅ τε χρὴ ποιεῖν καὶ ἃ μή. | 1.6.2. Socrates , I supposed that philosophy must add to one’s store of happiness. But the fruits you have reaped from philosophy are apparently very different. For example, you are living a life that would drive even a slave to desert his master. Your meat and drink are of the poorest: the cloak you wear is not only a poor thing, but is never changed summer or winter; and you never wear shoes or tunic. 1.6.3. Besides you refuse to take money, the mere getting of which is a joy, while its possession makes one more independent and happier. Now the professors of other subjects try to make their pupils copy their teachers: if you too intend to make your companions do that, you must consider yourself a professor of unhappiness. 1.6.4. To this Socrates replied: Antiphon, you seem to have a notion that my life is so miserable, that I feel sure you would choose death in preference to a life like mine. Come then, let us consider together what hardship you have noticed in my life. 1.6.5. Is it that those who take money are bound to carry out the work for which they get a fee, while I, because I refuse to take it, am not obliged to talk with anyone against my will? Or do you think my food poor because it is less wholesome than yours or less nourishing? or because my viands are harder to get than yours, being scarcer and more expensive? or because your diet is more enjoyable than mine? Do you not know that the greater the enjoyment of eating the less the need of sauce; the greater the enjoyment of drinking, the less the desire for drinks that are not available? 1.6.6. As for cloaks, they are changed, as you know, on account of cold or heat. And shoes are worn as a protection to the feet against pain and inconvenience in walking. Now did you ever know me to stay indoors more than others on account of the cold, or to fight with any man for the shade because of the heat, or to be prevented from walking anywhere by sore feet? 1.6.7. Do you not know that by training, a puny weakling comes to be better at any form of exercise he practises, and gets more staying power, than the muscular prodigy who neglects to train? Seeing then that I am always training my body to answer any and every call on its powers, do you not think that I can stand every strain better than you can without training? 1.6.8. For avoiding slavery to the belly or to sleep and incontinence, is there, think you, any more effective specific than the possession of other and greater pleasures, which are delightful not only to enjoy, but also because they arouse hopes of lasting benefit? And again, you surely know that while he who supposes that nothing goes well with him is unhappy, he who believes that he is successful in farming or a shipping concern or any other business he is engaged in is happy in the thought of his prosperity. 1.6.9. Do you think then that out of all this thinking there comes anything so pleasant as the thought: I am growing in goodness and I am making better friends? And that, I may say, is my constant thought. Further, if help is wanted by friends or city, which of the two has more leisure to supply their needs, he who lives as I am living or he whose life you call happy? Which will find soldiering the easier task, he who cannot exist without expensive food or he who is content with what he can get? Which when besieged will surrender first, he who wants what is very hard to come by or he who can make shift with whatever is at hand? 4.3.12. and think of the power of expression, which enables us to impart to one another all good things by teaching and to take our share of them, to enact laws and to administer states. Truly, Socrates , it does appear that the gods devote much care to man. Yet again, in so far as we are powerless of ourselves to foresee what is expedient for the future, Cyropaedia I. vi. 46. the gods lend us their aid, revealing the issues by divination to inquirers, and teaching them how to obtain the best results. With you, Socrates , they seem to deal even more friendly than with other men, if it is true that, even unasked, they warn you by signs what to do and what not to do. |
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| 14. Xenophon, On Household Management, 5.19-5.20 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •experience, religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 206 |
| 15. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 69 |
| 16. Plato, Cratylus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, epiphany Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 13 |
17. Herodotus, Histories, 1.49-1.53, 1.60, 2.40-2.41, 2.43, 6.105-6.106, 6.160, 9.81, 9.93 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •experience, collective religious experience •religious experience, epiphany •religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 217; Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 13, 59, 495, 497 | 1.49. Such, then, was the answer from Delphi delivered to Croesus. As to the reply which the Lydians received from the oracle of Amphiaraus when they had followed the due custom of the temple, I cannot say what it was, for nothing is recorded of it, except that Croesus believed that from this oracle too he had obtained a true answer. 1.50. After this, he tried to win the favor of the Delphian god with great sacrifices. He offered up three thousand beasts from all the kinds fit for sacrifice, and on a great pyre burnt couches covered with gold and silver, golden goblets, and purple cloaks and tunics; by these means he hoped the better to win the aid of the god, to whom he also commanded that every Lydian sacrifice what he could. ,When the sacrifice was over, he melted down a vast store of gold and made ingots of it, the longer sides of which were of six and the shorter of three palms' length, and the height was one palm. There were a hundred and seventeen of these. Four of them were of refined gold, each weighing two talents and a half; the rest were of gold with silver alloy, each of two talents' weight. ,He also had a figure of a lion made of refined gold, weighing ten talents. When the temple of Delphi was burnt, this lion fell from the ingots which were the base on which it stood; and now it is in the treasury of the Corinthians, but weighs only six talents and a half, for the fire melted away three and a half talents. 1.51. When these offerings were ready, Croesus sent them to Delphi , with other gifts besides: namely, two very large bowls, one of gold and one of silver. The golden bowl stood to the right, the silver to the left of the temple entrance. ,These too were removed about the time of the temple's burning, and now the golden bowl, which weighs eight and a half talents and twelve minae, is in the treasury of the Clazomenians, and the silver bowl at the corner of the forecourt of the temple. This bowl holds six hundred nine-gallon measures: for the Delphians use it for a mixing-bowl at the feast of the Divine Appearance. ,It is said by the Delphians to be the work of Theodorus of Samos , and I agree with them, for it seems to me to be of no common workmanship. Moreover, Croesus sent four silver casks, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and dedicated two sprinkling-vessels, one of gold, one of silver. The golden vessel bears the inscription “Given by the Lacedaemonians,” who claim it as their offering. But they are wrong, ,for this, too, is Croesus' gift. The inscription was made by a certain Delphian, whose name I know but do not mention, out of his desire to please the Lacedaemonians. The figure of a boy, through whose hand the water runs, is indeed a Lacedaemonian gift; but they did not give either of the sprinkling-vessels. ,Along with these Croesus sent, besides many other offerings of no great distinction, certain round basins of silver, and a female figure five feet high, which the Delphians assert to be the statue of the woman who was Croesus' baker. Moreover, he dedicated his own wife's necklaces and girdles. 1.52. Such were the gifts which he sent to Delphi . To Amphiaraus, of whose courage and fate he had heard, he dedicated a shield made entirely of gold and a spear all of solid gold, point and shaft alike. Both of these were until my time at Thebes , in the Theban temple of Ismenian Apollo. 1.53. The Lydians who were to bring these gifts to the temples were instructed by Croesus to inquire of the oracles whether he was to send an army against the Persians and whether he was to add an army of allies. ,When the Lydians came to the places where they were sent, they presented the offerings, and inquired of the oracles, in these words: “Croesus, king of Lydia and other nations, believing that here are the only true places of divination among men, endows you with such gifts as your wisdom deserves. And now he asks you whether he is to send an army against the Persians, and whether he is to add an army of allies.” ,Such was their inquiry; and the judgment given to Croesus by each of the two oracles was the same: namely, that if he should send an army against the Persians he would destroy a great empire. And they advised him to discover the mightiest of the Greeks and make them his friends. 1.60. But after a short time the partisans of Megacles and of Lycurgus made common cause and drove him out. In this way Pisistratus first got Athens and, as he had a sovereignty that was not yet firmly rooted, lost it. Presently his enemies who together had driven him out began to feud once more. ,Then Megacles, harassed by factional strife, sent a message to Pisistratus offering him his daughter to marry and the sovereign power besides. ,When this offer was accepted by Pisistratus, who agreed on these terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring Pisistratus back which, to my mind, was so exceptionally foolish that it is strange (since from old times the Hellenic stock has always been distinguished from foreign by its greater cleverness and its freedom from silly foolishness) that these men should devise such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the subtlest of the Greeks. ,There was in the Paeanian deme a woman called Phya, three fingers short of six feet, four inches in height, and otherwise, too, well-formed. This woman they equipped in full armor and put in a chariot, giving her all the paraphernalia to make the most impressive spectacle, and so drove into the city; heralds ran before them, and when they came into town proclaimed as they were instructed: ,“Athenians, give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honors above all men and is bringing back to her own acropolis.” So the heralds went about proclaiming this; and immediately the report spread in the demes that Athena was bringing Pisistratus back, and the townsfolk, believing that the woman was the goddess herself, worshipped this human creature and welcomed Pisistratus. 2.40. But in regard to the disembowelling and burning of the victims, there is a different way for each sacrifice. I shall now, however, speak of that goddess whom they consider the greatest, and in whose honor they keep highest festival. ,After praying in the foregoing way, they take the whole stomach out of the flayed bull, leaving the entrails and the fat in the carcass, and cut off the legs, the end of the loin, the shoulders, and the neck. ,Having done this, they fill what remains of the carcass with pure bread, honey, raisins, figs, frankincense, myrrh, and other kinds of incense, and then burn it, pouring a lot of oil on it. ,They fast before the sacrifice, and while it is burning, they all make lamentation; and when their lamentation is over, they set out a meal of what is left of the victim. 2.41. All Egyptians sacrifice unblemished bulls and bull-calves; they may not sacrifice cows: these are sacred to Isis. ,For the images of Isis are in woman's form, horned like a cow, exactly as the Greeks picture Io, and cows are held by far the most sacred of all beasts of the herd by all Egyptians alike. ,For this reason, no Egyptian man or woman will kiss a Greek man, or use a knife, or a spit, or a cauldron belonging to a Greek, or taste the flesh of an unblemished bull that has been cut up with a Greek knife. ,Cattle that die are dealt with in the following way. Cows are cast into the river, bulls are buried by each city in its suburbs, with one or both horns uncovered for a sign; then, when the carcass is decomposed, and the time appointed is at hand, a boat comes to each city from the island called Prosopitis, ,an island in the Delta, nine schoeni in circumference. There are many other towns on Prosopitis; the one from which the boats come to gather the bones of the bulls is called Atarbekhis; a temple of Aphrodite stands in it of great sanctity. ,From this town many go out, some to one town and some to another, to dig up the bones, which they then carry away and all bury in one place. As they bury the cattle, so do they all other beasts at death. Such is their ordice respecting these also; for they, too, may not be killed. 2.43. Concerning Heracles, I heard it said that he was one of the twelve gods. But nowhere in Egypt could I hear anything about the other Heracles, whom the Greeks know. ,I have indeed a lot of other evidence that the name of Heracles did not come from Hellas to Egypt , but from Egypt to Hellas (and in Hellas to those Greeks who gave the name Heracles to the son of Amphitryon), besides this: that Amphitryon and Alcmene, the parents of this Heracles, were both Egyptian by descent ; and that the Egyptians deny knowing the names Poseidon and the Dioscuri, nor are these gods reckoned among the gods of Egypt . ,Yet if they got the name of any deity from the Greeks, of these not least but in particular would they preserve a recollection, if indeed they were already making sea voyages and some Greeks, too, were seafaring men, as I expect and judge; so that the names of these gods would have been even better known to the Egyptians than the name of Heracles. ,But Heracles is a very ancient god in Egypt ; as the Egyptians themselves say, the change of the eight gods to the twelve, one of whom they acknowledge Heracles to be, was made seventeen thousand years before the reign of Amasis. 6.105. While still in the city, the generals first sent to Sparta the herald Philippides, an Athenian and a long-distance runner who made that his calling. As Philippides himself said when he brought the message to the Athenians, when he was in the Parthenian mountain above Tegea he encountered Pan. ,Pan called out Philippides' name and bade him ask the Athenians why they paid him no attention, though he was of goodwill to the Athenians, had often been of service to them, and would be in the future. ,The Athenians believed that these things were true, and when they became prosperous they established a sacred precinct of Pan beneath the Acropolis. Ever since that message they propitiate him with annual sacrifices and a torch-race. 6.106. This Philippides was in Sparta on the day after leaving the city of Athens, that time when he was sent by the generals and said that Pan had appeared to him. He came to the magistrates and said, ,“Lacedaemonians, the Athenians ask you to come to their aid and not allow the most ancient city among the Hellenes to fall into slavery at the hands of the foreigners. Even now Eretria has been enslaved, and Hellas has become weaker by an important city.” ,He told them what he had been ordered to say, and they resolved to send help to the Athenians, but they could not do this immediately, for they were unwilling to break the law. It was the ninth day of the rising month, and they said that on the ninth they could not go out to war until the moon's circle was full. 9.81. Having brought all the loot together, they set apart a tithe for the god of Delphi. From this was made and dedicated that tripod which rests upon the bronze three-headed serpent, nearest to the altar; another they set apart for the god of Olympia, from which was made and dedicated a bronze figure of Zeus, ten cubits high; and another for the god of the Isthmus, from which was fashioned a bronze Poseidon seven cubits high. When they had set all this apart, they divided what remained, and each received, according to his worth, concubines of the Persians and gold and silver, and all the rest of the stuff and the beasts of burden. ,How much was set apart and given to those who had fought best at Plataea, no man says. I think that they also received gifts, but tenfold of every kind, women, horses, talents, camels, and all other things also, was set apart and given to Pausanias. 9.93. There is at Apollonia a certain flock sacred to the Sun, which in the daytime is pastured beside the river Chon, which flows from the mountain called Lacmon through the lands of Apollonia and empties into the sea by the harbor of Oricum. By night, those townsmen who are most notable for wealth or lineage are chosen to watch it, each man serving for a year, for the people of Apollonia set great store by this flock, being so taught by a certain oracle. It is kept in a cave far distant from the town. ,Now at the time of which I speak, Evenius was the chosen watchman. But one night he fell asleep, and wolves, coming past his guard into the cave, killed about sixty of the flock. When Evenius was aware of it, he held his peace and told no man, intending to restore what was lost by buying others. ,This matter was not, however, hidden from the people of Apollonia, and when it came to their knowledge they brought him to judgment and condemned him to lose his eyesight for sleeping at his watch. So they blinded Evenius, but from the day of their so doing their flocks bore no offspring, nor did their land yield fruit as before. ,Furthermore, a declaration was given to them at Dodona and Delphi, when they inquired of the prophets what might be the cause of their present ill: the gods told them by their prophets that they had done unjustly in blinding Evenius, the guardian of the sacred flock, “for we ourselves” (they said) “sent those wolves, and we will not cease from avenging him until you make him such restitution for what you did as he himself chooses and approves; when that is fully done, we ourselves will give Evenius such a gift as will make many men consider him happy.” |
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18. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.132, 7.50.4, 8.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience •religious experience, epiphany •experience, collective religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 217, 218; Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 59| 7.50.4. καὶ μελλόντων αὐτῶν, ἐπειδὴ ἑτοῖμα ἦν, ἀποπλεῖν ἡ σελήνη ἐκλείπει: ἐτύγχανε γὰρ πασσέληνος οὖσα. καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οἵ τε πλείους ἐπισχεῖν ἐκέλευον τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἐνθύμιον ποιούμενοι, καὶ ὁ Νικίας (ἦν γάρ τι καὶ ἄγαν θειασμῷ τε καὶ τῷ τοιούτῳ προσκείμενος) οὐδ’ ἂν διαβουλεύσασθαι ἔτι ἔφη πρίν, ὡς οἱ μάντεις ἐξηγοῦντο, τρὶς ἐννέα ἡμέρας μεῖναι, ὅπως ἂν πρότερον κινηθείη. καὶ τοῖς μὲν Ἀθηναίοις μελλήσασι διὰ τοῦτο ἡ μονὴ ἐγεγένητο. | 7.50.4. All was at last ready, and they were on the point of sailing away, when an eclipse of the moon, which was then at the full, took place. Most of the Athenians, deeply impressed by this occurrence, now urged the generals to wait; and Nicias, who was somewhat over-addicted to divination and practices of that kind, refused from that moment even to take the question of departure into consideration, until they had waited the thrice nine days prescribed by the soothsayers. The besiegers were thus condemned to stay in the country; |
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19. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 2.1-2.70, 3.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 32| 2.1. "וְאֵלֶּה בְּנֵי הַמְּדִינָה הָעֹלִים מִשְּׁבִי הַגּוֹלָה אֲשֶׁר הֶגְלָה נבוכדנצור [נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר] מֶלֶךְ־בָּבֶל לְבָבֶל וַיָּשׁוּבוּ לִירוּשָׁלִַם וִיהוּדָה אִישׁ לְעִירוֹ׃", 2.1. "בְּנֵי בָנִי שֵׁשׁ מֵאוֹת אַרְבָּעִים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.2. "בְּנֵי גִבָּר תִּשְׁעִים וַחֲמִשָּׁה׃", 2.2. "אֲשֶׁר־בָּאוּ עִם־זְרֻבָּבֶל יֵשׁוּעַ נְחֶמְיָה שְׂרָיָה רְעֵלָיָה מָרְדֳּכַי בִּלְשָׁן מִסְפָּר בִּגְוַי רְחוּם בַּעֲנָה מִסְפַּר אַנְשֵׁי עַם יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 2.3. "בְּנֵי מַגְבִּישׁ מֵאָה חֲמִשִּׁים וְשִׁשָּׁה׃", 2.3. "בְּנֵי פַרְעֹשׁ אַלְפַּיִם מֵאָה שִׁבְעִים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.4. "הַלְוִיִּם בְּנֵי־יֵשׁוּעַ וְקַדְמִיאֵל לִבְנֵי הוֹדַוְיָה שִׁבְעִים וְאַרְבָּעָה׃", 2.4. "בְּנֵי שְׁפַטְיָה שְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת שִׁבְעִים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.5. "בְּנֵי־אַסְנָה בְנֵי־מעינים [מְעוּנִים] בְּנֵי נפיסים [נְפוּסִים׃]", 2.5. "בְּנֵי אָרַח שְׁבַע מֵאוֹת חֲמִשָּׁה וְשִׁבְעִים׃", 2.6. "בְּנֵי־פַחַת מוֹאָב לִבְנֵי יֵשׁוּעַ יוֹאָב אַלְפַּיִם שְׁמֹנֶה מֵאוֹת וּשְׁנֵים עָשָׂר׃", 2.6. "בְּנֵי־דְלָיָה בְנֵי־טוֹבִיָּה בְּנֵי נְקוֹדָא שֵׁשׁ מֵאוֹת חֲמִשִּׁים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.7. "וַיֵּשְׁבוּ הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַלְוִיִּם וּמִן־הָעָם וְהַמְשֹׁרְרִים וְהַשּׁוֹעֲרִים וְהַנְּתִינִים בְּעָרֵיהֶם וְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּעָרֵיהֶם׃", 2.7. "בְּנֵי עֵילָם אֶלֶף מָאתַיִם חֲמִשִּׁים וְאַרְבָּעָה׃", 2.8. "בְּנֵי זַתּוּא תְּשַׁע מֵאוֹת וְאַרְבָּעִים וַחֲמִשָּׁה׃", 2.9. "בְּנֵי זַכָּי שְׁבַע מֵאוֹת וְשִׁשִּׁים׃", 2.11. "בְּנֵי בֵבָי שֵׁשׁ מֵאוֹת עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה׃", 2.12. "בְּנֵי עַזְגָּד אֶלֶף מָאתַיִם עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.13. "בְּנֵי אֲדֹנִיקָם שֵׁשׁ מֵאוֹת שִׁשִּׁים וְשִׁשָּׁה׃", 2.14. "בְּנֵי בִגְוָי אַלְפַּיִם חֲמִשִּׁים וְשִׁשָּׁה׃", 2.15. "בְּנֵי עָדִין אַרְבַּע מֵאוֹת חֲמִשִּׁים וְאַרְבָּעָה׃", 2.16. "בְּנֵי־אָטֵר לִיחִזְקִיָּה תִּשְׁעִים וּשְׁמֹנָה׃", 2.17. "בְּנֵי בֵצָי שְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה׃", 2.18. "בְּנֵי יוֹרָה מֵאָה וּשְׁנֵים עָשָׂר׃", 2.19. "בְּנֵי חָשֻׁם מָאתַיִם עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה׃", 2.21. "בְּנֵי בֵית־לָחֶם מֵאָה עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה׃", 2.22. "אַנְשֵׁי נְטֹפָה חֲמִשִּׁים וְשִׁשָּׁה׃", 2.23. "אַנְשֵׁי עֲנָתוֹת מֵאָה עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁמֹנָה׃", 2.24. "בְּנֵי עַזְמָוֶת אַרְבָּעִים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.25. "בְּנֵי קִרְיַת עָרִים כְּפִירָה וּבְאֵרוֹת שְׁבַע מֵאוֹת וְאַרְבָּעִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה׃", 2.26. "בְּנֵי הָרָמָה וָגָבַע שֵׁשׁ מֵאוֹת עֶשְׂרִים וְאֶחָד׃", 2.27. "אַנְשֵׁי מִכְמָס מֵאָה עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.28. "אַנְשֵׁי בֵית־אֵל וְהָעָי מָאתַיִם עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה׃", 2.29. "בְּנֵי נְבוֹ חֲמִשִּׁים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.31. "בְּנֵי עֵילָם אַחֵר אֶלֶף מָאתַיִם חֲמִשִּׁים וְאַרְבָּעָה׃", 2.32. "בְּנֵי חָרִם שְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת וְעֶשְׂרִים׃", 2.33. "בְּנֵי־לֹד חָדִיד וְאוֹנוֹ שְׁבַע מֵאוֹת עֶשְׂרִים וַחֲמִשָּׁה׃", 2.34. "בְּנֵי יְרֵחוֹ שְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת אַרְבָּעִים וַחֲמִשָּׁה׃", 2.35. "בְּנֵי סְנָאָה שְׁלֹשֶׁת אֲלָפִים וְשֵׁשׁ מֵאוֹת וּשְׁלֹשִׁים׃", 2.36. "הַכֹּהֲנִים בְּנֵי יְדַעְיָה לְבֵית יֵשׁוּעַ תְּשַׁע מֵאוֹת שִׁבְעִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה׃", 2.37. "בְּנֵי אִמֵּר אֶלֶף חֲמִשִּׁים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.38. "בְּנֵי פַשְׁחוּר אֶלֶף מָאתַיִם אַרְבָּעִים וְשִׁבְעָה׃", 2.39. "בְּנֵי חָרִם אֶלֶף וְשִׁבְעָה עָשָׂר׃", 2.41. "הַמְשֹׁרְרִים בְּנֵי אָסָף מֵאָה עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁמֹנָה׃", 2.42. "בְּנֵי הַשֹּׁעֲרִים בְּנֵי־שַׁלּוּם בְּנֵי־אָטֵר בְּנֵי־טַלְמוֹן בְּנֵי־עַקּוּב בְּנֵי חֲטִיטָא בְּנֵי שֹׁבָי הַכֹּל מֵאָה שְׁלֹשִׁים וְתִשְׁעָה׃", 2.43. "הַנְּתִינִים בְּנֵי־צִיחָא בְנֵי־חֲשׂוּפָא בְּנֵי טַבָּעוֹת׃", 2.44. "בְּנֵי־קֵרֹס בְּנֵי־סִיעֲהָא בְּנֵי פָדוֹן׃", 2.45. "בְּנֵי־לְבָנָה בְנֵי־חֲגָבָה בְּנֵי עַקּוּב׃", 2.46. "בְּנֵי־חָגָב בְּנֵי־שמלי [שַׁלְמַי] בְּנֵי חָנָן׃", 2.47. "בְּנֵי־גִדֵּל בְּנֵי־גַחַר בְּנֵי רְאָיָה׃", 2.48. "בְּנֵי־רְצִין בְּנֵי־נְקוֹדָא בְּנֵי גַזָּם׃", 2.49. "בְּנֵי־עֻזָּא בְנֵי־פָסֵחַ בְּנֵי בֵסָי׃", 2.51. "בְּנֵי־בַקְבּוּק בְּנֵי־חֲקוּפָא בְּנֵי חַרְחוּר׃", 2.52. "בְּנֵי־בַצְלוּת בְּנֵי־מְחִידָא בְּנֵי חַרְשָׁא׃", 2.53. "בְּנֵי־בַרְקוֹס בְּנֵי־סִיסְרָא בְּנֵי־תָמַח׃", 2.54. "בְּנֵי נְצִיחַ בְּנֵי חֲטִיפָא׃", 2.55. "בְּנֵי עַבְדֵי שְׁלֹמֹה בְּנֵי־סֹטַי בְּנֵי־הַסֹּפֶרֶת בְּנֵי פְרוּדָא׃", 2.56. "בְּנֵי־יַעְלָה בְנֵי־דַרְקוֹן בְּנֵי גִדֵּל׃", 2.57. "בְּנֵי שְׁפַטְיָה בְנֵי־חַטִּיל בְּנֵי פֹּכֶרֶת הַצְּבָיִים בְּנֵי אָמִי׃", 2.58. "כָּל־הַנְּתִינִים וּבְנֵי עַבְדֵי שְׁלֹמֹה שְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת תִּשְׁעִים וּשְׁנָיִם׃", 2.59. "וְאֵלֶּה הָעֹלִים מִתֵּל מֶלַח תֵּל חַרְשָׁא כְּרוּב אַדָּן אִמֵּר וְלֹא יָכְלוּ לְהַגִּיד בֵּית־אֲבוֹתָם וְזַרְעָם אִם מִיִּשְׂרָאֵל הֵם׃", 2.61. "וּמִבְּנֵי הַכֹּהֲנִים בְּנֵי חֳבַיָּה בְּנֵי הַקּוֹץ בְּנֵי בַרְזִלַּי אֲשֶׁר לָקַח מִבְּנוֹת בַּרְזִלַּי הַגִּלְעָדִי אִשָּׁה וַיִּקָּרֵא עַל־שְׁמָם׃", 2.62. "אֵלֶּה בִּקְשׁוּ כְתָבָם הַמִּתְיַחְשִׂים וְלֹא נִמְצָאוּ וַיְגֹאֲלוּ מִן־הַכְּהֻנָּה׃", 2.63. "וַיֹּאמֶר הַתִּרְשָׁתָא לָהֶם אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יֹאכְלוּ מִקֹּדֶשׁ הַקֳּדָשִׁים עַד עֲמֹד כֹּהֵן לְאוּרִים וּלְתֻמִּים׃", 2.64. "כָּל־הַקָּהָל כְּאֶחָד אַרְבַּע רִבּוֹא אַלְפַּיִם שְׁלֹשׁ־מֵאוֹת שִׁשִּׁים׃", 2.65. "מִלְּבַד עַבְדֵיהֶם וְאַמְהֹתֵיהֶם אֵלֶּה שִׁבְעַת אֲלָפִים שְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת שְׁלֹשִׁים וְשִׁבְעָה וְלָהֶם מְשֹׁרְרִים וּמְשֹׁרְרוֹת מָאתָיִם׃", 2.66. "סוּסֵיהֶם שְׁבַע מֵאוֹת שְׁלֹשִׁים וְשִׁשָּׁה פִּרְדֵיהֶם מָאתַיִם אַרְבָּעִים וַחֲמִשָּׁה׃", 2.67. "גְּמַלֵּיהֶם אַרְבַּע מֵאוֹת שְׁלֹשִׁים וַחֲמִשָּׁה חֲמֹרִים שֵׁשֶׁת אֲלָפִים שְׁבַע מֵאוֹת וְעֶשְׂרִים׃", 2.68. "וּמֵרָאשֵׁי הָאָבוֹת בְּבוֹאָם לְבֵית יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר בִּירוּשָׁלִָם הִתְנַדְּבוּ לְבֵית הָאֱלֹהִים לְהַעֲמִידוֹ עַל־מְכוֹנוֹ׃", 2.69. "כְּכֹחָם נָתְנוּ לְאוֹצַר הַמְּלָאכָה זָהָב דַּרְכְּמוֹנִים שֵׁשׁ־רִבֹּאות וָאֶלֶף וְכֶסֶף מָנִים חֲמֵשֶׁת אֲלָפִים וְכָתְנֹת כֹּהֲנִים מֵאָה׃", 3.12. "וְרַבִּים מֵהַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַלְוִיִּם וְרָאשֵׁי הָאָבוֹת הַזְּקֵנִים אֲשֶׁר רָאוּ אֶת־הַבַּיִת הָרִאשׁוֹן בְּיָסְדוֹ זֶה הַבַּיִת בְּעֵינֵיהֶם בֹּכִים בְּקוֹל גָּדוֹל וְרַבִּים בִּתְרוּעָה בְשִׂמְחָה לְהָרִים קוֹל׃", | 2.1. "Now these are the children of the province, that went up out of the captivity of those that had been carried away, whom Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon had carried away unto Babylon, and that returned unto Jerusalem and Judah, every one unto his city;", 2.2. "who came with Zerubbabel, Jeshua, Nehemiah, Seraiah, Reelaiah, Mordecai, Bilshan, Mispar, Bigvai, Rehum, Baanah. The number of the men of the people of Israel: .", 2.3. "The children of Parosh, two thousand a hundred seventy and two.", 2.4. "The children of Shephatiah, three hundred seventy and two.", 2.5. "The children of Arah, seven hundred seventy and five.", 2.6. "The children of Pahath-moab, of the children of Jeshua and Joab, two thousand eight hundred and twelve.", 2.7. "The children of Elam, a thousand two hundred fifty and four.", 2.8. "The children of Zattu, nine hundred forty and five.", 2.9. "The children of Zaccai, seven hundred and threescore.", 2.10. "The children of Bani, six hundred forty and two.", 2.11. "The children of Bebai, six hundred twenty and three.", 2.12. "The children of Azgad, a thousand two hundred twenty and two.", 2.13. "The children of Adonikam, six hundred sixty and six.", 2.14. "The children of Bigvai, two thousand fifty and six.", 2.15. "The children of Adin, four hundred fifty and four.", 2.16. "The children of Ater, of Hezekiah, ninety and eight.", 2.17. "The children of Bezai, three hundred twenty and three.", 2.18. "The children of Jorah, a hundred and twelve.", 2.19. "The children of Hashum, two hundred twenty and three.", 2.20. "The children of Gibbar, ninety and five.", 2.21. "The children of Beth-lehem, a hundred twenty and three.", 2.22. "The men of Netophah, fifty and six.", 2.23. "The men of Anathoth, a hundred twenty and eight.", 2.24. "The children of Azmaveth, forty and two.", 2.25. "The children of Kiriath-arim, Chephirah, and Beeroth, seven hundred and forty and three.", 2.26. "The children of Ramah and Geba, six hundred twenty and one.", 2.27. "The men of Michmas, a hundred twenty and two.", 2.28. "The men of Beth-el and Ai, two hundred twenty and three.", 2.29. "The children of Nebo, fifty and two.", 2.30. "The children of Magbish, a hundred fifty and six.", 2.31. "The children of the other Elam, a thousand two hundred fifty and four.", 2.32. "The children of Harim, three hundred and twenty.", 2.33. "The children of Lod, Hadid, and Ono, seven hundred twenty and five.", 2.34. "The children of Jericho, three hundred forty and five.", 2.35. "The children of Senaah, three thousand and six hundred and thirty.", 2.36. "The priests: The children of Jedaiah, of the house of Jeshua, nine hundred seventy and three.", 2.37. "The children of Immer, a thousand fifty and two.", 2.38. "The children of Pashhur, a thousand two hundred forty and seven. .", 2.39. "The children of Harim, a thousand and seventeen.", 2.40. "The Levites: the children of Jeshua and Kadmiel, of the children of Hodaviah, seventy and four.", 2.41. "The singers: the children of Asaph, a hundred twenty and eight.", 2.42. "The children of the porters: the children of Shallum, the children of Ater, the children of Talmon, the children of Akkub, the children of Hatita, the children of Shobai, in all a hundred thirty and nine.", 2.43. "The Nethinim: the children of Ziha, the children of Hasupha, the children of Tabbaoth;", 2.44. "the children of Keros, the children of Siaha, the children of Padon;", 2.45. "the children of Lebanah, the children of Hagabah, the children of Akkub;", 2.46. "the children of Hagab, the children of Salmai, the children of Ha;", 2.47. "the children of Giddel, the children of Gahar, the children of Reaiah;", 2.48. "the children of Rezin, the children of Nekoda, the children of Gazzam;", 2.49. "the children of Uzza, the children of Paseah, the children of Besai;", 2.50. "the children of Asnah, the children of Meunim, the children of Nephusim;", 2.51. "the children of Bakbuk, the children of Hakupha, the children of Harhur;", 2.52. "the children of Bazluth, the children of Mehida, the children of Harsha;", 2.53. "the children of Barkos, the children of Sisera, the children of Temah;", 2.54. "the children of Neziah, the children of Hatipha.", 2.55. "The children of Solomon’s servants: the children of Sotai, the children of Hassophereth, the children of Peruda;", 2.56. "the children of Jaalah, the children of Darkon, the children of Giddel;", 2.57. "the children of Shephatiah, the children of Hattil, the children of Pochereth-hazzebaim, the children of Ami.", 2.58. "All the Nethinim, and the children of Solomon’s servants, were three hundred ninety and two.", 2.59. "And these were they that went up from Tel-melah, Tel-harsa, Cherub, Addan, and Immer; but they could not tell their fathers’houses, and their seed, whether they were of Israel:", 2.60. "the children of Delaiah, the children of Tobiah, the children of Nekoda, six hundred fifty and two.", 2.61. "And of the children of the priests: the children of Habaiah, the children of Hakkoz, the children of Barzillai, who took a wife of the daughters of Barzillai the Gileadite, and was called after their name.", 2.62. "These sought their register, that is, the genealogy, but it was not found; therefore were they deemed polluted and put from the priesthood.", 2.63. "And the Tirshatha said unto them, that they should not eat of the most holy things, till there stood up a priest with Urim and with Thummim. .", 2.64. "The whole congregation together was forty and two thousand three hundred and threescore,", 2.65. "beside their men-servants and their maid-servants, of whom there were seven thousand three hundred thirty and seven; and they had two hundred singing men and singing women.", 2.66. "Their horses were seven hundred thirty and six; their mules, two hundred forty and five;", 2.67. "their camels, four hundred thirty and five; their asses, six thousand seven hundred and twenty.", 2.68. "And some of the heads of fathers’houses, when they came to the house of the LORD which is in Jerusalem, offered willingly for the house of God to set it up in its place;", 2.69. "they gave after their ability into the treasury of the work threescore and one thousand darics of gold, and five thousand pounds of silver, and one hundred priests’tunics.", 2.70. "So the priests, and the Levites, and some of the people, and the singers, and the porters, and the Nethinim, dwelt in their cities, and all Israel in their cities.", 3.12. "But many of the priests and Levites and heads of fathers’houses, the old men that had seen the first house standing on its foundation, wept with a loud voice, when this house was before their eyes; and many shouted aloud for joy;", |
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| 20. Xenophon, On Horsemanship, 9.8-9.9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •experience, religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 206 |
| 21. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Engberg-Pedersen (2010) 241 |
| 22. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 655 |
| 23. Aristotle, Soul, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 655 |
| 24. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 655 |
25. Anon., 1 Enoch, 98.15, 104.9-104.10 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pseudo-phocylides, and religious experience Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35 | 104.9. day and night, see all your sins. Be not godless in your hearts, and lie not and alter not the words of uprightness, nor charge with lying the words of the Holy Great One, nor take account of your |
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26. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 6.21-6.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pseudo-phocylides, and religious experience Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35 | 6.21. Those who were in charge of that unlawful sacrifice took the man aside, because of their long acquaintance with him, and privately urged him to bring meat of his own providing, proper for him to use, and pretend that he was eating the flesh of the sacrificial meal which had been commanded by the king,' 6.22. o that by doing this he might be saved from death, and be treated kindly on account of his old friendship with them.' 6.23. But making a high resolve, worthy of his years and the dignity of his old age and the gray hairs which he had reached with distinction and his excellent life even from childhood, and moreover according to the holy God-given law, he declared himself quickly, telling them to send him to Hades.' 6.24. Such pretense is not worthy of our time of life, he said, 'lest many of the young should suppose that Eleazar in his ninetieth year has gone over to an alien religion,' 6.25. and through my pretense, for the sake of living a brief moment longer, they should be led astray because of me, while I defile and disgrace my old age.' 6.26. For even if for the present I should avoid the punishment of men, yet whether I live or die I shall not escape the hands of the Almighty.' 6.27. Therefore, by manfully giving up my life now, I will show myself worthy of my old age' 6.28. and leave to the young a noble example of how to die a good death willingly and nobly for the revered and holy laws.'When he had said this, he went at once to the rack.' |
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| 27. Cicero, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Rupke (2016) 59 |
| 28. Cicero, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Rupke (2016) 59 |
| 29. Dead Sea Scrolls, Community Rule, 4.9-4.14, 6.15, 8.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pseudo-phocylides, and religious experience Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35 |
30. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 108-110, 112, 111 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rupke (2016) 57| 111. non modo malitiosius gessisset sui quaestus aut commodi causa verum etiam neglegentius, cum maiores summum admisisse dedecus existimabant. itaque mandati constitutum constitutum ς est iudicium non minus turpe quam furti, credo, propterea quod quibus in rebus ipsi interesse non possumus, in eis in his A φψ operae nostrae vicaria fides amicorum supponitur; quam qui laedit, oppugnat omnium commune praesidium et, quantum in ipso est, disturbat vitae societatem. non enim possumus omnia per nos agere; alius in alia est re magis utilis. idcirco amicitiae comparantur ut commune commodum mutuis officiis gubernetur. | |
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31. Cicero, On Divination, 1.19, 2.45-2.47 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Rupke (2016) 59| 1.19. Atque ea, quae lapsu tandem cecidere vetusto, Haec fore perpetuis signis clarisque frequentans Ipse deum genitor caelo terrisque canebat. Nunc ea, Torquato quae quondam et consule Cotta Lydius ediderat Tyrrhenae gentis haruspex, Omnia fixa tuus glomerans determinat annus. Nam pater altitos stellanti nixus Olympo Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit Et Capitolinis iniecit sedibus ignis. Tum species ex aere vetus venerataque Nattae Concidit, elapsaeque vetusto numine leges, Et divom simulacra peremit fulminis ardor. 2.45. quid, cum in altissimos montis, quod plerumque fit? quid, cum in desertas solitudines? quid, cum in earum gentium oras, in quibus haec ne observantur quidem? At inventum est caput in Tiberi. Quasi ego artem aliquam istorum esse negem! divinationem nego. Caeli enim distributio, quam ante dixi, et certarum rerum notatio docet, unde fulmen venerit, quo concesserit; quid significet autem, nulla ratio docet. Sed urges me meis versibus: Nam pater altitos stellanti nixus Olympo Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit Et Capitolinis iniecit sedibus ignis. Tum statua Nattae, tum simulacra deorum Romulusque et Remus cum altrice belua vi fulminis icti conciderunt, deque his rebus haruspicum extiterunt responsa verissuma. 2.46. Mirabile autem illud, quod eo ipso tempore, quo fieret indicium coniurationis in senatu, signum Iovis biennio post, quam erat locatum, in Capitolio conlocabatur.—Tu igitur animum induces (sic enim mecum agebas) causam istam et contra facta tua et contra scripta defendere?—Frater es; eo vereor. Verum quid tibi hic tandem nocet? resne, quae talis est, an ego, qui verum explicari volo? Itaque nihil contra dico, a te rationem totius haruspicinae peto. Sed te mirificam in latebram coniecisti; quod enim intellegeres fore ut premerere, cum ex te causas unius cuiusque divinationis exquirerem, multa verba fecisti te, cum res videres, rationem causamque non quaerere; quid fieret, non cur fieret, ad rem pertinere. Quasi ego aut fieri concederem aut esset philosophi causam, 2.47. cur quidque fieret, non quaerere! Et eo quidem loco et Prognostica nostra pronuntiabas et genera herbarum, scammoniam aristolochiamque radicem, quarum causam ignorares, vim et effectum videres. Dissimile totum; nam et prognosticorum causas persecuti sunt et Boëthus Stoicus, qui est a te nominatus, et noster etiam Posidonius, et, si causae non reperiantur istarum rerum, res tamen ipsae observari animadvertique potuerunt. Nattae vero statua aut aera legum de caelo tacta quid habent observatum ac vetustum? Pinarii Nattae nobiles; a nobilitate igitur periculum. Hoc tam callide Iuppiter ex cogitavit! Romulus lactens fulmine ictus; urbi igitur periculum ostenditur, ei quam ille condidit. Quam scite per notas nos certiores facit Iuppiter! At eodem tempore signum Iovis conlocabatur, quo coniuratio indicabatur. Et tu scilicet mavis numine deorum id factum quam casu arbitrari, et redemptor, qui columnam illam de Cotta et de Torquato conduxerat faciendam, non inertia aut inopia tardior fuit, sed a deis inmortalibus ad istam horam reservatus est. | 1.19. And the misfortunes which happened at last and were long in their passing —These were foretold by the Father of Gods, in earth and in heaven,Through unmistakable signs that he gave and often repeated.[12] Now, of those prophecies made when Torquatus and Cotta were consuls, —Made by a Lydian diviner, by one of Etruscan extraction —All, in the round of your crowded twelve months, were brought to fulfilment.For high-thundering Jove, as he stood on starry Olympus,Hurled forth his blows at the temples and monuments raised in his honour,And on the Capitols site he unloosed the bolts of his lightning.Then fell the brazen image of Natta, ancient and honoured:Vanished the tablets of laws long ago divinely enacted;Wholly destroyed were the statues of gods by the heat of the lightning. 2.45. What, for example, is his object in hurling them into the middle of the sea? or, as he so often does, on to the tops of lofty mountains? Why, pray, does he waste them in solitary deserts? And why does he fling them on the shores of peoples who do not take any notice of them?[20] Oh! but you say, the head was found in the Tiber. As if I contended that your soothsayers were devoid of art! My contention is that there is no divination. By dividing the heavens in the manner already indicated and by noting what happened in each division the soothsayers learn whence the thunderbolt comes and whither it goes, but no method can show that the thunderbolt has any prophetic value. However, you array those verses of mine against me:For high-thundering Jove, as he stood on starry Olympus,Hurtled his blows at the temples and monuments raised in his honour,And on the Capitols site unloosed the bolts of his lightning.Then, the poem goes on to say, the statue of Natta, the images of the gods and the piece representing Romulus and Remus, with their wolf-nurse, were struck by a thunderbolt and fell to the ground. The prophecies made by the soothsayers from these events were fulfilled to the letter. 2.46. Besides, you quote me as authority for the remarkable fact that, at the very time when proof of the conspiracy was being presented to the Senate, the statue of Jupiter, which had been contracted for two years before, was being erected on the Capitol.Will you then — for thus you pleaded with me — will you then persuade yourself to take sides against me in this discussion, in the face of your own writings and of your own practice? You are my brother and on that account I shrink from recrimination. But what, pray, is causing you distress in this matter? Is it the nature of the subject? Or is it my insistence on finding out the truth? And so I waive your charge of my inconsistency — I am asking you for an explanation of the entire subject of soothsaying. But you betook yourself to a strange place of refuge. You knew that you would be in straits when I asked your reason for each kind of divination, and, hence, you had much to say to this effect: Since I see what divination does I do not ask the reason or the cause why it does it. The question is, what does it do? not, why does it do it? As if I would grant either that divination accomplished anything, or that it was permissible for a philosopher not to ask why anything happened! 2.47. It was in that same connexion that you brought force my Prognostics and some samples of herbs — the scammony and aristolochia root — saying that you could see their virtue and effect but did not know the cause.[21] But your illustrations are not pertinent at all. For example, the causes of meteorological phenomena have been investigated by Boëthus the Stoic, whom you mentioned, and by our friend Posidonius; and even if the causes are not discovered by them, yet the phenomena themselves are capable of observation and study. But what opportunity was there for long-continued observation in the case where Nattas statue and the brazen tablets of laws were struck by lightning? The Nattas, you say, were of the Pinarian gens and of noble birth, therefore danger was to be expected from the nobility. So clever of Jupiter to devise such a means to warn us of danger! The statue of the infant Romulus, you observe, was struck by a thunderbolt; hence danger was thereby predicted to the city which he founded. How wise of Jupiter to use signs in conveying information to us! Again, you say, Jupiter statue was being set up at the very time the conspiracy was being exposed. You, of course, prefer to attribute this coincidence to a divine decree rather than to chance. The man to whom Cotta and Torquatus let the contract for the statue did not, I presume, delay the completion of his work either from lack of energy or from lack of funds, but his hand was stayed till the appointed hour by the immortal gods! |
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| 32. Cicero, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Rupke (2016) 59 |
33. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 15.54.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •experience, collective religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 218 | 15.54.2. Certain local oracle-mongers likewise came up to Epameinondas, saying that the Lacedaemonians were destined to meet with a great disaster by the tomb of the daughters of Leuctrus and Scedasus for the following reasons. |
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| 34. Livy, History, 7.8.5, 26.19.5, 36.1.3, 41.15 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •experience, religious experience •religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 189; Rupke (2016) 59 |
| 35. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 41.3, 41.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Rupke (2016) 94 |
36. Tosefta, Sukkah, 1.12-1.13, 2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 214, 225| 2.3. "שומרי העיר ביום פטורים מן הסוכה ביום וחייבין בלילה שומרי העיר בלילה פטורין בלילה וחייבין ביום שומרי העיר בין ביום בין בלילה פטורין בין ביום בין בלילה [הולכי דרכים פטורין ביום וחייבין בלילה] שומרי גנות [ופרדסות פטורין בלילה וחייבין ביום].", | 2.3. "The watchmen of the city who watch by day are exempt from the law of the sukkah by day, but under obligation by night; those who watch by day and by night are exempted both by day and by night. Travellers are under obligation by night, but exempted by day. Keepers of gardens and parks are exempted both by day and by night. ", |
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37. New Testament, Romans, 1.3-1.4, 8.9-8.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Harkins and Maier (2022) 25| 1.3. περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, τοῦ γενομένου ἐκ σπέρματος Δαυεὶδ κατὰ σάρκα, 1.4. τοῦ ὁρισθέντος υἱοῦ θεοῦ ἐν δυνάμει κατὰ πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν, Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν, 8.9. Ὑμεῖς δὲ οὐκ ἐστὲ ἐν σαρκὶ ἀλλὰ ἐν πνεύματι. εἴπερ πνεῦμα θεοῦ οἰκεῖ ἐν ὑμῖν. εἰ δέ τις πνεῦμα Χριστοῦ οὐκ ἔχει, οὗτος οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτοῦ. 8.10. εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς ἐν ὑμῖν, τὸ μὲν σῶμα νεκρὸν διὰ ἁμαρτίαν, τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα ζωὴ διὰ δικαιοσύνην. 8.11. εἰ δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ ἐγείραντος τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐκ νεκρῶν οἰκεῖ ἐν ὑμῖν, ὁ ἐγείρας ἐκ νεκρῶν Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν ζωοποιήσει [καὶ] τὰ θνητὰ σώματα ὑμῶν διὰ τοῦ ἐνοικοῦντος αὐτοῦ πνεύματος ἐν ὑμῖν. | 1.3. concerning his Son, who was born of the seed of David according to the flesh, 1.4. who was declared to be the Son of God with power, according to the Spirit of holiness, by the resurrection from the dead, Jesus Christ our Lord, 8.9. But you are not in the flesh but in the Spirit, if it is so that the Spirit of God dwells in you. But if any man doesn't have the Spirit of Christ, he is not his. 8.10. If Christ is in you, the body is dead because of sin, but the spirit is alive because of righteousness. 8.11. But if the Spirit of him who raised up Jesus from the dead dwells in you, he who raised up Christ Jesus from the dead will also give life to your mortal bodies through his Spirit who dwells in you. |
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38. New Testament, Galatians, 2.19-2.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Harkins and Maier (2022) 25| 2.19. ἐγὼ γὰρ διὰ νόμου νόμῳ ἀπέθανον ἵνα θεῷ ζήσω· Χριστῷ συνεσταύρωμαι· 2.20. ζῶ δὲ οὐκέτι ἐγώ, ζῇ δὲ ἐν ἐμοὶ Χριστός· ὃ δὲ νῦν ζῶ ἐν σαρκί, ἐν πίστει ζῶ τῇ τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἀγαπήσαντός με καὶ παραδόντος ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ. | 2.19. For I, through the law, died to the law,that I might live to God. 2.20. I have been crucified with Christ, andit is no longer I that live, but Christ living in me. That life which Inow live in the flesh, I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me,and gave himself up for me. |
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| 39. Plutarch, Nicias, 13-14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 217 |
40. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.526-1.529, 1.641-1.643 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pseudo-phocylides, and religious experience Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35 | 1.526. 3. When Eurycles had made this portentous speech, he greatly commended Antipater, as the only child that had an affection for his father, and on that account was an impediment to the other’s plot against him. Hereupon the king, who had hardly repressed his anger upon the former accusations, was exasperated to an incurable degree. 1.527. At which time Antipater took another occasion to send in other persons to his father to accuse his brethren, and to tell him that they had privately discoursed with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had once been masters of the horse to the king, but for some offenses had been put out of that honorable employment. Herod was in a very great rage at these informations, and presently ordered those men to be tortured; 1.528. yet did not they confess anything of what the king had been informed; but a certain letter was produced, as written by Alexander to the governor of a castle, to desire him to receive him and Aristobulus into the castle when he had killed his father, and to give them weapons, and what other assistance he could, upon that occasion. 1.529. Alexander said that this letter was a forgery of Diophantus. This Diophantus was the king’s secretary, a bold man, and cunning in counterfeiting anyone’s hand; and after he had counterfeited a great number, he was at last put to death for it. Herod did also order the governor of the castle to be tortured, but got nothing out of him of what the accusations suggested. 1.641. 6. Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus’s domestic servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maidservant of Julia [Caesar’s wife], whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia’s papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her goodwill to him. 1.642. This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. 1.643. This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him:—“As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised, when all is accomplished.” |
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41. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 6.12-6.20, 12.3, 15.45 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harkins and Maier (2022) 25, 29| 6.12. Πάντα μοι ἔξεστιν· ἀλλʼ οὐ πάντα συμφέρει. πάντα μοι ἔξεστιν· ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐγὼ ἐξουσιασθήσομαι ὑπό τινος. 6.13. τὰ βρώματα τῇ κοιλίᾳ, καὶ ἡ κοιλία τοῖς βρώμασιν· ὁ δὲ θεὸς καὶ ταύτην καὶ ταῦτα καταργήσει. τὸ δὲ σῶμα οὐ τῇ πορνείᾳ ἀλλὰ τῷ κυρίῳ, καὶ ὁ κύριος τῷ σώματι· 6.14. ὁ δὲ θεὸς καὶ τὸν κύριον ἤγειρεν καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐξεγερεῖ διὰ τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ. 6.15. οὐκ οἴδατε ὅτι τὰ σώματα ὑμῶν μέλη Χριστοῦ ἐστίν; ἄρας οὖν τὰ μέλη τοῦ χριστοῦ ποιήσω πόρνης μέλη; μὴ γένοιτο. 6.16. ἢ οὐκ οἴδατε ὅτι ὁ κολλώμενος τῇ πόρνῃ ἓν σῶμά ἐστιν;Ἔσονταιγάρ, φησίν,οἱ δύο εἰς σάρκα μίαν. 6.17. ὁ δὲ κολλώμενος τῷ κυρίῳ ἓν πνεῦμά ἐστιν. 6.18. φεύγετε τὴν πορνείαν· πᾶν ἁμάρτημα ὃ ἐὰν ποιήσῃ ἄνθρωπος ἐκτὸς τοῦ σώματός ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ πορνεύων εἰς τὸ ἴδιον σῶμα ἁμαρτάνει. 6.19. ἢ οὐκ οἴδατε ὅτι τὸ σῶμα ὑμῶν ναὸς τοῦ ἐν ὑμῖν ἁγίου πνεύματός ἐστιν, οὗ ἔχετε ἀπὸ θεοῦ; 6.20. καὶ οὐκ ἐστὲ ἑαυτῶν, ἠγοράσθητε γὰρ τιμῆς· δοξάσατε δὴ τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ σώματι ὑμῶν. 12.3. διὸ γνωρίζω ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐδεὶς ἐν πνεύματι θεοῦ λαλῶν λέγει ΑΝΑΘΕΜΑ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ, καὶ οὐδεὶς δύναται εἰπεῖν ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ εἰ μὴ ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ. 15.45. οὕτως καὶ γέγραπταιἘγένετο ὁ πρῶτος ἄνθρωπος Ἀδὰμ εἰς ψυχὴν ζῶσαν·ὁ ἔσχατος Ἀδὰμ εἰς πνεῦμα ζωοποιοῦν. | 6.12. "All things are lawful for me," but not all thingsare expedient. "All things are lawful for me," but I will not bebrought under the power of anything. 6.13. "Foods for the belly, andthe belly for foods," but God will bring to nothing both it and them.But the body is not for sexual immorality, but for the Lord; and theLord for the body. 6.14. Now God raised up the Lord, and will alsoraise us up by his power. 6.15. Don't you know that your bodies aremembers of Christ? Shall I then take the members of Christ, and makethem members of a prostitute? May it never be! 6.16. Or don't you knowthat he who is joined to a prostitute is one body? For, "The two," sayshe, "will become one flesh." 6.17. But he who is joined to the Lord isone spirit. 6.18. Flee sexual immorality! "Every sin that a man doesis outside the body," but he who commits sexual immorality sins againsthis own body. 6.19. Or don't you know that your body is a temple ofthe Holy Spirit which is in you, which you have from God? You are notyour own, 6.20. for you were bought with a price. Therefore glorifyGod in your body and in your spirit, which are God's. 12.3. Therefore Imake known to you that no man speaking by God's Spirit says, "Jesus isaccursed." No one can say, "Jesus is Lord," but by the Holy Spirit. 15.45. So also it is written, "The first man, Adam, became a livingsoul." The last Adam became a life-giving spirit. |
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42. Mishnah, Sukkah, 4.7 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 11| 4.7. "מִיַּד הַתִּינוֹקוֹת שׁוֹמְטִין אֶת לוּלְבֵיהֶן וְאוֹכְלִין אֶתְרוֹגֵיהֶן: \n", | 4.7. "Immediately after beating the willows (or palm branches) the children undo their lulavs and eat their etrogim.", |
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43. New Testament, Colossians, 3.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pseudo-phocylides, and religious experience Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35| 3.9. μὴ ψεύδεσθε εἰς ἀλλήλους· ἀπεκδυσάμενοι τὸν παλαιὸν ἄνθρωπον σὺν ταῖς πράξεσιν αὐτοῦ, | 3.9. Don't lie to one another, seeing that you have put off the old man with his doings, |
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44. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 3.17, 4.7-4.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Harkins and Maier (2022) 25| 3.17. ὁ δὲ κύριος τὸ πνεῦμά ἐστιν· οὗ δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα Κυρίου, ἐλευθερία. 4.7. Ἔχομεν δὲ τὸν θησαυρὸν τοῦτον ἐν ὀστρακίνοις σκεύεσιν, ἵνα ἡ ὑπερβολὴ τῆς δυνάμεως ᾖ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μὴ ἐξ ἡμῶν· 4.8. ἐν παντὶ θλιβόμενοι ἀλλʼ οὐ στενοχωρούμενοι, ἀπορούμενοι ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐξαπορούμενοι, 4.9. διωκόμενοι ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐγκαταλειπόμενοι;, καταβαλλόμενοι ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἀπολλύμενοι, 4.10. πάντοτε τὴν νέκρωσιν τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἐν τῷ σώματι περιφέροντες, ἵνα καὶ ἡ ζωὴ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἐν τῷ σώματι ἡμῶν φανερωθῇ· 4.11. ἀεὶ γὰρ ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες εἰς θάνατον παραδιδόμεθα διὰ Ἰησοῦν, ἵνα καὶ ἡ ζωὴ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ φανερωθῇ ἐν τῇ θνητῇ σαρκὶ ἡμῶν. 4.12. ὥστε ὁ θάνατος ἐν ἡμῖν ἐνεργεῖται, ἡ δὲ ζωὴ ἐν ὑμῖν. 4.13. ἔχοντες δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ πνεῦμα τῆς πίστεως, κατὰ τὸ γεγραμμένονἘπίστευσα, διὸ ἐλάλησα,καὶ ἡμεῖς πιστεύομεν, διὸ καὶ λαλοῦμεν, 4.14. εἰδότες ὅτι ὁ ἐγείρας τὸν [κύριον] Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἡμᾶς σὺν Ἰησοῦ ἐγερεῖ καὶ παραστήσει σὺν ὑμῖν. 4.15. τὰ γὰρ πάντα διʼ ὑμᾶς, ἵνα ἡ χάρις πλεονάσασα διὰ τῶν πλειόνων τὴν εὐχαριστίαν περισσεύσῃ εἰς τὴν δόξαν τοῦ θεοῦ. | |
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45. New Testament, Ephesians, 4.25, 6.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pseudo-phocylides, and religious experience Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35| 4.25. Διὸ ἀποθέμενοι τὸ ψεῦδος λαλεῖτε ἀλήθειαν ἕκαστος μετὰ τοῦ πλησίον αὐτοῦ, ὅτι ἐσμὲν ἀλλήλων μέλη. 6.14. στῆτε οὖν περιζωσάμενοι τὴν ὀσφὺν ὑμῶν ἐν ἀληθεία, καὶ ἐνδυσάμενοι τὸν θώρακα τῆς δικαιοσύνης, | 4.25. Therefore, putting away falsehood, speak truth each one with his neighbor. For we are members one of another. 6.14. Stand therefore, having the utility belt of truth buckled around your waist, and having put on the breastplate of righteousness, |
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| 46. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.7.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •experience, religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 189 |
47. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 30.12 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 308| 30.12. דָּבָר אַחֵר, פְּרִי עֵץ הָדָר, אֵלּוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל, מָה אֶתְרוֹג זֶה יֵשׁ בּוֹ טַעַם וְיֵשׁ בּוֹ רֵיחַ, כָּךְ יִשְׂרָאֵל יֵשׁ בָּהֶם בְּנֵי אָדָם שֶׁיֵּשׁ בָּהֶם תּוֹרָה וְיֵשׁ בָּהֶם מַעֲשִׂים טוֹבִים. כַּפֹּת תְּמָרִים, אֵלּוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל, מָה הַתְּמָרָה הַזּוֹ יֵשׁ בּוֹ טַעַם וְאֵין בּוֹ רֵיחַ, כָּךְ הֵם יִשְׂרָאֵל יֵשׁ בָּהֶם שֶׁיֵּשׁ בָּהֶם תּוֹרָה וְאֵין בָּהֶם מַעֲשִׂים טוֹבִים. וַעֲנַף עֵץ עָבֹת, אֵלּוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל, מָה הֲדַס יֵשׁ בּוֹ רֵיחַ וְאֵין בּוֹ טַעַם, כָּךְ יִשְׂרָאֵל יֵשׁ בָּהֶם שֶׁיֵּשׁ בָּהֶם מַעֲשִׂים טוֹבִים וְאֵין בָּהֶם תּוֹרָה. וְעַרְבֵי נָחַל, אֵלּוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל, מָה עֲרָבָה זוֹ אֵין בָּהּ טַעַם וְאֵין בָּהּ רֵיחַ, כָּךְ הֵם יִשְׂרָאֵל יֵשׁ בָּהֶם בְּנֵי אָדָם שֶׁאֵין בָּהֶם לֹא תּוֹרָה וְלֹא מַעֲשִׂים טוֹבִים, וּמָה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא עוֹשֶׂה לָהֶם, לְאַבְּדָן אִי אֶפְשָׁר, אֶלָּא אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא יֻקְשְׁרוּ כֻלָּם אֲגֻדָּה אַחַת וְהֵן מְכַפְּרִין אֵלּוּ עַל אֵלּוּ, וְאִם עֲשִׂיתֶם כָּךְ אוֹתָהּ שָׁעָה אֲנִי מִתְעַלֶּה, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (עמוס ט, ו): הַבּוֹנֶה בַשָּׁמַיִם מַעֲלוֹתָו, וְאֵימָתַי הוּא מִתְעֲלֶה כְּשֶׁהֵן עֲשׂוּיִין אֲגֻדָּה אַחַת, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (עמוס ט, ו): וַאֲגֻדָּתוֹ עַל אֶרֶץ יְסָדָהּ, לְפִיכָךְ משֶׁה מַזְהִיר לְיִשְׂרָאֵל: וּלְקַחְתֶּם לָכֶם בַּיּוֹם הָרִאשׁוֹן. | 30.12. "Another explanation: \"The fruit of a beautiful tree\" - these are [referring to] Israel. Just like this citron (etrog), which has taste and has smell, so too Israel has among them people that have Torah and have good deeds. \"The branches of a date palm\" - these are [referring to] Israel. Just like this date, which has taste and has no smell, so too Israel has among them those that have Torah but do not have good deeds. \"And a branch of a braided tree (a myrtle)\" - these are [referring to] Israel. Just like this myrtle, which has smell and has no taste, so too Israel has among them those that have good deeds but do not have Torah. \"And brook willows\" - these are [referring to] Israel. Just like this willow, which has no smell and has no taste, so too Israel has among them people that have no Torah and have no good deeds. And what does the Holy One, blessed be He, do to them? To destroy them is impossible, but rather the Holy One, blessed be He, said \"bind them all together [into] one grouping and these will atone for those.\" And if you will have done that, I will be elevated at that time. This is [the meaning of] what is written (Amos 9:6), \"He Who built the upper chambers in the heavens\" (indicating his elevation). And when is He elevated? When they make one grouping, as it is stated (Ibid.), \"and established His grouping on the earth.\" Hence Moshe warned Israel, \"And you shall take for yourselves on the first day.\"", |
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| 48. Tertullian, On The Soul, 9.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Harkins and Maier (2022) 104 |
| 49. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Yishmael, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 239 |
| 50. Palestinian Talmud, Sukkah, 1.8 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 214 |
51. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.4, 1.22.3, 2.20.6, 8.8.2-8.8.3, 8.11.12, 9.39.4-9.39.14, 10.23.1-10.23.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, epiphany •cultic ritual practice, theoria (religious experience and practice) •religious experience •experience, collective religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 217; Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 79, 80, 251, 496| 1.4.4. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τοὺς Ἕλληνας τρόπον τὸν εἰρημένον ἔσωζον, οἱ δὲ Γαλάται Πυλῶν τε ἐντὸς ἦσαν καὶ τὰ πολίσματα ἑλεῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ποιησάμενοι Δελφοὺς καὶ τὰ χρήματα. τοῦ θεοῦ διαρπάσαι μάλιστα εἶχον σπουδήν. καί σφισιν αὐτοί τε Δελφοὶ καὶ Φωκέων ἀντετάχθησαν οἱ τὰς πόλεις περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν οἰκοῦντες, ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ δύναμις Αἰτωλῶν· τὸ γὰρ Αἰτωλικὸν προεῖχεν ἀκμῇ νεότητος τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον. ὡς δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνῄεσαν, ἐνταῦθα κεραυνοί τε ἐφέροντο ἐς τοὺς Γαλάτας καὶ ἀπορραγεῖσαι πέτραι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ, δείματά τε ἄνδρες ἐφίσταντο ὁπλῖται τοῖς βαρβάροις· τούτων τοὺς μὲν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν, Ὑπέροχον καὶ Ἀμάδοκον, τὸν δὲ τρίτον Πύρρον εἶναι τὸν Ἀχιλλέως· ἐναγίζουσι δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης Δελφοὶ τῆς συμμαχίας Πύρρῳ, πρότερον ἔχοντες ἅτε ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ. 1.22.3. Ἀφροδίτην δὲ τὴν Πάνδημον, ἐπεί τε Ἀθηναίους Θησεὺς ἐς μίαν ἤγαγεν ἀπὸ τῶν δήμων πόλιν, αὐτήν τε σέβεσθαι καὶ Πειθὼ κατέστησε· τὰ μὲν δὴ παλαιὰ ἀγάλματα οὐκ ἦν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ, τὰ δὲ ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ τεχνιτῶν ἦν οὐ τῶν ἀφανεστάτων. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Γῆς Κουροτρόφου καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερὸν Χλόης· τὰ δὲ ἐς τὰς ἐπωνυμίας ἔστιν αὐτῶν διδαχθῆναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐλθόντα ἐς λόγους. 2.20.6. τῶν δὲ ἀνδριάντων οὐ πόρρω δείκνυται Δαναοῦ μνῆμα καὶ Ἀργείων τάφος κενὸς ὁπόσους ἔν τε Ἰλίῳ καὶ ὀπίσω κομιζομένους ἐπέλαβεν ἡ τελευτή. καὶ Διός ἐστιν ἐνταῦθα ἱερὸν Σωτῆρος καὶ παριοῦσίν ἐστιν οἴκημα· ἐνταῦθα τὸν Ἄδωνιν αἱ γυναῖκες Ἀργείων ὀδύρονται. ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ τῆς ἐσόδου τῷ Κηφισῷ πεποίηται τὸ ἱερόν· τῷ δὲ ποταμῷ τούτῳ τὸ ὕδωρ φασὶν οὐ καθάπαξ ὑπὸ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἀφανισθῆναι, ἀλλὰ ἐνταῦθα δὴ μάλιστα, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ ἱερόν ἐστι, συνιᾶσιν ὑπὸ γῆν ῥέοντος. 8.8.2. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τοιάδε ὑπὸ Ἀρκάδων, Ῥέα ἡνίκα Ποσειδῶνα ἔτεκε, τὸν μὲν ἐς ποίμνην καταθέσθαι δίαιταν ἐνταῦθα ἕξοντα μετὰ τῶν ἀρνῶν, ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὲ ὀνομασθῆναι καὶ τὴν πηγήν, ὅτι περὶ αὐτὴν ἐποιμαίνοντο οἱ ἄρνες· φάναι δὲ αὐτὴν πρὸς τὸν Κρόνον τεκεῖν ἵππον καί οἱ πῶλον ἵππου καταπιεῖν ἀντὶ τοῦ παιδὸς δοῦναι, καθὰ καὶ ὕστερον ἀντὶ τοῦ Διὸς λίθον ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ κατειλημένον σπαργάνοις. 8.8.3. τούτοις Ἑλλήνων ἐγὼ τοῖς λόγοις ἀρχόμενος μὲν τῆς συγγραφῆς εὐηθίας ἔνεμον πλέον, ἐς δὲ τὰ Ἀρκάδων προεληλυθὼς πρόνοιαν περὶ αὐτῶν τοιάνδε ἐλάμβανον· Ἑλλήνων τοὺς νομιζομένους σοφοὺς διʼ αἰνιγμάτων πάλαι καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος λέγειν τοὺς λόγους, καὶ τὰ εἰρημένα οὖν ἐς τὸν Κρόνον σοφίαν εἶναί τινα εἴκαζον Ἑλλήνων. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἡκόντων τοῖς εἰρημένοις χρησόμεθα· 8.11.12. Ἀθηναίοις δὲ μάντευμα ἐκ Δωδώνης Σικελίαν ἦλθεν οἰκίζειν, ἡ δὲ οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως ἡ Σικελία λόφος ἐστὶν οὐ μέγας· οἱ δὲ οὐ συμφρονήσαντες τὸ εἰρημένον ἔς τε ὑπερορίους στρατείας προήχθησαν καὶ ἐς τὸν Συρακοσίων πόλεμον. ἔχοι δʼ ἄν τις καὶ πλέονα τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἐοικότα ἄλλα ἐξευρεῖν. 9.39.4. τὰ δὲ ἐπιφανέστατα ἐν τῷ ἄλσει Τροφωνίου ναὸς καὶ ἄγαλμά ἐστιν, Ἀσκληπιῷ καὶ τοῦτο εἰκασμένον· Πραξιτέλης δὲ ἐποίησε τὸ ἄγαλμα. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Εὐρώπης καὶ Ζεὺς Ὑέτιος ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ. ἀναβᾶσι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ μαντεῖον καὶ αὐτόθεν ἰοῦσιν ἐς τὸ πρόσω τοῦ ὄρους, Κόρης ἐστὶ καλουμένη θήρα καὶ Διὸς Βασιλέως ναός. τοῦτον μὲν δὴ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος ἢ καὶ τῶν πολέμων τὸ ἀλλεπάλληλον ἀφείκασιν ἡμίεργον· ἐν δὲ ἑτέρῳ ναῷ Κρόνου καὶ Ἥρας καὶ Διός ἐστιν ἀγάλματα. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερόν. 9.39.5. κατὰ δὲ τὸ μαντεῖον τοιάδε γίνεται. ἐπειδὰν ἀνδρὶ ἐς τοῦ Τροφωνίου κατιέναι δόξῃ, πρῶτα μὲν τεταγμένων ἡμερῶν δίαιταν ἐν οἰκήματι ἔχει, τὸ δὲ οἴκημα Δαίμονός τε ἀγαθοῦ καὶ Τύχης ἱερόν ἐστιν ἀγαθῆς· διαιτώμενος δὲ ἐνταῦθα τά τε ἄλλα καθαρεύει καὶ λουτρῶν εἴργεται θερμῶν, τὸ δὲ λουτρὸν ὁ ποταμός ἐστιν ἡ Ἕρκυνα· καί οἱ καὶ κρέα ἄφθονά ἐστιν ἀπὸ τῶν θυσιῶν, θύει γὰρ δὴ ὁ κατιὼν αὐτῷ τε τῷ Τροφωνίῳ καὶ τοῦ Τροφωνίου τοῖς παισί, πρὸς δὲ Ἀπόλλωνί τε καὶ Κρόνῳ καὶ Διὶ ἐπίκλησιν Βασιλεῖ καὶ Ἥρᾳ τε Ἡνιόχῃ καὶ Δήμητρι ἣν ἐπονομάζοντες Εὐρώπην τοῦ Τροφωνίου φασὶν εἶναι τροφόν. 9.39.6. καθʼ ἑκάστην δὲ τῶν θυσιῶν ἀνὴρ μάντις παρὼν ἐς τοῦ ἱερείου τὰ σπλάγχνα ἐνορᾷ, ἐνιδὼν δὲ προθεσπίζει τῷ κατιόντι εἰ δὴ αὐτὸν εὐμενὴς ὁ Τροφώνιος καὶ ἵλεως δέξεται. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἄλλων ἱερείων τὰ σπλάγχνα οὐχ ὁμοίως δηλοῖ τοῦ Τροφωνίου τὴν γνώμην· ἐν δὲ νυκτὶ ᾗ κάτεισιν ἕκαστος, ἐν ταύτῃ κριὸν θύουσιν ἐς βόθρον, ἐπικαλούμενοι τὸν Ἀγαμήδην. θυμάτων δὲ τῶν πρότερον πεφηνότων αἰσίων λόγος ἐστὶν οὐδείς, εἰ μὴ καὶ τοῦδε τοῦ κριοῦ τὰ σπλάγχνα τὸ αὐτὸ θέλοι λέγειν· ὁμολογούντων δὲ καὶ τούτων, τότε ἕκαστος ἤδη κάτεισιν εὔελπις, κάτεισι δὲ οὕτω. 9.39.7. πρῶτα μὲν ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ αὐτὸν ἄγουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τὴν Ἕρκυναν, ἀγαγόντες δὲ ἐλαίῳ χρίουσι καὶ λούουσι δύο παῖδες τῶν ἀστῶν ἔτη τρία που καὶ δέκα γεγονότες, οὓς Ἑρμᾶς ἐπονομάζουσιν· οὗτοι τὸν καταβαίνοντά εἰσιν οἱ λούοντες καὶ ὁπόσα χρὴ διακονούμενοι ἅτε παῖδες. τὸ ἐντεῦθεν ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ αὐτίκα ἐπὶ τὸ μαντεῖον, ἐπὶ δὲ ὕδατος πηγὰς ἄγεται· αἱ δὲ ἐγγύτατά εἰσιν ἀλλήλων. 9.39.8. ἐνταῦθα δὴ χρὴ πιεῖν αὐτὸν Λήθης τε ὕδωρ καλούμενον, ἵνα λήθη γένηταί οἱ πάντων ἃ τέως ἐφρόντιζε, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε ἄλλο αὖθις ὕδωρ πίνειν Μνημοσύνης· ἀπὸ τούτου τε μνημονεύει τὰ ὀφθέντα οἱ καταβάντι. θεασάμενος δὲ ἄγαλμα ὃ ποιῆσαι Δαίδαλόν φασιν—ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ ἐπιδείκνυται πλὴν ὅσοι παρὰ τὸν Τροφώνιον μέλλουσιν ἔρχεσθαι— τοῦτο τὸ ἄγαλμα ἰδὼν καὶ θεραπεύσας τε καὶ εὐξάμενος ἔρχεται πρὸς τὸ μαντεῖον, χιτῶνα ἐνδεδυκὼς λινοῦν καὶ ταινίαις τὸν χιτῶνα ἐπιζωσθεὶς καὶ ὑποδησάμενος ἐπιχωρίας κρηπῖδας. 9.39.9. ἔστι δὲ τὸ μαντεῖον ὑπὲρ τὸ ἄλσος ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους. κρηπὶς μὲν ἐν κύκλῳ περιβέβληται λίθου λευκοῦ, περίοδος δὲ τῆς κρηπῖδος κατὰ ἅλων τὴν ἐλαχίστην ἐστίν, ὕψος δὲ ἀποδέουσα δύο εἶναι πήχεις· ἐφεστήκασι δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ κρηπῖδι ὀβελοὶ καὶ αὐτοὶ χαλκοῖ καὶ αἱ συνέχουσαι σφᾶς ζῶναι, διὰ δὲ αὐτῶν θύραι πεποίηνται. τοῦ περιβόλου δὲ ἐντὸς χάσμα γῆς ἐστιν οὐκ αὐτόματον ἀλλὰ σὺν τέχνῃ καὶ ἁρμονίᾳ πρὸς τὸ ἀκριβέστατον ᾠκοδομημένον. 9.39.10. τοῦ δὲ οἰκοδομήματος τούτου τὸ σχῆμα εἴκασται κριβάνῳ· τὸ δὲ εὖρος ἡ διάμετρος αὐτοῦ τέσσαρας παρέχοιτο ἂν ὡς εἰκάσαι πήχεις· βάθος δὲ τοῦ οἰκοδομήματος, οὐκ ἂν οὐδὲ τοῦτο εἰκάζοι τις ἐς πλέον ὀκτὼ καθήκειν πηχῶν. κατάβασις δὲ οὐκ ἔστι πεποιημένη σφίσιν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος· ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀνὴρ ἔρχηται παρὰ τὸν Τροφώνιον, κλίμακα αὐτῷ κομίζουσι στενὴν καὶ ἐλαφράν. καταβάντι δέ ἐστιν ὀπὴ μεταξὺ τοῦ τε ἐδάφους καὶ τοῦ οἰκοδομήματος· σπιθαμῶν τὸ εὖρος δύο, τὸ δὲ ὕψος ἐφαίνετο εἶναι σπιθαμῆς. 9.39.11. ὁ οὖν κατιὼν κατακλίνας ἑαυτὸν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος ἔχων μάζας μεμαγμένας μέλιτι προεμβάλλει τε ἐς τὴν ὀπὴν τοὺς πόδας καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιχωρεῖ, τὰ γόνατά οἱ τῆς ὀπῆς ἐντὸς γενέσθαι προθυμούμενος· τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν σῶμα αὐτίκα ἐφειλκύσθη τε καὶ τοῖς γόνασιν ἐπέδραμεν, ὥσπερ ποταμῶν ὁ μέγιστος καὶ ὠκύτατος συνδεθέντα ὑπὸ δίνης ἀποκρύψειεν ἂν ἄνθρωπον. τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν τοῖς ἐντὸς τοῦ ἀδύτου γενομένοις οὐχ εἷς οὐδὲ ὁ αὐτὸς τρόπος ἐστὶν ὅτῳ διδάσκονται τὰ μέλλοντα, ἀλλά πού τις καὶ εἶδε καὶ ἄλλος ἤκουσεν. ἀναστρέψαι δὲ ὀπίσω τοῖς καταβᾶσι διὰ στομίου τε ἔστι τοῦ αὐτοῦ καὶ προεκθεόντων σφίσι τῶν ποδῶν. 9.39.12. ἀποθανεῖν δὲ οὐδένα τῶν καταβάντων λέγουσιν ὅτι μὴ μόνον τῶν Δημητρίου τινὰ δορυφόρων· τοῦτον δὲ οὔτε ποιῆσαι περὶ τὸ ἱερόν φασιν οὐδὲν τῶν νενομισμένων οὔτε χρησόμενον τῷ θεῷ καταβῆναι, χρυσὸν δὲ καὶ ἄργυρον ἐκκομιεῖν ἐλπίσαντα ἐκ τοῦ ἀδύτου. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τούτου τὸν νεκρὸν ἑτέρωθι ἀναφανῆναι καὶ οὐ κατὰ στόμα ἐκβληθῆναι τὸ ἱερόν. ἐς μὲν δὴ τὸν ἄνθρωπον λεγομένων καὶ ἄλλων εἴρηταί μοι τὰ ἀξιολογώτατα· 9.39.13. τὸν δὲ ἀναβάντα παρὰ τοῦ Τροφωνίου παραλαβόντες αὖθις οἱ ἱερεῖς καθίζουσιν ἐπὶ θρόνον Μνημοσύνης μὲν καλούμενον, κεῖται δὲ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ ἀδύτου, καθεσθέντα δὲ ἐνταῦθα ἀνερωτῶσιν ὁπόσα εἶδέ τε καὶ ἐπύθετο· μαθόντες δὲ ἐπιτρέπουσιν αὐτὸν ἤδη τοῖς προσήκουσιν. οἱ δὲ ἐς τὸ οἴκημα, ἔνθα καὶ πρότερον διῃτᾶτο παρά τε Τύχῃ καὶ Δαίμονι ἀγαθοῖς, ἐς τοῦτο ἀράμενοι κομίζουσι κάτοχόν τε ἔτι τῷ δείματι καὶ ἀγνῶτα ὁμοίως αὑτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν πέλας. ὕστερον μέντοι τά τε ἄλλα οὐδέν τι φρονήσει μεῖον ἢ πρότερον καὶ γέλως ἐπάνεισίν οἱ. 9.39.14. γράφω δὲ οὐκ ἀκοὴν ἀλλὰ ἑτέρους τε ἰδὼν καὶ αὐτὸς τῷ Τροφωνίῳ χρησάμενος. τοὺς δὲ ἐς τοῦ Τροφωνίου κατελθόντας, ἀνάγκη σφᾶς, ὁπόσα ἤκουσεν ἕκαστος ἢ εἶδεν, ἀναθεῖναι γεγραμμένα ἐν πίνακι. λείπεται δʼ ἔτι καὶ τοῦ Ἀριστομένους ἐνταῦθα ἡ ἀσπίς· τὰ δὲ ἐς αὐτὴν ὁποῖα ἐγένετο, ἐδήλωσα ἐν τοῖς προτέροις τοῦ λόγου. 10.23.1. Βρέννῳ δὲ καὶ τῇ στρατιᾷ τῶν τε Ἑλλήνων οἱ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀθροισθέντες ἀντετάξαντο, καὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀντεσήμαινε τὰ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ ταχύ τε καὶ ὧν ἴσμεν φανερώτατα. ἥ τε γὰρ γῆ πᾶσα, ὅσην ἐπεῖχεν ἡ τῶν Γαλατῶν στρατιά, βιαίως καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐσείετο τῆς ἡμέρας, βρονταί τε καὶ κεραυνοὶ συνεχεῖς ἐγίνοντο· 10.23.2. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐξέπληττόν τε τοὺς Κελτοὺς καὶ δέχεσθαι τοῖς ὠσὶ τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ἐκώλυον, τὰ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ οὐκ ἐς ὅντινα κατασκήψαι μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πλησίον καὶ αὐτοὺς ὁμοίως καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἐξῆπτε. τά τε τῶν ἡρώων τηνικαῦτά σφισιν ἐφάνη φάσματα, ὁ Ὑπέροχος καὶ ὁ Λαόδοκός τε καὶ Πύρρος· οἱ δὲ καὶ τέταρτον Φύλακον ἐπιχώριον Δελφοῖς ἀπαριθμοῦσιν ἥρωα. | 1.4.4. So they tried to save Greece in the way described, but the Gauls, now south of the Gates, cared not at all to capture the other towns, but were very eager to sack Delphi and the treasures of the god. They were opposed by the Delphians themselves and the Phocians of the cities around Parnassus ; a force of Aetolians also joined the defenders, for the Aetolians at this time were pre-eminent for their vigorous activity. When the forces engaged, not only were thunderbolts and rocks broken off from Parnassus hurled against the Gauls, but terrible shapes as armed warriors haunted the foreigners. They say that two of them, Hyperochus and Amadocus, came from the Hyperboreans, and that the third was Pyrrhus son of Achilles. Because of this help in battle the Delphians sacrifice to Pyrrhus as to a hero, although formerly they held even his tomb in dishonor, as being that of an enemy. 1.22.3. When Theseus had united into one state the many Athenian parishes, he established the cults of Aphrodite Pandemos (Common) and of Persuasion. The old statues no longer existed in my time, but those I saw were the work of no inferior artists. There is also a sanctuary of Earth, Nurse of Youth, and of Demeter Chloe (Green). You can learn all about their names by conversing with the priests. 2.20.6. Not far from the statues are shown the tomb of Danaus and a cenotaph of the Argives who met their death at Troy or on the journey home. Here there is also a sanctuary of Zeus the Saviour. Beyond it is a building where the Argive women bewail Adonis. On the right of the entrance is the sanctuary of Cephisus. It is said that the water of this river was not utterly destroyed by Poseidon, but that just in this place, where the sanctuary is, it can be heard flowing under the earth. 8.8.2. The following story is told by the Arcadians. When Rhea had given birth to Poseidon, she laid him in a flock for him to live there with the lambs, and the spring too received its name just because the lambs pastured around it. Rhea, it is said, declared to Cronus that she had given birth to a horse, and gave him a foal to swallow instead of the child, just as later she gave him in place of Zeus a stone wrapped up in swaddling clothes. 8.8.3. When I began to write my history I was inclined to count these legends as foolishness, but on getting as far as Arcadia I grew to hold a more thoughtful view of them, which is this. In the days of old those Greeks who were considered wise spoke their sayings not straight out but in riddles, and so the legends about Cronus I conjectured to be one sort of Greek wisdom. In matters of divinity, therefore, I shall adopt the received tradition. 8.11.12. The Athenians received an oracle from Dodona ordering them to colonize Sicily , and Sicily is a small hill not far from Athens . But they, not understanding the order, were persuaded to undertake expeditions overseas, especially the Syracusan war. More examples could be found similar to those I have given. 9.39.4. The most famous things in the grove are a temple and image of Trophonius; the image, made by Praxiteles, is after the likeness of Asclepius. There is also a sanctuary of Demeter surnamed Europa, and a Zeus Rain-god in the open. If you go up to the oracle, and thence onwards up the mountain, you come to what is called the Maid's Hunting and a temple of King Zeus. This temple they have left half finished, either because of its size or because of the long succession of the wars. In a second temple are images of Cronus, Hera and Zeus. There is also a sanctuary of Apollo. 9.39.5. What happens at the oracle is as follows. When a man has made up his mind to descend to the oracle of Trophonius, he first lodges in a certain building for an appointed number of days, this being sacred to the good Spirit and to good Fortune. While he lodges there, among other regulations for purity he abstains from hot baths, bathing only in the river Hercyna. Meat he has in plenty from the sacrifices, for he who descends sacrifices to Trophonius himself and to the children of Trophonius, to Apollo also and Cronus, to Zeus surnamed King, to Hera Charioteer, and to Demeter whom they surname Europa and say was the nurse of Trophonius. 9.39.6. At each sacrifice a diviner is present, who looks into the entrails of the victim, and after an inspection prophesies to the person descending whether Trophonius will give him a kind and gracious reception. The entrails of the other victims do not declare the mind of Trophonius so much as a ram, which each inquirer sacrifices over a pit on the night he descends, calling upon Agamedes. Even though the previous sacrifices have appeared propitious, no account is taken of them unless the entrails of this ram indicate the same; but if they agree, then the inquirer descends in good hope. The procedure of the descent is this. 9.39.7. First, during the night he is taken to the river Hercyna by two boys of the citizens about thirteen years old, named Hermae, who after taking him there anoint him with oil and wash him. It is these who wash the descender, and do all the other necessary services as his attendant boys. After this he is taken by the priests, not at once to the oracle, but to fountains of water very near to each other. 9.39.8. Here he must drink water called the water of Forgetfulness, that he may forget all that he has been thinking of hitherto, and afterwards he drinks of another water, the water of Memory, which causes him to remember what he sees after his descent. After looking at the image which they say was made by Daedalus (it is not shown by the priests save to such as are going to visit Trophonius), having seen it, worshipped it and prayed, he proceeds to the oracle, dressed in a linen tunic, with ribbons girding it, and wearing the boots of the country. 9.39.9. The oracle is on the mountain, beyond the grove. Round it is a circular basement of white marble, the circumference of which is about that of the smallest threshing floor, while its height is just short of two cubits. On the basement stand spikes, which, like the cross-bars holding them together, are of bronze, while through them has been made a double door. Within the enclosure is a chasm in the earth, not natural, but artificially constructed after the most accurate masonry. 9.39.10. The shape of this structure is like that of a bread-oven. Its breadth across the middle one might conjecture to be about four cubits, and its depth also could not be estimated to extend to more than eight cubits. They have made no way of descent to the bottom, but when a man comes to Trophonius, they bring him a narrow, light ladder. After going down he finds a hole between the floor and the structure. Its breadth appeared to be two spans, and its height one span. 9.39.11. The descender lies with his back on the ground, holding barley-cakes kneaded with honey, thrusts his feet into the hole and himself follows, trying hard to get his knees into the hole. After his knees the rest of his body is at once swiftly drawn in, just as the largest and most rapid river will catch a man in its eddy and carry him under. After this those who have entered the shrine learn the future, not in one and the same way in all cases, but by sight sometimes and at other times by hearing. The return upwards is by the same mouth, the feet darting out first. 9.39.12. They say that no one who has made the descent has been killed, save only one of the bodyguard of Demetrius. But they declare that he performed none of the usual rites in the sanctuary, and that he descended, not to consult the god but in the hope of stealing gold and silver from the shrine. It is said that the body of this man appeared in a different place, and was not cast out at the sacred mouth. Other tales are told about the fellow, but I have given the one most worthy of consideration. 9.39.13. After his ascent from Trophonius the inquirer is again taken in hand by the priests, who set him upon a chair called the chair of Memory, which stands not far from the shrine, and they ask of him, when seated there, all he has seen or learned. After gaining this information they then entrust him to his relatives. These lift him, paralyzed with terror and unconscious both of himself and of his surroundings, and carry him to the building where he lodged before with Good Fortune and the Good Spirit. Afterwards, however, he will recover all his faculties, and the power to laugh will return to him. 9.39.14. What I write is not hearsay; I have myself inquired of Trophonius and seen other inquirers. Those who have descended into the shrine of Trophonius are obliged to dedicate a tablet on which is written all that each has heard or seen. The shield also of Aristomenes is still preserved here. Its story I have already given in a former part of my work. See Paus. 4.16.7 to Paus. 4.32.6 . 10.23.1. Brennus and his army were now faced by the Greeks who had mustered at Delphi , and soon portents boding no good to the barbarians were sent by the god, the clearest recorded in history. For the whole ground occupied by the Gallic army was shaken violently most of the day, with continuous thunder and lightning. 10.23.2. The thunder both terrified the Gauls and prevented them hearing their orders, while the bolts from heaven set on fire not only those whom they struck but also their neighbors, themselves and their armour alike. Then there were seen by them ghosts of the heroes Hyperochus, Laodocus and Pyrrhus; according to some a fourth appeared, Phylacus, a local hero of Delphi . |
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| 52. Anon., Sifra, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 239 |
| 53. Hermas, Mandates, 5-6, 11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harkins and Maier (2022) 25, 29 |
| 54. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 1.1, 2.1, 2.8, 2.23, 2.41, 2.65, 37.1, 38.14, 38.23, 39.3, 42.2-42.3, 42.9, 42.15, 44.18, 45.9, 45.34 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience •cultic ritual practice, theoria (religious experience and practice) •aristides, aristides’s religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 71, 79, 80; Trapp et al (2016) 70 |
| 55. Anon., Sifre Deuteronomy, 213 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 239 |
| 56. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 33, 47 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 239 |
57. Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 214| 2a. מתני׳ big strongסוכה /strong /big שהיא גבוהה למעלה מעשרים אמה פסולה ורבי יהודה מכשיר,ושאינה גבוהה עשרה טפחים ושאין לה (שלשה) דפנות ושחמתה מרובה מצלתה פסולה:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big תנן התם מבוי שהוא גבוה מעשרים אמה ימעט רבי יהודה אומר אינו צריך,מאי שנא גבי סוכה דתני פסולה ומאי שנא גבי מבוי דתני תקנתא, סוכה דאורייתא תני פסולה מבוי דרבנן תני תקנתא, ואיבעית אימא בדאורייתא נמי תני תקנתא מיהו סוכה (דנפישי מילתה) פסיק ותני פסולה מבוי דלא נפיש מיליה תני תקנתא,מנה"מ,אמר רבה דאמר קרא (ויקרא כג, מג) למען ידעו דורותיכם כי בסוכות הושבתי את בני ישראל עד עשרים אמה אדם יודע שהוא דר בסוכה למעלה מעשרים אמה אין אדם יודע שדר בסוכה משום דלא שלטא בה עינא,רבי זירא אמר מהכא (ישעיהו ד, ו) וסוכה תהיה לצל יומם מחורב עד עשרים אמה אדם יושב בצל סוכה למעלה מעשרים אמה אין אדם יושב בצל סוכה אלא בצל דפנות,א"ל אביי אלא מעתה העושה סוכתו בעשתרות קרנים הכי נמי דלא הוי סוכה,א"ל התם דל עשתרות קרנים איכא צל סוכה הכא דל דפנות ליכא צל סוכה,ורבא אמר מהכא (ויקרא כג, מב) בסוכות תשבו שבעת ימים אמרה תורה כל שבעת הימים צא מדירת קבע ושב בדירת עראי עד עשרים אמה אדם עושה דירתו דירת עראי למעלה מעשרים אמה אין אדם עושה דירתו דירת עראי אלא דירת קבע,א"ל אביי אלא מעתה עשה מחיצות של ברזל וסיכך על גבן הכי נמי דלא הוי סוכה,א"ל הכי קאמינא לך עד כ' אמה דאדם עושה דירתו דירת עראי כי עביד ליה דירת קבע נמי נפיק למעלה מכ' אמה דאדם עושה דירתו דירת קבע כי עביד ליה דירת עראי נמי לא נפיק | 2a. strong MISHNA: /strong b A i sukka /i , /b i.e., its roofing, which is the main and most crucial element of the mitzva, b that is more than twenty cubits high is unfit. Rabbi Yehuda deems it fit. /b ,Similarly, a i sukka /i b that is not /b even b ten handbreadths high, and /b one b that does not have three walls, and /b one b whose sunlight /b that passes through its roofing b is greater than its shade are unfit. /b , strong GEMARA: /strong b We learned /b a similar i halakha /i in a mishna b there, /b in tractate i Eiruvin /i (2a): In the case of b an alleyway that is higher than twenty cubits, /b i.e., the beam that was placed across the end of an alleyway that opens into a public domain in order to permit carrying within the alleyway on Shabbat is higher than twenty cubits, b one /b must b diminish /b the height of the beam in order to permit carrying within the alleyway. b Rabbi Yehuda says he need not /b do so, and although the beam lies higher than twenty cubits, the alleyway is qualified to permit carrying within.,Given the seeming similarity between the two cases, that of the i sukka /i and that of the alleyway, the Gemara asks: b What is different with regard to a i sukka /i where /b the mishna b teaches /b that it is b unfit, and what is different with regard to an alleyway where /b the mishna b teaches /b the method of b rectification, /b that one must diminish the height of the cross beam? Why was a solution not suggested in the case of a i sukka /i ?,The Gemara answers: With regard to b i sukka /i , /b since it is a mitzva b by Torah law, /b the mishna b teaches /b that it is b unfit, /b as, if it is not constructed in the proper manner, no mitzva is fulfilled. However, with regard to b an alleyway, /b where the entire prohibition of carrying is only b by rabbinic law, /b the mishna b teaches /b the method of b rectification, /b as the cross beam comes only to rectify a rabbinic prohibition but does not involve a mitzva by Torah law.,The Gemara suggests an alternative explanation: b And if you wish, say /b instead that b even /b with regard to matters prohibited b by Torah law, /b it would have been appropriate for the mishna to teach a method of b rectification. However, /b with regard to b i sukka /i , whose matters are numerous, it categorically teaches /b that it is b unfit. /b Merely diminishing the height of a i sukka /i is insufficient to render it fit; the i sukka /i must also satisfy requirements governing its size, its walls, and its roofing. Teaching the remedy for each disqualification would have required lengthy elaboration. With regard to b an alleyway, /b however, b whose matters are not numerous, /b the mishna b teaches /b the method of b rectification. /b Once the height is diminished, it is permitted to carry in the alleyway.,§ After clarifying its formulation, the Gemara addresses the i halakha /i in the mishna and asks: b From where are these matters, /b i.e., the i halakha /i that a i sukka /i may not exceed a height of twenty cubits, derived?, b Rabba said /b that it is derived b as the verse states: “So that your future generations will know that I caused the children of Israel to reside in i sukkot /i /b when I took them out of the land of Egypt” (Leviticus 23:43). In a i sukka /i b up to twenty cubits /b high, even without a concerted effort, b a person is aware that he is residing in a i sukka /i . /b His eye catches sight of the roofing, evoking the i sukka /i and its associated mitzvot. However, in a i sukka /i that is b more than twenty cubits high, a person is not aware that he is residing in a i sukka /i because his eye does not /b involuntarily b catch sight /b of the roof, as at that height, without a concerted effort one would not notice the roofing., b Rabbi Zeira said /b that it is derived b from here: /b The verse states: b “And there shall be a i sukka /i for shade in the daytime from the heat, /b and for refuge and cover from storm and from rain” (Isaiah 4:6). In a i sukka /i b up to twenty cubits /b high, b a person is sitting in the shade of the i sukka /i , /b i.e., the shade of the roofing; in a i sukka /i that is b more than twenty cubits high, a person is not sitting in the shade of /b the roofing of b the i sukka /i but rather in the shade of the walls /b of the i sukka /i , as their considerable height provides constant shade, rendering the shade of the roofing irrelevant., b Abaye said to him: But if /b it is b so /b that one is required to sit in the shade of the roofing of the i sukka /i , then in the case of b one who makes his i sukka /i in Ashterot Karnayim, /b which is located between two mountains that prevent sunlight from reaching there, b so too, /b it b is not a /b fit b i sukka /i , /b since he is not sitting in the shade of the roofing.,Rabbi Zeira b said to him: /b The two cases are not comparable; b there, /b if one theoretically b removes /b the b Ashterot Karnayim /b mountains that obstruct the sunlight, b there is /b still the b shade of the /b roofing of the b i sukka /i . /b In that case, the i sukka /i is properly constructed and there are only external factors that affect the sunlight. However, b here, /b in the case of a i sukka /i that is more than twenty cubits high, if one theoretically b removes the walls /b of the i sukka /i , b there is no shade /b provided b by the /b roofing of the b i sukka /i , /b since throughout the day sunlight will enter the i sukka /i beneath the roofing from where the walls used to be., b Rava said /b that the i halakha /i is derived b from here: “In i sukkot /i shall you reside seven days” /b (Leviticus 23:42). b The Torah said: /b For b the entire seven days, emerge from the permanent residence /b in which you reside year round b and reside in a temporary residence, /b the i sukka /i . In constructing a i sukka /i b up to twenty cubits /b high, b a person /b can b render his residence a temporary residence, /b as up to that height one can construct a structure that is not sturdy; however, in constructing a i sukka /i b above twenty cubits high, one cannot render his residence a temporary residence; rather, /b he must construct a sturdy b permanent residence, /b which is unfit for use as a i sukka /i ., b Abaye said to him: But if /b that is b so, /b then if b he constructed /b a i sukka /i with b steel partitions and placed roofing over them, so too, /b there, say that b it would not be a /b fit b i sukka /i , /b as any i sukka /i constructed as a permanent residence would be unfit. However, there is no opinion that deems a i sukka /i of that sort unfit.,Rava b said to him /b in response that b this is what I am saying to you: /b In a case where one constructs a i sukka /i b up to twenty cubits /b high, a height b that a person /b typically constructs b a temporary residence, when he constructs /b a structure of that height that is sturdy like b a permanent residence, he also fulfills /b his obligation. However, in a case where one constructs a i sukka /i b more than twenty cubits high, /b a height b that a person /b typically constructs b a permanent residence, /b even b when he constructs it /b in a less sturdy fashion b like a temporary residence, he does not fulfill his obligation. /b |
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58. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 11 | 65a. b And this is as we learned /b in a mishna ( i Shekalim /i 13b): b Petaḥya /b was responsible b for the nests /b of birds, i.e., the doves or pigeons brought by a i zav /i , a i zava /i , a woman after childbirth, and a leper. These individuals would place the appropriate sum of money into the horn designated for this purpose, and each day Petaḥya oversaw the purchase of birds from that money and their sacrifice in the proper manner. b This /b Sage b is Mordekhai; /b and b why was he called Petaḥya, /b which resembles the word for opening [ i petaḥ /i ]? The reason is b that he would open, /b i.e., elucidate, difficult b topics and interpret them /b to the people, b and /b because b he knew /b all b seventy languages /b known in that region at the time.,The Gemara asks: What was unique about Petaḥya? b All /b of the members of the b Sanhedrin also know /b all b seventy languages. As Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b They b place on the /b Great b Sanhedrin only /b men b of wisdom, and of /b pleasant b appearance, and of /b high b stature, and of /b suitable b age /b so that they will be respected. b And /b they must also be b masters of sorcery, /b i.e., they know the nature of sorcery, so that they can judge sorcerers, b and /b they must b know /b all b seventy languages /b in order b that the Sanhedrin will not /b need to b hear /b testimony b from the mouth of a translator /b in a case where a witness speaks a different language.,The Gemara answers: b Rather, /b Petaḥya was unique b as /b he not only knew all seventy languages, but also had the ability to b combine /b various b languages and interpret /b them. b This is /b the meaning of that b which is written with regard to Mordekhai: “Bilshan” /b (Nehemiah 7:7). Bilshan is interpreted as another name for Mordekhai, as he would combine [ i balil /i ] languages [ i lashon /i ]., strong MISHNA: /strong b How would they perform /b the rite of the harvest of the i omer /i ? b Emissaries of the court /b would b emerge on the eve of the festival /b of Passover b and fashion /b the stalks of barley into b sheaves while /b the stalks were still b attached to the ground, so that it would be convenient to reap /b them. The residents of b all the towns adjacent to /b the site of the harvest b would assemble there, so that it would be harvested with great fanfare. /b , b Once it grew dark, /b the court emissary b says to /b those assembled: b Did the sun set? /b The assembly b says /b in response: b Yes. /b The emissary repeats: b Did the sun set? /b They again b say: Yes. /b The court emissary next says to those assembled: Shall I reap the sheaves with b this sickle? /b The assembly b says /b in response: b Yes. /b The emissary repeats: With b this sickle? /b The assembly b says: Yes. /b The court emissary then says to those assembled: Shall I place the gathered sheaves in b this basket? /b The assembly b says /b in response: b Yes. /b The emissary repeats: In b this basket? /b The assembly b says: Yes. /b ,If the sixteenth of Nisan occurs b on Shabbat, /b the court emissary b says to /b the assembled: Shall I cut the sheaves on b this Shabbat? /b The assembly b says /b in response: b Yes. /b The emissary repeats: On b this Shabbat? /b The assembly b says: Yes. /b The court emissary says to those assembled: b Shall I cut /b the sheaves? b And they say to him /b in response: b Cut. /b The emissary repeats: b Shall I cut /b the sheaves? b And they say /b to him: b Cut. /b ,The emissary asks b three times with regard to each and every matter, and /b the assembly b says to him: Yes, yes, yes. /b The mishna asks: b Why do I /b need those involved to publicize each stage of the rite b to that extent? /b The mishna answers: It is b due to the Boethusians, as they /b deny the validity of the Oral Law and b would say: There is no harvest of the i omer /i at the conclusion of the /b first b Festival /b day of Passover unless it occurs at the conclusion of Shabbat. The publicity was to underscore that the sixteenth of Nisan was the proper time for the i omer /i harvest., strong GEMARA: /strong b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b These are the days on which fasting is prohibited, and on some of them eulogizing is prohibited /b as well: b From the New Moon of Nisan until the eighth of /b the month, the proper sacrifice of b the daily offering was established, /b and therefore it was decreed b not to eulogize /b on these dates. b And /b furthermore, b from the eighth of /b Nisan b until the end of the festival /b of Passover, the correct date for the b festival of i Shavuot /i was restored, /b and it was similarly decreed b not to eulogize /b during this period.,The Gemara discusses the i baraita /i : b From the New Moon of Nisan until the eighth of /b the month the proper sacrifice of b the daily offering was established, /b and therefore it was decreed b not to eulogize /b on these dates. The Gemara explains b that the Sadducees would say: An individual may donate and bring /b the b daily offering, /b in opposition to the accepted tradition that the daily offering must be brought from communal funds. b What /b verse did the Sadducees b expound? “The one lamb shall you offer [ i ta’aseh /i ] in the morning, and the other lamb shall you offer in the afternoon” /b (Numbers 28:4). Since the verse is in the singular form, the Sadducees maintained that even an individual may donate the daily offering.,The Gemara asks: b What /b did the Sages b reply /b to refute the argument of the Sadducees? They cited the verse: “Command the children of Israel, and say to them: b My food that is presented to Me for offerings made by fire, /b of a pleasing aroma unto Me, b you shall observe [ i tishmeru /i ] /b to offer to Me in its due season” (Numbers 28:2). The term: “You shall observe” is in the plural form, which indicates that b all of the /b daily offerings b should come from collection of the /b Temple treasury b chamber. /b Since during that period, between the New Moon of Nisan and the eighth of Nisan, the Sages overruled the Sadducees, it was established as a period of rejoicing, and it was prohibited to eulogize on those dates.,The Gemara discusses the next period listed in the i baraita /i : b From the eighth of /b Nisan b until the end of the festival /b of Passover, the correct date for the b festival of i Shavuot /i was restored, /b and it was similarly decreed b not to eulogize /b during this period. b As the Boethusians would say /b that the festival of b i Shavuot /i /b always occurs b after Shabbat, /b on a Sunday. Their reasoning was that the verse states, with regard to the i omer /i offering and the festival of i Shavuot /i that follows seven weeks later: “And you shall count for you from the morrow after the day of rest [ i hashabbat /i ], from the day that you brought the sheaf [ i omer /i ] of the waving; seven weeks shall there be complete” (Leviticus 23:15). Disregarding the oral tradition, the Boethusians interpreted the phrase “from the morrow after the day of rest [ i hashabbat /i ]” literally, as referring to Shabbat, not the Festival day.,At the time, b Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai joined /b the discussion with the Boethusians b and said to them: Fools! From where /b have b you /b derived this? b And there was no man who answered him, except for one elderly man who was prattling [ i mefatpet /i ] at him, and he said: Moses, our teacher, was a lover of the Jewish people and he knew that i Shavuot /i is /b only b one day. /b Therefore, b he arose and established it after Shabbat, in order that the Jewish people would enjoy themselves for two days. /b Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai b recited this verse /b in response b to /b that old man: b “It is eleven days’ journey from Horeb to Kadesh Barnea by the way of Mount Seir” /b (Deuteronomy 1:2). |
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| 59. Cyrillus, Glossarium, 1.6.46 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •experience, religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 206 |
| 60. Gregory of Nyssa, Against Eunomius, 2.21 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Rupke (2016) 63 |
61. Augustine, The City of God, 6.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious experience •temple, religious experience Found in books: Rupke (2016) 50, 57 | 6.1. Now, as, in the next place (as the promised order demands), those are to be refuted and taught who contend that the gods of the nations, which the Christian truth destroys, are to be worshipped not on account of this life, but on account of that which is to be after death, I shall do well to commence my disputation with the truthful oracle of the holy psalm, Blessed is the man whose hope is the Lord God, and who respects not vanities and lying follies. Nevertheless, in all vanities and lying follies the philosophers are to be listened to with far more toleration, who have repudiated those opinions and errors of the people; for the people set up images to the deities, and either feigned concerning those whom they call immortal gods many false and unworthy things, or believed them, already feigned, and, when believed, mixed them up with their worship and sacred rites. With those men who, though not by free avowal of their convictions, do still testify that they disapprove of those things by their muttering disapprobation during disputations on the subject, it may not be very far amiss to discuss the following question: Whether for the sake of the life which is to be after death, we ought to worship, not the one God who made all creatures spiritual and corporeal, but those many gods who, as some of these philosophers hold, were made by that one God, and placed by Him in their respective sublime spheres, and are therefore considered more excellent and more noble than all the others? But who will assert that it must be affirmed and contended that those gods, certain of whom I have mentioned in the fourth book, to whom are distributed, each to each, the charges of minute things, do bestow eternal life? But will those most skilled and most acute men, who glory in having written for the great benefit of men, to teach on what account each god is to be worshipped, and what is to be sought from each, lest with most disgraceful absurdity, such as a mimic is wont for the sake of merriment to exhibit, water should be sought from Liber, wine from the Lymphs, - will those men indeed affirm to any man supplicating the immortal gods, that when he shall have asked wine from the Lymphs, and they shall have answered him, We have water, seek wine from Liber, he may rightly say, If you have not wine, at least give me eternal life? What more monstrous than this absurdity? Will not these Lymphs, - for they are wont to be very easily made laugh, - laughing loudly (if they do not attempt to deceive like demons), answer the suppliant, O man, do you think that we have life (vitam) in our power, who you hear have not even the vine (vitem)? It is therefore most impudent folly to seek and hope for eternal life from such gods as are asserted so to preside over the separate minute concernments of this most sorrowful and short life, and whatever is useful for supporting and propping it, as that if anything which is under the care and power of one be sought from another, it is so incongruous and absurd that it appears very like to mimic drollery - which, when it is done by mimics knowing what they are doing, is deservedly laughed at in the theatre, but when it is done by foolish persons, who do not know better, is more deservedly ridiculed in the world. Wherefore, as concerns those gods which the states have established, it has been cleverly invented and handed down to memory by learned men, what god or goddess is to be supplicated in relation to every particular thing - what, for instance, is to be sought from Liber, what from the Lymphs, what from Vulcan, and so of all the rest, some of whom I have mentioned in the fourth book, and some I have thought right to omit. Further, if it is an error to seek wine from Ceres, bread from Liber, water from Vulcan, fire from the Lymphs, how much greater absurdity ought it to be thought, if supplication be made to any one of these for eternal life? Wherefore, if, when we were inquiring what gods or goddesses are to be believed to be able to confer earthly kingdoms upon men, all things having been discussed, it was shown to be very far from the truth to think that even terrestrial kingdoms are established by any of those many false deities, is it not most insane impiety to believe that eternal life, which is, without any doubt or comparison, to be preferred to all terrestrial kingdoms, can be given to any one by any of these gods? For the reason why such gods seemed to us not to be able to give even an earthly kingdom, was not because they are very great and exalted, while that is something small and abject, which they, in their so great sublimity, would not condescend to care for, but because, however deservedly any one may, in consideration of human frailty, despise the falling pinnacles of an earthly kingdom, these gods have presented such an appearance as to seem most unworthy to have the granting and preserving of even those entrusted to them; and consequently, if (as we have taught in the two last books of our work, where this matter is treated of) no god out of all that crowd, either belonging to, as it were, the plebeian or to the noble gods, is fit to give mortal kingdoms to mortals, how much less is he able to make immortals of mortals? And more than this, if, according to the opinion of those with whom we are now arguing, the gods are to be worshipped, not on account of the present life, but of that which is to be after death, then, certainly, they are not to be worshipped on account of those particular things which are distributed and portioned out (not by any law of rational truth, but by mere vain conjecture) to the power of such gods, as they believe they ought to be worshipped, who contend that their worship is necessary for all the desirable things of this mortal life, against whom I have disputed sufficiently, as far as I was able, in the five preceding books. These things being so, if the age itself of those who worshipped the goddess Juventas should be characterized by remarkable vigor, while her despisers should either die within the years of youth, or should, during that period, grow cold as with the torpor of old age; if bearded Fortuna should cover the cheeks of her worshippers more handsomely and more gracefully than all others, while we should see those by whom she was despised either altogether beardless or ill-bearded; even then we should most rightly say, that thus far these several gods had power, limited in some way by their functions, and that, consequently, neither ought eternal life to be sought from Juventas, who could not give a beard, nor ought any good thing after this life to be expected from Fortuna Barbata, who has no power even in this life to give the age itself at which the beard grows. But now, when their worship is necessary not even on account of those very things which they think are subjected to their power - for many worshippers of the goddess Juventas have not been at all vigorous at that age, and many who do not worship her rejoice in youthful strength; and also many suppliants of Fortuna Barbata have either not been able to attain to any beard at all, not even an ugly one, although they who adore her in order to obtain a beard are ridiculed by her bearded despisers - is the human heart really so foolish as to believe that that worship of the gods, which it acknowledges to be vain and ridiculous with respect to those very temporal and swiftly passing gifts, over each of which one of these gods is said to preside, is fruitful in results with respect to eternal life? And that they are able to give eternal life has not been affirmed even by those who, that they might be worshipped by the silly populace, distributed in minute division among them these temporal occupations, that none of them might sit idle; for they had supposed the existence of an exceedingly great number. |
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| 62. Ammonius Hermiae, In Aristotelis Analyticorum Priorum Librum I Commentarium, 7.13, 20.24-20.26 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pseudo-phocylides, and religious experience Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35 |
| 63. Mishna, Ber, 2.1, 4.5-4.6, 5.1 Tagged with subjects: •intention, and religious experience Found in books: Hayes (2022) 506 |
| 64. Mishna, Men, 13.11 Tagged with subjects: •intention, and religious experience Found in books: Hayes (2022) 506 |
| 65. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 492 |
66. Septuagint, 4 Maccabees, 6.12-6.23 Tagged with subjects: •pseudo-phocylides, and religious experience Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35 | 6.12. At that point, partly out of pity for his old age, 6.13. partly out of sympathy from their acquaintance with him, partly out of admiration for his endurance, some of the king's retinue came to him and said, 6.14. Eleazar, why are you so irrationally destroying yourself through these evil things? 6.15. We will set before you some cooked meat; save yourself by pretending to eat pork." 6.16. But Eleazar, as though more bitterly tormented by this counsel, cried out: 6.17. May we, the children of Abraham, never think so basely that out of cowardice we feign a role unbecoming to us! 6.18. For it would be irrational if we, who have lived in accordance with truth to old age and have maintained in accordance with law the reputation of such a life, should now change our course 6.19. become a pattern of impiety to the young, in becoming an example of the eating of defiling food. 6.20. It would be shameful if we should survive for a little while and during that time be a laughing stock to all for our cowardice, 6.21. and if we should be despised by the tyrant as unmanly, and not protect our divine law even to death. 6.22. Therefore, O children of Abraham, die nobly for your religion! 6.23. And you, guards of the tyrant, why do you delay?" |
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| 67. Anon., Tanhuma, 94 Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 214 |
| 69. Xenophon, Poroi, 6.2-6.3 Tagged with subjects: •experience, collective religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 217 |
| 71. Callimachus, Hymns, 5.107-5.118 Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, epiphany Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 494 |
| 72. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, Found in books: Rubenstein(1995) 275 |
| 73. Epigraphy, Ig Iv4, 950 Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, epiphany Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 497 |
| 74. Epigraphy, Ig I , None Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 60 |
| 76. Gregory of Nazianzus, Theol.Orat., 1.12, 1.17, 1.32, 1.38-1.39 Tagged with subjects: •religious experience Found in books: Rupke (2016) 63 |
| 77. Pseudo-Chrysostom, Spir., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rupke (2016) 50 |
| 78. Epigraphy, Syll. , 398 Tagged with subjects: •religious experience, epiphany Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 500 |
| 79. Valerius Antias, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •experience, religious experience Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 189 |
| 80. Epigraphy, Eidinow 2013 [2007], None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 81. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 4547, 42 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 60 |
| 82. Pseudo-Phocylides, The Sentences of Pseudo-Phocylides, 12, 16-17, 48-50, 7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klawans (2019) 35 |
