1. Hebrew Bible, Malachi, 1.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 153| 1.11. "כִּי מִמִּזְרַח־שֶׁמֶשׁ וְעַד־מְבוֹאוֹ גָּדוֹל שְׁמִי בַּגּוֹיִם וּבְכָל־מָקוֹם מֻקְטָר מֻגָּשׁ לִשְׁמִי וּמִנְחָה טְהוֹרָה כִּי־גָדוֹל שְׁמִי בַּגּוֹיִם אָמַר יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת׃", | 1.11. "For from the rising of the sun even unto the going down of the same My name is great among the nations; And in every place offerings are presented unto My name, Even pure oblations; For My name is great among the nations, Saith the LORD of hosts.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 21.21 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 139| 21.21. "כָּל־אִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־בּוֹ מוּם מִזֶּרַע אַהֲרֹן הַכֹּהֵן לֹא יִגַּשׁ לְהַקְרִיב אֶת־אִשֵּׁי יְהוָה מוּם בּוֹ אֵת לֶחֶם אֱלֹהָיו לֹא יִגַּשׁ לְהַקְרִיב׃", | 21.21. "no man of the seed of Aaron the priest, that hath a blemish, shall come nigh to offer the offerings of the LORD made by fire; he hath a blemish; he shall not come nigh to offer the bread of his God.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 38.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 190| 38.8. "וַיַּעַשׂ אֵת הַכִּיּוֹר נְחֹשֶׁת וְאֵת כַּנּוֹ נְחֹשֶׁת בְּמַרְאֹת הַצֹּבְאֹת אֲשֶׁר צָבְאוּ פֶּתַח אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד׃", | 38.8. "And he made the laver of brass, and the base thereof of brass, of the mirrors of the serving women that did service at the door of the tent of meeting.", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 26.59 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 190| 26.59. "וְשֵׁם אֵשֶׁת עַמְרָם יוֹכֶבֶד בַּת־לֵוִי אֲשֶׁר יָלְדָה אֹתָהּ לְלֵוִי בְּמִצְרָיִם וַתֵּלֶד לְעַמְרָם אֶת־אַהֲרֹן וְאֶת־מֹשֶׁה וְאֵת מִרְיָם אֲחֹתָם׃", | 26.59. "And the name of Amram’s wife was Jochebed, the daughter of Levi, who was born to Levi in Egypt; and she bore unto Amram Aaron and Moses, and Miriam their sister.", |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 19.18-19.19 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 143, 148, 149, 153, 158, 160, 240| 19.18. "בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִהְיוּ חָמֵשׁ עָרִים בְּאֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם מְדַבְּרוֹת שְׂפַת כְּנַעַן וְנִשְׁבָּעוֹת לַיהוָה צְבָאוֹת עִיר הַהֶרֶס יֵאָמֵר לְאֶחָת׃", 19.19. "בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִהְיֶה מִזְבֵּחַ לַיהוָה בְּתוֹךְ אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם וּמַצֵּבָה אֵצֶל־גְּבוּלָהּ לַיהוָה׃", | 19.18. "In that day there shall be five cities in the land of Egypt that speak the language of Canaan, and swear to the LORD of hosts; one shall be called The city of destruction.", 19.19. "In that day shall there be an altar to the LORD in the midst of the land of Egypt, and a pillar at the border thereof to the LORD.", |
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6. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 2.22, 23.9 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 138, 190| 2.22. "וְעֵלִי זָקֵן מְאֹד וְשָׁמַע אֵת כָּל־אֲשֶׁר יַעֲשׂוּן בָּנָיו לְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאֵת אֲשֶׁר־יִשְׁכְּבוּן אֶת־הַנָּשִׁים הַצֹּבְאוֹת פֶּתַח אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד׃", 23.9. "וַיֵּדַע דָּוִד כִּי עָלָיו שָׁאוּל מַחֲרִישׁ הָרָעָה וַיֹּאמֶר אֶל־אֶבְיָתָר הַכֹּהֵן הַגִּישָׁה הָאֵפוֹד׃", | 2.22. "Now ῾Eli was very old, and heard all that his sons did to all Yisra᾽el; and how they lay with the women that assembled at the door of the Tent of Meeting.", 23.9. "And David knew that Sha᾽ul devised that mischief against him; and he said to Evyatar the priest, Bring the efod here.", |
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7. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 50 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 154, 250| 50. πρόμος ἡμέτερος— μῶν βινεῖσθαι; | |
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8. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 6.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 190| 6.3. "וָאֶשְׁלְחָה עֲלֵיהֶם מַלְאָכִים לֵאמֹר מְלָאכָה גְדוֹלָה אֲנִי עֹשֶׂה וְלֹא אוּכַל לָרֶדֶת לָמָּה תִשְׁבַּת הַמְּלָאכָה כַּאֲשֶׁר אַרְפֶּהָ וְיָרַדְתִּי אֲלֵיכֶם׃", | 6.3. "And I sent messengers unto them, saying: ‘I am doing a great work, so that I cannot come down; why should the work cease, whilst I leave it, and come down to you?’", |
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| 9. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, greek literature and myths reflected in rabbinic texts Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 328 |
10. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 3.4-3.12, 4.6-4.7, 4.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 125, 155 | 3.4. But a man named Simon, of the tribe of Benjamin, who had been made captain of the temple, had a disagreement with the high priest about the administration of the city market;' 3.5. and when he could not prevail over Onias he went to Apollonius of Tarsus, who at that time was governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia.' 3.6. He reported to him that the treasury in Jerusalem was full of untold sums of money, so that the amount of the funds could not be reckoned, and that they did not belong to the account of the sacrifices, but that it was possible for them to fall under the control of the king.' 3.7. When Apollonius met the king, he told him of the money about which he had been informed. The king chose Heliodorus, who was in charge of his affairs, and sent him with commands to effect the removal of the aforesaid money.' 3.8. Heliodorus at once set out on his journey, ostensibly to make a tour of inspection of the cities of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, but in fact to carry out the king's purpose.' 3.9. When he had arrived at Jerusalem and had been kindly welcomed by the high priest of the city, he told about the disclosure that had been made and stated why he had come, and he inquired whether this really was the situation.' 3.10. The high priest explained that there were some deposits belonging to widows and orphans,' 3.11. and also some money of Hyrcanus, son of Tobias, a man of very prominent position, and that it totaled in all four hundred talents of silver and two hundred of gold. To such an extent the impious Simon had misrepresented the facts.' 3.12. And he said that it was utterly impossible that wrong should be done to those people who had trusted in the holiness of the place and in the sanctity and inviolability of the temple which is honored throughout the whole world." 4.6. For he saw that without the king's attention public affairs could not again reach a peaceful settlement, and that Simon would not stop his folly.' 4.7. When Seleucus died and Antiochus who was called Epiphanes succeeded to the kingdom, Jason the brother of Onias obtained the high priesthood by corruption,' 4.23. After a period of three years Jason sent Menelaus, the brother of the previously mentioned Simon, to carry the money to the king and to complete the records of essential business.' |
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11. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 12.7-12.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 84 | 12.7. Already in time past a letter was sent to Onias the high priest from Arius, who was king among you, stating that you are our brethren, as the appended copy shows. 12.8. Onias welcomed the envoy with honor, and received the letter, which contained a clear declaration of alliance and friendship. 12.9. Therefore, though we have no need of these things, since we have as encouragement the holy books which are in our hands, 12.10. we have undertaken to send to renew our brotherhood and friendship with you, so that we may not become estranged from you, for considerable time has passed since you sent your letter to us. 12.11. We therefore remember you constantly on every occasion, both in our feasts and on other appropriate days, at the sacrifices which we offer and in our prayers, as it is right and proper to remember brethren. 12.12. And we rejoice in your glory. 12.13. But as for ourselves, many afflictions and many wars have encircled us; the kings round about us have waged war against us. 12.14. We were unwilling to annoy you and our other allies and friends with these wars, 12.15. for we have the help which comes from Heaven for our aid; and we were delivered from our enemies and our enemies were humbled. 12.16. We therefore have chosen Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, and have sent them to Rome to renew our former friendship and alliance with them. 12.17. We have commanded them to go also to you and greet you and deliver to you this letter from us concerning the renewal of our brotherhood. 12.18. And now please send us a reply to this." 12.19. This is a copy of the letter which they sent to Onias: 12.20. "Arius, king of the Spartans, to Onias the high priest, greeting. 12.21. It has been found in writing concerning the Spartans and the Jews that they are brethren and are of the family of Abraham. 12.22. And now that we have learned this, please write us concerning your welfare; 12.23. we on our part write to you that your cattle and your property belong to us, and ours belong to you. We therefore command that our envoys report to you accordingly." |
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| 12. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Habakkuk, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 11 |
| 13. Dead Sea Scrolls, Community Rule, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 5 |
| 14. Dead Sea Scrolls, Rule of The Community, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 5 |
| 15. Dead Sea Scrolls, Rule of The Community, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 5 |
| 16. Josephus Flavius, Life, 8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 100 |
17. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 46, 100, 148, 154, 156, 162, 250 | 1.31. 1. At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city; 1.32. who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. 1.33. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple, concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter. 7.422. and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following: 7.423. Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; 7.424. and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; 7.432. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple. |
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18. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.297-11.311, 11.317-11.339, 11.347, 12.157, 12.224-12.225, 12.237-12.241, 12.285, 12.349-12.355, 13.62-13.73, 13.292-13.297, 20.179-20.181, 20.206-20.207, 20.236-20.237 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 23, 46, 80, 84, 91, 100, 136, 148, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161 | 11.297. 1. When Eliashib the high priest was dead, his son Judas succeeded in the high priesthood; and when he was dead, his son John took that dignity; on whose account it was also that Bagoses, the general of another Artaxerxes’s army, polluted the temple, and imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the public stock, before they offered the daily sacrifices, they should pay for every lamb fifty shekels. 11.298. Now Jesus was the brother of John, and was a friend of Bagoses, who had promised to procure him the high priesthood. 11.299. In confidence of whose support, Jesus quarreled with John in the temple, and so provoked his brother, that in his anger his brother slew him. Now it was a horrible thing for John, when he was high priest, to perpetrate so great a crime, and so much the more horrible, that there never was so cruel and impious a thing done, neither by the Greeks nor Barbarians. 11.300. However, God did not neglect its punishment, but the people were on that very account enslaved, and the temple was polluted by the Persians. Now when Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes’s army, knew that John, the high priest of the Jews, had slain his own brother Jesus in the temple, he came upon the Jews immediately, and began in anger to say to them, “Have you had the impudence to perpetrate a murder in your temple?” 11.301. And as he was aiming to go into the temple, they forbade him so to do; but he said to them, “Am not I purer than he that was slain in the temple?” And when he had said these words, he went into the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made use of this pretense, and punished the Jews seven years for the murder of Jesus. 11.302. 2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. 11.303. This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him. 11.304. 1. About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste, 11.305. and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius’s army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere. 11.306. 2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him; 11.307. for they esteemed this man’s marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of [strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with foreigners, 11.308. although the offense of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar, 11.309. the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family. 11.310. And then Sanballat promised him not only to preserve to him the honor of his priesthood, but to procure for him the power and dignity of a high priest, and would make him governor of all the places he himself now ruled, if he would keep his daughter for his wife. He also told him further, that he would build him a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount Gerizzini, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in Samaria; 11.311. and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that Sanballat was then in years. 11.317. So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing. 11.318. But the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; 11.319. and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. 11.320. So when he had, with a good deal of pains during the siege, taken Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city and him that was governor of the garrison, whose name was Babemeses. 11.321. 4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius. 11.322. So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject to him; 11.323. that it would be for the king’s advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. 11.324. Whereupon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward that his daughter’s children should have that dignity; 11.325. but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; 11.326. and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; 11.327. whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. 11.328. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king. 11.329. 5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple. 11.330. And when the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans that followed him thought they should have liberty to plunder the city, and torment the high priest to death, which the king’s displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of it happened; 11.331. for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. 11.332. The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. 11.333. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; 11.334. for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; 11.335. whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.” 11.336. And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. 11.337. And when the Book of Daniel was showed him wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; 11.338. whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. 11.339. And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars. 11.347. he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time. 12.157. for after Eleazar’s death, his uncle Manasseh took the priesthood, and after he had ended his life, Onias received that dignity. He was the son of Simon, who was called The Just: 12.224. And [now] Hyrcanus’s father, Joseph, died. He was a good man, and of great magimity; and brought the Jews out of a state of poverty and meanness, to one that was more splendid. He retained the farm of the taxes of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria twenty-two years. His uncle also, Onias, died [about this time], and left the high priesthood to his son Simeon. 12.225. And when he was dead, Onias his son succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent an embassage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here follows: 12.237. 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. 12.238. But this Jesus, who was the brother of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of which the priesthood came, as we have already informed the reader. 12.239. This Jesus changed his name to Jason, but Onias was called Menelaus. Now as the former high priest, Jesus, raised a sedition against Menelaus, who was ordained after him, the multitude were divided between them both. And the sons of Tobias took the part of Menelaus, 12.240. but the greater part of the people assisted Jason; and by that means Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were distressed, and retired to Antiochus, and informed him that they were desirous to leave the laws of their country, and the Jewish way of living according to them, and to follow the king’s laws, and the Grecian way of living. 12.241. Wherefore they desired his permission to build them a Gymnasium at Jerusalem. And when he had given them leave, they also hid the circumcision of their genitals, that even when they were naked they might appear to be Greeks. Accordingly, they left off all the customs that belonged to their own country, and imitated the practices of the other nations. 12.285. 4. When Mattathias had thus discoursed to his sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant, and to recover to the people their former constitution, he died a little afterward, and was buried at Modin; all the people making great lamentation for him. Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the administration of public affairs, in the hundred forty and sixth year; 12.349. And going away hastily from thence, they came into Judea, singing psalms and hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of mirth as are usual in triumphs upon victory. They also offered thank-offerings, both for their good success, and for the preservation of their army, for not one of the Jews was slain in these battles. 12.350. 6. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom Judas left generals [of the rest of his forces] at the same time when Simon was in Galilee, fighting against the people of Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and his brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead, did these men also affect the glory of being courageous generals in war, in order whereto they took the army that was under their command, and came to Jamnia. 12.351. There Gorgias, the general of the forces of Jamnia, met them; and upon joining battle with him, they lost two thousand of their army, and fled away, and were pursued to the very borders of Judea. 12.352. And this misfortune befell them by their disobedience to what injunctions Judas had given them, not to fight with any one before his return. For besides the rest of Judas’s sagacious counsels, one may well wonder at this concerning the misfortune that befell the forces commanded by Joseph and Azarias, which he understood would happen, if they broke any of the injunctions he had given them. 12.353. But Judas and his brethren did not leave off fighting with the Idumeans, but pressed upon them on all sides, and took from them the city of Hebron, and demolished all its fortifications, and set all its towers on fire, and burnt the country of the foreigners, and the city Marissa. They came also to Ashdod, and took it, and laid it waste, and took away a great deal of the spoils and prey that were in it, and returned to Judea. 12.354. 1. About this time it was that king Antiochus, as he was going over the upper countries, heard that there was a very rich city in Persia, called Elymais; and therein a very rich temple of Diana, and that it was full of all sorts of donations dedicated to it; as also weapons and breastplates, which, upon inquiry, he found had been left there by Alexander, the son of Philip, king of Macedonia. 12.355. And being incited by these motives, he went in haste to Elymais, and assaulted it, and besieged it. But as those that were in it were not terrified at his assault, nor at his siege, but opposed him very courageously, he was beaten off his hopes; for they drove him away from the city, and went out and pursued after him, insomuch that he fled away as far as Babylon, and lost a great many of his army. 13.62. 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, 13.63. out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65. “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, 13.66. where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67. I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68. for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69. 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.70. “King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. 13.71. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72. 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 13.73. However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple. 13.292. And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, “We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. “ This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him. 13.293. 6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus’s, but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought this man deserved? 13.294. for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. 13.295. At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far, 13.296. that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: 13.297. but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. 20.179. 8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi. 20.180. And now arose a sedition between the high priests and the principal men of the multitude of Jerusalem; each of which got them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government over it. 20.181. And such was the impudence and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice. 20.206. he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them. 20.207. So the other high priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food. 20.236. On which account Onias, who was the nephew of Onias that was dead, and bore the same name with his father, came into Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high priest of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in imitation of that at Jerusalem; 20.237. but as for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now when Jacimus had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him, but the city continued seven years without a high priest. |
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19. New Testament, Luke, 1.59 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 100| 1.59. Καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ ὀγδόῃ ἦλθαν περιτεμεῖν τὸ παιδίον, καὶ ἐκάλουν αὐτὸ ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ Ζαχαρίαν. | 1.59. It happened on the eighth day, that they came to circumcise the child; and they would have called him Zacharias, after the name of the father. |
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20. Mishnah, Nazir, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan| 4.1. "מִי שֶׁאָמַר הֲרֵינִי נָזִיר, וְשָׁמַע חֲבֵרוֹ וְאָמַר וָאָנִי, וָאָנִי, כֻּלָּם נְזִירִין. הֻתַּר הָרִאשׁוֹן, הֻתְּרוּ כֻלָּן. הֻתַּר הָאַחֲרוֹן, הָאַחֲרוֹן מֻתָּר וְכֻלָּם אֲסוּרִין. אָמַר הֲרֵינִי נָזִיר, וְשָׁמַע חֲבֵרוֹ וְאָמַר, פִּי כְפִיו וּשְׂעָרִי כִשְׂעָרוֹ, הֲרֵי זֶה נָזִיר. הֲרֵינִי נָזִיר, וְשָׁמְעָה אִשְׁתּוֹ וְאָמְרָה, וָאָנִי, מֵפֵר אֶת שֶׁלָּהּ, וְשֶׁלּוֹ קַיָּם. הֲרֵינִי נְזִירָה, וְשָׁמַע בַּעְלָהּ וְאָמַר, וָאָנִי, אֵינוֹ יָכוֹל לְהָפֵר: \n", | 4.1. "One who said, “Behold, I am a nazirite”, and his friend overheard and said “I too,” [and another one said] “I too”, all are nazirites. If the first one is released [from his vow], all are released. If the last one is released, he alone is released, and the others remain bound [by their vows]. If he said, “Behold, I am a nazirite”, and his companion overheard and said, “My mouth shall be as his mouth and my hair as his hair”, he becomes a nazirite. [If he said,] “Behold, I am a nazirite,” and his wife overheard and said, “I too,” he can annul her vow, but his own remains binding. [If a woman says,] “Behold, I am a nazirite”, and her husband overhears and adds, “I too,” he cannot annul her vow.", |
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| 21. Plutarch, Greek Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 151 |
| 22. Palestinian Talmud, Sotah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 151 |
| 23. Palestinian Talmud, Yevamot, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 142 |
| 24. Palestinian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 5, 135, 140 |
| 25. Palestinian Talmud, Avot, 1.2 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 91, 250 |
| 26. Palestinian Talmud, Bava Qamma, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145 |
| 27. Palestinian Talmud, Ketuvot, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 142 |
| 28. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 14, 21 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 91 |
| 29. Palestinian Talmud, Shabbat, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 30. Palestinian Talmud, Kiddushin, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 136 |
| 31. Palestinian Talmud, Moed Qatan, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 151 |
| 32. Palestinian Talmud, Nazir, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 33. Palestinian Talmud, Nedarim, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 91 |
| 34. Palestinian Talmud, Yoma, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 35. Palestinian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 142 |
| 36. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 8, 19 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 328 |
| 37. Palestinian Talmud, Megillah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 151 |
| 38. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 5.14 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, greek literature and myths reflected in rabbinic texts Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 329 |
39. Babylonian Talmud, Bekhorot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 51a. זוזא מאכא בהדיה דלא נפיק תקע ליה אחרינא ויהביה ניהליה:,שלשים של עבד חמשים של אונס ושל מפתה וכו': הא תו למה לי הא תנא ליה רישא,אונס ומוציא שם רע איצטריך סלקא דעתך אמינא כיון דלא כתיב בהו שקלים אימא זוזי בעלמא קמ"ל דמילף קא ילפי מהדדי:,חוץ מן השקלים: תנא חוץ מן השקלים ומעשר והראיון,שקלים דתנן מצרפין שקלים לדרבונות מפני משאוי הדרך,מעשר דכתיב (דברים יד, כה) וצרת הכסף בידך והראיון תני רב יוסף שלא יביא סיגה לעזרה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אין פודין לא בעבדים ולא בשטרות ולא בקרקעות ולא בהקדשות כתב לכהן שהוא חייב ליתן חמשה סלעים חייב ליתן לו ובנו אינו פדוי לפיכך אם רצה הכהן ליתן לו במתנה רשאי,המפריש פדיון בנו ואבד חייב באחריותו שנאמר (במדבר יח, ט) יהיה לך ופדה תפדה:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מתני' דלא כרבי דתניא רבי אומר בכל פודין בכור אדם חוץ מן השטרות מאי טעמא דרבי,דריש ריבויי ומיעוטי (במדבר יח, טז) ופדויו מבן חדש תפדה ריבה בערכך כסף חמשת שקלים מיעט תפדה ריבה,ריבה ומיעט וריבה ריבה הכל מאי רבי רבי כל מילי ומאי מיעט מיעט שטרות,ורבנן דרשי כלל ופרט ופדויו מבן חדש כלל בערכך כסף חמשת שקלים פרט פדה תפדה חזר וכלל,כלל ופרט וכלל אי אתה דן אלא כעין הפרט מה הפרט מפורש דבר המטלטל וגופו ממון אף כל דבר המטלטל וגופו ממון יצאו קרקעות שאין מטלטלין יצאו עבדים שהוקשו לקרקעות יצאו שטרות שאף על פי שמטלטלין אין גופן ממון,אמר ליה רבינא למרימר ורבי ריבויי ומיעוטי דריש והא רבי כללי ופרטי דריש במרצע,דתניא (דברים טו, יז) מרצע אין לי אלא מרצע מנין לרבות הסול והסירא והמחט והמקדח והמכתב ת"ל (דברים טו, יז) ולקחת לרבות כל דבר שנלקח ביד דברי רבי יוסי ברבי יהודה רבי אומר מרצע מה מרצע מיוחד של מתכת אף כל של מתכת,ואמרינן במאי קא מיפלגי רבי דריש כללי ופרטי רבי יוסי ברבי יהודה דריש ריבויי ומיעוטי,אין בעלמא רבי כללי ופרטי דריש והכא כדתנא דבי רבי ישמעאל,דתנא דבי רבי ישמעאל (ויקרא י״א, ט׳) במים במים שתי פעמים אין זה כלל ופרט אלא ריבה ומיעט,ורבנן אמרי כדאמרינן במערבא כ"מ שאתה מוצא שתי כללות הסמוכים זה לזה הטל פרט ביניהם ודונם בכלל ופרט:,ולא בהקדשות: פשיטא לאו דידיה נינהו אימא | 51a. b an impaired dinar with him, which was not /b in b circulation, /b and his victim did not want to accept it from him. Ḥa the wicked then b struck him another /b time, rendering himself liable to pay an additional fine of one-half a dinar, b and gave him /b the full dinar as payment for both strikes.,§ The mishna teaches: The b thirty /b shekels paid to the owner b of /b a Canaanite b slave /b who is killed by an ox, and the b fifty /b shekels paid b by a rapist and by a seducer, /b and the one hundred shekels paid by the defamer are all paid in the shekel of the Sanctuary, which is calculated based on one hundred Tyrian dinars. The Gemara asks: b Why do I /b need b this additional /b mention of: All are paid in the shekel of the Sanctuary, which is calculated based on one hundred Tyrian dinars? The i tanna /i of the mishna already b taught this /b in b the first clause. /b ,The Gemara explains: It b was necessary /b to state the cases of b the rapist and the defamer, /b as it might b enter your mind to say: Since /b the term b shekels is not written with regard to them, /b but only “money,” b say /b that one pays b merely dinars, /b and not shekels, which are worth four dinars. Therefore, the i tanna /i b teaches us that /b the i halakhot /i of all these cases b are derived from one another, /b and in all of them, the payment is in the shekel of the Sanctuary.,§ The mishna further teaches: And all monetary obligations are redeemed, i.e., paid, with coins or with items of the equivalent value of money, b except for the /b half- b shekels /b that are donated to the Temple each year, which must be given specifically as coins. The Gemara notes that it is b taught /b in a i baraita /i : All monetary obligations are redeemed with coins or with their equivalent value, b except for the /b half- b shekels, and /b second b tithe, and the /b money for b appearance, /b i.e., the two silver i ma’a /i that every man must bring to the Temple to purchase burnt offerings of appearance on the pilgrimage Festivals, all of which must be given as coins.,The Gemara elaborates: The i halakha /i that the half-shekel payment dues to the Temple cannot be paid using items of equivalent value is b as we learned /b in a mishna ( i Shekalim /i 2:1): When people who live far from Jerusalem wish to send to Jerusalem the shekels that have been levied from their community, b they /b may b combine /b their b shekels /b and exchange them b for darics [ i darbonot /i ], /b which are large gold coins, b due to /b the hardship of b carrying on the journey. /b Instead of carrying large amounts of shekels, the agents who deliver the funds will bring a much lighter burden of gold coins with them. They may exchange them only for coins, not for items of equivalent value.,Second b tithe /b may not be redeemed with items of equivalent value, b as it is written: “And bind up [ i vetzarta /i ] the money in your hand” /b (Deuteronomy 14:25), which the Sages interpreted as referring to money that has a form [ i tzura /i ] engraved on it, i.e., a coin. b And /b with regard to b the /b money for b appearance, /b this is as b Rav Yosef teaches, that one may not bring /b a lump of silver full of b base /b metals b to the /b Temple b courtyard. /b , strong MISHNA: /strong b One may not redeem /b his firstborn son, b neither with /b Canaanite b slaves, nor with /b promissory b notes, nor with land, nor with consecrated items. /b If the father b wrote /b a promissory note b to the priest that he is obligated to give /b him b five i sela /i /b coins, the father is b obligated to give /b them b to him but his son is not redeemed. Therefore, if the priest wished to give /b back the five i sela /i coins b to him as a gift /b he is b permitted /b to do so.,With regard to b one who designates /b five i sela /i coins for b redemption of his /b firstborn b son and he lost /b the coins before he gave them to the priest, the father b bears /b ficial b responsibility for their /b loss, b as it is stated /b to Aaron the priest: “Everything that opens the womb in man and animal b shall be yours”; and /b only afterward it says: b “You shall redeem /b the firstborn of man” (Numbers 18:15). This indicates that only after the money shall be in the possession of the priest is the son redeemed., strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara comments: b The mishna is not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b says: One can redeem /b a woman’s b firstborn son with anything /b worth five shekels b except for /b promissory b notes. /b This is different from the mishna, which also excludes Canaanite slaves and land. The Gemara asks: b What is the reason for Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi’s opinion?,The Gemara answers that b he interprets /b verses using the method of b amplifications and restrictions, /b and this is how he interprets the verse: “And its redemption from one month you shall redeem, according to the valuation of five silver shekels by the shekel of the Sanctuary” (Numbers 18:16). Concerning the phrase b “and its redemption from one month,” /b since it does not specify that only certain items can be used for the redemption, the verse b amplified /b the category of items that can be used to redeem the firstborn, intimating that many different items can be used. Then, with the phrase b “according to the valuation of five silver shekels,” /b the verse b restricted /b the category to items that are similar to silver shekels. Then, with the phrase b “You shall redeem,” /b the verse b again amplified /b the category.,According to the hermeneutical principle that when a verse b amplified and /b then b restricted and /b then b amplified, it amplified /b the relevant category to include b everything /b except the specific matter excluded in the restriction. The Gemara elaborates: b What /b has b it amplified? /b Almost b everything. And what /b has b it restricted? It restricted /b only promissory b notes, /b which are the most fundamentally dissimilar to silver shekels.,The Gemara explains the reasoning of the Rabbis: b And the Rabbis expound /b verses through the method of b a generalization and a detail. /b They expound the verse as follows: The phrase b “and its redemption from one month” /b is b a generalization /b which suggests that many different items can be used to redeem the firstborn. Then, the phrase b “according to the valuation of five silver shekels” /b is b a detail, /b which suggests that only items that are similar to silver shekels can be used. Then, with the phrase: b “You shall redeem,” /b the verse b again makes a generalization. /b ,Based on this exegetical method, whenever a verse has b a generalization and /b then b a detail and /b then b a generalization, /b the principle is that b you may deduce /b that the verse is referring b only /b to items that are b similar to the detail. /b In this case, b just as the detail, /b i.e., silver shekels, b is explicitly something that is movable and has intrinsic monetary /b value, b so too, anything that is movable and has intrinsic monetary /b value can be used. This b excludes land, which is not movable property; /b it b excludes /b Canaanite b slaves, who are /b halakhically b compared to land; /b and it b excludes /b promissory b notes, /b because b even though they are movable property they do not have intrinsic monetary /b value., b Ravina said to Ameimar: /b Does b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi really b expound /b verses through the method of b amplifications and restrictions? But doesn’t Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b expound /b verses through the method of b generalizations and details with regard to an awl? /b ,This is b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : The Torah provides the process by which a Hebrew slave who has already completed his six years of servitude may continue on as a slave of his master: “And you shall take the b awl /b and put it through his ear and in the door” (Deuteronomy 15:17). From this verse, b I have /b derived b only /b that b an awl /b can be used; b from where /b do I know b to include the thorn of a palm, and a thorn, a needle, and a gimlet, and a stylus /b for writing on wax, as valid tools for piercing his ear? b The verse states: “And you shall take,” /b which indicates that b anything that can be taken by hand /b is a valid tool. This is b the statement of Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda. Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b says: /b Not all these items can be used. Rather, since the verse specifies an b “awl,” /b only items similar to an awl can be used; b just as an awl is distinct /b in that it is fashioned b of metal, so too, anything /b fashioned b of metal /b can be used., b And we say /b with regard to this dispute: b About what do they disagree? Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b expounds /b verses using the method of b generalizations and details, and Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda, expounds /b verses using the method of b amplifications and restrictions. /b ,Ameimar answers: b Yes, generally /b Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi b expounds /b verses using the method of b generalizations and details, but here, /b with regard to the redemption of the firstborn, b this is the reason /b he expounds the verses using the method of amplifications and restrictions: He holds b in accordance with that which the school of Rabbi Yishmael taught. /b , b As the school of Rabbi Yishmael taught: /b When defining which fish it is permitted to eat, the verse states: “This you may eat, from whatever is in the water, anything that has fins and scales in the water, in the seas and in the streams” (Leviticus 11:9). The verse first states the general term b “in the water,” “in the water,” /b mentioning it b twice, /b and only afterward mentions the details, i.e., “in the seas and in the streams.” When the general and detailed phrases are ordered in this way, they b are not /b expounded as b a generalization and a detail, /b but b rather /b the verse b amplified and restricted. /b Similarly, although Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi generally expounds verses using the method of generalizations and details, with regard to the redemption of the firstborn, since the verse mentions the two general terms first and mentions the specific detail only afterward, he expounds it using the method of amplifications and restrictions.,The Gemara asks: b And /b with regard to b the Rabbis, /b why do they expound the verse about the redemption of a firstborn as a generalization and a detail? The Sages b say: /b This is b like they say in the West, /b Eretz Yisrael: b Wherever you find two generalizations juxtaposed to each other, /b followed by a specific detail, b place /b the b detail between /b the two generalizations b and /b thereby b expound them as a generalization and a detail /b followed by another generalization.,§ The mishna teaches: b And /b one may b not /b redeem a firstborn b with consecrated items. /b The Gemara asks: Isn’t it b obvious? /b Consecrated items b are not his. /b The Gemara answers: b Say /b that |
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| 40. Babylonian Talmud, Keritot, 1.1 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 140 |
| 41. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 5, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 147, 152 |
| 42. Babylonian Talmud, Niddah, 5.15, 7.1 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 100, 151 |
43. Babylonian Talmud, Pesahim, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 151| 55a. תנא קולי קולי קתני:,ובכל מקום ת"ח וכו': למימרא דרשב"ג סבר לא חיישינן ליוהרא ורבנן סברי חיישינן ליוהרא והא איפכא שמעינן להו דתנן חתן אם ירצה לקרות קרית שמע לילה הראשון קורא רשב"ג אמר לא כל הרוצה ליטול את השם יטול,אמר ר' יוחנן מוחלפת השיטה רב שישא בריה דרב אידי אמר לא תיפוך דרבנן אדרבנן לא קשיא הכא כיון דכולי עלמא עבדי מלאכה ואיהו לא עביד מיחזי כיוהרא אבל התם כיון דכולי עלמא קרי ואיהו נמי קרי לא מיחזי כיוהרא,דר' שמעון בן גמליאל אדרשב"ג לא קשיא התם הוא דבעינן כוונה ואנן סהדי דלא מצי כווני דעתיה מיחזי כיוהרא אבל הכא לא מיחזי כיוהרא אמרי מלאכה היא דלית ליה פוק חזי כמה בטלני איכא בשוקא:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big וחכמים אומרים ביהודה היו עושין מלאכה בערבי פסחים עד חצות ובגליל לא היו עושין כל עיקר הלילה ב"ש אוסרים וב"ה מתירין עד הנץ החמה:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מעיקרא תנא מנהגא ולבסוף תנא איסורא,אמר ר' יוחנן לא קשיא הא ר' מאיר הא ר' יהודה דתניא אמר ר' יהודה ביהודה היו עושין מלאכה בערבי פסחים עד חצות ובגליל אינן עושין כל עיקר אמר לו ר"מ מה ראייה יהודה וגליל לכאן אלא מקום שנהגו לעשות מלאכה עושין מקום שנהגו שלא לעשות אין עושין מדקאמר ר' מאיר מנהגא מכלל דרבי יהודה איסורא קאמר,וסבר ר' יהודה ארבעה עשר מותר בעשיית מלאכה והתניא ר' יהודה אומר המנכש בשלשה עשר ונעקרה בידו שותלה במקום הטיט ואין שותלה במקום הגריד,בשלשה עשר אין בארבעה עשר לא מכדי שמעינן ליה לר' יהודה דאמר כל הרכבה שאינה קולטת לשלשה ימים שוב אינה קולטת ואי ס"ד ארבעה עשר מותר בעשיית מלאכה למה לי שלשה עשר והאיכא ארביסר וחמיסר ומקצת שיתסר אמר רבא בגליל שנו,והאיכא ליליא אמר רב ששת כב"ש רב אשי אמר לעולם כב"ה לפי שאין דרכן של בני אדם לנכש בלילה,רבינא אמר לעולם ביהודה ובהשרשה חד מקצת היום ככולו אמרינן תרי מקצת היום ככולו לא אמרינן:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ר' מאיר אומר כל מלאכה שהתחיל בה קודם לארבעה עשר גומרה בארבעה עשר אבל לא יתחיל בה בתחלה בארבעה עשר אע"פ שיכול לגומרה וחכמים אומרים ג' אומניות עושין מלאכה בערבי פסחים עד חצות ואלו הן החייטין והספרים והכובסין ר' יוסי בר יהודה אומר אף רצענין:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big איבעיא להו לצורך המועד תנן אבל שלא לצורך המועד אפילו מיגמר נמי לא או דילמא שלא לצורך המועד תנן אבל לצורך אתחולי מתחלינן או דילמא בין לצורך המועד בין שלא לצורך מיגמר אין אתחולי לא,ת"ש אבל לא יתחיל בתחילה בארבעה עשר אפילו צלצול קטן אפילו שבכה קטנה מאי אפילו לאו אפי' הני דלצורך המועד מיגמר אין אתחולי לא מכלל דשלא לצורך מיגמר נמי לא גמרינן,לא לעולם דשלא לצורך מיגמר נמי גמרינן ומאי אפילו אפילו הני נמי דזוטרי נינהו דסלקא דעתך אמינא התחלתן זו היא גמר מלאכתן נתחיל בהו נמי לכתחילה קמשמע לן:,תא שמע רבי מאיר אומר כל מלאכה שהיא לצורך המועד | 55a. b The i tanna /i is teaching /b a series of b leniencies. /b He taught only those aspects in which the Ninth of Av is more lenient than a communal fast. He did not teach those aspects in which it is more stringent. There was no attempt made to enumerate all the differences.,It was stated in the mishna: b And in all places Torah scholars are idle /b and do not perform labor on the Ninth of Av, and according to Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel one should always conduct himself like a Torah scholar in this regard and refrain from performing labor. The Gemara asks: b Is that to say that Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel holds /b that b we are not concerned about presumptuousness /b when a person conducts himself like a Torah scholar? b And /b conversely, do b the Rabbis hold /b that b we are concerned about presumptuousness? Didn’t we hear them /b say b the opposite? As we learned /b in a mishna: With regard to the recitation of i Shema /i on one’s wedding night, the Rabbis said that b if a groom wishes to recite i Shema /i on the first night /b despite his exemption, he may do so. b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: Not everyone who wishes to assume the reputation /b of a God-fearing person b may assume /b it, and consequently not everyone who wishes to recite i Shema /i on his wedding night may do so. Their opinions in that mishna appear contrary to their opinions in the current mishna., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: The /b attribution of the b opinions is reversed /b in one of the sources. b Rav Sheisha, son /b of b Rav Idi, said: Do not reverse /b either text, as it is possible to resolve the difficulty in another manner. The contradiction between the statement of b the Rabbis /b here b and /b the statement of b the Rabbis /b there is b not difficult. Here, /b on the Ninth of Av, b since everyone is performing labor and he is not performing labor, /b his idleness is conspicuous and b appears like presumptuousness. However, there, /b in the case of reciting i Shema /i on one’s wedding night, b it does not appear like presumptuousness, as everyone is reciting /b i Shema /i b and he is also reciting /b it with them.,Similarly, the contradiction b between /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b here b and /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b there is b not difficult. There, /b in the case of reciting i Shema /i on one’s wedding night, b it is that we require concentration, and it is clear to all /b that b he is unable to concentrate /b because of his preoccupation with the mitzva that he must perform. Therefore, if he recites i Shema /i b it appears like presumptuousness. /b It is as though he is announcing: I am able to concentrate although others in my situation are not. b However, here, /b by not performing labor on the Ninth of Av b it does not appear like presumptuousness, /b as people b say: It is /b because b he has no labor /b to perform. b Go out and see how many idle people there are in the marketplace, /b even on days when it is permitted to perform labor., strong MISHNA: /strong Apropos the discussion of performing labor on Passover eve, differences in other customs were cited. b And the Rabbis say: In Judea, /b people b would perform labor on Passover eves until midday, and in the Galilee /b people b would not perform /b labor on Passover eve b at all. /b With regard to performing labor on b the night /b before Passover eve, the night between the thirteenth and fourteenth of Nisan, b Beit Shammai prohibit /b performing labor, b and Beit Hillel permit /b doing so b until sunrise. /b , strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara asks with regard to the mishna: b Initially, /b at the beginning of the chapter, the i tanna /i b taught /b that in certain places there is merely a b custom /b not to perform labor, b and /b yet b ultimately, /b in this latest mishna, b he taught that /b according to the opinion of Beit Shammai, b it is prohibited /b to perform labor. Apparently, performance of labor is not dependent on custom but is actually prohibited., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b This is b not difficult, /b since b that /b first mishna is in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Meir, /b and b this /b current mishna is in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda. As it was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yehuda said: In Judea they would perform labor on Passover eves until midday, and in the Galilee they would not perform /b labor b at all. Rabbi Meir said to him: What proof /b do you cite b from Judea and the Galilee to /b the discussion b here? Rather, /b in b a place where /b people b were accustomed to perform labor, one performs /b labor, b and /b in b a place where /b people b were accustomed not to perform /b labor, b one does not perform /b labor. The Gemara analyzes this i baraita /i : b From /b the fact b that Rabbi Meir is speaking /b about b custom, by inference, Rabbi Yehuda is speaking /b about a b prohibition /b against performing labor in the Galilee.,The Gemara asks: b And does Rabbi Yehuda hold that performance of labor on the fourteenth is permitted /b everywhere other than the Galilee? b Wasn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yehuda says: /b With regard to b one who is weeding /b a field on b the thirteenth /b of Nisan b and /b a stalk of grain b was uprooted in his hand, he plants it in a muddy place /b so that it will take root before the i omer /i offering is brought on the sixteenth of Nisan? It will then be permitted to eat the grain after the i omer /i offering is brought. However, b one /b should b not plant it in a dry place, /b as it will not take root there immediately. If it begins to sprout only after the i omer /i offering is brought, that grain will remain prohibited until after the following year’s i omer /i offering is brought.,From Rabbi Yehuda’s statement it can be inferred that if a person was weeding b on the thirteenth /b of Nisan, b yes, /b this is the i halakha /i ; however, b on the fourteenth /b of Nisan, b no, /b one may not replant the stalk of grain. b Now, we learned /b that b Rabbi Yehuda said: Any graft that does not take hold within three days will no longer take hold. If it could enter your mind /b that b performing labor on the fourteenth is permitted, why /b do b I /b need this i halakha /i to be taught specifically with regard to the b thirteenth? /b It would have been a greater novelty had he taught the i halakha /i with regard to a case that occurs on the fourteenth. b Aren’t there /b three days remaining for grain planted on the fourteenth to take root before the i omer /i offering, i.e., b the fourteenth /b of Nisan, b the fifteenth /b of Nisan, b and part of the sixteenth /b of Nisan? b Rava said: They taught /b this i halakha /i of replanting a stalk of wheat with regard to b the Galilee; /b as mentioned in the i baraita /i , Rabbi Yehuda says that in the Galilee they do not perform labor at all.,The Gemara further asks: b Isn’t there the night /b between the thirteenth and the fourteenth of Nisan, during which according to the opinion of Beit Hillel, labor is permitted even in the Galilee, which is the i halakha /i ? Rabbi Yehuda could have taught the i halakha /i with regard to weeding on the night before the fourteenth. b Rav Sheshet said: /b Rabbi Yehuda said this b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Beit Shammai, /b who prohibit performing labor that night. b Rav Ashi said: /b There is no reason to suggest implausibly that Rabbi Yehuda holds in accordance with the opinion of Beit Shammai, contrary to the accepted i halakha /i . b Actually, /b Rabbi Yehuda holds in accordance b with /b the opinion of b Beit Hillel. /b However, he did not teach the case about the night before the fourteenth of Nisan b because it is not the /b typical b manner of people to weed at night. /b It is virtually impossible to identify weeds in the dark., b Ravina said: Actually, /b it can be explained that Rabbi Yehuda is referring b to Judea. /b With regard to a plant b taking root, we state /b only b once /b the principle: The legal status of b part of the day is like /b that of b the entire /b day, but we b do not state twice /b the principle: The legal status of b part of the day is like /b that of b the entire /b day. When discussing a plant that was replanted on the fourteenth, in the tally of three days, the legal status of part of both the fourteenth and the sixteenth cannot be like that of entire days. A plant takes root after a fixed amount of time, and this is not affected by formalistic halakhic principles like: The legal status of part of the day is like that of the entire day., strong MISHNA: /strong b Rabbi Meir says: /b With regard to b any labor that one began before the fourteenth /b of Nisan, b he may complete it on the fourteenth /b before midday. b However, one /b may b not begin /b to perform that labor b from the outset on the fourteenth, even if he is able to complete it /b before midday. b And the Rabbis say: /b The practitioners of only b three crafts /b are permitted to b perform labor until midday on Passover eve, and they are: Tailors, barbers, and launderers, /b whose work is needed for the Festival. b Rabbi Yosei bar Yehuda says: Even shoemakers /b are permitted to work on the fourteenth., strong GEMARA: /strong b A dilemma was raised before /b the Sages: Was it with regard to labor b for the purpose of the Festival /b that b we learned /b in the mishna that Rabbi Meir permits completing labor on the fourteenth, b but /b labor b that is not for the purpose of the Festival may not even be completed? Or perhaps /b it was with regard to labor b that is not for the purpose of the Festival /b that b we learned /b that Rabbi Meir permits completing labor on the fourteenth, b but /b with regard to labor b that is for the purpose /b of the Festival, b we /b may even b initiate /b it. b Or perhaps, /b with regard to b both /b labor b that is for the purpose of the Festival and /b labor b that is not for the purpose /b of the Festival, b completing, yes, /b it is permitted, but b initiating, no, /b it is prohibited., b Come /b and b hear /b a resolution to the dilemma from that which we learned: b However, one may not begin /b work b from the outset on the fourteenth, even /b if it is b a small belt, or even a small hairnet. What /b is the meaning of the term b even /b in this context? b Isn’t it /b that b even /b with regard to b those /b items b that are for the purpose of the Festival, completing, yes, /b it is permitted, but b initiating, no, /b it is prohibited? And b by inference, /b with regard to labor b that is not for the purpose /b of the Festival, b we may not even complete /b labor that was begun previously. This supports the first possibility cited above.,The Gemara rejects this answer: b No; actually /b this means that even labor b that is not for the purpose /b of the Festival b we /b may b also complete, /b in accordance with the third possibility above. b And what /b is the meaning of the term b even? /b It is that this i halakha /i applies b even /b to b these /b items, a belt and a hairnet, b which are small; as it could enter your mind to say: /b Since they are small and b their initiation is their completion, let us even initiate /b their manufacture on the fourteenth b i ab initio /i . /b Therefore, b it teaches us /b that even with regard to this type of labor, initiating is prohibited. This i baraita /i does not provide an unequivocal resolution to the dilemma., b Come /b and b hear /b the resolution to the dilemma from another source from another source. b Rabbi Meir says: /b With regard to b any labor that is for the purpose of the Festival, /b |
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44. Babylonian Talmud, Rosh Hashanah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 18b. דאמר רב חנא בר ביזנא אמר ר"ש חסידא מאי דכתיב (זכריה ח, יט) כה אמר ה' צבאות צום הרביעי וצום החמישי וצום השביעי וצום העשירי יהיה לבית יהודה לששון ולשמחה קרי להו צום וקרי להו ששון ושמחה בזמן שיש שלום יהיו לששון ולשמחה אין שלום צום,אמר רב פפא הכי קאמר בזמן שיש שלום יהיו לששון ולשמחה יש גזרת המלכות צום אין גזרת המלכות ואין שלום רצו מתענין רצו אין מתענין,אי הכי ט"ב נמי אמר רב פפא שאני ט' באב הואיל והוכפלו בו צרות דאמר מר בט' באב חרב הבית בראשונה ובשניה ונלכדה ביתר ונחרשה העיר,תניא אמר ר"ש ארבעה דברים היה ר"ע דורש ואני אין דורש כמותו צום הרביעי זה ט' בתמוז שבו הובקעה העיר שנאמר (ירמיהו נב, ו) (ברביעי) בתשעה לחדש ויחזק הרעב בעיר ולא היה לחם לעם הארץ ותבקע העיר ואמאי קרי ליה רביעי רביעי לחדשים,צום החמישי זה תשעה באב שבו נשרף בית אלהינו ואמאי קרי ליה חמישי חמישי לחדשים צום השביעי זה ג' בתשרי שבו נהרג גדליה בן אחיקם ומי הרגו ישמעאל בן נתניה הרגו ללמדך ששקולה מיתתן של צדיקים כשריפת בית אלהינו ואמאי קרי ליה שביעי שביעי לחדשים,צום העשירי זה עשרה בטבת שבו סמך מלך בבל על ירושלים שנאמר (יחזקאל כד, א) ויהי דבר ה' אלי בשנה התשיעית בחדש העשירי בעשור לחדש לאמר בן אדם כתב לך את שם היום את עצם היום הזה סמך מלך בבל אל ירושלם ואמאי קרי ליה עשירי עשירי לחדשים והלא היה ראוי זה לכתוב ראשון ולמה נכתב כאן כדי להסדיר חדשים כתיקנן,ואני איני אומר כן אלא צום העשירי זה חמשה בטבת שבו באת שמועה לגולה שהוכתה העיר שנאמר (יחזקאל לג, כא) ויהי בשתי עשרה שנה בעשירי בחמשה לחדש לגלותנו בא אלי הפליט מירושלם לאמר הוכתה העיר ועשו יום שמועה כיום שריפה,ונראין דברי מדבריו שאני אומר על ראשון ראשון ועל אחרון אחרון והוא אומר על ראשון אחרון ועל אחרון ראשון אלא שהוא מונה לסדר חדשים ואני מונה לסדר פורעניות,איתמר רב ורבי חנינא אמרי בטלה מגילת תענית רבי יוחנן וריב"ל אמרי לא בטלה מגילת תענית,רב ורבי חנינא אמרי בטלה מגילת תענית הכי קאמר בזמן שיש שלום יהיו לששון ולשמחה אין שלום צום והנך נמי כי הני,רבי יוחנן ורבי יהושע בן לוי אמרי לא בטלה מגילת תענית הני הוא דתלינהו רחמנא בבנין בהמ"ק אבל הנך כדקיימי קיימי,מתיב רב כהנא מעשה וגזרו תענית בחנוכה בלוד וירד ר"א ורחץ ורבי יהושע וסיפר ואמרו להם צאו והתענו על מה שהתעניתם,א"ר יוסף שאני חנוכה דאיכא מצוה א"ל אביי ותיבטיל איהי ותיבטל מצותה,אלא אמר רב יוסף שאני חנוכה דמיפרסם ניסא,מותיב רב אחא בר הונא בתלתא בתשרי בטילת אדכרתא מן שטרייא שגזרה מלכות יון גזרה שלא להזכיר שם שמים על פיהם וכשגברה מלכות חשמונאי ונצחום התקינו שיהו מזכירין שם שמים אפילו בשטרות וכך היו כותבים בשנת כך וכך ליוחנן כהן גדול לאל עליון,וכששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו למחר זה פורע את חובו ונמצא שטר מוטל באשפה וביטלום ואותו היום עשאוהו יו"ט ואי סלקא דעתך בטלה מגילת תענית קמייתא בטול אחרנייתא מוסיפין,הכא במאי עסקינן בזמן שבית המקדש קיים | 18b. b As Rav Ḥana bar Bizna said /b that b Rabbi Shimon Ḥasida said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “Thus said the Lord of hosts: The fast of the fourth month, and the fast of the fifth, and fast of the seventh, and the fast of the tenth, shall become times of joy and gladness, /b and cheerful seasons, b to the house of Judah” /b (Zechariah 8:19). b It calls them /b days of b “fast” and it calls them /b “times of b joy and gladness.” /b How so? b When there is peace /b in the world, b they will be /b times of b joy and gladness, /b on which eulogies and fasting are forbidden; but when b there is no peace, /b they are days of b fasting. /b In a time when there is no peace, why are messengers not sent out also for the fourth and tenth months, so that people can know when to observe the fasts?, b Rav Pappa said /b that b this is what it is saying: When there is peace /b in the world and the Temple is standing, these days b will be /b times of b joy and gladness; /b when b there is persecution /b and troubles for the Jewish people, they are days of b fasting; /b and when b there is no persecution but /b still b no peace, /b neither particular troubles nor consolation for Israel, the i halakha /i is as follows: If people b wish, they fast, /b and if b they wish, they do not fast. /b Since there is no absolute obligation to fast, messengers are not sent out for these months.,The Gemara asks: b If so, the Ninth of Av /b should b also /b be like the other fast days, that sometimes it is observed and sometimes not, depending upon the wishes of the community at the time. Why does the mishna state that messengers go out for the month of Av? b Rav Pappa said: The Ninth of Av is different, since the calamities /b that occurred on that day b were multiplied. As the Master said: On the Ninth of Av the Temple was destroyed, /b both b the first /b one b and the second /b one; on this day the city of b Beitar was captured; /b and on this day b the city /b of Jerusalem b was plowed /b over by the enemies of the Jewish people, as a sign that it would never be rebuilt. Consequently, the fast of the Ninth of Av is obligatory, and not optional like the other fasts. Messengers are consequently sent out so that people will know when to fast.,§ The Sages disagreed about the fasts alluded to in the words of the prophet, as b it is taught /b in a i baraita /i . b Rabbi Shimon said: Rabbi Akiva would expound four verses, but I would not expound /b the texts b as he did. /b One of the disputes relates to the fasts mentioned by Zechariah. Rabbi Akiva would expound the verse as follows: b “The fast of the fourth,” this is the ninth of Tammuz, on which the city /b of Jerusalem b was breached, as it is stated: “And in the fourth month, on the ninth day of the month, the famine was severe in the city, so that there was no bread for the people of the land. Then the city was breached” /b (Jeremiah 52:6–7). b And why does /b the prophet b call it /b the fast of the b fourth? /b Because it is in Tammuz, b the fourth of the months /b when counting from Nisan., b “The fast of the fifth,” this is the Ninth of Av, on which the Temple of our Lord was burnt. And why does he call it /b the fast of the b fifth? /b Because it falls in the b fifth of the months. “The fast of the seventh,” this is the third of Tishrei, on which Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, was killed. And who killed him? Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, killed him /b (see II Kings 25:25; Jeremiah, chapter 41). The Sages established a fast to commemorate Gedaliah’s death b to teach you that the death of the righteous is equivalent to the burning of the Temple of our Lord. And why did /b the prophet b call it /b the fast of the b seventh? /b Because Tishrei is the b seventh of the months. /b , b “The fast of the tenth,” This is the tenth of Tevet, on which the king of Babylonia laid siege to Jerusalem, as it is stated: “And in the ninth year, in the tenth month, on the tenth day of the month, the word of the Lord came to me, saying: Son of man, write the name of the day, of this same day: The king of Babylonia has laid siege to Jerusalem on this very day” /b (Ezekiel 24:1–2). b And why did he call it /b the fast of the b tenth? /b Because it is in Tevet, which is b the tenth of the months. Wouldn’t it have been fitting to write /b this fast b first, /b as the series of events began with the laying of the siege. b Why was /b it b written here /b at the end of the list? This was done b in order to list the months in /b their b proper /b order, as the prophet began with the fourth month and ended with the tenth month. This is the statement of Rabbi Akiva.,Rabbi Shimon disagreed and said: b I do not say this, but rather /b I expound the verse as follows: b “The fast of the tenth,” this is the fifth of Tevet, on which the report reached the Diaspora that the city had been smitten, as it is stated: “And it came to pass in the twelfth year of our exile, in the tenth month, on the fifth day of the month, that one that had escaped out of Jerusalem came to me, saying: The city is smitten” /b (Ezekiel 33:21); b and they made the day of the report /b of the destruction b like the day of the /b actual b burning /b and decreed a fast on that day.,And Rabbi Shimon added: b And my statement seems /b more convincing b than his statement, as I say about the first /b fast mentioned by the prophet that it marks the event that took place b first, and about the last /b fast that it marks the event that took place b last. /b According to Rabbi Shimon, the fasts are listed in accordance with the chronological order of the events. b But he, /b Rabbi Akiva, b says about the first /b fast mentioned by the prophet that it marks the event that took place b last, and about the last /b fast mentioned that it marks the event that took place b first, only that he lists /b the fasts b in the order of the months, whereas I list /b them also b in the order of the calamities /b that they mark.,§ b It was stated /b that the Sages disagreed about the following matter: b Rav and Rabbi Ḥanina /b both b say: i Megillat Ta’anit /i , /b a listing of days on which fasting and eulogizing are forbidden, b has been nullified, /b as in the present period of exile there is no reason to celebrate the joyous events that these days commemorate. b Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi say: i Megillat Ta’anit /i has not been nullified. /b ,The Gemara explains: b Rav and Rabbi Ḥanina say /b that b i Megillat Ta’anit /i has been nullified. This is what /b the prophet b is saying: At a time when there is peace /b in the world, the dates listed b will be /b times of b joy and gladness, /b on which eulogies and fasting are forbidden; but when b there is no peace, /b they are days of b fasting. And those /b days mentioned in i Megillat Ta’anit /i b are also like these /b days of fasting, that is to say, the days of joy listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i are also nullified when there is no peace., b Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi say /b that b i Megillat Ta’anit /i has not been nullified, /b and they reason as follows: b It was those /b fast days mentioned in the Bible b that the Merciful One makes contingent on the building of the Temple, but these /b festive days listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i b remain as they were /b and have not been nullified., b Rav Kahana raised an objection /b against Rav and Rabbi Ḥanina from a i baraita /i : b There was an incident and /b the Sages b decreed a fast on Hanukkah in Lod, and Rabbi Eliezer went down /b on that day b and bathed /b in the bathhouse b and Rabbi Yehoshua went down and cut /b his hair to show that they did not accept the fast. Furthermore, these two Sages b said to /b the others: b Go out and fast /b another fast as an act of penitence b for what you have /b already b fasted, /b as the days of Hanukkah are days of joy, on which fasting is forbidden. Hanukkah is one of the Festivals listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i . Even after the destruction of the Temple Hanukkah is celebrated, demonstrating that i Megillat Ta’anit /i has not been nullified., b Rav Yosef said: Hanukkah is different, as there is the mitzva /b of lighting candles, and so, unlike the other days listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i , the festival of Hanukkah was not nullified. b Abaye said to him: /b What is this argument? b Let /b Hanukkah b itself be nullified, and let its mitzva /b of lighting candles b be nullified /b with it., b Rather, Rav Yosef /b retracted his previous explanation and b said: Hanukkah is different, as its miracle is well known, /b and it has become so widely accepted by all the Jewish people that it would be inappropriate to nullify it., b Rav Aḥa bar Huna raised an objection: /b It is stated in i Megillat Ta’anit /i : b On the third of Tishrei the /b ordice requiring the b mention /b of God’s name b in /b legal b documents was abolished, /b and on that day fasting is forbidden. b For the kingdom of Greece had issued a decree /b against the Jews b forbidding them to mention the name of Heaven on their lips. When the Hasmonean kingdom became strong and defeated /b the Greeks, b they instituted that people should mention the name of Heaven even in their /b legal b documents. And therefore they would write: In year such and such of Yoḥa the High Priest of the God Most High. /b , b And when the Sages heard about this they said: Tomorrow this one, /b the borrower, b will repay his debt, /b the lender will no longer need to save the loan document, b the document will be cast on a dunghill, /b and the name of Heaven written there will come to disgrace. b And /b so b they annulled /b the ordice to mention God’s name in documents, b and they made that day into a Festival. And if it enters your mind /b to say that b i Megillat Ta’anit /i has been nullified, /b can you say that b the first /b prohibitions against fasting b they annulled, and /b then b later /b ones b were added? /b ,The Gemara answers: b With what are we dealing here? /b This is referring to a time b when the Temple was standing /b and all the days listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i were in force. From time to time new days of commemoration were added. When the i amora’im /i stated that i Megillat Ta’anit /i was nullified they were referring to the time after the destruction of the Temple. |
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45. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 121a. טבילה בזמנה לאו מצוה ומהדרינן ור' יוסי סבר טבילה בזמנה מצוה ולא מהדרינן,וסבר ר' יוסי טבילה בזמנה מצוה והתניא הזב והזבה המצורע והמצורעת בועל נדה וטמא מת טבילתן ביום נדה ויולדת טבילתן בלילה בעל קרי טובל והולך כל היום כולו ר' יוסי אומר מן המנחה ולמעלה אינו צריך לטבול ההיא ר' יוסי בר' יהודה היא דאמר דייה טבילה באחרונה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big נכרי שבא לכבות אין אומרים לו כבה ואל תכבה מפני שאין שביתתו עליהן אבל קטן שבא לכבות אין שומעין לו מפני ששביתתו עליהן:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big א"ר אמי בדליקה התירו לומר כל המכבה אינו מפסיד נימא מסייע ליה נכרי שבא לכבות אין אומרים לו כבה ואל תכבה מפני שאין שביתתו עליהן כבה הוא דלא אמרינן ליה הא כל המכבה אינו מפסיד אמרינן ליה אימא סיפא אל תכבה לא אמרינן ליה וכל המכבה אינו מפסיד נמי לא אמרינן ליה אלא מהא ליכא למשמע מינה,ת"ר מעשה ונפלה דליקה בחצירו של יוסף בן סימאי בשיחין ובאו אנשי גיסטרא של ציפורי לכבות מפני שאפטרופוס של מלך היה ולא הניחן מפני כבוד השבת ונעשה לו נס וירדו גשמים וכיבו לערב שיגר לכל אחד מהן שתי סלעין ולאפרכוס שבהן חמשים וכששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו לא היה צריך לכך שהרי שנינו נכרי שבא לכבות אין אומרים לו כבה ואל תכבה:,אבל קטן שבא לכבות אין שומעין לו מפני ששביתתו עליהן: שמעת מינה קטן אוכל נבלות ב"ד מצווין עליו להפרישו אמר רבי יוחנן בקטן העושה לדעת אביו דכוותה גבי נכרי דקא עביד לדעתיה דישראל מי שרי נכרי לדעתיה דנפשיה עביד:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big כופין קערה על גבי הנר בשביל שלא תאחוז בקורה ועל צואה של קטן ועל עקרב שלא תישך א"ר יהודה מעשה בא לפני רבן יוחנן בן זכאי בערב ואמר חוששני לו מחטאת:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big רב יהודה ורב ירמיה בר אבא ורב חנן בר רבא איקלעו לבי אבין דמן נשיקיא לרב יהודה ורב ירמיה בר אבא | 121a. that performing b immersion at its /b designated b time is not a mitzva, and we seek /b a reed to wrap around God’s name even if it means postponing immersion to the next day, b and Rabbi Yosei holds /b that b immersion at its /b designated b time is a mitzva, and /b therefore b we do not seek /b a reed, since immersion cannot be postponed.,The Gemara asks: b And does Rabbi Yosei hold /b that b immersion at its /b designated b time is a mitzva? Wasn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b a i zav /i and a i zava /i , a male and female leper, one who has relations with a menstruating woman, and a person impure /b with impurity imparted by b a corpse, their immersion is during the day. /b They immerse at the designated time even on Yom Kippur, when bathing is prohibited. b A menstruating woman and a woman after childbirth immerse at night. A man who has had a seminal emission immerses /b at any point b during the entire day /b after the emission. b Rabbi Yosei says: From /b the time that he recited b the afternoon prayer and on he does not immerse. /b Since he already recited the afternoon prayer, he waits until after Yom Kippur to immerse, and then recites the evening prayer in a state of purity. Apparently, Rabbi Yosei holds that immersion at the designated time is not a mitzva. The Gemara rejects this: In b that /b i baraita /i the reference is not to the Rabbi Yosei most commonly cited in tannaitic literature without a patronymic, Rabbi Yosei ben Ḥalafta, but it b is /b to b Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda, who said: Her latest immersion is sufficient. /b A woman who is uncertain with regard to the correct time for her immersion need not immerse multiple times. She may postpone her immersion until a time when she will be certain to fulfill her obligation, even though it might not be immersion at the designated time., strong MISHNA: /strong If b a gentile comes to extinguish /b a Jew’s fire on Shabbat, b one may not say to him: Extinguish, and: Do not extinguish, because /b responsibility for b his rest is not /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew. b However, /b if b a /b Jewish b child comes to extinguish /b a fire on Shabbat, b they do not listen to him /b and allow him to extinguish it, even though he is not yet obligated in mitzva observance, b because /b responsibility for b his rest is /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew., strong GEMARA: /strong b Rabbi Ami said: /b During b a fire, the /b Sages b permitted to say /b in the presence of gentiles: b Anyone who extinguishes /b the fire b will not lose, /b so that the gentiles will come and extinguish the fire; it is only prohibited to tell gentiles to do so explicitly. The Gemara suggests: b Let us say /b that the mishna b supports his /b statement: If b a gentile comes to extinguish /b a Jew’s fire on Shabbat, b one may not say to him: Extinguish, and: Do not extinguish, because /b responsibility for b his rest is not /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew. It can be inferred from the language of the mishna: b It is /b a direct command, e.g., b extinguish, that we may not say to him; however, anyone who extinguishes will not lose, we /b may b tell him, /b which supports Rabbi Ami’s statement. The Gemara rejects this. b Say /b the b latter /b clause of the mishna: b Do not extinguish, we do not tell him. /b It can be inferred that b neither do we say to him: Anyone who extinguishes will not lose. Rather, nothing can be inferred from this /b mishna., b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b There was an incident that a fire ignited /b on Shabbat b in the courtyard of Yosef ben Simai in /b a place called b Shiḥin. And men came from the fortress [ i gistera /i ] of Tzippori to extinguish /b the fire, b because he was a steward [ i apotropos /i ] of the king /b and they wanted to help him. b However, /b Yosef ben Simai b would not allow them /b to extinguish the fire b in deference to Shabbat; and a miracle transpired for him and rain fell and extinguished /b the fire. b That evening /b after Shabbat b he sent two i sela /i to each one of /b the soldiers who came to his aid, b and fifty to their commander [ i iparkhos /i ]. And when the Sages heard about this, they said: He need not /b have prevented them from extinguishing the fire, b as we learned /b in the mishna: If b a gentile comes to extinguish /b a Jew’s fire on Shabbat, b one may not say to him: Extinguish, and: Do not extinguish, because /b responsibility for b his rest is not /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew; rather, the gentile may do as he pleases.,We learned in the mishna: b However, /b if b a /b Jewish b child comes to extinguish /b a fire on Shabbat, b they do not listen to him /b and allow him to extinguish it, even though he is not yet obligated in mitzva observance, b because /b responsibility for b his rest is /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew. The Gemara seeks to conclude: b Learn /b from b this /b that b a child who eats /b meat from b unslaughtered animals /b or violates other prohibitions, b the court is commanded to prevent him /b from eating it. This mishna would resolve a dilemma that arose regarding that issue. The Gemara rejects this suggestion: b Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b This mishna is referring to b a child who is acting with /b the intention of fulfilling b his father’s will, /b and therefore one is obligated to prevent him from doing so. However, if a child sins of his own volition, one is not obligated to prevent him from doing so. The Gemara asks: If so, the case b with regard to a gentile /b in the mishna must be interpreted in a b similar /b manner as referring to a case where b he is acting with /b the intention to fulfill the b will /b of b a Jew. Is /b that b permitted? /b It is prohibited to derive benefit from an action performed by a gentile for a Jew on Shabbat. The Gemara responds: This is not the case; b the gentile /b is b acting of his own volition. /b Because he is paid for extinguishing the fire he is not doing so in order to help the Jew., strong MISHNA: /strong b One may overturn a bowl on top of a lamp so that /b fire b will not take hold in the /b ceiling b beam /b on Shabbat. b And /b similarly, one may overturn a bowl b on top of a child’s feces /b inside the house so he will not touch it and dirty himself, b and on top of a scorpion so that it will not bite. Rabbi Yehuda said: An incident came before Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai in /b his village of b Arav, /b where a person covered a scorpion on Shabbat, b and /b Rabban Yoḥa b said: I am concerned /b that b he /b is liable to bring b a sin-offering /b because he might have violated a Torah prohibition., strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara relates: b Rav Yehuda and Rav Yirmeya bar Abba and Rav Ḥa bar Rava happened to come to the house of Avin from /b a place called b Nashikiya. For Rav Yehuda and Rav Yirmeya bar Abba, /b |
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46. Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 56b. והני תרתי מאי עבידתייהו אמר ר' יצחק בשכר הגפת דלתות ונימא ליה דל בדל אמר אביי בוצינא טבא מקרא,אמר רב יהודה ובמוספין חולקין מיתיבי משמרה היוצאת עושה תמיד של שחר ומוספין משמרה הנכנסת עושה תמיד של בין הערבים ובזיכין ואילו מוספין חולקין לא קתני האי תנא בחלוקה לא קא מיירי,אמר רבא והא תנא דבי שמואל דמיירי בחלוקה ובמוספין חולקין לא קתני דתנא דבי שמואל משמרה היוצאת עושה תמיד של שחר ומוספין משמרה הנכנסת עושה תמיד של בין הערבים ובזיכין ארבעה כהנים היו נכנסין שם שנים ממשמר זו ושנים ממשמר זו וחולקין לחם הפנים ואילו במוספין חולקין לא קתני תיובתא דרב יהודה תיובתא:,הנכנסין חולקין בצפון: ת"ר הנכנסין חולקין בצפון כדי שיראו שהן נכנסין והיוצאין חולקין בדרום כדי שיראו שהן יוצאין:,בילגה לעולם חולקת בדרום: ת"ר מעשה במרים בת בילגה שהמירה דתה והלכה ונשאת לסרדיוט אחד ממלכי יוונים כשנכנסו יוונים להיכל היתה מבעטת בסנדלה על גבי המזבח ואמרה לוקוס לוקוס עד מתי אתה מכלה ממונן של ישראל ואי אתה עומד עליהם בשעת הדחק וכששמעו חכמים בדבר קבעו את טבעתה וסתמו את חלונה,ויש אומרים משמרתו שוהה לבא ונכנס ישבב אחיו עמו ושימש תחתיו אע"פ ששכיני הרשעים לא נשתכרו שכיני בילגה נשתכרו שבילגה לעולם חולקת בדרום וישבב אחיו בצפון,בשלמא למ"ד משמרתו שוהה לבא היינו דקנסינן לכולה משמר אלא למ"ד מרים בת בילגה שהמירה דתה משום ברתיה קנסינן ליה לדידיה אמר אביי אין כדאמרי אינשי שותא דינוקא בשוקא או דאבוה או דאימיה,ומשום אבוה ואימיה קנסינן לכולה משמרה אמר אביי אוי לרשע אוי לשכינו טוב לצדיק טוב לשכינו שנאמר (ישעיהו ג, י) אמרו צדיק כי טוב כי פרי מעלליהם יאכלו, br br big strongהדרן עלך החליל וסליקא לה מסכת סוכה /strong /big br br | |
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47. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 250| 69a. וסיפא איצטריכא ליה פושטין ומקפלין ומניחין תחת ראשיהם,פושטין ומקפלין ומניחין אותן תחת ראשיהן שמעת מינה בגדי כהונה ניתנו ליהנות בהן אמר רב פפא לא תימא תחת ראשיהן אלא אימא כנגד ראשיהן אמר רב משרשיא שמעת מינה תפילין מן הצד שפיר דמי,הכי נמי מסתברא דכנגד ראשיהן דאי סלקא דעתך תחת ראשיהן ותיפוק לי משום כלאים דהא איכא אבנט ונהי נמי דניתנו ליהנות בהן הא מתהני מכלאים,הניחא למ"ד אבנטו של כהן גדול (בשאר ימות השנה) זה הוא אבנטו של כהן הדיוט אלא למאן דאמר אבנטו של כ"ג לא זה הוא אבנטו של כהן הדיוט מאי איכא למימר,וכי תימא כלאים בלבישה והעלאה הוא דאסור בהצעה שרי והתניא (ויקרא יט, יט) לא יעלה עליך אבל אתה מותר להציעו תחתיך אבל אמרו חכמים אסור לעשות כן שמא תיכרך נימא אחת על בשרו,וכ"ת דמפסיק ליה מידי ביני ביני והאמר ר"ש בן פזי אמר ר' יהושע בן לוי אמר רבי משום קהלא קדישא שבירושלים אפי' עשר מצעות זו על גב זו וכלאים תחתיהן אסור לישן עליהן אלא לאו שמע מינה כנגד ראשיהן שמע מינה,רב אשי אמר לעולם תחת ראשיהן והא קא מתהני מכלאים בגדי כהונה קשין הן כי הא דאמר רב הונא בריה דר' יהושע האי נמטא גמדא דנרש שריא,ת"ש בגדי כהונה היוצא בהן למדינה אסור ובמקדש בין בשעת עבודה בין שלא בשעת עבודה מותר מפני שבגדי כהונה ניתנו ליהנות בהן ש"מ,ובמדינה לא והתניא בעשרים וחמשה [בטבת] יום הר גרזים [הוא] דלא למספד,יום שבקשו כותיים את בית אלהינו מאלכסנדרוס מוקדון להחריבו ונתנו להם באו והודיעו את שמעון הצדיק מה עשה לבש בגדי כהונה ונתעטף בבגדי כהונה ומיקירי ישראל עמו ואבוקות של אור בידיהן וכל הלילה הללו הולכים מצד זה והללו הולכים מצד זה עד שעלה עמוד השחר,כיון שעלה עמוד השחר אמר להם מי הללו אמרו לו יהודים שמרדו בך כיון שהגיע לאנטיפטרס זרחה חמה ופגעו זה בזה כיון שראה לשמעון הצדיק ירד ממרכבתו והשתחוה לפניו אמרו לו מלך גדול כמותך ישתחוה ליהודי זה אמר להם דמות דיוקנו של זה מנצחת לפני בבית מלחמתי,אמר להם למה באתם אמרו אפשר בית שמתפללים בו עליך ועל מלכותך שלא תחרב יתעוך עובדי כוכבים להחריבו אמר להם מי הללו אמרו לו כותיים הללו שעומדים לפניך אמר להם הרי הם מסורין בידיכם,מיד נקבום בעקביהם ותלאום בזנבי סוסיהם והיו מגררין אותן על הקוצים ועל הברקנים עד שהגיעו להר גרזים כיון שהגיעו להר גריזים חרשוהו וזרעוהו כרשינין כדרך שבקשו לעשות לבית אלהינו ואותו היום עשאוהו יו"ט,אי בעית אימא ראויין לבגדי כהונה ואי בעית אימא (תהלים קיט, קכו) עת לעשות לה' הפרו תורתך,חזן הכנסת נוטל ספר תורה ש"מ חולקין כבוד לתלמיד במקום הרב אמר אביי כולה משום כבודו דכ"ג היא,וכהן גדול עומד מכלל שהוא יושב והא אנן תנן | 69a. That mishna’s teaching highlighting the prohibition to sleep in priestly vestments b is needed for the latter clause /b of that mishna, which states: b They remove /b their priestly vestments b and fold them and place them under their heads. /b Since they are allowed to sleep on them, it must be emphasized that they may not sleep while wearing them.,The Gemara considers resolving the dilemma from the latter clause: b They remove /b their priestly vestments b and fold them and place them under their heads. /b The Gemara suggests: b Learn from this /b that b it is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments. Rav Pappa said: Do not say /b that the mishna means they may actually place the vestments b under their heads /b as a pillow; b rather, say /b that the mishna permits the vestments to be placed only b next to their heads. Rav Mesharshiyya said: /b Given this understanding of that mishna, one can b learn from here /b that one who places b phylacteries to the side /b of his head when he sleeps has done b well; /b there is no concern that he will turn over in his sleep and lie upon them., b So too, it is reasonable /b to say b that /b the mishna permits the vestments to be placed only b next to their heads /b and not under their heads; b as, if it could enter your mind /b to say that the mishna permits the vestments to be placed b under their heads, and I would derive /b that it is prohibited b due to /b the fact the priestly vestments contain a forbidden mixture of b diverse kinds, as /b among them b there is /b the b belt, /b which is woven from a mixture of wool and linen. b And even if /b it is assumed b that it is permitted to derive benefit from /b priestly vestments, it would still be prohibited to lie upon them because by doing so the priests would be b deriving benefit from /b a garment made of b diverse kinds. /b ,The Gemara elaborates on the preceding argument: If one claims that the mishna permits priests to sleep upon their vestments, b it works out well according to the one who said: The belt of the High Priest /b worn on Yom Kippur, which does not contain diverse kinds, b is the same as the belt of a common priest. /b According to this view, the common priest’s belt does not contain diverse kinds, and therefore it may be permitted for a priest to sleep upon it. b However, according to the one who said /b that b the High Priest’s belt /b on Yom Kippur b is not the same as the belt of a common priest, /b and that the belt of the common priest is made of diverse kinds, b what is there to say? /b How could the mishna possibly permit priests to sleep upon their vestments?, b And if you say /b that with regard to the prohibition of b diverse kinds /b only b wearing /b or b placing /b the garment b upon oneself is prohibited, but spreading them out /b and lying upon them on b is permitted, /b and as such it should be permitted for the priests to sleep upon their vestments, this is incorrect. As, b wasn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i that the verse states: b “Neither shall there come upon you /b a garment of diverse kinds”(Leviticus 19:19), which implies: b But you are permitted to spread it beneath you /b to lie upon. This is true according to Torah law, b but the Sages said: It is prohibited to do so, lest a fiber wrap upon his flesh, /b which would lead to the transgression of the Torah prohibition., b And if you say /b that a priest could still avoid the prohibition of diverse kinds by b placing a separation between /b himself and the belt containing diverse kinds, b didn’t Rabbi Shimon ben Pazi say /b that b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said /b that b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b said in the name of the holy community in Jerusalem: Even /b if there are b ten mattresses /b piled b one atop the other and /b a garment of b diverse kinds /b is placed b underneath them /b all, b it is prohibited to sleep upon them? /b This is because the rabbinic decree is applied equally to all cases irrespective of whether the original concern exists. Therefore, there can be no way for the priests to sleep upon the vestments without transgressing the prohibition of diverse kinds. b Rather, /b must one b not conclude from /b the preceding discussion that the mishna permits the vestments to be placed only b next to their heads? /b The Gemara concludes: b Learn from it /b that this is indeed so., b Rav Ashi said: Actually, /b the mishna may be understood as permitting the vestments to be placed b under their heads. /b One should not object that by doing so the priests would be b deriving benefit from /b a garment made of b diverse kinds /b because b priestly vestments, /b and specifically the belt, b are stiff, /b and therefore the prohibition of diverse kinds does not apply to them. This is b in accordance with that /b which b Rav Huna, son of Rabbi Yehoshua, said: This stiff felt [ i namta /i ], /b made of diverse kinds, that is produced b in /b the city of b Neresh, is permitted, /b since a stiff object does not wrap around the body to provide warmth, and therefore the person wearing is not considered to have derived benefit from it.,Since the mishna’s intention is uncertain, it cannot provide a clear proof for the dilemma of whether it is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments. The Gemara therefore suggests another proof: b Come /b and b hear /b an explicit i baraita /i concerning this issue: With regard to b priestly vestments, it is prohibited to go out to the country, /b i.e., outside the Temple, while b wearing them, but in the Temple it is permitted /b for the priests to wear them, b whether during the /b Temple b service or not during the service, due to /b the fact b that it is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments. Learn from this /b that it is indeed permitted.,§ The i baraita /i taught that the priestly vestments may not be worn outside the Temple. The Gemara challenges this: Is it really b not /b permitted to wear priestly vestments b in the country? Wasn’t it taught /b in another i baraita /i , in i Megillat Ta’anit /i : b The twenty-fifth of Tevet /b is known as b the day of Mount Gerizim, /b which was established as a joyful day, and therefore b eulogizing /b is b not /b permitted.,What occurred on that date? It was on that b day that the Samaritans [ i kutim /i ] requested the House of our Lord from Alexander the Macedonian in order to destroy it, and he gave it to them, /b i.e., he gave them permission to destroy it. People b came and informed /b the High Priest, b Shimon HaTzaddik, /b of what had transpired. b What did he do? He donned the priestly vestments and wrapped himself in the priestly vestments. And the nobles of the Jewish People /b were b with him, /b with b torches of fire in their hands. And all that night, these, /b the representatives of the Jewish people, b approached from this side, and those, /b the armies of Alexander and the Samaritans, b approached from that side, until dawn, /b when they finally saw one another., b When dawn arrived, /b Alexander b said to /b the Samaritans: b Who are these /b people coming to meet us? b They said to him: /b These are the b Jews who rebelled against you. When he reached Antipatris, the sun shone and /b the two camps b met each other. When /b Alexander b saw Shimon HaTzaddik, he descended from his chariot and bowed before him. /b His escorts b said to him: /b Should b an important king such as you bow to this Jew? /b He b said to them: /b I do so because b the image of this man’s face is victorious before me on my battlefields, /b i.e., when I fight I see his image going before me as a sign of victory, and therefore I know that he has supreme sanctity., b He said /b to the representatives of the Jewish people: b Why have you come? They said /b to him: b Is it possible that /b the Temple, the b house in which we pray for you and for your kingdom not to be destroyed, gentiles will /b try to b mislead you into destroying it, /b and we would remain silent and not tell you? b He said to them: Who are these /b people who want to destroy it? The Jews b said to him: /b They are b these Samaritans who stand before you. He said to them: /b If so, b they are delivered into your hands /b to deal with them as you please., b Immediately, they stabbed /b the Samaritans b in their heels and hung them from their horses’ tails and continued to drag them over the thorns and thistles until they reached Mount Gerizim. When they arrived at Mount Gerizim, /b where the Samaritans had their temple, b they plowed it over and seeded /b the area b with leeks, /b a symbol of total destruction. This was b just as they had sought to do to the House of our Lord. And they made that day a festival /b to celebrate the salvation of the Temple and the defeat of the Samaritans.,It is apparent from the i baraita /i that Shimon HaTzaddik wore the priestly vestments even outside the Temple. This would seem to be in contravention of the ruling of the other i baraita /i prohibiting this. The Gemara resolves the contradiction: b If you wish, say /b Shimon HaTzaddik did not wear a set of genuine, sanctified priestly vestments; rather, he wore garments that were b fitting to be priestly vestments /b in that they were made of the same material and design. b And if you wish, say /b instead that he indeed wore a set of genuine priestly vestments, but in times of great need, such as when one seeks to prevent the destruction of the Temple, it is permitted to violate the i halakha /i , as indicated by the verse: b “It is time to act for the Lord, they have nullified your Torah” /b (Psalms 119:126).,§ It was taught in the mishna: b The synagogue attendant takes a Torah scroll /b and gives it to the head of the synagogue, who gives it to the deputy High Priest, who gives it to the High Priest. The Gemara suggests: b Learn from here /b that b honor may be given to a student in the presence of the teacher. /b Although the High Priest is considered everyone’s teacher and master, honor was nevertheless extended to other individuals without fear of impugning the High Priest’s honor. b Abaye said: /b A proof may not be adduced from here because b the entire /b process b is for the honor of the High Priest. /b The passing of the Torah scroll to people of increasing importance demonstrates that the High Priest is considered the most important of all those present.,§ It was further taught in the mishna: b The High Priest stands /b and receives the scroll from the Deputy. b By inference, /b until that point b he /b had been b sitting. But didn’t we learn /b in a mishna: |
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| 48. Eusebius of Caesarea, Commentary On Psalms, 54(55) (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 5 |
49. Babylonian Talmud, Eruvin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 21b. הבכורות והדוד (ה) אחד תאנים רעות מאד אשר לא תאכלנה מרוע,תאנים הטובות אלו צדיקים גמורים תאנים הרעות אלו רשעים גמורים ושמא תאמר אבד סברם ובטל סיכוים ת"ל הדודאים נתנו ריח אלו ואלו עתידין שיתנו ריח,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (שיר השירים ז, יד) הדודאים נתנו ריח אלו בחורי ישראל שלא טעמו טעם חטא,ועל פתחינו כל מגדים אלו בנות ישראל שמגידות פתחיהן לבעליהן ל"א שאוגדות פתחיהן לבעליהן,חדשים גם ישנים דודי צפנתי לך אמרה כנסת ישראל לפני הקב"ה רבונו של עולם הרבה גזירות גזרתי על עצמי יותר ממה שגזרת עלי וקיימתים,א"ל רב חסדא לההוא מדרבנן דהוה קא מסדר אגדתא קמיה מי שמיע לך חדשים גם ישנים מהו אמר ליה אלו מצות קלות ואלו מצות חמורות,א"ל וכי תורה פעמים פעמים ניתנה אלא הללו מדברי תורה והללו מדברי סופרים,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (קהלת יב, יב) ויותר מהמה בני הזהר עשות ספרים הרבה וגו' בני הזהר בדברי סופרים יותר מדברי תורה שדברי תורה יש בהן עשה ולא תעשה ודברי סופרים כל העובר על דברי סופרים חייב מיתה,שמא תאמר אם יש בהן ממש מפני מה לא נכתבו אמר קרא עשות ספרים הרבה אין קץ,(קהלת יב, יב) ולהג הרבה יגיעת בשר א"ר פפא בריה דרב אחא בר אדא משמיה דרב אחא בר עולא מלמד שכל המלעיג על דברי חכמים נידון בצואה רותחת,מתקיף לה רבא מי כתיב לעג להג כתיב אלא כל ההוגה בהן טועם טעם בשר,תנו רבנן מעשה בר"ע שהיה חבוש בבית האסורין והיה ר' יהושע הגרסי משרתו בכל יום ויום היו מכניסין לו מים במדה יום אחד מצאו שומר בית האסורין אמר לו היום מימך מרובין שמא לחתור בית האסורין אתה צריך שפך חציין ונתן לו חציין,כשבא אצל ר"ע אמר לו יהושע אין אתה יודע שזקן אני וחיי תלויין בחייך,סח לו כל אותו המאורע אמר לו תן לי מים שאטול ידי אמר לו לשתות אין מגיעין ליטול ידיך מגיעין אמר לו מה אעשה שחייבים עליהן מיתה מוטב אמות מיתת עצמי ולא אעבור על דעת חבירי,אמרו לא טעם כלום עד שהביא לו מים ונטל ידיו כששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו מה בזקנותו כך בילדותו על אחת כמה וכמה ומה בבית האסורין כך שלא בבית האסורין על אחת כמה וכמה,אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל בשעה שתיקן שלמה עירובין ונטילת ידים יצתה בת קול ואמרה (משלי כג, טו) בני אם חכם לבך ישמח לבי גם אני ואומר (משלי כז, יא) חכם בני ושמח לבי ואשיבה חרפי דבר,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (שיר השירים ז, יב) לכה דודי נצא השדה נלינה בכפרים נשכימה לכרמים נראה אם פרחה הגפן פתח הסמדר הנצו הרמונים שם אתן את דודי לך,לכה דודי נצא השדה אמרה כנסת ישראל לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע אל תדינני כיושבי כרכים שיש בהן גזל ועריות ושבועת שוא ושבועת שקר נצא השדה בא ואראך תלמידי חכמים שעוסקין בתורה מתוך הדחק,נלינה בכפרים אל תקרי בכפרים אלא בכופרים בא ואראך אותם שהשפעת להן טובה והן כפרו בך,נשכימה לכרמים אלו בתי כנסיות ובתי מדרשות נראה אם פרחה הגפן אלו בעלי מקרא פתח הסמדר אלו בעלי משנה הנצו הרמונים אלו בעלי גמרא שם אתן את דודי לך אראך כבודי וגודלי שבח בני ובנותי,אמר רב המנונא מאי דכתיב (מלכים א ה, יב) וידבר שלשת אלפים משל ויהי שירו חמשה ואלף מלמד שאמר שלמה על כל דבר ודבר של תורה שלשת אלפים משל על כל דבר ודבר של סופרים חמשה ואלף טעמים,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (קהלת יב, ט) ויותר שהיה קהלת חכם עוד לימד דעת את העם [ו] איזן וחקר תיקן משלים הרבה לימד דעת את העם דאגמריה בסימני טעמים ואסברה במאי דדמי ליה,[ו] איזן וחקר תיקן משלים הרבה אמר עולא אמר רבי אליעזר בתחילה היתה תורה דומה לכפיפה שאין לה אזנים עד שבא שלמה ועשה לה אזנים,קווצותיו תלתלים אמר רב חסדא אמר מר עוקבא מלמד שיש לדרוש על כל קוץ וקוץ תילי תילים של הלכות,שחורות כעורב במי אתה מוצאן במי | 21b. b that are first ripe, and the other basket [ i dud /i ] had very bad figs, so bad they could not be eaten” /b (Jeremiah 24:1–2)., b Good figs, these are /b the b full-fledged righteous /b people; b bad figs, these are /b the b full-fledged wicked /b people. b And lest you say that the hope /b of the wicked b is lost and their prospect is void, the verse states, /b interpreting the word i duda’im /i homiletically: b “The baskets [ i duda’im /i ] yield a fragrance” /b (Song of Songs 7:14), meaning that b both of them, /b the righteous and the wicked, b will eventually yield a fragrance. /b , b Rava interpreted /b the verse cited above b homiletically /b as follows: b What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: /b “The mandrakes [ i duda’im /i ] yield a fragrance, and at our doors are all manner of choice fruits, new and old, which I have laid up for you, O my beloved” (Song of Songs 7:14)? b “The mandrakes [ i duda’im /i ] yield a fragrance,” these are the young men of Israel who have never tasted the taste of sin. /b , b “And at our doors [ i petaḥeinu /i ] are all manner of choice fruits [ i megadim /i ],” these are the daughters of Israel who inform [ i maggidot /i ] their husbands about their passageway [ i pit’ḥeihen /i ], /b i.e., they tell them when they are menstruating. b Another version /b of this interpretation is: b They bind [ i ogedot /i ] their passageway /b and save it b for their husbands, /b and do not have relations with others., b “New and old, which I have laid up for you, O my beloved,” the Congregation of Israel said before the Holy One, Blessed be He, /b and continued: b Master of the Universe, I have decreed many decrees upon myself /b through the enactments and ordices of the Sages, b more than what You decreed upon me /b in the Torah, b and I have fulfilled them. /b These are the new laws which were added to the old ones stated in the Torah.,It was related that b Rav Ḥisda said to one of the Sages who would arrange the /b traditions of the b i aggada /i before him: Did you hear what /b the meaning of: b New and old /b is? b He said to him: These, /b the new, b are the /b more b lenient mitzvot, and these, /b the old, b are the /b more b stringent mitzvot. /b ,Rav Ḥisda b said to him: /b This cannot be so, b for was the Torah given on two /b separate b occasions, /b i.e., were the more lenient and more stringent mitzvot given separately? b Rather, these, /b the old, b are /b mitzvot b from the Torah, and these, /b the new, b are from the Sages. /b , b Rava expounded /b another verse in similar fashion: b What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “And more than these, my son, be careful: of making many books [ i sefarim /i ] /b there is no end; and much study is a weariness of the flesh” (Ecclesiastes 12:12)? b My son, be careful /b to fulfill b the words of the Sages [ i soferim /i ] /b even b more than the words of the Torah. For the words of the Torah include positive and negative /b commandments, and even with regard to the negative commandments, the violation of many of them is punishable only by lashes. b Whereas /b with respect to b the words of the Sages, anyone who transgresses the words of the Sages is liable to /b receive the b death /b penalty, as it is stated: “And whoever breaches through a hedge, a snake shall bite him” (Ecclesiastes 10:8), taking hedges to refer metaphorically to decrees., b Lest you say: If /b the words of the Sages b are of substance /b and have such great importance, b why were they not written /b in the Torah, therefore, b the verse states: “of making many books there is no end,” /b meaning that it is impossible to fully commit the Oral Torah to writing, as it is boundless.,What is the meaning of the words: b “And much study [ i lahag /i ] is a weariness of the flesh”? Rav Pappa, son of Rav Aḥa bar Adda, said in the name of Rav Aḥa bar Ulla: This teaches that whoever mocks [ i malig /i ] the words of the Sages will be sentenced to boiling excrement, /b which results from the weariness of the flesh of man., b Rava strongly objects to this /b explanation: b Is it written: Mock [ i la’ag /i ]? “ i Lahag /i ” is /b the word that is b written. Rather, /b the verse must be understood in the opposite manner: b Whoever meditates [ i hogeh /i ] upon them, /b the words of the Sages, b experiences /b enjoyment as if it had b the taste of meat. /b ,Concerning the significance of observing the words of the Sages, the Gemara relates: b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b It once happened that Rabbi Akiva was incarcerated in a prison, and Rabbi Yehoshua HaGarsi would /b come to the prison to b attend to his /b needs. b Every day /b his disciples b would bring him water in a measured /b quantity. b One day the prison guard met /b Rabbi Yehoshua HaGarsi and b said to him: /b The amount of b your water today is more /b than usual; b perhaps you need /b it b in order to /b soften the walls and thus b undermine the prison. He /b then b poured out half /b the water, b and gave him /b the other b half /b to take in to Rabbi Akiva., b When /b Rabbi Yehoshua b came to Rabbi Akiva, /b and the latter saw the small amount of water he had brought, b he said to him: Yehoshua, do you not know that I am old, and my life depends on your life? /b No one else brings me water, so if you bring me less than I need, my life is endangered.,After Rabbi Yehoshua b related to him the entire incident, /b Rabbi Akiva b said to him: Give me water so that I may wash my hands. /b Rabbi Yehoshua b said to him: /b The water that I brought b will not suffice for drinking; /b how b will it suffice for washing your hands? He said to him: What can I do; for /b transgressing the words of the Sages and eating without first washing hands b one is liable to /b receive the b death /b penalty. And if so, it is b better that I should die my own death /b by thirst, b rather than transgress the opinion of my colleagues /b who enacted that one must wash hands before eating., b They said /b that b he would not taste anything until /b Rabbi Yehoshua b brought him water and he washed his hands. When the Sages heard about this, they said: If in his old age /b and weakened state he is still b so /b meticulous in his observance of the mitzvot, b how much more so /b must he have been b in his youth. /b And b if in prison /b he is b so /b scrupulous in his behavior, b how much more so /b must he have been b when not in prison. /b , b Rav Yehuda said /b that b Shmuel said: At the time that /b King b Solomon instituted /b the ordices of b i eiruv /i /b of courtyards b and /b of b washing hands /b to purify them from their impurity, which are added safeguards to the words of the Torah, b a Divine Voice emerged and said /b in his praise: b “My son, if your heart is wise, My heart will be glad, even Mine” /b (Proverbs 23:15). b And it states /b with regard to him: b “My son, be wise and make My heart glad, that I may respond to he who taunts Me” /b (Proverbs 27:11).,The Gemara cites additional teachings that b Rava interpreted homiletically: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “Come, my beloved, let us go forth into the field; let us lodge in the villages. Let us get up early to the vineyards; let us see if the vine has flowered, if the grape blossoms have opened, if the pomegranates are in flower; there will I give you my loves” /b (Song of Songs 7:12–13)?,With regard to the words: b “Come, my beloved, let us go forth into the field,” the Congregation of Israel said before the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, do not judge me like those who reside in large cities where there is robbery and licentiousness, and vain oaths and false oaths, /b but rather: b “Let us go forth into the field,” come and I will show You Torah scholars who /b work the land but nonetheless b engage in Torah /b study, b in /b poverty and in b distress. /b ,With regard to the words, b “Let us lodge in the villages,” do not read /b the phrase as: b In the villages [ i bakefarim /i ], but rather /b as: b By the deniers [ i bakoferim /i ], /b meaning, b come and I will show You /b the nations of the world, b whom You showered with good, but /b yet b they have denied You. /b , b “Let us get up early to the vineyards,” these are the synagogues and houses of study. “Let us see if the vine has flowered,” these are the masters of Bible, /b who are proficient in the first stage of Torah study. b “If the grape blossoms have opened,” these are the masters of Mishna. “If the pomegranates are in flower,” these are the masters of Gemara. “There will I give you my loves,” /b means b I will show You my glory and my greatness, the praise of my sons and daughters, /b how they adhere to sanctity.,The Gemara expounds further concerning King Solomon. b Rav Hamnuna said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “And he spoke three thousand proverbs, and his poems were a thousand and five” /b (i Kings 5:12)? This b teaches that Solomon pronounced three thousand proverbs for each and every word of the Torah, /b and b one thousand and five reasons for each and every word of the Scribes. /b , b Rava /b also b taught: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “And besides being wise, Koheleth also taught the people knowledge; and he weighed, and sought out, and set in order many proverbs” /b (Ecclesiastes 12:9). Rava interpreted homiletically: b He taught the people knowledge, /b meaning b he taught it with the accentuation marks /b in the Torah, b and /b he b explained /b each matter b by means of /b something b similar to it. /b ,With regard to: b “And he weighed [ i izzen /i ], and sought out, and set in order many proverbs,” Ulla said /b that b Rabbi Eliezer said: At first the Torah was like a basket without handles [ i oznayim /i ], until Solomon came and made handles for it. /b By means of his explanations and proverbs he enabled each person to understand and take hold of the Torah, fulfill its mitzvot, and distance himself from transgressions.,With regard to the verse, “His head is as the most fine gold, b his locks [ i kevutzotav /i ] are wavy [ i taltalim /i ], /b and black as a raven” (Song of Songs 5:11), b Rav Ḥisda said /b that b Mar Ukva said: /b This b teaches that it is possible to expound from each and every stroke [ i kotz /i ] /b of the letters in the Torah b mounds upon mounds [ i tilei tilim /i ] of laws. /b , b Black [ i sheḥorot /i ] as a raven [ i orev /i ] /b means: b In whom do you find /b the words of Torah? b In him /b |
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| 50. Babylonian Talmud, Hulin, 2.26 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 139 |
| 51. Jerome, Commentaria In Danielem, 11.14 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 5 |
| 52. Jerome, Chronicon Eusebii (Interpretatio Chronicae Eusebii Pamphili), 127 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 5 |
53. Anon., Esther Rabbah, 3.13 Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 151| 3.13. לְהָבִיא אֶת וַשְׁתִּי הַמַּלְכָּה לִפְנֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ בְּכֶתֶר מַלְכוּת (אסתר א, יא), אָמַר רַבִּי אַיְּבוּ כַּפָּרָתָן שֶׁל יִשְׂרָאֵל, כְּשֶׁיִּשְׂרָאֵל אוֹכְלִין וְשׁוֹתִין וּשְׂמֵחִין, הֵן מְבָרְכִין וּמְשַׁבְּחִין וּמְקַלְּסִין לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, וּכְשֶׁאֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם אוֹכְלִין וְשׁוֹתִין, מִתְעַסְּקִין הֵן בְּדִבְרֵי תִּפְלוּת, זֶה אוֹמֵר מָדִיּוֹת נָאוֹת, וְזֶה אוֹמֵר פַּרְסִיּוֹת נָאוֹת. אָמַר לָהֶם אוֹתוֹ טִפֵּשׁ, כְּלִי שֶׁאוֹתוֹ הָאִישׁ מִשְׁתַּמֵּשׁ בּוֹ אֵינוֹ לֹא מָדִית וְלֹא פַּרְסִית אֶלָּא כַּשְׂדִּית, מְבַקְּשִׁים אַתֶּם לִרְאוֹתוֹ, אָמְרוּ לוֹ הֵן וּבִלְבָד שֶׁתְּהֵא עֲרֻמָּה, אָמַר לְהוֹן הֵן וַעֲרֻמָּה. רַבִּי פִּנְחָס וְרַבִּי חָמָא בַּר גּוּרְיָא בְּשֵׁם רַב אָמַר בִּקְּשָׁה לִכָּנֵס אֲפִלּוּ בְּצִלְצוּל כְּזוֹנָה וְלֹא הִנִּיחוּ אוֹתָהּ, אֲמַר לוֹן וַעֲרֻמָּה, אָמְרָה אֶכָּנֵס בְּלֹא כֶתֶר הֵן אוֹמְרִים שִׁפְחָה הִיא זוֹ, תִּלְבַּשׁ בִּגְדֵי מַלְכוּת וְתִכָּנֵס, אָמַר רַב הוּנָא אֵין הֶדְיוֹט מִשְׁתַּמֵּשׁ בְּבִגְדֵי מַלְכוּת. | |
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| 54. Eusebius of Caesarea, Chronicon, 2.216 Tagged with subjects: •rabbinic, literature and texts Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 5 |
| 55. Papyri, Cpj, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 56. Epigraphy, Jigre, 57, 84, 54 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 100 |
