1. Homer, Iliad, 19.282-19.300 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 28 | 19.282. / And they bestowed them in the huts, and set the women there, and the horses proud squires drave off to the herd.But Briseis, that was like unto golden Aphrodite, when she had sight of Patroclus mangled with the sharp bronze, flung herself about him and shrieked aloud, 19.283. / And they bestowed them in the huts, and set the women there, and the horses proud squires drave off to the herd.But Briseis, that was like unto golden Aphrodite, when she had sight of Patroclus mangled with the sharp bronze, flung herself about him and shrieked aloud, 19.284. / And they bestowed them in the huts, and set the women there, and the horses proud squires drave off to the herd.But Briseis, that was like unto golden Aphrodite, when she had sight of Patroclus mangled with the sharp bronze, flung herself about him and shrieked aloud, 19.285. / and with her hands she tore her breast and tender neck and beautiful face. And amid her wailing spake the woman like unto the goddesses:Patroclus, dearest to my hapless heart, alive I left thee when I went from the hut, and now I find thee dead, thou leader of hosts, 19.286. / and with her hands she tore her breast and tender neck and beautiful face. And amid her wailing spake the woman like unto the goddesses:Patroclus, dearest to my hapless heart, alive I left thee when I went from the hut, and now I find thee dead, thou leader of hosts, 19.287. / and with her hands she tore her breast and tender neck and beautiful face. And amid her wailing spake the woman like unto the goddesses:Patroclus, dearest to my hapless heart, alive I left thee when I went from the hut, and now I find thee dead, thou leader of hosts, 19.288. / and with her hands she tore her breast and tender neck and beautiful face. And amid her wailing spake the woman like unto the goddesses:Patroclus, dearest to my hapless heart, alive I left thee when I went from the hut, and now I find thee dead, thou leader of hosts, 19.289. / and with her hands she tore her breast and tender neck and beautiful face. And amid her wailing spake the woman like unto the goddesses:Patroclus, dearest to my hapless heart, alive I left thee when I went from the hut, and now I find thee dead, thou leader of hosts, 19.290. / as I return thereto: thus for me doth evil ever follow hard on evil. My husband, unto whom my father and queenly mother gave me, I beheld mangled with the sharp bronze before our city, and my three brethren whom mine own mother bare, brethren beloved, all these met their day of doom. 19.291. / as I return thereto: thus for me doth evil ever follow hard on evil. My husband, unto whom my father and queenly mother gave me, I beheld mangled with the sharp bronze before our city, and my three brethren whom mine own mother bare, brethren beloved, all these met their day of doom. 19.292. / as I return thereto: thus for me doth evil ever follow hard on evil. My husband, unto whom my father and queenly mother gave me, I beheld mangled with the sharp bronze before our city, and my three brethren whom mine own mother bare, brethren beloved, all these met their day of doom. 19.293. / as I return thereto: thus for me doth evil ever follow hard on evil. My husband, unto whom my father and queenly mother gave me, I beheld mangled with the sharp bronze before our city, and my three brethren whom mine own mother bare, brethren beloved, all these met their day of doom. 19.294. / as I return thereto: thus for me doth evil ever follow hard on evil. My husband, unto whom my father and queenly mother gave me, I beheld mangled with the sharp bronze before our city, and my three brethren whom mine own mother bare, brethren beloved, all these met their day of doom. 19.295. / But thou, when swift Achilles slew my husband, and laid waste the city of godlike Mynes, wouldst not even suffer me to weep, but saidest that thou wouldst make me the wedded wife of Achilles, and that he would bear me in his ships to Phthia, and make me a marriage-feast among the Myrmidons. 19.296. / But thou, when swift Achilles slew my husband, and laid waste the city of godlike Mynes, wouldst not even suffer me to weep, but saidest that thou wouldst make me the wedded wife of Achilles, and that he would bear me in his ships to Phthia, and make me a marriage-feast among the Myrmidons. 19.297. / But thou, when swift Achilles slew my husband, and laid waste the city of godlike Mynes, wouldst not even suffer me to weep, but saidest that thou wouldst make me the wedded wife of Achilles, and that he would bear me in his ships to Phthia, and make me a marriage-feast among the Myrmidons. 19.298. / But thou, when swift Achilles slew my husband, and laid waste the city of godlike Mynes, wouldst not even suffer me to weep, but saidest that thou wouldst make me the wedded wife of Achilles, and that he would bear me in his ships to Phthia, and make me a marriage-feast among the Myrmidons. 19.299. / But thou, when swift Achilles slew my husband, and laid waste the city of godlike Mynes, wouldst not even suffer me to weep, but saidest that thou wouldst make me the wedded wife of Achilles, and that he would bear me in his ships to Phthia, and make me a marriage-feast among the Myrmidons. 19.300. / Wherefore I wail for thee in thy death and know no ceasing, for thou wast ever kind. So spake she wailing, and thereto the women added their laments; Patroclus indeed they mourned, but therewithal each one her own sorrows. But around Achilles gathered the elders of the Achaeans, beseeching him that he would eat; but he refused them, moaning the while: |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 3.12-3.30, 21.1, 21.19-21.24 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sabine women, rape of, compared with permission to benjaminites to capture their brides Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 667, 668, 669| 3.12. "וַיֹּסִפוּ בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לַעֲשׂוֹת הָרַע בְּעֵינֵי יְהוָה וַיְחַזֵּק יְהוָה אֶת־עֶגְלוֹן מֶלֶךְ־מוֹאָב עַל־יִשְׂרָאֵל עַל כִּי־עָשׂוּ אֶת־הָרַע בְּעֵינֵי יְהוָה׃", 3.13. "וַיֶּאֱסֹף אֵלָיו אֶת־בְּנֵי עַמּוֹן וַעֲמָלֵק וַיֵּלֶךְ וַיַּךְ אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל וַיִּירְשׁוּ אֶת־עִיר הַתְּמָרִים׃", 3.14. "וַיַּעַבְדוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶת־עֶגְלוֹן מֶלֶךְ־מוֹאָב שְׁמוֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה׃", 3.15. "וַיִּזְעֲקוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶל־יְהוָה וַיָּקֶם יְהוָה לָהֶם מוֹשִׁיעַ אֶת־אֵהוּד בֶּן־גֵּרָא בֶּן־הַיְמִינִי אִישׁ אִטֵּר יַד־יְמִינוֹ וַיִּשְׁלְחוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּיָדוֹ מִנְחָה לְעֶגְלוֹן מֶלֶךְ מוֹאָב׃", 3.16. "וַיַּעַשׂ לוֹ אֵהוּד חֶרֶב וְלָהּ שְׁנֵי פֵיוֹת גֹּמֶד אָרְכָּהּ וַיַּחְגֹּר אוֹתָהּ מִתַּחַת לְמַדָּיו עַל יֶרֶךְ יְמִינוֹ׃", 3.17. "וַיַּקְרֵב אֶת־הַמִּנְחָה לְעֶגְלוֹן מֶלֶךְ מוֹאָב וְעֶגְלוֹן אִישׁ בָּרִיא מְאֹד׃", 3.18. "וַיְהִי כַּאֲשֶׁר כִּלָּה לְהַקְרִיב אֶת־הַמִּנְחָה וַיְשַׁלַּח אֶת־הָעָם נֹשְׂאֵי הַמִּנְחָה׃", 3.19. "וְהוּא שָׁב מִן־הַפְּסִילִים אֲשֶׁר אֶת־הַגִּלְגָּל וַיֹּאמֶר דְּבַר־סֵתֶר לִי אֵלֶיךָ הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיֹּאמֶר הָס וַיֵּצְאוּ מֵעָלָיו כָּל־הָעֹמְדִים עָלָיו׃", 3.21. "וַיִּשְׁלַח אֵהוּד אֶת־יַד שְׂמֹאלוֹ וַיִּקַּח אֶת־הַחֶרֶב מֵעַל יֶרֶךְ יְמִינוֹ וַיִּתְקָעֶהָ בְּבִטְנוֹ׃", 3.22. "וַיָּבֹא גַם־הַנִּצָּב אַחַר הַלַּהַב וַיִּסְגֹּר הַחֵלֶב בְּעַד הַלַּהַב כִּי לֹא שָׁלַף הַחֶרֶב מִבִּטְנוֹ וַיֵּצֵא הַפַּרְשְׁדֹנָה׃", 3.23. "וַיֵּצֵא אֵהוּד הַמִּסְדְּרוֹנָה וַיִּסְגֹּר דַּלְתוֹת הָעַלִיָּה בַּעֲדוֹ וְנָעָל׃", 3.24. "וְהוּא יָצָא וַעֲבָדָיו בָּאוּ וַיִּרְאוּ וְהִנֵּה דַּלְתוֹת הָעֲלִיָּה נְעֻלוֹת וַיֹּאמְרוּ אַךְ מֵסִיךְ הוּא אֶת־רַגְלָיו בַּחֲדַר הַמְּקֵרָה׃", 3.25. "וַיָּחִילוּ עַד־בּוֹשׁ וְהְנֵּה אֵינֶנּוּ פֹתֵחַ דַּלְתוֹת הָעֲלִיָּה וַיִּקְחוּ אֶת־הַמַּפְתֵּחַ וַיִּפְתָּחוּ וְהִנֵּה אֲדֹנֵיהֶם נֹפֵל אַרְצָה מֵת׃", 3.26. "וְאֵהוּד נִמְלַט עַד הִתְמַהְמְהָם וְהוּא עָבַר אֶת־הַפְּסִילִים וַיִּמָּלֵט הַשְּׂעִירָתָה׃", 3.27. "וַיְהִי בְּבוֹאוֹ וַיִּתְקַע בַּשּׁוֹפָר בְּהַר אֶפְרָיִם וַיֵּרְדוּ עִמּוֹ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל מִן־הָהָר וְהוּא לִפְנֵיהֶם׃", 3.28. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֲלֵהֶם רִדְפוּ אַחֲרַי כִּי־נָתַן יְהוָה אֶת־אֹיְבֵיכֶם אֶת־מוֹאָב בְּיֶדְכֶם וַיֵּרְדוּ אַחֲרָיו וַיִּלְכְּדוּ אֶת־מַעְבְּרוֹת הַיַּרְדֵּן לְמוֹאָב וְלֹא־נָתְנוּ אִישׁ לַעֲבֹר׃", 3.29. "וַיַּכּוּ אֶת־מוֹאָב בָּעֵת הַהִיא כַּעֲשֶׂרֶת אֲלָפִים אִישׁ כָּל־שָׁמֵן וְכָל־אִישׁ חָיִל וְלֹא נִמְלַט אִישׁ׃", 21.1. "וְאִישׁ יִשְׂרָאֵל נִשְׁבַּע בַּמִּצְפָּה לֵאמֹר אִישׁ מִמֶּנּוּ לֹא־יִתֵּן בִּתּוֹ לְבִנְיָמִן לְאִשָּׁה׃", 21.1. "וַיִּשְׁלְחוּ־שָׁם הָעֵדָה שְׁנֵים־עָשָׂר אֶלֶף אִישׁ מִבְּנֵי הֶחָיִל וַיְצַוּוּ אוֹתָם לֵאמֹר לְכוּ וְהִכִּיתֶם אֶת־יוֹשְׁבֵי יָבֵשׁ גִּלְעָד לְפִי־חֶרֶב וְהַנָּשִׁים וְהַטָּף׃", 21.19. "וַיֹּאמְרוּ הִנֵּה חַג־יְהוָה בְּשִׁלוֹ מִיָּמִים יָמִימָה אֲשֶׁר מִצְּפוֹנָה לְבֵית־אֵל מִזְרְחָה הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ לִמְסִלָּה הָעֹלָה מִבֵּית־אֵל שְׁכֶמָה וּמִנֶּגֶב לִלְבוֹנָה׃", 21.21. "וּרְאִיתֶם וְהִנֵּה אִם־יֵצְאוּ בְנוֹת־שִׁילוֹ לָחוּל בַּמְּחֹלוֹת וִיצָאתֶם מִן־הַכְּרָמִים וַחֲטַפְתֶּם לָכֶם אִישׁ אִשְׁתּוֹ מִבְּנוֹת שִׁילוֹ וַהֲלַכְתֶּם אֶרֶץ בִּנְיָמִן׃", 21.22. "וְהָיָה כִּי־יָבֹאוּ אֲבוֹתָם אוֹ אֲחֵיהֶם לרוב [לָרִיב ] אֵלֵינוּ וְאָמַרְנוּ אֲלֵיהֶם חָנּוּנוּ אוֹתָם כִּי לֹא לָקַחְנוּ אִישׁ אִשְׁתּוֹ בַּמִּלְחָמָה כִּי לֹא אַתֶּם נְתַתֶּם לָהֶם כָּעֵת תֶּאְשָׁמוּ׃", 21.23. "וַיַּעֲשׂוּ־כֵן בְּנֵי בִנְיָמִן וַיִּשְׂאוּ נָשִׁים לְמִסְפָּרָם מִן־הַמְּחֹלְלוֹת אֲשֶׁר גָּזָלוּ וַיֵּלְכוּ וַיָּשׁוּבוּ אֶל־נַחֲלָתָם וַיִּבְנוּ אֶת־הֶעָרִים וַיֵּשְׁבוּ בָּהֶם׃", 21.24. "וַיִּתְהַלְּכוּ מִשָּׁם בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל בָּעֵת הַהִיא אִישׁ לְשִׁבְטוֹ וּלְמִשְׁפַּחְתּוֹ וַיֵּצְאוּ מִשָּׁם אִישׁ לְנַחֲלָתוֹ׃", | 3.12. "And the children of Yisra᾽el did evil again in the sight of the Lord: and the Lord strengthened ῾Eglon the king of Mo᾽av against Yisra᾽el, because they had done evil in the sight of the Lord.", 3.13. "And he gathered to him the children of ῾Ammon and ῾Amaleq, and went and smote Yisra᾽el, and they seized the city of palm trees.", 3.14. "So the children of Yisra᾽el served ῾Eglon the king of Mo᾽av, for eighteen years.", 3.15. "But when the children of Yisra᾽el cried to the Lord, the Lord raised them up a deliverer, Ehud the son of Gera, a Binyamini, a left-handed man, and by him the children of Yisra᾽el sent a present to ῾Eglon the king of Mo᾽av.", 3.16. "But Ehud made him a sword which had two edges, of a cubit length; and he girded it under his clothes on his right thigh.", 3.17. "And he brought the present to ῾Eglon king of Mo᾽av: and ῾Eglon was a very fat man.", 3.18. "And when he had finished offering the present, he sent away the people that bore the present.", 3.19. "But he himself turned back after reaching the carved stones that were by Gilgal, and said, I have a secret errand to thee, O king. The latter said, Keep silence, and all that stood by him went out from him.", 3.20. "And Ehud came to him; and he was sitting in a cool upper chamber, which he had for himself alone. And Ehud said, I have a message from God to thee. So he arose out of his seat.", 3.21. "And Ehud put forth his left hand, and took the sword from his right thigh, and thrust it into his belly:", 3.22. "and the haft also went in after the blade; and the fat closed upon the blade, so that he could not draw the dagger out of his belly; and the dirt came out.", 3.23. "Then Ehud went out to the vestibule, and shut the doors of the chamber upon him, and locked them.", 3.24. "When he was gone out, his servants came; and when they saw that, behold, the doors of the chamber were locked, they said, Surely he is relieving himself in the cool chamber.", 3.25. "And they waited till it was late: and, behold, he opened not the doors of the chamber; therefore they took a key, and opened them: and, behold, their lord was fallen down dead on the earth.", 3.26. "And Ehud escaped while they tarried, and passed beyond the carved stones, and escaped into Se῾ir.", 3.27. "And it came to pass, when he arrived, that he blew a shofar in the mountain of Efrayim, and the children of Yisra᾽el went down with him from the mount, and he before them.", 3.28. "And he said to them, Follow after me: for the Lord has delivered your enemies, namely Mo᾽av, into your hand. And they went down after him, and seized the fords of the Yarden towards Mo᾽av, and allowed no man to pass over.", 3.29. "And they slew of Mo᾽av at that time about ten thousand men, all lusty, and all men of valour; and no man escaped.", 3.30. "So Mo᾽av was subdued that day under the hand of Yisra᾽el. And the land was quiet for eighty years.", 21.1. "Now the men of Yisra᾽el had sworn in Miżpe, saying, None of us shall give his daughter to Binyamin to wife.", 21.19. "Then they said, Behold, there is a yearly feast of the Lord in Shilo which is on the north side of Bet-el, on the east side of the highway that goes up from Bet-el to Shekhem, and on the south of Levona.", 21.20. "Therefore they commanded the children of Binyamin, saying, Go and lie in wait in the vineyards;", 21.21. "and see, and, behold, if the daughters of Shilo come out to dance in the dances, then come out of the vineyards, and catch you every man his wife of the daughters of Shilo, and go to the land of Binyamin.", 21.22. "And it shall be, if their fathers or their brethren come to us to complain, that we will say to them, Be favourable to them, for our sakes: because we took not a wife for every man in the war: nor did you give them to them willingly at this time, that you should be guilty.", 21.23. "And the children of Binyamin did so, and took them wives, according to their number, of them that danced, whom they caught: and they went and returned to their inheritance, and rebuilt the cities, and dwelt in them.", 21.24. "And the children of Yisra᾽el departed from there at that time, every man to his tribe and to his family, and they went out from there every man to his inheritance.", |
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3. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1050-1052 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 244| 1052. ἔσω φρενῶν λέγουσα πείθω νιν λόγῳ. Χορός | 1052. I, with speech — speaking in mind’s scope — persuade her. CHOROS. |
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| 4. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rape of sabine women Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273 |
5. Cicero, Partitiones Oratoriae, 40 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rape of sabine women Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273| 40. veri similia autem partim singula movent e suo pondere, partim, etiam si videntur esse exigua per se, multum tamen cum sunt coacervata proficiunt. Atque in his veri similibus insunt non numquam etiam certae rerum et propriae notae. Maximam autem fidem facit ad similitudinem veri primum exemplum, deinde introducta rei similitudo; fabula etiam non numquam, etsi sit incredibilis, tamen homines commovet. | |
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| 6. Cicero, Orator, 138 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rape of sabine women Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273 |
| 7. Cicero, Letters, 4.16.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 125 |
8. Cicero, Republic, 1.25.39, 2.12-2.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sabine women, rape of •romulus and camillus, and the rape of the sabine women •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 105; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 96, 146| 2.12. Atque haec quidem perceleriter confecit; nam et urbem constituit, quam e suo nomine Romam iussit nominari, et ad firmandam novam civitatem novum quoddam et subagreste consilium, sed ad muniendas opes regni ac populi sui magni hominis et iam tum longe providentis secutus est, cum Sabinas honesto ortas loco virgines, quae Romam ludorum gratia venissent, quos tum primum anniversarios in circo facere instituisset, Consualibus rapi iussit easque in familiarum amplissimarum matrimoniis collocavit. 2.13. Qua ex causa cum bellum Romanis Sabini intulissent proeliique certamen varium atque anceps fuisset, cum T. Tatio, rege Sabinorum, foedus icit matronis ipsis, quae raptae erant, orantibus; quo foedere et Sabinos in civitatem adscivit sacris conmunicatis et regnum suum cum illorum rege sociavit. 2.14. Post interitum autem Tatii cum ad eum dominatus omnis reccidisset, quamquam cum Tatio in regium consilium delegerat principes (qui appellati sunt propter caritatem patres) populumque et suo et Tatii nomine et Lucumonis, qui Romuli socius in Sabino proelio occiderat, in tribus tris curiasque triginta discripserat (quas curias earum nominibus nuncupavit, quae ex Sabinis virgines raptae postea fuerant oratrices pacis et foederis)—sed quamquam ea Tatio sic erant discripta vivo, tamen eo interfecto multo etiam magis Romulus patrum auctoritate consilioque regnavit. | |
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9. Ovid, Fasti, 3.167-3.258 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 146| 3.167. ‘Si licet occultos monitus audire deorum 3.168. vatibus, ut certe fama licere putat, 3.169. cum sis officiis, Gradive, virilibus aptus, 3.170. dic mihi, matronae cur tua festa colant.’ 3.171. sic ego. sic posita dixit mihi casside Mavors, 3.172. sed tamen in dextra missilis hasta fuit: 3.173. ‘nunc primum studiis pacis, deus utilis armis, 3.174. advocor et gressus in nova castra fero, 3.175. nec piget incepti; iuvat hac quoque parte morari, 3.176. hoc solam ne se posse Minerva putet, 3.177. disce, Latinorum vates operose dierum, 3.178. quod petis, et memori pectore dicta nota. 3.179. parva fuit, si prima velis elementa referre, 3.180. Roma, sed in parva spes tamen huius erat. 3.181. moenia iam stabant, populis angusta futuris, 3.182. credita sed turbae tunc nimis ampla suae. 3.183. quae fuerit nostri, si quaeris, regia nati, 3.184. aspice de canna straminibusque domum. 3.185. in stipula placidi capiebat munera somni, 3.186. et tamen ex illo venit in astra toro. 3.187. iamque loco maius nomen Romanus habebat, 3.188. nec coniunx illi nec socer ullus erat. 3.189. spernebant generos inopes vicinia dives, 3.190. et male credebar sanguinis auctor ego. 3.191. in stabulis habitasse et oves pavisse nocebat 3.192. iugeraque inculti pauca tenere soli. 3.193. cum pare quaeque suo coeunt volucresque feraeque, 3.194. atque aliquam, de qua procreet, anguis habet; 3.195. extremis dantur connubia gentibus: at quae 3.196. Romano vellet nubere, nulla fuit. 3.197. indolui ‘patriamque dedi tibi, Romule, mentem: 3.198. tolle preces,’ dixi quod petis arma dabunt. 3.199. festa parat Conso. Consus tibi cetera dicet 3.200. illo facta die, dum sua sacra canes. 3.201. intumuere Cures et quos dolor attigit idem: 3.202. tum primum generis intulit arma socer, 3.203. iamque fere raptae matrum quoque nomen habebant, 3.204. tractaque erant longa bella propinqua mora: 3.205. conveniunt nuptae dictam Iunonis in aedem, 3.206. quas inter mea sic est nurus ausa loqui: 3.207. ‘o pariter raptae (quoniam hoc commune tenemus) 3.208. non ultra lente possumus esse piae. 3.209. stant acies, sed utra di sint pro parte rogandi, 3.210. eligite: hinc coniunx, hinc pater arma tenet, 3.211. quaerendum est, viduae fieri malitis an orbae: 3.212. consilium vobis forte piumque dabo.’ 3.213. consilium dederat: parent crinesque resolvunt 3.214. maestaque funerea corpora veste tegunt. 3.215. iam steterant acies ferro mortique paratae, 3.216. iam lituus pugnae signa daturus erat: 3.217. cum raptae veniunt inter patresque virosque, 3.218. inque sinu natos, pignora cara, tenent, 3.219. ut medium campi passis tetigere capillis, 3.220. in terram posito procubuere genu, 3.221. et, quasi sentirent, blando clamore nepotes 3.222. tendebant ad avos bracchia parva suos: 3.223. qui poterat clamabat avum tum denique visum, 3.224. et qui vix poterat posse coactus erat. 3.225. tela viris animique cadunt, gladiisque remotis 3.226. dant soceri generis accipiuntque manus, 3.227. laudatasque tenent natas, scutoque nepotem 3.228. fert avus: hic scuti dulcior usus erat. 3.229. inde diem, quae prima, meas celebrare Kalendas 3.230. Oebaliae matres non leve munus habent, 3.231. aut quia committi strictis mucronibus ausae 3.232. finierant lacrimis Martia bella suis; 3.233. vel quod erat de me feliciter Ilia mater, 3.234. rite colunt matres sacra diemque meum. 3.235. quid, quod hiems adoperta gelu tunc denique cedit, 3.236. et pereunt lapsae sole tepente nives, 3.237. arboribus redeunt detonsae frigore frondes, 3.238. uvidaque in tenero palmite gemma tumet, 3.239. quaeque diu latuit, nunc se qua tollat in auras, 3.240. fertilis occultas invenit herba vias? 3.241. nunc fecundus ager, pecoris nunc hora creandi, 3.242. nunc avis in ramo tecta laremque parat: 3.243. tempora iure colunt Latiae fecunda parentes, 3.244. quarum militiam votaque partus habet. 3.245. adde quod, excubias ubi rex Romanus agebat, 3.246. qui nunc Esquilias nomina collis habet, 3.247. illic a nuribus Iunoni templa Latinis 3.248. hac sunt, si memini, publica facta die. 3.249. quid moror et variis onero tua pectora causis? 3.250. eminet ante oculos, quod petis, ecce tuos. 3.251. mater amat nuptas: matrum me turba frequentat: 3.252. haec nos praecipue tam pia causa decet.’ 3.253. ferte deae flores: gaudet florentibus herbis 3.254. haec dea: de tenero cingite flore caput: 3.255. dicite tu nobis lucem, Lucina, dedisti: 3.256. dicite tu voto parturientis ades. 3.257. si qua tamen gravida est, resoluto crine precetur, 3.258. ut solvat partus molliter illa suos. | 3.167. ‘If it’s right for the secret promptings of the god 3.168. To be heard by poets, as it’s rumoured they may, 3.169. Tell me, Gradivus, Marching God, why women keep 3.170. Your feast, you who are apt to be served by men.’ 3.171. So I spoke. And Mars answered, laying aside his helmet, 3.172. But keeping his throwing spear in his right hand: 3.173. Now am I, a god used to warfare, invoked 3.174. In pursuit of peace, and I’m carried into new camps, 3.175. And I don’t dislike it: I like to take on this function, 3.176. Lest Minerva think that she alone can do so. 3.177. Have what you seek, labouring poet of Latin days, 3.178. And inscribe my words in your memory. 3.179. Rome was little, if you wish to trace its first beginnings, 3.180. But still in that little, there was hope of all this. 3.181. The walls already stood, too cramped for its future people, 3.182. But then thought too large for its populace. 3.183. If you ask where my son’s palace was, 3.184. See there, that house made of straw and reeds. 3.185. He snatched the gifts of peaceful sleep on straw, 3.186. Yet from that same low bed he rose to the stars. 3.187. Already the Roman’s name extended beyond his city, 3.188. Though he possessed neither wife nor father-in-law. 3.189. Wealthy neighbours rejected poor sons-in-law, 3.190. And hardly thought I was the origin of the race. 3.191. It harmed the Romans that they lived in cattle-byres, 3.192. Grazed sheep, and owned a few acres of poor soil. 3.193. Birds and beasts each mate with their own kind, 3.194. And even a snake has another with which to breed: 3.195. Rights of intermarriage are granted to distant peoples: 3.196. Yet none wished to marry with the Romans. 3.197. I sympathised, Romulus, and gave you your father’s spirit: 3.198. “Forget prayers,” I said, “Arms will grant what you seek.” 3.199. He prepared a feast for the god, Consus. Consus will tell you 3.200. The rest of what happened that day when you sing his rites. 3.201. Cures was angered, and all who endured that same wrong: 3.202. Then a father fist waged war on his sons-in-law. 3.203. The ravished women were now almost mothers, 3.204. And the war between the kinfolk lingered on, 3.205. When the wives gathered to the call in Juno’s temple: 3.206. Among them, my daughter-in-law dared to speak: 3.207. “Oh, all you ravished women (we have that in common) 3.208. We can no longer delay our duties to our kin. 3.209. The battle prepares, but choose which side you will pray for: 3.210. Your husbands on this side, your fathers are on that. 3.211. The question is whether you choose to be widows or fatherless: 3.212. I will give you dutiful and bold advice.” 3.213. She gave counsel: they obeyed and loosened their hair, 3.214. And clothed their bodies in gloomy funeral dress. 3.215. The ranks already stood to arms, preparing to die, 3.216. The trumpets were about to sound the battle signal, 3.217. When the ravished women stood between husband and father, 3.218. Holding their infants, dear pledges of love, to their breasts. 3.219. When, with streaming hair, they reached the centre of the field, 3.220. They knelt on the ground, their grandchildren, as if they understood, 3.221. With sweet cries, stretching out their little arms to their grandfathers: 3.222. Those who could, called to their grandfather, seen for the first time, 3.223. And those who could barely speak yet, were encouraged to try. 3.224. The arms and passions of the warriors fall: dropping their sword 3.225. Fathers and sons-in-law grasp each other’s hands, 3.226. They embrace the women, praising them, and the grandfather 3.227. Bears his grandchild on his shield: a sweeter use for it. 3.228. Hence the Sabine mothers acquired the duty, no light one, 3.229. To celebrate the first day, my Kalends. 3.230. Either because they ended that war, by their tears, 3.231. In boldly facing the naked blades, 3.232. Or because Ilia happily became a mother through me, 3.233. Mothers justly observe the rites on my day. 3.234. Then winter, coated in frost, at last withdraws, 3.235. And the snows vanish, melted by warm suns: 3.236. Leaves, once lost to the cold, appear on the trees, 3.237. And the moist bud swells in the tender shoot: 3.238. And fertile grasses, long concealed, find out 3.239. Hidden paths to lift themselves to the air. 3.240. Now the field’s fruitful, now’s the time for cattle breeding, 3.241. Now the bird on the bough prepares a nest and home: 3.242. It’s right that Roman mothers observe that fruitful season, 3.243. Since in childbirth they both struggle and pray. 3.244. Add that, where the Roman king kept watch, 3.245. On the hill that now has the name of Esquiline, 3.246. A temple was founded, as I recall, on this day, 3.247. By the Roman women in honour of Juno. 3.248. But why do I linger, and burden your thoughts with reasons? 3.249. The answer you seek is plainly before your eyes. 3.250. My mother, Juno, loves brides: crowds of mothers worship me: 3.251. Such a virtuous reason above all befits her and me.’ 3.252. Bring the goddess flowers: the goddess loves flowering plants: 3.253. Garland your heads with fresh flowers, and say: 3.254. ‘You, Lucina, have given us the light of life’: and say: 3.255. ‘You hear the prayer of women in childbirth.’ 3.256. But let her who is with child, free her hair in prayer, 3.257. So the goddess may gently free her womb. 3.258. Now who will tell me why the Salii carry Mars’ |
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10. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.101-1.134, 1.289-1.326, 2.123-2.142 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rape of sabine women Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 272, 273| 1.101. Primus sollicitos fecisti, Romule, ludos, 1.102. rend= 1.103. Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela theatro, 1.104. rend= 1.105. Illic quas tulerant nemorosa Palatia, frondes 1.106. rend= 1.107. In gradibus sedit populus de caespite factis, 1.108. rend= 1.109. Respiciunt, oculisque notant sibi quisque puellam 1.110. rend= 1.111. Dumque, rudem praebente modum tibicine Tusco, 1.112. rend= 1.113. In medio plausu (plausus tunc arte carebant) 1.114. rend= 1.115. Protinus exiliunt, animum clamore fatentes, 1.116. rend= 1.117. Ut fugiunt aquilas, timidissima turba, columbae, 1.118. rend= 1.119. Sic illae timuere viros sine more ruentes; 1.120. rend= 1.121. Nam timor unus erat, facies non una timoris: 1.122. rend= 1.123. Altera maesta silet, frustra vocat altera matrem: 1.124. rend= fugit; 1.125. Ducuntur raptae, genialis praeda, puellae, 1.126. rend= 1.127. Siqua repugnarat nimium comitemque negabat, 1.128. rend= 1.129. Atque ita 'quid teneros lacrimis corrumpis ocellos? 1.130. rend= 1.131. Romule, militibus scisti dare commoda solus: 1.132. rend= 1.133. Scilicet ex illo sollemnia more theatra 1.134. rend= 1.289. Forte sub umbrosis nemorosae vallibus Idae 1.290. rend= 1.291. Signatus tenui media inter cornua nigro: 1.292. rend= 1.293. Illum Cnosiadesque Cydoneaeque iuvencae 1.294. rend= 1.295. Pasiphaë fieri gaudebat adultera tauri; 1.296. rend= 1.297. Nota cano: non hoc, centum quae sustinet urbes, 1.298. rend= 1.299. Ipsa novas frondes et prata tenerrima tauro 1.300. rend= 1.301. It comes armentis, nec ituram cura moratur 1.302. rend= 1.303. Quo tibi, Pasiphaë, pretiosas sumere vestes? 1.304. rend= 1.305. Quid tibi cum speculo, montana armenta petenti? 1.306. rend= 1.307. Crede tamen speculo, quod te negat esse iuvencam. 1.308. rend= 1.309. Sive placet Minos, nullus quaeratur adulter: 1.310. rend= 1.311. In nemus et saltus thalamo regina relicto 1.312. rend= 1.313. A, quotiens vaccam vultu spectavit iniquo, 1.314. rend= 1.315. Aspice, ut ante ipsum teneris exultet in herbis: 1.316. rend= 1.317. Dixit, et ingenti iamdudum de grege duci 1.318. rend= 1.319. Aut cadere ante aras commentaque sacra coegit, 1.320. rend= 1.321. Paelicibus quotiens placavit numina caesis, 1.322. rend= 1.323. Et modo se Europen fieri, modo postulat Io, 1.324. rend= 1.325. Hanc tamen implevit, vacca deceptus acerna, 1.326. rend= 2.123. Non formosus erat, sed erat facundus Ulixes, 2.124. rend= 2.125. A quotiens illum doluit properare Calypso, 2.126. rend= 2.127. Haec Troiae casus iterumque iterumque rogabat: 2.128. rend= 2.129. Litore constiterant: illic quoque pulchra Calypso 2.130. rend= 2.131. Ille levi virga (virgam nam forte tenebat) 2.132. rend= 2.133. 'Haec' inquit 'Troia est' (muros in litore fecit): 2.134. rend= 2.135. Campus erat' (campumque facit), 'quem caede Dolonis 2.136. rend= 2.137. Illic Sithonii fuerant tentoria Rhesi: 2.138. rend= 2.139. Pluraque pingebat, subitus cum Pergama fluctus 2.140. rend= 2.141. Tum dea 'quas' inquit 'fidas tibi credis ituro, 2.142. rend= | |
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| 11. Livy, History, 1.1.5, 1.1.7, 1.2.1, 1.3.1-1.3.3, 1.4, 1.9-1.13, 1.13.2-1.13.5, 1.24.1, 1.34.5, 1.38.2, 1.46.9, 1.58.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of •sabine women, rape of, compared with permission to benjaminites to capture their brides •romulus and camillus, and the rape of the sabine women Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 667; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 96, 139, 146, 147, 148 |
| 12. Catullus, Poems, 109 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 178 |
| 13. Propertius, Elegies, 4.4, 4.4.53-4.4.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 178 |
14. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 2.46 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rape of sabine women Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273 | 2.46. Since Embellishment consists of similes, examples, amplifications, previous judgements, and the other means which serve to expand and enrich the argument, let us consider the faults which attach to these. A Simile is defective if it is inexact in any aspect, and lacks a proper ground for the comparison, or is prejudicial to him who presents it. An Example is defective if it is either false, and hence refutable, or base, and hence not to be imitated, or if it implies more or less than the matter demands. The citing of a Previous Judgement will be faulty if the judgement applies to an unlike matter, or one not in dispute, or if it is discreditable, or is of such a kind that previous decisions either in greater number or of greater appropriateness can be offered by our adversaries. Again, it is a fault, when our adversaries admit a fact, to devote an argument to establishing it as a fact; for it should rather be amplified. Again, it is a fault to amplify what one should prove; for example, if a man should charge another with homicide, and before he has presented conclusive arguments, should amplify the crime, avowing that there is nothing more shameful than homicide. The question is, in fact, not whether the deed is or is not shameful, but whether it was committed. The Résumé is defective if it does not include every point in the exact order in which it has been presented; if it does not come to a conclusion briefly; and if the summary does not leave something precise and stable, so as to make clear what the Proposition was, then what has been established by the Reason, by the Proof of the Reason, and by the argument as a whole. |
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15. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 5.11.1-5.11.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rape of sabine women Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273 | 5.11.2. For my own part, I prefer with a view to making my purpose easier of apprehension to regard both as ÏαÏαδείγμαÏα and to call them examples. Nor am I afraid of being thought to disagree with Cicero, although he does separate comparison from example. For he divides all arguments into two classes, induction and ratiocination, just as most Greeks divide it into ÏαÏαδείγμαÏα and á¼ÏιÏείÏημαÏα, explaining ÏαÏάδειγμα as a rhetorical induction. 5.11.3. The method of argument chiefly used by Socrates was of this nature: when he had asked a number of questions to which his adversary could only agree, he finally inferred the conclusion of the problem under discussion from its resemblance to the points already conceded. This method is known as induction, and though it cannot be used in a set speech, it is usual in a speech to assume that which takes the form of a question in dialogue. 5.11.4. For instance take the following question: "What is the finest form of fruit? Is it not that which is best?" This will be admitted. "What of the horse? What is the finest? Is it not that which is the best?" Several more questions of the same kind follow. Last comes the question "What of man? Is not he the finest type who is best?" The answer can only be in the affirmative. 5.11.5. Such a procedure is most valuable in the examination of witnesses, but is differently employed in a set speech. For there the orator either answers his own questions or makes an assumption of that which in dialogue takes the form of a question. "What is the finest fruit? The best, I should imagine. What is the finest horse? The swiftest. So too the finest type of man is not he that is noblest of birth, but he that is most excellent in virtue." All arguments of this kind, therefore, must be from things like or unlike or contrary. Similes are, it is true, sometimes employed for the embellishment of the speech as well, but I will deal with them in their proper place; at present I am concerned with the use of similitude in proof. 5.11.6. The most important of proofs of this class is that which is most properly styled example, that is to say the adducing of some past action real or assumed which may serve to persuade the audience of the truth of the point which we are trying to make. We must therefore consider whether the parallel is complete or only partial, that we may know whether to use it in its entirety or merely to select those portions which are serviceable. We argue from the like when we say, "Saturninus was justly killed, as were the Gracchi"; 5.11.7. from the unlike when we say, "Brutus killed his sons for plotting against the state, while Manlius condemned his son to death for his valour"; from the contrary when we say, "Marcellus restored the works of art which had been taken from the Syracusans who were our enemies, while Verres took the same works of art from our allies." The same divisions apply also to such forms of proof in panegyric or denunciation. 5.11.8. It will also be found useful when we are speaking of what is likely to happen to refer to historical parallels: for instance if the orator asserts that Dionysius is asking for a bodyguard that with their armed assistance he may establish himself as tyrant, he may adduce the parallel case of Pisistratus who secured the supreme power by similar means. 5.11.9. But while examples may at times, as in the last instance, apply in their entirety, at times we shall argue from the greater to the less or from the less to the greater. "Cities have been overthrown by the violation of the marriage bond. What punishment then will meet the case of adultery?" "Flute-players have been recalled by the state to the city which they had left. How much more then is it just that leading citizens who have rendered good service to their country should be recalled from that exile to which they have been driven by envy." 5.11.10. Arguments from unlikes are most useful in exhortation. Courage is more remarkable in a woman than in a man. Therefore, if we wish to kindle someone's ambition to the performance of heroic deeds, we shall find that parallels drawn from the cases of Horatius and Torquatus will carry less weight than that of the woman by whose hand Pyrrhus was slain, and if we wish to urge a man to meet death, the cases of Cato and Scipio will carry less weight than that of Lucretia. These are however arguments from the greater to the less. 5.11.11. Let me then give you separate examples of these classes of argument from the pages of Cicero; for where should I find better? The following passage from the pro Murena is an instance of argument from the like: "For it happened that I myself when a candidate had two patricians as competitors, the one a man of the most unscrupulous and reckless character, the other a most excellent and respectable citizen. Ye I defeated Catiline by force of merit and Galba by my popularity." 5.11.12. The pro Milone will give us an example of argument from the greater to the less: "They say that he who confesses to having killed a man is not fit to look upon the light of day. Where is the city in which men are such fools as to argue this? It is Rome itself, the city whose first trial on a capital charge was that of Marcus Horatius, the bravest of men, who, though the city had not yet attained its freedom, was none the less acquitted by the assembly of the Roman people, in spite of the fact that he confessed that he had slain his sister with his own hand." The following is an example of argument from the less to the greater: "I killed, not Spurius Maelius, who by lowering the price of corn and sacrificing his private fortune fell under the suspicion of desiring to make himself king, because it seemed that he was courting popularity with the common people overmuch," and so on till we come to, "No, the man I killed (for my client would not shrink from the avowal, since his deed had saved his country) was he who committed abominable adultery even in the shrines of the gods"; then follows the whole invective against Clodius. 5.11.13. Arguments from unlikes present great variety, for they may turn on kind, manner, time, place, etcetera, almost every one of which Cicero employs to overthrow the previous decisions that seemed to apply to the case of Cluentius, while he makes use of argument from contraries when he minimises the importance of the censorial stigma by praising Scipio Africanus, who in his capacity of censor allowed one whom he openly asserted to have committed deliberate perjury to retain his horse, because no one had appeared as evidence against him, though he promised to come forward himself to bear witness to his guilt, if any should be found to accuse him. I have paraphrased this passage because it is too long to quote. 5.11.14. A brief example of a similar argument is to be found in Virgil, "But he, whom falsely thou dost call thy father, Even Achilles, in far other wise Dealt with old Priam, and Priam was his foe." 5.11.15. Historical parallels may however sometimes be related in full, as in the pro Milone: "When a military tribune serving in the army of Gaius Marius, to whom he was related, made an assault upon the honour of a common soldier, the latter killed him; for the virtuous youth preferred to risk his life by slaying him to suffering such dishonour. And yet the great Marius acquitted him of all crime and let him go scot free." 5.11.16. On the other hand in certain cases it will be sufficient merely to allude to the parallel, as Cicero does in the same speech: "For neither the famous Servilius Ahala nor Publius Nasica nor Lucius Opimius nor the Senate during my consulship could be cleared of serious guilt, if it were a crime to put wicked men to death." Such parallels will be adduced at greater or less length according as they are familiar or as the interests or adornment of our case may demand. 5.11.17. A similar method is to be pursued in quoting from the fictions of the poets, though we must remember that they will be of less force as proofs. The same supreme authority, the great master of eloquence, shows us how we should employ such quotations. 5.11.18. For an example of this type will be found in the same speech: "And it is therefore, gentlemen of the jury, that men of the greatest learning have recorded in their fictitious narratives that one who had killed his mother to avenge his father was acquitted, when the opinion of men was divided as to his guilt, not merely by the decision of a deity, but by the vote of the wisest of goddesses." |
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16. Plutarch, Sertorius, 9.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romulus and camillus, and the rape of the sabine women •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 258| 9.5. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἀνακείσθω τῇ Ἰόβα χάριτι, τοῦ πάντων ἱστορικωτάτου βασιλέων· ἐκείνου γὰρ ἱστοροῦσι τοὺς προγόνους Διοδώρου καὶ Σόφακος ἀπογόνους εἶναι. Σερτώριος δὲ πάντων ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος τοὺς δεηθέντας αὐτοῦ καὶ πιστεύσαντας οὐκ ἠδίκησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ χρήματα καὶ πόλεις καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπέδωκεν αὐτοῖς, ὅσα καλῶς εἶχε δεξάμενος διδόντων. | 9.5. |
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17. Plutarch, Romulus, 14.2, 17.2, 17.5, 27.5, 29.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 258, 259, 269| 14.2. τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ εἰκός· ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν πόλιν ὁρῶν ἐποίκων εὐθὺς ἐμπιπλαμένην, ὧν ὀλίγοι γυναῖκας εἶχον, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ μιγάδες ἐξ ἀπόρων καὶ ἀφανῶν ὄντες ὑπερεωρῶντο καὶ προσεδοκῶντο μὴ συμμενεῖν βεβαίως, ἐλπίζων δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Σαβίνους τρόπον τινὰ συγκράσεως καὶ κοινωνίας ἀρχὴν αὐτοῖς τὸ ἀδίκημα ποιήσειν ὁμηρευσαμένοις τὰς γυναῖκας, ἐπεχείρησε τῷ ἔργῳ τόνδε τὸν τρόπον. 17.2. ἐπὶ τούτοις βαρέως φέροντες οἱ λοιποὶ Σαβῖνοι Τάτιον ἀποδείξαντες στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐστράτευσαν. ἦν δὲ δυσπρόσοδος ἡ πόλις, ἔχουσα πρόβλημα τὸ νῦν Καπιτώλιον, ἐν ᾧ φρουρὰ καθειστήκει καὶ Ταρπήιος ἡγεμὼν αὐτῆς, οὐχὶ Ταρπηία παρθένος, ὡς ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, εὐήθη τὸν Ῥωμύλον ἀποδεικνύοντες· ἀλλὰ θυγάτηρ ἡ Ταρπηία τοῦ ἄρχοντος οὖσα προὔδωκε τοῖς Σαβίνοις, ἐπιθυμήσασα τῶν χρυσῶν βραχιονιστήρων οὓς εἶδε περικειμένους, καὶ ᾔτησε μισθὸν τῆς προδοσίας ἃ φοροῖεν ἐν ταῖς ἀριστεραῖς χερσί. 17.5. ἑάλω δὲ καὶ Ταρπήιος προδοσίας ὑπὸ Ῥωμύλου διωχθείς, ὡς Ἰόβας φησὶ Γάλβαν Σουλπίκιον ἱστορεῖν. τῶν δʼ ἄλλα περὶ Ταρπηίας λεγόντων ἀπίθανοι μέν εἰσιν οἱ Τατίου θυγατέρα τοῦ ἡγεμόνος τῶν Σαβίνων οὖσαν αὐτήν, Ῥωμύλῳ δὲ βίᾳ συνοικοῦσαν, ἱστοροῦντες ταῦτα ποιῆσαι καὶ παθεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός· ὧν καὶ Ἀντίγονός ἐστι. Σιμύλος δʼ ὁ ποιητὴς καὶ παντάπασι ληρεῖ, μὴ Σαβίνοις οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ Κελτοῖς τὴν Ταρπηίαν προδοῦναι τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ἐρασθεῖσαν αὐτῶν τοῦ βασιλέως. λέγει δὲ ταῦτα· ἡ δʼ ἀγχοῦ Τάρπεια παραὶ Καπιτώλιον αἶπος ναίουσα Ῥώμης ἔπλετο τειχολέτις, Κελτῶν ἣ στέρξασα γαμήλια λέκτρα γενέσθαι σκηπτούχῳ, πατέρων οὐκ ἐφύλαξε δόμους. καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγα περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς· τὴν δʼ οὔτʼ ἄρʼ Βόιοί τε καὶ ἔθνεα μυρία Κελτῶν χηράμενοι ῥείθρων ἐντὸς ἔθεντο Πάδου, ὅπλα δʼ ἐπιπροβαλόντες ἀρειμανέων ἀπὸ χειρῶν κούρῃ ἐπὶ στυγερῇ κόσμον ἔθεντο φόνον. 27.5. καίτοι Σκηπίων ἔκειτο νεκρὸς ἐμφανὴς ἰδεῖν πᾶσι, καὶ τὸ σῶμα παρεῖχε πᾶσιν ὁρώμενον ὑποψίαν τινὰ τοῦ πάθους καὶ κατανόησιν· Ῥωμύλου δʼ ἄφνω μεταλλάξαντος οὔτε μέρος ὤφθη σώματος οὔτε λείψανον ἐσθῆτος. ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν εἴκαζον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τοὺς βουλευτὰς ἐπαναστάντας αὐτῷ καὶ διαφθείραντας, νείμαντας τὸ σῶμα καὶ μέρος ἕκαστον ἐνθέμενον εἰς τὸν κόλπον ἐξενεγκεῖν· 29.3. ἔνιοι μέντοι τὸ μίμημα τοῦτό φασι μὴ φυγῆς, ἀλλʼ ἐπείξεως εἶναι καὶ σπουδῆς, εἰς αἰτίαν τοιαύτην ἀναφέροντες τὸν λόγον. ἐπεὶ Κελτοὶ τὴν Ῥώμην καταλαβόντες ἐξεκρούσθησαν ὑπὸ Καμίλλου, καὶ διʼ ἀσθένειαν ἡ πόλις οὐκέτι ῥᾳδίως ἑαυτὴν ἀνελάμβανεν, ἐστράτευσαν ἐπʼ αὐτὴν πολλοὶ τῶν Λατίνων, ἄρχοντα Λίβιον Ποστούμιον ἔχοντες. οὗτος δὲ καθίσας τὸν στρατὸν οὐ πρόσω τῆς Ῥώμης ἔπεμπε κήρυκα, βούλεσθαι λέγων τοὺς Λατίνους ἐκλιποῦσαν ἤδη τὴν παλαιὰν οἰκειότητα καὶ συγγένειαν ἐκζωπυρῆσαι, καιναῖς αὖθις ἀνακραθέντων ἐπιγαμίαις τῶν γενῶν. | 14.2. But this is not likely. On the contrary, seeing his city filling up at once with aliens, few of whom had wives, while the greater part of them, being a mixed rabble of needy and obscure persons, were looked down upon and expected to have no strong cohesion; and hoping to make the outrage an occasion for some sort of blending and fellowship with the Sabines after their women had been kindly entreated, he set his hand to the task, and in the following manner. 17.2. At this the rest of the Sabines were enraged, and after appointing Tatius their general, marched upon Rome. The city was difficult of access, having as its fortress the present Capitol, on which a guard had been stationed, with Tarpeius as its captain,— not Tarpeia, a maiden, as some say, thereby making Romulus a simpleton. But Tarpeia, a daughter of the commander, betrayed the citadel to the Sabines, having set her heart on the golden armlets which she saw them wearing, and she asked as payment for her treachery that which they wore on their left arms. 17.5. And Tarpeius also was convicted of treason when prosecuted by Romulus, as, according to Juba, Sulpicius Galba relates. of those who write differently about Tarpeia, they are worthy of no belief at all who say that she was a daughter of Tatius, the leader of the Sabines, and was living with Romulus under compulsion, and acted and suffered as she did, at her father’s behest; of these, Antigonus is one. And Simylus the poet is altogether absurd in supposing that Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, not to the Sabines, but to the Gauls, because she had fallen in love with their king. These are his words:— And Tarpeia, who dwelt hard by the Capitolian steep, Became the destroyer of the walls of Rome; She longed to be the wedded wife of the Gallic chieftain, And betrayed the homes of her fathers. And a little after, speaking of her death:— Her the Boni and the myriad tribes of Gauls Did not, exulting, cast amid the currents of the Po; But hurled the shields from their belligerent arms Upon the hateful maid, and made their ornament her doom. 27.5. And yet Scipio’s dead body lay exposed for all to see, and all who beheld it formed therefrom some suspicion and conjecture of what had happened to it; whereas Romulus disappeared suddenly, and no portion of his body or fragment of his clothing remained to be seen. But some conjectured that the senators, convened in the temple of Vulcan, fell upon him and slew him, then cut his body in pieces, put each a portion into the folds of his robe, and so carried it away. 29.3. Some, however, say that this imitation is not one of flight, but of haste and eagerness, and explain it as referring to the following occasion. After the Gauls had captured Rome and been driven out by Camillus, and when the city was still too weak to recover itself readily, an expedition was made against it by many of the Latins, under the command of Livius Postumius. This general stationed his army not far from Rome, and sent a herald with the message that the Latins wished to renew their ancient relationship and affinity with the Romans, by fresh intermarriages between the two peoples. |
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18. Plutarch, Camillus, 33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romulus and camillus, and the rape of the sabine women •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 269| 33.2. περὶ τούτου τοῦ πολέμου διττοὶ λόγοι λέγονται· δίειμι δὲ τὸν μυθώδη πρότερον. φασὶ τοὺς Λατίνους, εἴτε προφάσει χρωμένους εἴτε βουλομένους ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀναμίξασθαι τὰ γένη πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς, πέμψαντας αἰτεῖν παρὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων παρθένους ἐλευθέρας γυναῖκας, ἀπορούντων δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων, τί χρὴ ποιεῖν καὶ γὰρ τὸν πόλεμον ὠρρώδουν οὔπω καθεστῶτες οὐδʼ ἀνειληφότες αὑτούς, καὶ τὴν αἴτησιν τῶν γυναικῶν ὑπώπτευον ἐξομήρευσιν εἶναι, τοῦ δʼ εὐπρεποῦς χάριν ἐπιγαμίαν καλεῖσθαι, | 33.2. Two stories are told about this war, and I will give the fabulous one first. They say that the Latins, either as a pretext for war, or because they really wished to revive the ancient affinity between the two peoples, sent and demanded from the Romans freeborn virgins in marriage. The Romans were in doubt what to do, for they dreaded war in their unsettled and unrestored condition, and yet they suspected that this demand for wives was really a call for hostages disguised under the specious name of intermarriage. |
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19. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 29.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 125| 29.3. Παύλῳ δὲ ὑπατεύοντι χίλια καὶ πεντακόσια τάλαντα δόντος, ἀφʼ ὧν καὶ τὴν βασιλικὴν ἐκεῖνος, ὀνομαστὸν ἀνάθημα, τῇ ἀγορᾷ προσεκόσμησεν ἀντὶ τῆς Φουλβίας οἰκοδομηθεῖσαν, οὕτω δὴ φοβηθεὶς τὴν σύστασιν ὁ Πομπήϊος ἀναφανδὸν ἤδη διʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων ἔπραττεν ἀποδειχθῆναι διάδοχον Καίσαρι τῆς ἀρχῆς, καὶ πέμπων ἀπῄτει τοὺς στρατιώτας οὓς ἔχρησεν αὐτῷ πρὸς τοὺς Κελτικοὺς ἀγῶνας, ὁ δὲ ἀποπέμπει, δωρησάμενος ἕκαστον ἄνδρα πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίαις δραχμαῖς. | 29.3. |
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| 20. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romulus and camillus, and the rape of the sabine women •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 258 |
21. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 5.11.1-5.11.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rape of sabine women Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273 | 5.11.2. For my own part, I prefer with a view to making my purpose easier of apprehension to regard both as ÏαÏαδείγμαÏα and to call them examples. Nor am I afraid of being thought to disagree with Cicero, although he does separate comparison from example. For he divides all arguments into two classes, induction and ratiocination, just as most Greeks divide it into ÏαÏαδείγμαÏα and á¼ÏιÏείÏημαÏα, explaining ÏαÏάδειγμα as a rhetorical induction. 5.11.3. The method of argument chiefly used by Socrates was of this nature: when he had asked a number of questions to which his adversary could only agree, he finally inferred the conclusion of the problem under discussion from its resemblance to the points already conceded. This method is known as induction, and though it cannot be used in a set speech, it is usual in a speech to assume that which takes the form of a question in dialogue. 5.11.4. For instance take the following question: "What is the finest form of fruit? Is it not that which is best?" This will be admitted. "What of the horse? What is the finest? Is it not that which is the best?" Several more questions of the same kind follow. Last comes the question "What of man? Is not he the finest type who is best?" The answer can only be in the affirmative. 5.11.5. Such a procedure is most valuable in the examination of witnesses, but is differently employed in a set speech. For there the orator either answers his own questions or makes an assumption of that which in dialogue takes the form of a question. "What is the finest fruit? The best, I should imagine. What is the finest horse? The swiftest. So too the finest type of man is not he that is noblest of birth, but he that is most excellent in virtue." All arguments of this kind, therefore, must be from things like or unlike or contrary. Similes are, it is true, sometimes employed for the embellishment of the speech as well, but I will deal with them in their proper place; at present I am concerned with the use of similitude in proof. 5.11.6. The most important of proofs of this class is that which is most properly styled example, that is to say the adducing of some past action real or assumed which may serve to persuade the audience of the truth of the point which we are trying to make. We must therefore consider whether the parallel is complete or only partial, that we may know whether to use it in its entirety or merely to select those portions which are serviceable. We argue from the like when we say, "Saturninus was justly killed, as were the Gracchi"; 5.11.7. from the unlike when we say, "Brutus killed his sons for plotting against the state, while Manlius condemned his son to death for his valour"; from the contrary when we say, "Marcellus restored the works of art which had been taken from the Syracusans who were our enemies, while Verres took the same works of art from our allies." The same divisions apply also to such forms of proof in panegyric or denunciation. 5.11.8. It will also be found useful when we are speaking of what is likely to happen to refer to historical parallels: for instance if the orator asserts that Dionysius is asking for a bodyguard that with their armed assistance he may establish himself as tyrant, he may adduce the parallel case of Pisistratus who secured the supreme power by similar means. 5.11.9. But while examples may at times, as in the last instance, apply in their entirety, at times we shall argue from the greater to the less or from the less to the greater. "Cities have been overthrown by the violation of the marriage bond. What punishment then will meet the case of adultery?" "Flute-players have been recalled by the state to the city which they had left. How much more then is it just that leading citizens who have rendered good service to their country should be recalled from that exile to which they have been driven by envy." 5.11.10. Arguments from unlikes are most useful in exhortation. Courage is more remarkable in a woman than in a man. Therefore, if we wish to kindle someone's ambition to the performance of heroic deeds, we shall find that parallels drawn from the cases of Horatius and Torquatus will carry less weight than that of the woman by whose hand Pyrrhus was slain, and if we wish to urge a man to meet death, the cases of Cato and Scipio will carry less weight than that of Lucretia. These are however arguments from the greater to the less. 5.11.11. Let me then give you separate examples of these classes of argument from the pages of Cicero; for where should I find better? The following passage from the pro Murena is an instance of argument from the like: "For it happened that I myself when a candidate had two patricians as competitors, the one a man of the most unscrupulous and reckless character, the other a most excellent and respectable citizen. Ye I defeated Catiline by force of merit and Galba by my popularity." 5.11.12. The pro Milone will give us an example of argument from the greater to the less: "They say that he who confesses to having killed a man is not fit to look upon the light of day. Where is the city in which men are such fools as to argue this? It is Rome itself, the city whose first trial on a capital charge was that of Marcus Horatius, the bravest of men, who, though the city had not yet attained its freedom, was none the less acquitted by the assembly of the Roman people, in spite of the fact that he confessed that he had slain his sister with his own hand." The following is an example of argument from the less to the greater: "I killed, not Spurius Maelius, who by lowering the price of corn and sacrificing his private fortune fell under the suspicion of desiring to make himself king, because it seemed that he was courting popularity with the common people overmuch," and so on till we come to, "No, the man I killed (for my client would not shrink from the avowal, since his deed had saved his country) was he who committed abominable adultery even in the shrines of the gods"; then follows the whole invective against Clodius. 5.11.13. Arguments from unlikes present great variety, for they may turn on kind, manner, time, place, etcetera, almost every one of which Cicero employs to overthrow the previous decisions that seemed to apply to the case of Cluentius, while he makes use of argument from contraries when he minimises the importance of the censorial stigma by praising Scipio Africanus, who in his capacity of censor allowed one whom he openly asserted to have committed deliberate perjury to retain his horse, because no one had appeared as evidence against him, though he promised to come forward himself to bear witness to his guilt, if any should be found to accuse him. I have paraphrased this passage because it is too long to quote. 5.11.14. A brief example of a similar argument is to be found in Virgil, "But he, whom falsely thou dost call thy father, Even Achilles, in far other wise Dealt with old Priam, and Priam was his foe." 5.11.15. Historical parallels may however sometimes be related in full, as in the pro Milone: "When a military tribune serving in the army of Gaius Marius, to whom he was related, made an assault upon the honour of a common soldier, the latter killed him; for the virtuous youth preferred to risk his life by slaying him to suffering such dishonour. And yet the great Marius acquitted him of all crime and let him go scot free." 5.11.16. On the other hand in certain cases it will be sufficient merely to allude to the parallel, as Cicero does in the same speech: "For neither the famous Servilius Ahala nor Publius Nasica nor Lucius Opimius nor the Senate during my consulship could be cleared of serious guilt, if it were a crime to put wicked men to death." Such parallels will be adduced at greater or less length according as they are familiar or as the interests or adornment of our case may demand. 5.11.17. A similar method is to be pursued in quoting from the fictions of the poets, though we must remember that they will be of less force as proofs. The same supreme authority, the great master of eloquence, shows us how we should employ such quotations. 5.11.18. For an example of this type will be found in the same speech: "And it is therefore, gentlemen of the jury, that men of the greatest learning have recorded in their fictitious narratives that one who had killed his mother to avenge his father was acquitted, when the opinion of men was divided as to his guilt, not merely by the decision of a deity, but by the vote of the wisest of goddesses." |
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| 22. Suetonius, Galba, 3.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romulus and camillus, and the rape of the sabine women •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 258 |
23. Tacitus, Annals, 3.72 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 125| 3.72. Isdem diebus Lepidus ab senatu petivit ut basilicam Pauli, Aemilia monimenta, propria pecunia firmaret ornaretque. erat etiam tum in more publica munificentia; nec Augustus arcuerat Taurum, Philippum, Balbum hostilis exuvias aut exundantis opes ornatum ad urbis et posterum gloriam conferre. quo tum exemplo Lepidus, quamquam pecuniae modicus, avitum decus recoluit. at Pompei theatrum igne fortuito haustum Caesar extructurum pollicitus est eo quod nemo e familia restaurando sufficeret, manente tamen nomine Pompei. simul laudibus Seianum extulit tamquam labore vigilantiaque eius tanta vis unum intra damnum stetisset; et censuere patres effigiem Seiano quae apud theatrum Pompei locaretur. neque multo post Caesar, cum Iunium Blaesum pro consule Africae triumphi insignibus attolleret, dare id se dixit honori Seiani, cuius ille avunculus erat. ac tamen res Blaesi dignae decore tali fuere. | 3.72. Nearly at the same time, Marcus Lepidus asked permission from the senate to strengthen and decorate the Basilica of Paulus, a monument of the Aemilian house, at his own expense. Public munificence was a custom still; nor had Augustus debarred a Taurus, a Philippus, or a Balbus from devoting the trophies of his arms or the overflow of his wealth to the greater splendour of the capital and the glory of posterity: and now Lepidus, a man of but moderate fortune, followed in their steps by renovating the famous edifice of his fathers. On the other hand, the rebuilding of the Theatre of Pompey, destroyed by a casual fire, was undertaken by Caesar, on the ground that no member of the family was equal to the task of restoration: the name of Pompey was, however, to remain. At the same time, he gave high praise to Sejanus, "through whose energy and watchfulness so grave an outbreak had stopped at one catastrophe." The Fathers voted a statue to Sejanus, to be placed in the Theatre of Pompey. Again, a short time afterwards, when he was honouring Junius Blaesus, proconsul of Africa, with the triumphal insignia, he explained that he did so as a compliment to Sejanus, of whom Blaesus was uncle. â None the less the exploits of Blaesus deserved such a distinction. |
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24. Plutarch, Theseus, 1.1, 1.3, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 274| 1.1. ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς γεωγραφίαις, ὦ Σόσσιε Σενεκίων, οἱ ἱστορικοὶ τὰ διαφεύγοντα τὴν γνῶσιν αὐτῶν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις μέρεσι τῶν πινάκων πιεζοῦντες, αἰτίας αἰτίας Amyot, Stephanus, Coraës, Sintenis 2 with C; Bekker and Sintenis 1 have ἐνίοις ( explaining some by saying ). παραγράφουσιν ὅτι τὰ δʼ ἐπέκεινα θῖνες ἄνυδροι καὶ θηριώδεις ἢ πηλὸς ἀϊδνὴς ἢ σκυθικὸν κρύος ἢ πέλαγος πεπηγός, οὕτως ἐμοὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν βίων τῶν παραλλήλων γραφήν, τὸν ἐφικτὸν εἰκότι λόγῳ καὶ βάσιμον ἱστορίᾳ πραγμάτων ἐχομένῃ χρόνον διελθόντι, περὶ τῶν ἀνωτέρω καλῶς εἶχεν εἰπεῖν· τὰ δʼ ἐπέκεινα τερατώδη καὶ τραγικὰ ποιηταὶ καὶ μυθογράφοι νέμονται, καὶ οὐκέτʼ ἔχει πίστιν οὐδὲ σαφήνειαν. 1.3. εἴη μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν ἐκκαθαιρόμενον λόγῳ τὸ μυθῶδες ὑπακοῦσαι καὶ λαβεῖν ἱστορίας ὄψιν, ὅπου δʼ ἂν αὐθαδῶς τοῦ πιθανοῦ περιφρονῇ καὶ μὴ δέχηται τὴν πρὸς τὸ εἰκὸς μῖξιν, εὐγνωμόνων ἀκροατῶν δεησόμεθα καὶ πρᾴως τὴν ἀρχαιολογίαν προσδεχομένων. 2.1. ἐδόκει δʼ οὖν ὁ Θησεὺς τῷ Ῥωμύλῳ κατὰ πολλὰς ἐναρμόττειν ὁμοιότητας· ἄμφω μὲν γὰρ Coraës, Bekker, and Cobet, with C, after Reiske; ἄμφω μέν . ἀνεγγύω καὶ σκοτίω γενόμενοι δόξαν ἔσχον ἐκ θεῶν γεγονέναι, | |
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| 25. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 125 |
26. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 5.170, 5.172-5.174, 5.185-5.197, 14.68 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabine women, rape of, compared with permission to benjaminites to capture their brides Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 667, 668, 669 | 5.170. But when the senate were affrighted at the very name of perjury, a certain person told them that he could show them a way whereby they might procure the Benjamites wives enough, and yet keep their oath. They asked him what his proposal was. He said, “That three times in a year, when we meet in Shiloh, our wives and our daughters accompany us: 5.172. So the Israelites were persuaded to follow this advice, and decreed, That the Benjamites should be allowed thus to steal themselves wives. So when the festival was coming on, these two hundred Benjamites lay in ambush before the city, by two and three together, and waited for the coming of the virgins, in the vineyards and other places where they could lie concealed. 5.173. Accordingly the virgins came along playing, and suspected nothing of what was coming upon them, and walked after an unguarded manner, so those that laid scattered in the road, rose up, and caught hold of them: by this means these Benjamites got them wives, and fell to agriculture, and took good care to recover their former happy state. 5.174. And thus was this tribe of the Benjamites, after they had been in danger of entirely perishing, saved in the manner forementioned, by the wisdom of the Israelites; and accordingly it presently flourished, and soon increased to be a multitude, and came to enjoy all other degrees of happiness. And such was the conclusion of this war. 5.185. 1. When Othniel was dead, the affairs of the Israelites fell again into disorder: and while they neither paid to God the honor due to him, nor were obedient to the laws, their afflictions increased, 5.186. till Eglon, king of the Moabites, did so greatly despise them on account of the disorders of their political government, that he made war upon them, and overcame them in several battles, and made the most courageous to submit, and entirely subdued their army, and ordered them to pay him tribute. 5.187. And when he had built him a royal palace at Jericho, he omitted no method whereby he might distress them; and indeed he reduced them to poverty for eighteen years. But when God had once taken pity of the Israelites, on account of their afflictions, and was moved to compassion by their supplications put up to him, he freed them from the hard usage they had met with under the Moabites. This liberty he procured for them in the following manner;— 5.188. 2. There was a young man of the tribe of Benjamin, whose name was Ehud, the son of Gera, a man of very great courage in bold undertakings, and of a very strong body, fit for hard labor, but best skilled in using his left hand, in which was his whole strength; and he also dwelt at Jericho. 5.189. Now this man became familiar with Eglon, and that by means of presents, with which he obtained his favor, and insinuated himself into his good opinion; whereby he was also beloved of those that were about the king. 5.190. Now, when on a time he was bringing presents to the king, and had two servants with him, he put a dagger on his right thigh secretly, and went in to him: it was then summer time, and the middle of the day, when the guards were not strictly on their watch, both because of the heat, and because they were gone to dinner. 5.191. So the young man, when he had offered his presents to the king, who then resided in a small parlor that stood conveniently to avoid the heat, fell into discourse with him, for they were now alone, the king having bid his servants that attended him to go their ways, because he had a mind to talk with Ehud. 5.192. He was now sitting on his throne; and fear seized upon Ehud lest he should miss his stroke, and not give him a deadly wound; 5.193. o he raised himself up, and said he had a dream to impart to him by the command of God; upon which the king leaped out of his throne for joy of the dream; so Ehud smote him to the heart, and leaving his dagger in his body, he went out and shut the door after him. Now the king’s servants were very still, as supposing that the king had composed himself to sleep. 5.194. 3. Hereupon Ehud informed the people of Jericho privately of what he had done, and exhorted them to recover their liberty; who heard him gladly, and went to their arms, and sent messengers over the country, that should sound trumpets of rams’ horns; for it was our custom to call the people together by them. 5.195. Now the attendants of Eglon were ignorant of what misfortune had befallen him for a great while; but, towards the evening, fearing some uncommon accident had happened, they entered into his parlor, and when they found him dead, they were in great disorder, and knew not what to do; and before the guards could be got together, the multitude of the Israelites came upon them, 5.196. o that some of them were slain immediately, and some were put to flight, and ran away toward the country of Moab, in order to save themselves. Their number was above ten thousand. The Israelites seized upon the ford of Jordan, and pursued them, and slew them, and many of them they killed at the ford, nor did one of them escape out of their hands; 5.197. and by this means it was that the Hebrews freed themselves from slavery under the Moabites. Ehud also was on this account dignified with the government over all the multitude, and died after he had held the government eighty years He was a man worthy of commendation, even besides what he deserved for the forementioned act of his. After him Shamgat, the son of Anath, was elected for their governor, but died in the first year of his government. 14.68. And that this is not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the acts of Pompey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus]; and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who will bear witness to this thing. |
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27. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 49.42 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 125 | 49.42. 1. In addition to these events at that time, the consuls celebrated the festival held in honour of Venus Genetrix. During the Feriae mere boys who were sons of knights, instead of senators, served as prefects of the city on appointment by Caesar.,2. Also Aemilius Lepidus Paulus constructed at his own expense the Basilica Pauli, as it was called, and dedicated it in his consulship; for he was consul during a portion of that year. And Agrippa restored from his own purse the water-supply named the Aqua Marcia, which had been cut off by the destruction of the pipes, and carried it in pipes to many parts of the city.,3. These men, now, though furthering their ambitions by spending their private funds, still acted with retiring modesty and with moderation; but others who were holding even a most insignificant office bargained to get triumphs voted in their own honour, some using the influence of Antony and some that of Caesar, and on this pretext exacted large amounts of gold from foreign states to province the crowns. |
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| 28. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 3.836 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romulus and camillus, and the rape of the sabine women •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 258 |
29. Babylonian Talmud, Hulin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabine women, rape of, compared with permission to benjaminites to capture their brides Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 667| 133a. וקבלות הזאות והשקאת סוטה ועריפת עגלה ערופה וטהרת מצורע ונשיאות כפים בין מבפנים בין מבחוץ תלמוד לומר מבני אהרן עבודה האמורה לבני אהרן,וכל כהן שאינו מודה בה אין לו חלק בכהונה טעמא דאינו מודה בה הא מודה בה אע"ג דאינו בקי בהן,אמר ר' אבא אמר רב הונא אמר רב חוטין שבלחי אסורים וכל כהן שאינו יודע ליטלן אין נותנין לו מתנה,ולא היא אי בטויא מידב דייבי ואי לקדרה אי דמיחתך להו ומלח להו מידב דייבי,אמר רבא בדק לן רב יוסף האי כהנא דחטיף מתנתא חבובי קא מחבב מצוה או זלזולי קא מזלזל במצוה ופשטנא ליה (דברים יח, ג) ונתן ולא שיטול מעצמו,אמר אביי מריש הוה חטיפנא מתנתא אמינא חבובי קא מחביבנא מצוה כיון דשמענא להא ונתן ולא שיטול מעצמו מיחטף לא חטיפנא מימר אמרי הבו לי וכיון דשמענא להא דתניא (שמואל א ח, ג) ויטו אחרי הבצע ר' מאיר אומר בני שמואל חלקם שאלו בפיהם מימר נמי לא אמינא ואי יהבו לי שקילנא,כיון דשמענא להא דתניא הצנועים מושכין את ידיהם והגרגרנים חולקים משקל נמי לא שקילנא לבר ממעלי יומא דכיפורי לאחזוקי נפשאי בכהני,ולפרוס ידיה אנסיה ליה עידניה,אמר רב יוסף האי כהנא דאית ליה צורבא מרבנן בשבבותיה ודחיקא ליה מילתא ליזכי ליה מתנתא ואף על גב דלא אתי לידיה במכרי כהונה ולויה,רבא ורב ספרא איקלעו לבי מר יוחנא בריה דרב חנא בר אדא ואמרי לה לבי מר יוחנא בריה דרב חנא בר ביזנא עביד להו עגלא תילתא א"ל רבא לשמעיה זכי לן מתנתא דבעינא למיכל לישנא בחרדלא,זכי ליה רבא אכל ורב ספרא לא אכל אקריוה לרב ספרא בחלמא (משלי כה, כ) מעדה בגד ביום קרה חומץ על נתר ושר בשירים על לב רע,אתא לקמיה דרב יוסף א"ל דלמא משום דעברי אשמעתא דמר אקריין הכי אמר ליה כי אמרי אנא באחר שמעא בעל כרחיה מזכי וכי אמרי אנא למאן דלא אפשר ליה הא אפשר ליה,ואלא מ"ט אקריין הכי כלפי רבא ולקריין לרבא רבא נזוף הוה,א"ל אביי לרב דימי ופשטיה דקרא במאי כתיב א"ל בשונה לתלמיד שאינו הגון,דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב כל השונה לתלמיד שאינו הגון נופל בגיהנם שנאמר (איוב כ, כו) כל חושך טמון לצפוניו תאכלהו אש לא נופח ירע שריד באהלו ואין שריד אלא ת"ח שנאמר (יואל ג, ה) ובשרידים אשר ה' קורא,אמר רבי זירא אמר רב כל השונה לתלמיד שאינו הגון כזורק אבן למרקוליס שנאמר (משלי כו, ח) כצרור אבן במרגמה כן נותן לכסיל כבוד וכתיב (משלי יט, י) לא נאוה לכסיל תענוג:,והמשתתף עמהן צריך לרשום: ואפילו עם העובד כוכבים ורמינהו המשתתף עם כהן צריך לרשום והמשתתף עם העובד כוכבים ופסולי המוקדשים אין צריך לרשום | 133a. b and /b the b receiving /b of the blood in a vessel; and its b sprinkling /b upon the altar, each offering according to its i halakha /i ; b and /b the b giving of water to a woman suspected by her husband of having been unfaithful [ i sota /i ]; and /b the ritual of b breaking a heifer’s neck /b in an untilled valley when a corpse is discovered and the murderer is unknown; b and /b the b purification of a leper; and /b the b lifting of the hands /b for the Priestly Benediction, b whether inside or outside /b the Temple; from where are these derived? b The verse states: “Among the sons of Aaron,” /b indicating that this is the i halakha /i with regard to any sacrificial b rite that is stated to the sons of Aaron. /b , b And /b the Gemara explains the proof: The i baraita /i teaches that b any priest who does not believe in /b the validity of these rites b has no portion in the /b gifts of the b priesthood. /b It may be inferred that the b reason /b the priest has no portion is b that he does not believe in it, /b whereas if b he does believe in it, even though he is not an expert in its /b i halakhot /i , he receives a portion. This contradicts the opinion of Rav Ḥisda.,With regard to priests who should not be given gifts of the priesthood, b Rabbi Abba says /b that b Rav Huna says /b that b Rav says: /b The b veins that /b are contained b in the jaw /b of an animal are b prohibited /b for consumption, due to the blood they contain. b And one does not give /b the b gift /b of the jaw b to any priest who does not know /b how b to remove /b the veins, as the priest might eat them.,The Gemara notes: b But /b that b is not so, /b i.e., one need not be concerned that the priest might consume the blood within the veins, as any method of preparing the jaw will remove the blood: b If /b the priest prepares the jaw b by roasting /b it, the blood b will drain /b from the jaw due to the fire. b And if /b he intends b to /b place the jaws in b a pot /b to cook them, b if he cuts them and salts them, /b as one is required to do before cooking any meat, the blood b will drain /b from them, and they will be permitted for consumption.,§ With regard to the manner in which a priest takes gifts of the priesthood from their owners, b Rava said: Rav Yosef examined us, /b his students, with the following question: b A priest who seizes gifts /b of the priesthood from their owners, is b he demonstrating fondness /b for the b mitzva or is he demonstrating contempt for the mitzva? And I resolved /b this question b for him /b from the verse: “That they shall give to the priest the foreleg, and the jaw, and the maw” (Deuteronomy 18:3). The term b “that they shall give” /b indicates that the owner should give the gifts, b and not that /b a priest b should take them by himself. /b Accordingly, a priest who seizes the gifts from their owners is demonstrating contempt for the mitzva., b Abaye, /b who was a priest, b said: At first, I would seize gifts /b of the priesthood, as b I said /b to myself that b I am demonstrating fondness /b for the b mitzva /b in this manner. b Once I heard this /b interpretation: b “That they shall give,” and not that he should take by himself, I did not seize /b them anymore. Instead, b I would say /b to the owners of the gifts: b Give me. And once I heard that which is taught /b in a i baraita /i : The verse states with regard to the sons of Samuel, who were Levites: b “But turned aside after wealth” /b (I Samuel 8:3), and b Rabbi Meir says: The sons of Samuel /b sinned when they b asked for their portion, /b the first tithe given to the Levite, b with their mouths, /b i.e., they demanded that the owners give them the first tithe. Abaye continued: After I heard that, b I also did not say /b anything to the owners, b but if they would give me /b gifts b I would take /b them.,Abaye said further: b Once I heard that which is taught /b in a i baraita /i with regard to the distribution of the shewbread among the priests: b The modest ones [ i hatzenu’im /i ] withdraw their hands /b and do not take, b and the gluttons divide /b all the bread; b I also did not take /b gifts even when they were offered to me, b except for /b when they were given on b the eve of Yom Kippur, /b when there was an abundance of gifts due to the many animals that were slaughtered, as it is a mitzva to eat that day. In that instance, I took the gifts in order b to affirm myself among the priests, /b i.e., if I would never take gifts then my status as a priest might be called into question.,The Gemara challenges: b But let him spread his hands /b for the Priestly Benediction throughout the year, as this will make it clear to all that he is in fact a priest. The Gemara responds: b His schedule constrained him, /b as he was constantly involved in teaching Torah to his students, so much so that he would miss the time during which the community gathered in the synagogue for the Priestly Benediction., b Rav Yosef said: /b In a case where b a priest who has a Torah scholar [ i tzurva merabba /i ] /b living b in his neighborhood and /b that Torah scholar b is hard-pressed /b for money, b let /b the priest b grant /b his b gifts to him, /b i.e., the priest may declare that those gifts he is destined to receive should be given to the poor Torah scholar. b And even though /b the gifts b have not /b yet b come into his possession, /b he may grant them to the Torah scholar b in /b a case where there are b associates of the priesthood and the Levites, /b i.e., if that specific priest or Levite was well known in his neighborhood and has a standard arrangement with many people that they give him their gifts, as he is certain that he will be given them.,With regard to the statement of Rav Yosef, the Gemara relates that b Rava and Rav Safra visited the house of Mar Yoḥana, son of Rav Ḥana bar Adda, and some say /b they visited b the house of Mar Yoḥana, son of Rav Ḥana bar Bizna. /b Mar Yoḥana b prepared for them a third-born calf. Rava said to /b the b attendant /b of Mar Yoḥana, who was a priest and would normally receive gifts of the priesthood from Mar Yoḥana: b Grant us the gifts, as I wish to eat tongue with mustard, /b and the tongue along with the jaw is one of the gifts.,The attendant b granted /b the gifts b to him; Rava ate /b from them b but Rav Safra did not eat. /b Following this incident, b they read /b the following verse b to Rav Safra in a dream: “As one that takes off a garment in cold weather, and as vinegar upon niter, so is he that sings songs to a heavy heart” /b (Proverbs 25:20). The verse can be interpreted allegorically as a chastisement of one who studies Torah but fails to understand it.,Rav Safra b came before Rav Yosef /b and b said to him: Perhaps because I transgressed the i halakha /i of the Master they read this /b verse to me in chastisement. Rav Yosef b said to him: /b No, you acted appropriately by refraining from consuming the gifts. b When I said /b that a priest may grant the gifts to a Torah scholar, that was only b with regard to /b a priest who grants them to b another /b person of his own choosing. I did not permit this in the case of b an attendant /b who grants the gifts to a dignified guest of the homeowner. The reason is that b he grants /b the gifts b against his will, /b as he feels pressured by the homeowner to acquiesce. b And /b furthermore, b when I said /b this i halakha /i , it was only b for one who cannot /b eat under another circumstance, as he is hard-pressed for money. In b this /b incident, it was b possible for /b Rava to consume his own meat with mustard, since Rava was not poor.,Rav Safra asked Rav Yosef: b But /b if so, b what is the reason /b that b they read this /b verse to me? Rav Yosef responded: The reading was directed not toward you but b toward Rava, /b who ate from the gifts against my ruling. The Gemara objects: b But let them read /b this verse b to Rava /b himself in a dream. The Gemara responds: b Rava was rebuked /b as a result of this incident and therefore was not granted heavenly communication. The verse was therefore proclaimed to Rav Safra instead.,In the preceding incident, the Gemara related that the verse: “As one that takes off a garment in cold weather, and as vinegar upon niter, so is he that sings songs to a heavy heart” (Proverbs 25:20), was proclaimed to Rav Safra in a dream. b Abaye said to Rav Dimi: And with regard to what /b matter b is the plain meaning of the verse written? /b Rav Dimi b said to him: /b It is referring b to /b one who b teaches an unworthy student. /b In other words, just as one should remove a worn garment that has no use in cold weather, or just as vinegar upon niter ruins the niter, rendering it unusable, so too, there is no use in singing songs, i.e., teaching Torah, to an unworthy student who has a heavy heart, i.e., who does not intend to adhere to the i halakhot /i he is taught., b As Rav Yehuda said /b that b Rav said: Anyone who teaches /b Torah b to an unworthy student falls into Gehenna, as it is stated: “All darkness is laid up for his treasures; a fire not blown by man shall consume him; it shall go ill with him that remains [ i yera sarid /i ] in his tent” /b (Job 20:26), b and i sarid /i /b means b nothing other than a Torah scholar, as it is stated: “And among the remt [ i sarid /i ] those whom the Lord shall call” /b (Joel 3:5). The word i yera /i shares a root with the word i ra /i , evil, and “ i yera sarid /i ” is therefore understood to be referring to an unworthy student.,On a similar note, b Rabbi Zeira says /b that b Rav says: Anyone who teaches /b Torah b to an unworthy student /b is considered b like one who throws a stone to Markulis, as it is stated: “As a small stone in a heap of stones, so is he that gives honor to a fool” /b (Proverbs 26:8), b and it is written: “Luxury is not seemly for a fool” /b (Proverbs 19:10).,§ The mishna teaches that b one who enters into partnership with /b a priest or a gentile b must mark /b the animal. The Gemara asks: b And /b is one obligated to mark the animal b even /b if he enters into partnership b with a gentile? And /b the Gemara b raises a contradiction /b from a i baraita /i : b One who enters into partnership with a priest must mark /b the animal, b but one who enters into partnership with a gentile and /b one who slaughters b disqualified consecrated /b animals b does not need to mark /b the animal. |
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30. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sabine women, rape of, compared with permission to benjaminites to capture their brides Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 667| 30b. בין תנור לכיריים ואוכל ושותה עליה קיתון של מים ודומה כמי שמתו מוטל לפניו,תנן התם מקום שנהגו לעשות מלאכה בט' באב עושין מקום שנהגו שלא לעשות אין עושין ובכל מקום ת"ח בטלים רשב"ג אומר לעולם יעשה כל אדם עצמו כתלמיד חכם תניא נמי הכי רשב"ג אומר לעולם יעשה אדם עצמו כתלמיד חכם כדי שיתענה,תניא אידך רשב"ג אומר כל האוכל ושותה בט' באב כאילו אוכל ושותה ביוה"כ ר"ע אומר כל העושה מלאכה בתשעה באב אינו רואה סימן ברכה לעולם,וחכ"א כל העושה מלאכה בט' באב ואינו מתאבל על ירושלים אינו רואה בשמחתה שנא' (ישעיהו סו, י) שמחו את ירושלם וגילו בה כל אוהביה שישו אתה משוש כל המתאבלים עליה מכאן אמרו כל המתאבל על ירושלים זוכה ורואה בשמחתה ושאינו מתאבל על ירושלים אינו רואה בשמחתה תניא נמי הכי כל האוכל בשר ושותה יין בט' באב עליו הכתוב אומר (יחזקאל לב, כז) ותהי עונותם על עצמותם:,רבי יהודה מחייב בכפיית המטה ולא הודו לו חכמים: תניא אמרו לו לרבי יהודה לדבריך עוברות ומניקות מה תהא עליהן אמר להם אף אני לא אמרתי אלא ביכול,תניא נמי הכי מודה ר' יהודה לחכמים בשאינו יכול ומודים חכמים לרבי יהודה ביכול מאי בינייהו איכא בינייהו שאר מטות,כדתניא כשאמרו לכפות המטה לא מטתו בלבד הוא כופה אלא כל המטות כולן הוא כופה אמר רבא הלכתא כתנא דידן ולא הודו לו חכמים כל עיקר:,א"ר שמעון ב"ג לא היו ימים טובים לישראל כחמשה עשר באב וכיוה"כ: בשלמא יום הכפורים משום דאית ביה סליחה ומחילה יום שניתנו בו לוחות האחרונות,אלא ט"ו באב מאי היא אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל יום שהותרו שבטים לבוא זה בזה,מאי דרוש (במדבר לו, ו) זה הדבר אשר צוה ה' לבנות צלפחד וגו' דבר זה לא יהא נוהג אלא בדור זה,אמר רב יוסף אמר רב נחמן יום שהותר שבט בנימן לבוא בקהל שנאמר (שופטים כא, א) ואיש ישראל נשבע במצפה לאמר איש ממנו לא יתן בתו לבנימן לאשה מאי דרוש אמר רב ממנו ולא מבנינו,(אמר) רבה בר בר חנה א"ר יוחנן יום שכלו בו מתי מדבר דאמר מר עד שלא כלו מתי מדבר לא היה דבור עם משה שנאמר (דברים ב, טז) ויהי כאשר תמו כל אנשי המלחמה למות וידבר ה' אלי אלי היה הדבור,עולא אמר יום שביטל הושע בן אלה פרוסדיות שהושיב ירבעם בן נבט על הדרכים שלא יעלו ישראל לרגל ואמר | 30b. b between /b the b oven and the stove, /b which was considered the least respectable place in the house. b And he /b would b eat /b his bread, b and drink a jug [ i kiton /i ] of water with it, and /b in doing so he would b resemble one whose deceased /b relative b is laid out /b unburied b before him. /b ,§ b We learned /b in a mishna b there: /b In b a place where /b people b were accustomed to perform labor on the Ninth of Av, one performs /b labor. In b a place where /b people b were accustomed not to perform labor, /b one does b not perform /b labor. b And in all places, Torah scholars are idle /b and do not perform labor on the Ninth of Av. b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: /b With regard to the Ninth of Av, b a person should always conduct himself /b as b a Torah scholar /b and refrain from performing labor. b This is also taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: A person should always conduct himself /b as b a Torah scholar, so that he will /b feel the hardship of the b fast. /b , b It is taught /b in b another /b i baraita /i that b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: Whoever eats and drinks on the Ninth of Av, /b although the prohibition was instituted by the Prophets, it is b as though he eats and drinks on Yom Kippur. Rabbi Akiva says: Whoever performs labor on the Ninth of Av never sees a sign of a blessing /b from that work., b And the Sages say: Whoever performs labor on the Ninth of Av and does not mourn for Jerusalem will not see her /b future b joy, as it is stated: “Rejoice with Jerusalem and be glad with her, all who love her; rejoice for joy with her, all who mourn for her” /b (Isaiah 66:10). b From here it is stated: Whoever mourns for Jerusalem will merit and see her /b future b joy, and whoever does not mourn for Jerusalem will not see her future joy. This is also taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Whoever eats meat or drinks wine in /b the meal before b the Ninth of Av, about him the verse states: “And whose iniquities are upon their bones, /b because the terror of the mighty was in the land of the living” (Ezekiel 32:27).,§ The mishna taught: b Rabbi Yehuda obligates one to overturn the bed, but the Rabbis did not agree with him. It is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b the Rabbis said to Rabbi Yehuda: According to your statement, pregt women and nursing women, /b who cannot sleep on the floor, b what will become of them? /b Rabbi Yehuda b said to them: I, too, spoke only with regard to /b those b who are able. /b , b This is also taught /b in another i baraita /i : b Rabbi Yehuda concedes to the Rabbis with regard to /b one b who is unable /b to sleep on the floor, b and the Rabbis concede to Rabbi Yehuda with regard to one who is able /b to do so. The Gemara asks: If so, b what is /b the practical difference b between them? /b The Gemara explains: The practical difference b between them /b is the status of b other beds. /b , b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b When /b the Rabbis b said /b that a mourner is required b to overturn the bed, /b they meant that b he overturns not only his own bed, but /b also that b he /b must b overturn all the beds /b in the house. Rabbi Yehuda maintains that one must likewise overturn all of the beds of one’s house on the Ninth of Av. b Rava said: The i halakha /i is in accordance with /b the opinion of b the i tanna /i /b of b our /b mishna, b and the Rabbis did not concede to /b Rabbi Yehuda b at all, /b even with regard to one who is able. Therefore, there is no requirement to overturn one’s bed on the Ninth of Av.,§ The mishna taught that b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel said: There were no days as happy for the Jewish people as the fifteenth of Av and as Yom Kippur. /b The Gemara asks: b Granted, Yom Kippur /b is a day of joy b because it has /b the elements of b pardon and forgiveness, /b and moreover, it is the b day on which the last /b pair of b tablets were given. /b , b However, what is /b the special joy of the b fifteenth of Av? Rav Yehuda said /b that b Shmuel said: /b This was the b day on which /b the members of different b tribes were permitted to enter one another’s /b tribe, by intermarriage. It was initially prohibited to intermarry between tribes, so as to keep each plot of land within the portion of the tribe that originally inherited it. This i halakha /i was instituted by the Torah in the wake of a complaint by the relatives of the daughters of Zelophehad, who were worried that if these women married men from other tribes, the inheritance of Zelophehad would be lost from his tribe (see Numbers 36:1–12)., b What did they expound, /b in support of their conclusion that this i halakha /i was no longer in effect? The verse states: b “This is the matter that the Lord has commanded concerning the daughters of Zelophehad, /b saying: Let them marry whom they think best; only into the family of the tribe of their father shall they marry” (Numbers 36:5). They derived from the verse that b this matter shall be practiced only in this generation, /b when Eretz Yisrael was divided among the tribes, but afterward members of different tribes were permitted to marry. On the day this barrier separating the tribes was removed, the Sages established a permanent day of rejoicing., b Rav Yosef said /b that b Rav Naḥman said: /b The fifteenth of Av was the b day on which the tribe of Benjamin was permitted to enter the congregation /b of the Jewish people. After the tragic incident at Gibeah, for which the tribe of Benjamin was blamed, the other tribes ostracized them. They took an oath to prohibit themselves from marrying a member of the tribe of Benjamin, b as it is stated: “And the men of Israel had sworn in Mizpah, saying: None of us shall give his daughter to Benjamin as a wife” /b (Judges 21:1). The Gemara asks: b What did they expound /b that enabled them to dissolve this oath? b Rav said: /b They understood the verse literally, as it states: “None b of us,” and not: /b None b of our children, /b i.e., the oath applied only to the generation that took the oath, not their descendants., b Rabba bar bar Ḥana said /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b The fifteenth of Av was the b day on which the deaths /b of the Jews b in the wilderness ceased. /b The entire generation that had left Egypt had passed away, b as the Master said: /b After the sin of the spies, on account of which the Jews of that generation were sentenced to die in the wilderness, b as long as the death /b of the Jews b in the wilderness had not ceased, /b God’s b speech did not /b come b to Moses, as it is stated: “And it came to pass, when all the men of war were consumed and dead from among the people, that the Lord spoke to me, saying” /b (Deuteronomy 2:16–17). This indicates that only then, after the last member of that generation had died, was God’s b speech /b delivered b to me, /b i.e., Moses, but not beforehand. When the Jews realized that the decree that God would not speak to Moses had been lifted, they established that day as a permanent day of rejoicing., b Ulla said: /b The fifteenth of Av was the b day on which /b King b Hoshea, son of Ela, canceled /b the b guards that Jeroboam, son of Nevat, placed on the roads so that the Jews /b would b not ascend /b to Jerusalem b for the /b pilgrim b Festival. And /b Hoshea, son of Ela, b said /b |
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31. Strabo, Geography, 4.2, 5.1.1, 5.3.2 Tagged with subjects: •sabines as austere, women rape of Found in books: Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 97, 100 | 4.2. 2. WE must now speak of the Aquitani and the fourteen Galatic nations pertaining to them, situated between the Garonne and the Loire, some of which extend to the river Rhone and the plains of the Narbonnaise. Generally speaking, the Aquitani may be said to differ from the Galatic race, both as to form of body and language, resembling more nearly the Iberians. They are bounded by the Garonne, and dwell between this river and the Pyrenees. There are above twenty nations which bear the name of Aquitani, small and obscure, the major part of them dwelling by the ocean, and the remainder in the interior and by the extremities of the Cevennes, as far as the Tectosages. This district, however, being too small, they added to it the territory between the Garonne and the Loire. These rivers are nearly parallel with the Pyrenees, and form with them two parallelograms, bounded on the remaining sides by the ocean and the mountains of the Cevennes. Both of these rivers are navigable for a distance of about 2000 stadia. The Garonne, after being augmented by three other rivers, discharges itself into the [ocean] between the [country] of the Bituriges, surnamed the Vivisci, and that of the Santoni; both of them Gallic nations. The Bituriges are the only foreign people who dwell among the Aquitani without forming a part of them. Their emporium is Burdegala, situated on a creek formed by the outlets of the river. The Loire discharges itself between the Pictones and the Namnetae. Formerly there was an emporium on this river named Corbilon, mentioned by Polybius when speaking of the fictions of Pytheas. The Marseillese, [says he, ] when interrogated by Scipio at their meeting, had nothing to tell about Britain worth mentioning, nor yet had the people of the Narbonnaise, nor those of Corbilon; notwithstanding these were the two principal cities of the district, Pytheas alone dared to forge so many lies [concerning that island]. Mediolanium is the capital of the Santoni. The part of Aquitaine next the ocean is for the most part sandy and meagre, producing millet, but barren of all other fruits. Here is the gulf which, with that on the coast of Narbonne, forms the isthmus. Both these gulfs go by the name of the Galatic gulf. The former gulf belongs to the Tarbelli. These people possess the richest gold mines; masses of gold as big as the fist can contain, and requiring hardly any purifying, being found in diggings scarcely beneath the surface of the earth, the remainder consisting of dust and lumps, which likewise require but little working. In the interior and mountainous parts [of Aquitaine] the soil is superior; for instance, in the district near the Pyrenees belonging to the Convenae, which name signifies people assembled from different countries to dwell in one place. Here is the city of Lugdunum, and the hot springs of the Onesii, which are most excellent for drinking. The country of the Auscii likewise is fine.,2. The nations between the Garonne and the Loire annexed to the Aquitani, are the Elui, who commence at the Rhone. After these the Vellaei, who were formerly comprehended amongst the Arverni, but now form a people to themselves. After these Arverni come the Lemovices, and Petrocorii, and after them the Nitiobriges, the Cadurci, and the Bituriges, surnamed Cubi. Along the ocean we meet with the Santoni, and Pictones, the former dwelling by the Garonne, as we have stated, and the latter by the Loire. The Ruteni and the Gabales are in the vicinity of the Narbonnaise. The Petrocorii and Bituriges-Cubi possess excellent ironworks, the Cadurci linen-factories, and the Ruteni silvermines: the Gabales likewise possess silver-mines. On certain amongst the Aquitani the Romans have conferred the rights of Latin cities; such for instance as the Auscii, and the Convenae.,3. The Arverni are situated along the Loire. Nemossus, their metropolis, is built on the same river. This river having flowed past Cenabum, an emporium of the Carnutes, situated about the middle of its course, discharges itself into the ocean. A great proof of the former power of the Arverni, is the fact of the frequent wars which they sustained against the Romans, sometimes with armies of 200,000 men, and sometimes with double that number, which was the amount of their force when they fought against divus Caesar under the command of Vercingetorix. Before this they had brought 200,000 men against Maximus Aemilianus, and the same number against Domitius Aenobarbus. Their battles with Caesar took place, one in Gergovia, a city of the Arverni situated on a lofty mountain, the birth-place of Vercingetorix; the other, near to Alesia, a city of the Mandubii, who border on the Arverni; this city is likewise situated on a high hill, surrounded by mountains, and between two rivers. Here the war was terminated by the capture of their leader. The battle with Maximus Aemilianus was fought near the confluence of the Isara and the Rhone, at the point where the mountains of the Cevennes approach the latter river. That with Domitius was fought lower down at the confluence of the Sulgas and the Rhone. The Arverni extended their dominion as far as Narbonne and the borders of Marseilles, and exercised authority over the nations as far as the Pyrenees, the ocean, and the Rhine. Luerius, the father of Bituitus who fought against Maximus and Domitius, is said to have been so distinguished by his riches and luxury, that to give a proof of his opulence to his friends, he caused himself to be dragged across a plain in a car, whilst he scattered gold and silver coin in every direction for those who followed him to gather up. 5.3.2. Beyond Sabina is Latium, wherein the city of Rome is situated. It comprises many places which formed no part of ancient Latium. For the Aequi, the Volsci, the Hernici, the aborigines around Rome, the Rutuli who possessed ancient Ardea, and many other nations, some larger, some smaller, formed so many separate states around Rome, when that city was first built. Some of these nations, who dwelt in villages, were governed by their own laws, and subjected to no common tribe. They say that Aeneas, with his father Anchises and his child Ascanius, arrived at Laurentum, near to Ostia and the bank of the Tiber, where he built a city about 24 stadia above the sea. That Latinus, the king of the aborigines who then dwelt on the site where Rome now stands, employed his forces to aid Aeneas against the neighbouring Rutuli who inhabited Ardea, (now from Ardea to Rome is a distance of 160 stadia,) and having gained a victory, he built near to the spot a city, to which he gave the name of his daughter Lavinia. However, in a second battle, commenced by the Rutuli, Latinus fell, and Aeneas, being conqueror, succeeded this prince on the throne, and conferred on his subjects the name of Latini. After the death both of himself and his father, Ascanius founded Alba, on Mount Albanus, situated about the same distance from Rome as Ardea. Here the Romans and Latini conjointly offer sacrifice to Jupiter. The magistracy all assemble, and during the period of the solemnity the government of the city is intrusted to some distinguished youth. The facts related of Amulius and his brother Numitor, some of which are fictitious, while others approach nearer the truth, occurred four hundred years later. These two brothers, who were descended from Ascanius, succeeded conjointly to the government of Alba, which extended as far as the Tiber. However, Amulius the younger, having expelled the elder, governed [alone]. Numitor had a son and a daughter; the former Amulius treacherously murdered in the chase; the latter, that she might remain childless, he made a priestess of Vesta, thus imposing virginity upon her. This [daughter] they name Rhea Silvia. Afterwards he discovered that she was pregt, and when she had given birth to twins, he, out of respect to his brother, placed her in confinement, instead of putting her to death, and exposed the boys by the Tiber according to a national usage. According to the mythology, Mars was the father of these children, and when they were exposed they were discovered and suckled by a she-wolf. Faustulus, one of the swine-herds of the place, took and reared them up, and named one Romulus, the other Remus. (We must understand that Faustulus, who took them up and nourished them, was an influential man, and a subject of Amulius.) Having arrived at man's estate, they waged war upon Amulius and his sons; and having slain them, restored the government to Numitor. They then returned home and founded Rome, in a locality selected rather through necessity than choice, as the site was neither fortified by nature, nor sufficiently large for a city of importance. In addition to this, the neighbourhood supplied no inhabitants; for those who dwelt around, even though touching the very walls of the newly founded city, kept to themselves, and would have nothing at all to do with the Albani. Collatia, Antemnae, Fidenae, Labicum, and similar places are here alluded to, which then were small cities, but are now villages possessed by private individuals; they are distant from Rome 30 or 40 stadia, or rather more. Between the fifth and sixth mile-stone which marks the distance from Rome there is a place named Festi; this they say was at that time the limit of the Roman territory, and at the present day, both here and in numerous other places which they consider to have been boundaries, the priests offer the sacrifice denominated Ambarvia. They say that, at the time of the foundation [of the city], a dispute arose in which Remus lost his life. The city being built, Romulus assembled men from every quarter, and instituted for an asylum a grove between the citadel and the Capitol, to which whoever fled from the neighbouring states, he proclaimed as Roman citizens. Not having wives for these men, he appointed a horse-race in honour of Neptune, which is celebrated to this day. Numbers [of spectators] having assembled, particularly of the Sabini, he commanded that each of those who were in want of a wife, should carry off one of the assembled maidens. Titus Tatius, king of the Quirites, took up arms to avenge the insult, but made peace with Romulus on condition that their kingdoms should be united, and that they should divide the sovereignty between them. Tatius, however, was treacherously assassinated in Lavinium, upon which Romulus, with the consent of the Quirites, reigned alone. After him Numa Pompilius, formerly a subject of Tatius, assumed the government, by the general desire of the people. Such is the most authentic account of the foundation of Rome. |
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| 32. Philostratus The Elder, Imagines, 1.16.4 Tagged with subjects: •rape of sabine women Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 272, 273 |
