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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

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17 results for "religion"
1. Homer, Odyssey, 8.296-8.297, 8.318 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •“religion of the earth,” concept of Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 283
8.296. τὼ δʼ ἐς δέμνια βάντε κατέδραθον· ἀμφὶ δὲ δεσμοὶ 8.297. τεχνήεντες ἔχυντο πολύφρονος Ἡφαίστοιο, 8.318. εἰς ὅ κέ μοι μάλα πάντα πατὴρ ἀποδῷσιν ἔεδνα,
2. Herodotus, Histories, 4.59, 4.62, 5.7 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •“religion of the earth,” concept of Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 284
4.59. τὰ μὲν δὴ μέγιστα οὕτω σφι εὔπορα ἐστί, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ νόμαια κατὰ τάδε σφι διακέεται. θεοὺς μὲν μούνους τούσδε ἱλάσκονται, Ἱστίην μὲν μάλιστα, ἐπὶ δὲ Δία καὶ Γῆν, νομίζοντες τὴν Γῆν τοῦ Διὸς εἶναι γυναῖκα, μετὰ δὲ τούτους, Ἀπόλλωνά τε καὶ οὐρανίην Ἀφροδίτην καὶ Ἡρακλέα καὶ Ἄρεα. τούτους μὲν πάντες Σκύθαι νενομίκασι, οἱ δὲ καλεόμενοι βασιλήιοι Σκύθαι καὶ τῷ Ποσειδέωνι θύουσι. ὀνομάζεται δὲ σκυθιστὶ Ἱστίη μὲν Ταβιτί, Ζεὺς δὲ ὀρθότατα κατὰ γνώμην γε τὴν ἐμὴν καλεόμενος Παπαῖος, Γῆ δὲ Ἀπί. Ἀπόλλων δὲ Γοιτόσυρος, οὐρανίη δὲ Ἀφροδίτη Ἀργίμπασα, Ποσειδέων δὲ Θαγιμασάδας. ἀγάλματα δὲ καὶ βωμοὺς καὶ νηοὺς οὐ νομίζουσι ποιέειν πλὴν Ἄρεϊ. τούτῳ δὲ νομίζουσι. 4.62. τοῖσι μὲν δὴ ἄλλοισι τῶν θεῶν οὕτω θύουσι καὶ ταῦτα τῶν κτηνέων, τῷ δὲ Ἄρεϊ ὧδε. κατὰ νομοὺς ἑκάστους τῶν ἀρχέων ἐσίδρυται σφι Ἄρεος ἱρὸν τοιόνδε φρυγάνων φάκελοι συννενέαται ὅσον τʼ ἐπὶ σταδίους τρεῖς μῆκος καὶ εὖρος, ὕψος δὲ ἔλασσον· ἄνω δὲ τούτου τετράγωνον ἄπεδον πεποίηται, καὶ τὰ μὲν τρία τῶν κώλων ἐστὶ ἀπότομα, κατὰ δὲ τὸ ἓν ἐπιβατόν. ἔτεος δὲ ἑκάστου ἁμάξας πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐπινέουσι φρυγάνων· ὑπονοστέει γὰρ δὴ αἰεὶ ὑπὸ τῶν χειμώνων. ἐπὶ τούτου δὴ τοῦ σηκοῦ ἀκινάκης σιδήρεος ἵδρυται ἀρχαῖος ἑκάστοισι, καὶ τοῦτʼ ἐστὶ τοῦ Ἄρεος τὸ ἄγαλμα. τούτῳ δὲ τῷ ἀκινάκῃ θυσίας ἐπετείους προσάγουσι προβάτων καὶ ἵππων, καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῖσιδʼ ἔτι πλέω θύουσι ἢ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι θεοῖσι· ὅσους ἂν τῶν πολεμίων ζωγρήσωσι, ἀπὸ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν ἄνδρα θύουσι τρόπῳ οὐ τῷ αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ πρόβατα, ἀλλʼ ἑτεροίῳ. ἐπεὰν γὰρ οἶνον ἐπισπείσωσι κατὰ τῶν κεφαλέων, ἀποσφάζουσι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐς ἄγγος καὶ ἔπειτα ἀνενείκαντες ἄνω ἐπὶ τὸν ὄγκον τῶν φρυγάνων καταχέουσι τὸ αἷμα τοῦ ἀκινάκεω. ἄνω μὲν δὴ φορέουσι τοῦτο, κάτω δὲ παρὰ τὸ ἱρὸν ποιεῦσι τάδε· τῶν ἀποσφαγέντων ἀνδρῶν τοὺς δεξιοὺς ὤμους πάντας ἀποταμόντες σὺν τῇσι χερσὶ ἐς τὸν ἠέρα ἱεῖσι, καὶ ἔπειτα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἀπέρξαντες ἱρήια ἀπαλλάσσονται. χεὶρ δὲ τῇ ἂν πέσῃ κέεται, καὶ χωρὶς ὁ νεκρός. 5.7. οὗτοι μὲν σφέων οἱ ἐπιφανέστατοι νόμοι εἰσί, θεοὺς δὲ σέβονται μούνους τούσδε, Ἄρεα καὶ Διόνυσον καὶ Ἄρτεμιν. οἱ δὲ βασιλέες αὐτῶν, πάρεξ τῶν ἄλλων πολιητέων, σέβονται Ἑρμέην μάλιστα θεῶν, καὶ ὀμνύουσι μοῦνον τοῦτον, καὶ λέγουσι γεγονέναι ἀπὸ Ἑρμέω ἑωυτούς. 4.59. The most important things are thus provided them. It remains now to show the customs which are established among them. The only gods whom they propitiate are these: Hestia in particular, and secondly Zeus and Earth, whom they believe to be the wife of Zeus; after these, Apollo, and the Heavenly Aphrodite, and Heracles, and Ares. All the Scythians worship these as gods; the Scythians called Royal sacrifice to Poseidon also. ,In the Scythian tongue, Hestia is called Tabiti; Zeus (in my judgment most correctly so called) Papaeus; Earth is Apia; Apollo Goetosyrus; the Heavenly Aphrodite Argimpasa; Poseidon Thagimasadas. It is their practice to make images and altars and shrines for Ares, but for no other god. 4.62. This is their way of sacrificing to other gods and these are the beasts offered; but their sacrifices to Ares are of this sort. Every district in each of the governments has a structure sacred to Ares; namely, a pile of bundles of sticks three eighths of a mile wide and long, but of a lesser height, on the top of which there is a flattened four-sided surface; three of its sides are sheer, but the fourth can be ascended. ,Every year a hundred and fifty wagon-loads of sticks are heaped upon this; for the storms of winter always make it sink down. On this sacred pile an ancient scimitar of iron is set for each people: their image of Ares. They bring yearly sacrifice of sheep and goats and horses to this scimitar, offering to these symbols even more than they do to the other gods. ,of enemies that they take alive, they sacrifice one man in every hundred, not as they sacrifice sheep and goats, but differently. They pour wine on the men's heads and cut their throats over a bowl; then they carry the blood up on to the pile of sticks and pour it on the scimitar. ,They carry the blood up above, but down below by the sacred pile they cut off all the slain men's right arms and hands and throw these into the air, and depart when they have sacrificed the rest of the victims; the arm lies where it has fallen, and the body apart from it. 5.7. These are most notable of their usages. They worship no gods but Ares, Dionysus, and Artemis. Their princes, however, unlike the rest of their countrymen, worship Hermes above all gods and swear only by him, claiming him for their ancestor.
3. Plato, Apology of Socrates, 36a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •religion,concept of Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 49
4. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, a b c d\n0 "11.31" "11.31" "11 31"\n1 11.39 11.39 11 39\n2 11.38 11.38 11 38\n3 11.37 11.37 11 37\n4 11.36 11.36 11 36\n5 11.35 11.35 11 35\n6 11.34 11.34 11 34\n7 11.33 11.33 11 33\n8 11.32 11.32 11 32\n9 11.31 11.31 11 31\n10 11.30 11.30 11 30\n11 11.29 11.29 11 29\n12 "11.30" "11.30" "11 30" (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 235
5. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, a b c d\n0 10.25 10.25 10 25\n1 10.29 10.29 10 29\n2 10.27 10.27 10 27\n3 10.28 10.28 10 28\n4 10.41 10.41 10 41\n.. ... ... .. ..\n94 1.14 1.14 1 14\n95 1.13 1.13 1 13\n96 1.11 1.11 1 11\n97 1.15 1.15 1 15\n98 1.12 1.12 1 12\n\n[99 rows x 4 columns] (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 310
10.25. So he sent a message to them in the following words:"King Demetrius to the nation of the Jews, greeting.
6. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, a b c d\n0 "4.11" "4.11" "4 11"\n1 "4.39" "4.39" "4 39"\n2 4.9 4.9 4 9\n3 4.8 4.8 4 8\n4 4.7 4.7 4 7\n.. ... ... .. ...\n142 4.45 4.45 4 45\n143 4.46 4.46 4 46\n144 4.47 4.47 4 47\n145 4.32 4.32 4 32\n146 4.49 4.49 4 49\n\n[147 rows x 4 columns] (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 31, 264, 265, 310
7. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.278-1.279 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman religion, attitude towards, rome’s transformations, conception of Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 64
1.278. His ego nec metas rerum nec tempora pono; 1.279. imperium sine fine dedi. Quin aspera Iuno, 1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care,
8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 120 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •religion,concept of Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 142
120. And the mixed and promiscuous multitude of the Alexandrians perceiving this, attacked us, looking upon it as a most favourable opportunity for doing so, and displayed all the arrogance which had been smouldering for a long period, disturbing everything, and causing universal confusion,
9. Ovid, Fasti, 1.162, 1.253, 3.153-3.154 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman religion, attitude towards, rome’s transformations, conception of Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 64, 79
1.162. contulit in versus sic sua verba duos: 1.253. nil mihi cum bello: pacem postesque tuebar 3.153. sive hoc a Samio doctus, qui posse renasci 3.154. nos putat, Egeria sive monente sua. 1.162. And swiftly, casting his words in twin verses: 1.253. I’d nothing to do with war: I guarded peace and doorways, 3.153. Learning it from Pythagoras of Samos, who believed 3.154. We could be reborn, or was taught it by his own Egeria.
10. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.420-15.436 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman religion, attitude towards, rome’s transformations, conception of Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 64
15.420. in species translata novas: sic tempora verti 15.421. cernimus atque illas adsumere robora gentes, 15.422. concidere has. Sic magna fuit censuque virisque 15.423. perque decem potuit tantum dare sanguinis annos, 15.424. nunc humilis veteres tantummodo Troia ruinas 15.425. et pro divitiis tumulos ostendit avorum. 15.426. Clara fuit Sparte, magnae viguere Mycenae, 15.427. nec non et Cecropis nec non Amphionis arces. 15.428. Vile solum Sparte est, altae cecidere Mycenae, 15.429. Oedipodioniae quid sunt, nisi nomina, Thebae? 15.430. Quid Pandioniae restant, nisi nomen, Athenae? 15.431. Nunc quoque Dardaniam fama est consurgere Romam, 15.432. Appenninigenae quae proxima Thybridis undis 15.433. mole sub ingenti rerum fundamina ponit: 15.434. haec igitur formam crescendo mutat et olim 15.435. immensi caput orbis erit. Sic dicere vates 15.436. faticinasque ferunt sortes quantumque recordor, 15.420. was used for drinking, but it pours out now 15.421. foul water which you would decline to touch, 15.422. because (unless all credit is denied 15.423. to poets) long ago the Centaurs, those 15.424. trange mortals double-limbed, bathed in the stream 15.425. wounds which club-bearing Hercules had made 15.426. with his strong bow.—Yes, does not Hypani 15.427. descending fresh from mountains of Sarmatia , 15.428. become embittered with the taste of salt? 15.430. were once surrounded by the wavy sea: 15.431. they are not islands now. Long years ago 15.432. Leucas was mainland, if we can believe 15.433. what the old timers there will tell, but now 15.434. the waves sweep round it. Zancle was a part 15.435. of Italy , until the sea cut off 15.436. the neighboring land with strong waves in between.
11. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, a b c d\n0 12.144 12.144 12 144\n1 12.142 12.142 12 142\n2 12.140 12.140 12 140\n3 12.141 12.141 12 141\n4 12.143 12.143 12 143\n5 12.139 12.139 12 139\n6 12.138 12.138 12 138\n7 12.240 12.240 12 240\n8 12.239 12.239 12 239\n9 "12.142" "12.142" "12 142"\n10 12.237 12.237 12 237\n11 12.241 12.241 12 241\n12 12.238 12.238 12 238\n13 "12.228" "12.228" "12 228" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 12, 264, 310
12.144. ἀπολύομεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτοὺς τοῦ τρίτου μέρους τῶν φόρων, ὥστε αὐτῶν ἐπανορθωθῆναι τὴν βλάβην. καὶ ὅσοι ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἁρπαγέντες δουλεύουσιν, αὐτούς τε τούτους καὶ τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτῶν γεννηθέντας ἐλευθέρους ἀφίεμεν καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτοῖς ἀποδίδοσθαι κελεύομεν. 12.144. We also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their substance be restored to them.”
12. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.2, 2.450-2.457, 2.461, 2.463-2.464, 2.467-2.468, 7.47-7.62 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •religion,concept of Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 111, 131, 132, 142
1.2. οἱ παραγενόμενοι δὲ ἢ κολακείᾳ τῇ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἢ μίσει τῷ πρὸς ̓Ιουδαίους καταψεύδονται τῶν πραγμάτων, περιέχει δὲ αὐτοῖς ὅπου μὲν κατηγορίαν ὅπου δὲ ἐγκώμιον τὰ συγγράμματα, τὸ δ' ἀκριβὲς τῆς ἱστορίας οὐδαμοῦ, 1.2. ὅπως τε ὁ λαὸς μετὰ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου τελευτὴν κατεστασίασεν Αὐγούστου μὲν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονεύοντος, Κυιντιλίου δὲ Οὐάρου κατὰ τὴν χώραν ὄντος, καὶ ὡς ἔτει δωδεκάτῳ τῆς Νέρωνος ἀρχῆς ὁ πόλεμος ἀνερράγη τά τε συμβάντα κατὰ Κέστιον καὶ ὅσα κατὰ τὰς πρώτας ὁρμὰς ἐπῆλθον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοῖς ὅπλοις, 1.2. τὰς μὲν δὴ τιμὰς ταύτας Καῖσαρ ἐπέστελλεν ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ χαραχθῆναι τῆς τε αὐτοῦ δικαιοσύνης σημεῖον καὶ τῆς τἀνδρὸς ἐσομένας ἀρετῆς. 2.451. οἱ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἱκεσίαν ἁρπάσαντες ἀνέπεμψαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς Γωρίονά τε Νικομήδους υἱὸν καὶ ̓Ανανίαν Σαδούκι καὶ ̓Ιούδαν ̓Ιωνάθου δεξιάν τε καὶ ὅρκους δώσοντας. ὧν γενομένων κατῆγεν τοὺς στρατιώτας ὁ Μετίλιος. 2.452. οἱ δὲ μέχρι μὲν ἦσαν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, οὔτ' ἐπεχείρει τις τῶν στασιαστῶν αὐτοῖς οὔτ' ἐνέφαινεν ἐπιβουλήν: ὡς δὲ κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας ἅπαντες ἀπέθεντο τοὺς θυρεοὺς καὶ τὰ ξίφη καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι ὑποπτεύοντες ἀνεχώρουν, 2.453. ὥρμησαν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον καὶ περισχόντες ἀνῄρουν οὔτε ἀμυνομένους οὔτε ἱκετεύοντας, μόνας δὲ τὰς συνθήκας καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ἀναβοῶντας. 2.454. οἱ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάγησαν ἅπαντες πλὴν Μετιλίου, τοῦτον γὰρ ἱκετεύσαντα καὶ μέχρι περιτομῆς ἰουδαί̈σειν ὑποσχόμενον διέσωσαν μόνον, τὸ δὲ πάθος ̔Ρωμαίοις μὲν ἦν κοῦφον, ἐκ γὰρ ἀπλέτου δυνάμεως ἀπαναλώθησαν ὀλίγοι, ̓Ιουδαίων δὲ προοίμιον ἁλώσεως ἔδοξεν. 2.455. καὶ κατιδόντες ἀνηκέστους μὲν ἤδη τὰς αἰτίας τοῦ πολέμου, τὴν δὲ πόλιν τηλικούτῳ μιάσματι πεφυρμένην, ἐξ οὗ δαιμόνιόν τι μήνιμα προσδοκᾶν εἰκὸς ἦν, εἰ καὶ μὴ τὴν ἐκ ̔Ρωμαίων ἄμυναν, ἐπένθουν δημοσίᾳ, καὶ πλήρης μὲν κατηφείας ἦν ἡ πόλις, ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν μετρίων ὡς αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ τῶν στασιαστῶν δίκας δώσων τετάρακτο. 2.456. καὶ γὰρ δὴ σαββάτῳ συνέβη πραχθῆναι τὸν φόνον, ἐν ᾧ διὰ τὴν θρησκείαν καὶ τῶν ὁσίων ἔργων ἔχουσιν ἐκεχειρίαν. 2.457. Τῆς δ' αὐτῆς ἡμέρας καὶ ὥρας ὥσπερ ἐκ δαιμονίου προνοίας ἀνῄρουν Καισαρεῖς τοὺς παρ' ἑαυτοῖς ̓Ιουδαίους, ὡς ὑπὸ μίαν ὥραν ἀποσφαγῆναι μὲν ὑπὲρ δισμυρίους, κενωθῆναι δὲ πᾶσαν ̓Ιουδαίων τὴν Καισάρειαν: καὶ γὰρ τοὺς διαφεύγοντας ὁ Φλῶρος συλλαβὼν κατῆγεν δεσμώτας εἰς τὰ νεώρια. 2.461. Οὐ μὴν οἱ Σύροι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔλαττον πλῆθος ἀνῄρουν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν λαμβανομένους ἀπέσφαττον οὐ μόνον κατὰ μῖσος, ὡς πρότερον, ἀλλ' ἤδη καὶ τὸν ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς κίνδυνον φθάνοντες. 2.463. καὶ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας ἐν αἵματι διῆγον, τὰς δὲ νύκτας δέει χαλεπωτέρας: καὶ γὰρ ἀπεσκευάσθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους δοκοῦντες ἕκαστοι τοὺς ἰουδαί̈ζοντας εἶχον ἐν ὑποψίᾳ, καὶ τὸ παρ' ἑκάστοις ἀμφίβολον οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τις προχείρως ὑπέμενεν καὶ μεμιγμένον ὡς βεβαίως ἀλλόφυλον ἐφοβεῖτο. 2.464. προεκαλεῖτο δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς σφαγὰς τῶν διαφόρων καὶ τοὺς πάλαι πρᾳοτάτους πάνυ δοκοῦντας ἡ πλεονεξία: τὰς γὰρ οὐσίας τῶν ἀναιρεθέντων ἀδεῶς διήρπαζον καὶ καθάπερ ἐκ παρατάξεως τὰ σκῦλα τῶν ἀνῃρημένων εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους οἴκους μετέφερον, ἔνδοξός τε ἦν ὁ πλεῖστα κερδάνας ὡς κατισχύσας πλειόνων. 2.467. οἱ γοῦν Σκυθοπολῖται δείσαντες μὴ νύκτωρ ἐπιχειρήσωσι τῇ πόλει καὶ μετὰ μεγάλης αὐτῶν συμφορᾶς τοῖς οἰκείοις ἀπολογήσωνται περὶ τῆς ἀποστάσεως, ἐκέλευον αὐτούς, εἰ βούλονται τὴν ὁμόνοιαν βεβαιῶσαι καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοεθνεῖς πιστὸν ἐπιδείξασθαι, μεταβαίνειν ἅμα ταῖς γενεαῖς εἰς τὸ ἄλσος. 2.468. τῶν δὲ ποιησάντων τὸ προσταχθὲν χωρὶς ὑποψίας. δύο μὲν ἡμέρας ἠρέμησαν οἱ Σκυθοπολῖται τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν δελεάζοντες, τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ νυκτὶ παρατηρήσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἀφυλάκτους οὓς δὲ κοιμωμένους ἅπαντας ἀπέσφαξαν ὄντας τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ τρισχιλίους, τὰς δὲ κτήσεις διήρπασαν ἁπάντων. 7.47. τότε δή τις ̓Αντίοχος εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν τὰ μάλιστα διὰ τὸν πατέρα τιμώμενος, ἦν γὰρ ἄρχων τῶν ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας ̓Ιουδαίων, τοῦ δήμου τῶν ̓Αντιοχέων ἐκκλησιάζοντος εἰς τὸ θέατρον παρελθὼν τόν τε πατέρα τὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐνεδείκνυτο κατηγορῶν, ὅτι νυκτὶ μιᾷ καταπρῆσαι τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν διεγνώκεισαν, καὶ παρεδίδου ξένους ̓Ιουδαίους τινὰς ὡς κεκοινωνηκότας τῶν βεβουλευμένων. 7.48. ταῦτα ἀκούων ὁ δῆμος τὴν ὀργὴν οὐ κατεῖχεν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ μὲν τοὺς παραδοθέντας πῦρ εὐθὺς ἐκέλευον κομίζειν, καὶ παραχρῆμα πάντες ἐπὶ τοῦ θεάτρου κατεφλέγησαν, 7.49. ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὥρμητο τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐν τῷ τάχιον ἐκείνους τιμωρίᾳ περιβαλεῖν τὴν αὐτῶν πατρίδα σώζειν νομίζοντες. 7.51. ἐκέλευε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τὸ αὐτὸ ποιεῖν ἀναγκάζειν: φανεροὺς γὰρ γενήσεσθαι τῷ μὴ θέλειν τοὺς ἐπιβεβουλευκότας. χρωμένων δὲ τῇ πείρᾳ τῶν ̓Αντιοχέων ὀλίγοι μὲν ὑπέμειναν, οἱ δὲ μὴ βουληθέντες ἀνῃρέθησαν. 7.52. ̓Αντίοχος δὲ στρατιώτας παρὰ τοῦ ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμόνος λαβὼν χαλεπὸς ἐφειστήκει τοῖς αὐτοῦ πολίταις, ἀργεῖν τὴν ἑβδόμην οὐκ ἐπιτρέπων, ἀλλὰ βιαζόμενος πάντα πράττειν ὅσα δὴ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἡμέραις. 7.53. οὕτως τε τὴν ἀνάγκην ἰσχυρὰν ἐποίησεν, ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας καταλυθῆναι τὴν ἑβδομάδα ἀργὴν ἡμέραν, ἀλλ' ἐκεῖθεν ἀρξαμένου τοῦ πράγματος κἀν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ὁμοίως βραχύν τινα χρόνον. 7.54. Τοιούτων δὴ τοῖς ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας ̓Ιουδαίοις τῶν κατ' ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν κακῶν γεγενημένων δευτέρα πάλιν συμφορὰ προσέπεσε, περὶ ἧς ἐπιχειρήσαντες ἀφηγεῖσθαι καὶ ταῦτα διεξήλθομεν. 7.55. ἐπεὶ γὰρ συνέβη καταπρησθῆναι τὴν τετράγωνον ἀγορὰν ἀρχεῖά τε καὶ γραμματοφυλάκιον καὶ τὰς βασιλικάς, μόλις τε τὸ πῦρ ἐκωλύθη μετὰ πολλῆς βίας ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν περιφερόμενον, ταύτην ̓Αντίοχος τὴν πρᾶξιν ̓Ιουδαίων κατηγόρει. 7.56. καὶ τοὺς ̓Αντιοχεῖς, εἰ καὶ μὴ πρότερον εἶχον πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπεχθῶς, τάχιστα τῇ διαβολῇ παρὰ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ συμβεβηκότος ταραχὴν ὑπαχθέντας πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐκ τῶν προϋπηργμένων τοῖς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ λεγομένοις πιστεύειν παρεσκεύασεν, ὡς μόνον οὐκ αὐτοὺς τὸ πῦρ ἐνιέμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἑωρακότας, 7.57. καὶ καθάπερ ἐμμανεῖς γεγενημένοι μετὰ πολλοῦ τινος οἴστρου πάντες ἐπὶ τοὺς διαβεβλημένους ὥρμηντο. 7.58. μόλις δ' αὐτῶν ἐδυνήθη τὰς ὁρμὰς ἐπισχεῖν Ναῖος Κολλήγας τις πρεσβευτής, ἀξιῶν ἐπιτρέψαι Καίσαρι δηλωθῆναι περὶ τῶν γεγονότων: 7.59. τὸν γὰρ ἡγεμονεύοντα τῆς Συρίας Καισέννιον Παῖτον ἤδη μὲν Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐξαπεστάλκει, συνέβαινε δὲ παρεῖναι μηδέπω. 7.61. ἅπαν δὲ τοὖργον ἔπραξαν ἄνθρωποί τινες ἀλιτήριοι διὰ χρεῶν ἀνάγκας νομίζοντες, εἰ τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ τὰ δημόσια καταπρήσειαν γράμματα, τῆς ἀπαιτήσεως ἀπαλλαγὴν ἕξειν. 7.62. ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ μετεώροις ταῖς αἰτίαις τὸ μέλλον ἔτι καραδοκοῦντες ἐν φόβοις χαλεποῖς ἀπεσάλευον. 1.2. and while those that were there present have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humor of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes encomiums, but nowhere the accurate truth of the facts, 2.450. It is true, that when the people earnestly desired that they would leave off besieging the soldiers, they were the more earnest in pressing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and desired that they would give them security to spare their lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had with them. 2.451. The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Aias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security of their right hands, and of their oaths; after which Metilius brought down his soldiers; 2.452. which soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was there any appearance of treachery; but as soon as, according to the articles of capitulation, they had all laid down their shields and their swords, and were under no further suspicion of any harm, but were going away, 2.453. Eleazar’s men attacked them after a violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew them, while they neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their oaths. 2.454. And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews’ own destruction, 2.455. while men made public lamentation when they saw that such occasions were afforded for a war as were incurable; that the city was all over polluted with such abominations, from which it was but reasonable to expect some vengeance, even though they should escape revenge from the Romans; so that the city was filled with sadness, and every one of the moderate men in it were under great disturbance, as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the seditious; 2.456. for indeed it so happened that this murder was perpetrated on the Sabbath day, on which day the Jews have a respite from their works on account of Divine worship. 2.457. 1. Now the people of Caesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were slain], which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour’s time above twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Caesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys. 2.461. 2. However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude of the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught in their cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but to prevent the danger under which they were from them; 2.463. o the daytime was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear,—which was of the two the more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners. 2.464. Moreover, greediness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle; and he was esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies. 2.467. nay, their alacrity was so very great, that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore, lest they should make an assault upon the city in the nighttime, and, to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for themselves to their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded them, that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of the city, with their families, to a neighboring grove; 2.468. and when they had done as they were commanded, without suspecting anything, the people of Scythopolis lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them to be secure; but on the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut all their throats, some of them as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all that they had. 7.47. and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night;; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. 7.48. When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately. 7.49. They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city. 7.50. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of his own conversion, and of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacrificing after the manner of the Greeks; 7.51. he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain. 7.52. As for Antiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; 7.53. and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time. 7.54. 4. Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch, a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we were going about we promised the account foregoing; 7.55. for upon this accident, whereby the foursquare marketplace was burnt down, as well as the archives, and the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces (and it was not without difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city), Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done. 7.56. Now this induced the people of Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill will at the Jews before, to believe this man’s accusation, especially when they considered what had been done before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently upon those that were accused, 7.57. and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire themselves to the city; 7.58. nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar; 7.59. for as to Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither. 7.60. But when Collegas had made a careful inquiry into the matter, he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were accused by Antiochus had any hand in it, 7.61. but that all was done by some vile persons greatly in debt, who supposed that if they could once set fire to the marketplace, and burn the public records, they should have no further demands made upon them. 7.62. So the Jews were under great disorder and terror, in the uncertain expectations of what would be the upshot of these accusations against them.
13. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.78, 1.224-1.225, 1.237, 2.65-2.67 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •religion,concept of Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 142
1.78. εὑρὼν δὲ ἐν νομῷ τῷ Σεθροί̈τῃ πόλιν ἐπικαιροτάτην, κειμένην μὲν πρὸς ἀνατολὴν τοῦ Βουβαστίτου ποταμοῦ, καλουμένην δ' ἀπό τινος ἀρχαίας θεολογίας Αὔαριν, ταύτην ἔκτισέν τε καὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ὀχυρωτάτην ἐποίησεν ἐνοικίσας αὐτῇ καὶ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν εἰς εἴκοσι καὶ τέσσαρας μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν προφυλακήν. 1.225. κοινὸν μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐστι πάτριον τὸ ταῦτα θεοὺς νομίζειν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐν ταῖς τιμαῖς αὐτῶν διαφέρονται. κοῦφοι δὲ καὶ ἀνόητοι παντάπασιν ἄνθρωποι κακῶς ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἰθισμένοι δοξάζειν περὶ θεῶν μιμήσασθαι μὲν τὴν σεμνότητα τῆς ἡμετέρας θεολογίας οὐκ 1.237. ἑαυτὸν ἀνελεῖν, ἐν ἀθυμίᾳ δὲ εἶναι τὸν βασιλέα. κἄπειτα κατὰ λέξιν οὕτως γέγραφεν: “τῶν δ' ἐν ταῖς λατομίαις ὡς χρόνος ἱκανὸς διῆλθεν ταλαιπωρούντων, ἀξιωθεὶς ὁ βασιλεύς, ἵνα [πρὸς] κατάλυσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ σκέπην ἀπομερίσῃ, τὴν τότε τῶν ποιμένων ἐρημωθεῖσαν πόλιν Αὔαριν συνεχώρησεν: ἔστι δ' ἡ πόλις κατὰ τὴν θεολογίαν ἄνωθεν Τυφώνιος. 2.65. σεδ συπερ ηαεξ, θυομοδο εργο, ινθυιτ, σι συντ ξιυες, εοσδεμ δεος θυος αλεχανδρινι νον ξολυντ? ξυι ρεσπονδεο, θυομοδο ετιαμ, ξυμ υος σιτις αεγψπτιι, ιντερ αλτερυτρος προελιο μαγνο ετ σινε 2.66. φοεδερε δε ρελιγιονε ξοντενδιτις? αν ξερτε προπτερεα νον υος ομνες διξιμυς αεγψπτιος ετ νεθυε ξομμυνιτερ ηομινες, θυονιαμ βεστιας αδυερσαντες νατυραε νοστραε ξολιτις μυλτα διλιγεντια νυτριεντες, ξυμ 2.67. γενυς υτιθυε νοστρορυμ υνυμ ιταθυε ιδεμ εσσε υιδεατυρ? σι αυτεμ ιν υοβις αεγψπτιις τανταε διφφερεντιαε οπινιονυμ συντ, θυιδ μιραρις συπερ ηις, θυι αλιυνδε ιν αλεχανδριαμ αδυενερυντ, σι ιν λεγιβυς α 1.78. and as he found in the Saite Nomos [Seth-roite] a city very proper for his purpose, and which lay upon the Bubastic channel, but with regard to a certain theologic notion was called Avaris, this he rebuilt, and made very strong by the walls he built about it, and by a most numerous garrison of two hundred and forty thousand armed men whom he put into it to keep it. 1.225. for so far they all agree through the whole country, to esteem such animals as gods, although they differ from one another in the peculiar worship they severally pay to them; and certainly men they are entirely of vain and foolish minds, who have thus accustomed themselves from the beginning to have such bad notions concerning their gods, and could not think of imitating that decent form of divine worship which we made use of, though, when they saw our institutions approved of by many others, they could not but envy us on that account; 1.237. After which he writes thus, verbatim:—“After those that were sent to work in the quarries had continued in that miserable state for a long while, the king was desired that he would set apart the city Avaris, which was then left desolate of the shepherds, for their habitation and protection; which desire he granted them. Now this city, according to the ancient theology, was Trypho’s city. 2.65. 6. But besides this, Apion objects to us thus:—“If the Jews (says he) be citizens of Alexandria, why do they not worship the same gods with the Alexandrians?” To which I give this answer: Since you are yourselves Egyptians, why do you fight out one against another, and have implacable wars about your religion? 2.66. At this rate we must not call you all Egyptians, nor indeed in general men, because you breed up with great care beasts of a nature quite contrary to that of men, although the nature of all men seems to be one and the same. 2.67. Now if there be such differences in opinion among you Egyptians, why are you surprised that those who came to Alexandria from another country, and had original laws of their own before, should persevere in the observance of those laws?
14. Augustine, Sermons, 105.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman religion, attitude towards, rome’s transformations, conception of Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 64
15. Jerome, Commentaria In Danielem, a b c d\n0 "11.14" "11.14" "11 14" (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •religion, religious, modern conceptions of, and impact on historical interpretation Found in books: Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 311, 385
16. Epigraphy, Suppl. It., a b c d\n0 3. 3. 3  Tagged with subjects: •religion,concept of Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 3
17. Rutilius Namatianus Claudius, Itinerarium, 1.5, 1.6, 1.107, 1.108, 1.109, 1.110, 1.137, 1.138, 1.139, 1.140, 1.162, b14  Tagged with subjects: •roman religion, attitude towards, rome’s transformations, conception of Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 53, 64, 79