1. Herodotus, Histories, 7.187.2, 8.27.2 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, titus quinctius •flamininus, quinctius Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 41; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 112 | 7.187.2. for calculation shows me, that if each man received one choenix of wheat a day and no more, eleven hundred thousand and three hundred and forty bushels would be required every day. In this calculation I take no account of the provisions for the women, eunuchs, beasts of burden and dogs. of all those tens of thousands of men, there was not one, as regards looks and grandeur, worthier than Xerxes himself to hold that command. 8.27.2. Now a few years before the king's expedition, the Thessalians and their allies had invaded Phocis with their whole army but had been worsted and roughly handled by the Phocians. |
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| 2. Euripides, Trojan Women, 764 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 121 |
3. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.101.2, 4.78.6, 8.3.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, quinctius Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 41| 2.101.2. καθημένου δ’ αὐτοῦ περὶ τοὺς χώρους τούτους οἱ πρὸς νότον οἰκοῦντες Θεσσαλοὶ καὶ Μάγνητες καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ὑπήκοοι Θεσσαλῶν καὶ οἱ μέχρι Θερμοπυλῶν Ἕλληνες ἐφοβήθησαν μὴ καὶ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ὁ στρατὸς χωρήσῃ, καὶ ἐν παρασκευῇ ἦσαν. 4.78.6. ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου ἤδη οἱ μὲν τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ἀγωγοὶ πάλιν ἀπῆλθον, οἱ δὲ Περραιβοὶ αὐτόν, ὑπήκοοι ὄντες Θεσσαλῶν, κατέστησαν ἐς Δῖον τῆς Περδίκκου ἀρχῆς, ὃ ὑπὸ τῷ Ὀλύμπῳ Μακεδονίας πρὸς Θεσσαλοὺς πόλισμα κεῖται. 8.3.1. εὐθὺς οὖν Ἆγις μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ ὁρμηθεὶς στρατῷ τινὶ ἐκ Δεκελείας τά τε τῶν ξυμμάχων ἠργυρολόγησεν ἐς τὸ ναυτικὸν καὶ τραπόμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ Μηλιῶς κόλπου Οἰταίων τε κατὰ τὴν παλαιὰν ἔχθραν τῆς λείας τὴν πολλὴν ἀπολαβὼν χρήματα ἐπράξατο, καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς τοὺς Φθιώτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ταύτῃ Θεσσαλῶν ὑπηκόους μεμφομένων καὶ ἀκόντων τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ὁμήρους τέ τινας ἠνάγκασε δοῦναι καὶ χρήματα, καὶ κατέθετο τοὺς ὁμήρους ἐς Κόρινθον, ἔς τε τὴν ξυμμαχίαν ἐπειρᾶτο προσάγειν. | 2.101.2. While he remained in these parts, the people farther south, such as the Thessalians, and the Hellenes as far as Thermopylae , all feared that the army might advance against them, and prepared accordingly. 4.78.6. Here his Thessalian escort went back, and the Perrhaebians, who are subjects of Thessaly , set him down at Dium in the dominions of Perdiccas, a Macedonian town under Mount Olympus , looking towards Thessaly . 8.3.1. Their king, Agis, accordingly set out at once during this winter with some troops from Decelea, and levied from the allies contributions for the fleet, and turning towards the Malian gulf exacted a sum of money from the Oetaeans by carrying off most of their cattle in reprisal for their old hostility, and, in spite of the protests and opposition of the Thessalians, forced the Achaeans of Phthiotis and the other subjects of the Thessalians in those parts to give him money and hostages, and deposited the hostages at Corinth , and tried to bring their countrymen into the confederacy. |
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| 4. Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.1.9, 6.1.19 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, quinctius Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 41 |
5. Lycophron, Alexandra, 1413, 1447, 258-297, 801-802, 737 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 112| 737. ὅρμων Μισηνοῦ στύφλα νάσσονται κλίτη. | |
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| 6. Cato, Marcus Porcius, Origines, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, titus quinctius Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 56 |
| 7. Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, 652 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
| 8. Ennius, Annales, 335, 337-339, 363, 336 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 30 |
9. Polybius, Histories, 1.37.7-1.37.10, 3.41.6, 3.41.8, 3.43.11, 3.45.4, 3.47, 3.49.1-3.49.2, 3.61.7-3.61.8, 5.13.2, 5.18.5-5.18.6, 5.43.2, 6.35-6.38, 6.37.1-6.37.6, 6.41.11-6.41.12, 6.42.2-6.42.5, 6.51, 6.56, 6.56.2-6.56.4, 6.56.7, 9.10, 9.30.8, 10.2.6-10.2.13, 10.3, 10.3.7, 10.6.10, 10.9.1, 10.40.5-10.40.6, 11.6.6, 18.12.2-18.12.5, 18.23.5, 18.34.7-18.34.8, 18.44, 18.46.12, 21.30.9, 35.4.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. •flamininus, titus quinctius, consul and general •quinctius flamininus, l. •flamininus, titus quinctius Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 54; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 223, 231; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 19, 20, 39, 100, 129; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40| 1.37.7. καθόλου δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς πάντα χρώμενοι τῇ βίᾳ καὶ τὸ προτεθὲν οἰόμενοι δεῖν κατʼ ἀνάγκην ἐπιτελεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ἀδύνατον εἶναι σφίσι τῶν ἅπαξ δοξάντων, ἐν πολλοῖς μὲν κατορθοῦσι διὰ τὴν τοιαύτην ὁρμήν, ἐν τισὶ δὲ προφανῶς σφάλλονται, καὶ μάλιστʼ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ θάλατταν. 1.37.8. ἐπὶ μὲν γὰρ τῆς γῆς πρὸς ἀνθρώπους καὶ τὰ τούτων ἔργα ποιούμενοι τὰς ἐπιβολὰς τὰ μὲν πολλὰ κατορθοῦσι διὰ τὸ πρὸς παραπλησίους δυνάμεις χρῆσθαι τῇ βίᾳ, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ σπανίως ἀποτυγχάνουσι· 1.37.9. πρὸς δὲ τὴν θάλατταν καὶ πρὸς τὸ περιέχον ὅταν παραβάλλωνται καὶ βιαιομαχῶσι, μεγάλοις ἐλαττώμασι περιπίπτουσιν. 1.37.10. ὃ καὶ τότε καὶ πλεονάκις αὐτοῖς ἤδη συνέβη καὶ συμβήσεται πάσχειν, ἕως ἄν ποτε διορθώσωνται τὴν τοιαύτην τόλμαν καὶ βίαν, καθʼ ἣν οἴονται δεῖν αὑτοῖς πάντα καιρὸν εἶναι πλωτὸν καὶ πορευτόν. 3.41.6. ἀπεβίβαζε τὰς δυνάμεις, ἀκούων μὲν ὑπερβάλλειν ἤδη τὰ Πυρηναῖα τὸν Ἀννίβαν ὄρη, πεπεισμένος δʼ ἔτι μακρὰν ἀπέχειν αὐτὸν διά τε τὰς δυσχωρίας τῶν τόπων καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν μεταξὺ κειμένων Κελτῶν. 3.41.8. ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος, διασαφηθέντος αὐτῷ παρεῖναι τοὺς ὑπεναντίους, τὰ μὲν ἀπιστῶν διὰ τὸ τάχος τῆς παρουσίας, τὰ δὲ βουλόμενος εἰδέναι τὴν ἀκρίβειαν, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀνελάμβανε τὰς δυνάμεις ἐκ τοῦ πλοῦ καὶ διενοεῖτο μετὰ τῶν χιλιάρχων ποίοις χρηστέον τῶν τόπων καὶ συμμικτέον τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις· 3.43.11. Ἀννίβας δέ, κατὰ τὴν πρόθεσιν αὐτῷ συντρεχόντων τῶν πραγμάτων, εὐθέως τοὺς πρώτους ἀποβαίνοντας συνίστα καὶ παρεκάλει καὶ συνεπλέκετο τοῖς βαρβάροις. 3.45.4. Πόπλιος δὲ παραυτίκα τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ἀναθέμενος ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ἀνέζευξε παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι καὶ προῆγε παρὰ τὸν ποταμόν, σπεύδων συμμῖξαι τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις. 3.49.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Πόπλιος μὲν ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς ἡμέραις ὕστερον τρισὶ τῆς ἀναζυγῆς τῆς τῶν Καρχηδονίων παραγενόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ ποταμοῦ διάβασιν καὶ καταλαβὼν ὡρμηκότας τοὺς ὑπεναντίους ἐξενίσθη μὲν ὡς ἐνδέχεται μάλιστα, 3.49.2. πεπεισμένος οὐδέποτʼ ἂν αὐτοὺς τολμῆσαι τῇδε ποιήσασθαι τὴν εἰς Ἰταλίαν πορείαν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν ἀθεσίαν τῶν κατοικούντων τοὺς τόπους βαρβάρων. 3.61.7. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ συνέβαινεν καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πεπονθέναι περὶ τῶν προσπιπτόντων. 3.61.8. ἄρτι γὰρ τῆς τελευταίας φήμης καταληγούσης ὑπὲρ τῶν Καρχηδονίων ὅτι Ζάκανθαν εἰλήφασιν, καὶ πρὸς ταύτην βεβουλευμένων τὴν ἔννοιαν, καὶ τὸν μὲν ἕνα τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐξαπεσταλκότων εἰς τὴν Λιβύην, ὡς αὐτὴν τὴν Καρχηδόνα πολιορκήσοντα, τὸν ἕτερον δʼ εἰς Ἰβηρίαν, ὡς πρὸς Ἀννίβαν ἐκεῖ διαπολεμήσοντα, παρῆν ἀγγελία διότι πάρεστιν Ἀννίβας μετὰ δυνάμεως καὶ πολιορκεῖ τινας ἤδη πόλεις ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ. 5.13.2. σπεύδων ὡς τάχιστα διανύσαι τὰς δυσχωρίας διὰ τὸ προσδοκᾶν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐξάψεσθαι τῆς οὐραγίας, πιστεύοντας ταῖς ὀχυρότησι τῶν τόπων. 5.18.5. ἀκμὴν γὰρ ἦσαν μετέωροι ταῖς διανοίαις ἐκ τῶν προσπιπτόντων ὑπὲρ τοῦ Φιλίππου περὶ τὴν καταφθορὰν τοῦ Θέρμου καὶ καθόλου ταῖς ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ πράξεσι, καί τις ἐνεπεπτώκει θροῦς παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὸν Λυκοῦργον ἐκπέμπειν βοηθήσοντα τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς. 5.18.6. ὑπὲρ δὲ τοῦ τὸ δεινὸν ἥξειν ἐπὶ σφᾶς οὕτως ὀξέως ἐκ τηλικούτου διαστήματος οὐδὲ διενοεῖτο παράπαν αὐτῶν οὐδείς, ἅτε καὶ τῆς ἡλικίας ἐχούσης ἀκμὴν εὐκαταφρόνητόν τι τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως. διὸ καὶ παρὰ δόξαν αὐτοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων συγκυρούντων εἰκότως ἦσαν ἐκπλαγεῖς. 5.43.2. ὁ δὲ Μιθριδάτης εὔχετο μὲν ἀπόγονος εἶναι τῶν ἑπτὰ Περσῶν ἑνὸς τῶν ἐπανελομένων τὸν μάγον, διατετηρήκει δὲ τὴν δυναστείαν ἀπὸ προγόνων τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς αὐτοῖς διαδοθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Δαρείου παρὰ τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον. 6.37.1. τοὔγκλημα. καθίσαντος δὲ παραχρῆμα συνεδρίου τῶν χιλιάρχων κρίνεται, κἂν καταδικασθῇ, ξυλοκοπεῖται. 6.37.2. τὸ δὲ τῆς ξυλοκοπίας ἐστὶ τοιοῦτον. λαβὼν ξύλον ὁ χιλίαρχος τούτῳ τοῦ κατακριθέντος οἷον ἥψατο μόνον, 6.37.3. οὗ γενομένου πάντες οἱ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τύπτοντες τοῖς ξύλοις καὶ τοῖς λίθοις τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ στρατοπεδείᾳ καταβάλλουσι, 6.37.4. τοῖς δʼ ἐκπεσεῖν δυναμένοις οὐδʼ ὣς ὑπάρχει σωτηρία· πῶς γάρ; οἷς οὔτʼ εἰς τὴν πατρίδα τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἐπανελθεῖν ἔξεστιν οὔτε τῶν ἀναγκαίων οὐδεὶς ἂν οἰκίᾳ τολμήσειε δέξασθαι τὸν τοιοῦτον. διὸ τελείως οἱ περιπεσόντες ἅπαξ τοιαύτῃ συμφορᾷ καταφθείρονται. 6.37.5. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ πάσχειν ὀφείλει τοῖς προειρημένοις ὅ τʼ οὐραγὸς καὶ [ὁ] τῆς ἴλης ἡγεμών, ἐὰν μὴ παραγγείλωσιν, ὁ μὲν τοῖς ἐφόδοις, ὁ δὲ τῷ τῆς ἐχομένης ἴλης ἡγεμόνι, τὸ δέον ἐν τῷ καθήκοντι καιρῷ. 6.37.6. διόπερ οὕτως ἰσχυρᾶς οὔσης καὶ ἀπαραιτήτου τῆς τιμωρίας ἀδιάπτωτα γίνεται παρʼ αὐτοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὰς νυκτερινὰς φυλακάς. 6.41.11. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖ διακλίναντες ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν εὐθέως ἕκαστοι προάγουσι καὶ παραγίνονται πρὸς τὰς ἰδίας οἰκήσεις ἀδιαπτώτως, διὰ τὸ καθόλου καὶ κατὰ μέρος γινώσκειν ποῦ τῆς πόλεώς ἐστιν αὐτοῖς ἡ κατάλυσις. 6.41.12. τὸ δὲ παραπλήσιον τούτοις καὶ περὶ τὰς Ῥωμαϊκὰς συμβαίνει στρατοπεδείας. 6.42.2. οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἕλληνες ἐν τῷ στρατοπεδεύειν ἡγοῦνται κυριώτατον τὸ κατακολουθεῖν ταῖς ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν τόπων ὀχυρότησιν, ἅμα μὲν ἐκκλίνοντες τὴν περὶ τὰς ταφρείας ταλαιπωρίαν, ἅμα δὲ νομίζοντες οὐχ ὁμοίας εἶναι τὰς χειροποιήτους ἀσφαλείας ταῖς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς φύσεως ἐπὶ τῶν τόπων ὑπαρχούσαις ὀχυρότησι. 6.42.3. διὸ καὶ κατά τε τὴν τῆς ὅλης παρεμβολῆς θέσιν πᾶν ἀναγκάζονται σχῆμα μεταλαμβάνειν, ἑπόμενοι τοῖς τόποις, τά τε μέρη μεταλλάττειν ἄλλοτε πρὸς ἄλλους καὶ ἀκαταλλήλους τόπους· 6.42.4. ἐξ ὧν ἄστατον ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνει καὶ τὸν κατʼ ἰδίαν καὶ τὸν κατὰ μέρος ἑκάστῳ τόπον τῆς στρατοπεδείας. 6.42.5. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τὴν περὶ τὰς τάφρους ταλαιπωρίαν καὶ τἄλλα τὰ παρεπόμενα τούτοις ὑπομένειν αἱροῦνται χάριν τῆς εὐχερείας καὶ τοῦ γνώριμον καὶ μίαν ἔχειν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰεὶ παρεμβολήν. 6.56.2. χηδονίοις παρʼ οἷς μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδος, παρʼ οἷς δʼ οὐδὲν αἴσχιον τοῦ δωροδοκεῖσθαι καὶ τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν μὴ 6.56.3. καθηκόντων καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ἐν καλῷ τίθενται τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου χρηματισμόν, κατὰ τοσοῦτο πάλιν ἐν ὀνείδει ποιοῦνται τὴν ἐκ τῶν ἀπειρημένων πλεονεξίαν. 6.56.4. σημεῖον δὲ τοῦτο· παρὰ μὲν Καρχηδονίοις δῶρα φανερῶς διδόντες λαμβάνουσι τὰς ἀρχάς, παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις θάνατός ἐστι περὶ τοῦτο πρόστιμον. 6.56.7. καί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον, τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν· 9.30.8. λίαν δʼ εὐμαρῶς ἔστι συλλογίσασθαι τὸ μέλλον ἐκ τῶν ἤδη γεγονότων. 10.2.6. νομίζοντες ὡς ἂν εἰ θειοτέρους εἶναι καὶ θαυμαστοτέρους τοὺς τοιούτους ἄνδρας τῶν κατὰ λόγον ἐν ἑκάστοις πραττόντων, ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι τὸ μὲν ἐπαινετόν, τὸ δὲ μακαριστὸν εἶναι συμβαίνει τῶν προειρημένων, καὶ τὸ μὲν κοινόν ἐστι καὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσι, 10.2.7. τὸ δʼ ἐπαινετὸν μόνον ἴδιον ὑπάρχει τῶν εὐλογίστων καὶ φρένας ἐχόντων ἀνδρῶν, οὓς καὶ θειοτάτους εἶναι καὶ προσφιλεστάτους τοῖς θεοῖς νομιστέον. 10.2.8. ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ Πόπλιος Λυκούργῳ τῷ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων νομοθέτῃ παραπλησίαν ἐσχηκέναι φύσιν καὶ προαίρεσιν. 10.2.9. οὔτε γὰρ Λυκοῦργον ἡγητέον δεισιδαιμονοῦντα καὶ πάντα προσέχοντα τῇ Πυθίᾳ συστήσασθαι τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα, οὔτε Πόπλιον ἐξ ἐνυπνίων ὁρμώμενον καὶ κληδόνων τηλικαύτην περιποιῆσαι τῇ πατρίδι δυναστείαν· 10.2.10. ἀλλʼ ὁρῶντες ἑκάτεροι τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε τὰ παράδοξα προσδεχομένους ῥᾳδίως οὔτε τοῖς δεινοῖς τολμῶντας παραβάλλεσθαι χωρὶς τῆς ἐκ τῶν θεῶν ἐλπίδος, 10.2.11. Λυκοῦργος μὲν αἰεὶ προσλαμβανόμενος ταῖς ἰδίαις ἐπιβολαῖς τὴν ἐκ τῆς Πυθίας φήμην εὐπαραδεκτοτέρας καὶ πιστοτέρας ἐποίει τὰς ἰδίας ἐπινοίας, 10.2.12. Πόπλιος δὲ παραπλησίως ἐνεργαζόμενος αἰεὶ δόξαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ὡς μετά τινος θείας ἐπιπνοίας ποιούμενος τὰς ἐπιβολάς, εὐθαρσεστέρους καὶ προθυμοτέρους κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς ὑποταττομένους πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων. 10.2.13. ὅτι δʼ ἕκαστα μετὰ λογισμοῦ καὶ προνοίας ἔπραττε, καὶ διότι πάντα κατὰ λόγον ἐξέβαινε τὰ τέλη τῶν πράξεων αὐτῷ, δῆλον ἔσται διὰ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων. 10.3.7. περιγενομένης δʼ αὐτῷ τῆς ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ φήμης ὁμολογουμένης διὰ τὴν προειρημένην χρείαν, λοιπὸν ἤδη πάντως αὑτὸν ἐδίδου κατὰ τοὺς ὕστερον καιροὺς εἰς τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν κινδύνους, ὅτʼ εἰς αὐτὸν ἀναρτηθεῖεν ὑπὸ τῆς πατρίδος αἱ τῶν ὅλων ἐλπίδες· ὅπερ ἴδιόν ἐστιν οὐ τῇ τύχῃ πιστεύοντος, ἀλλὰ νοῦν ἔχοντος ἡγεμόνος. 10.6.10. ἔτος γὰρ ἕβδομον ἔχων πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ πράξεις αὑτὸν ἔδωκε τελέως παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀπηλπισμένας διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν προγεγονότων ἐλαττωμάτων, 10.9.1. ἐγίνετο τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐν τῇ παραχειμασίᾳ. καὶ ταύτην ἔχων τὴν ἐπιβολὴν καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἣν ἀρτίως εἶπα, πάντας ἀπεκρύψατο χωρὶς Γαΐου Λαιλίου, μέχρι πάλιν αὐτὸς ἔκρινε φανερὸν ποιεῖν. 10.40.5. διὸ καὶ συναθροίσας τοὺς Ἴβηρας βασιλικὸς μὲν ἔφη βούλεσθαι καὶ λέγεσθαι παρὰ πᾶσι καὶ ταῖς ἀληθείαις ὑπάρχειν, βασιλεύς γε μὴν οὔτʼ εἶναι θέλειν οὔτε λέγεσθαι παρʼ οὐδενί. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν παρήγγειλε στρατηγὸν αὑτὸν προσφωνεῖν. 10.40.6. ἴσως μὲν οὖν καὶ τότε δικαίως ἄν τις ἐπεσημήνατο τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν τἀνδρός, ᾗ κομιδῇ νέος ὢν καὶ τῆς τύχης αὐτῷ συνεκδραμούσης ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε πάντας τοὺς ὑποταττομένους ἐξ αὑτῶν ἐπί τε ταύτην κατενεχθῆναι τὴν διάληψιν καὶ τὴν ὀνομασίαν, ὅμως ἐν ἑαυτῷ διέμεινε καὶ παρῃτεῖτο τὴν τοιαύτην ὁρμὴν καὶ φαντασίαν. 11.6.6. ἐπειδὴ δὲ πολλὰ διαφεύγει τῶν μελλόντων τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην πρόνοιαν, νῦν γε δέον ἂν εἴη, διὰ τούτων τῶν πραγμάτων συνεωρακότας τὸ συμβαῖνον, βέλτιον βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος. 18.12.2. ταχὺ δὲ τούτων εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διασαφηθέντων ἐγεγόνει τῷ Τίτῳ πάντα κατὰ νοῦν, ἐπὶ βραχὺ μὲν καὶ ταὐτομάτου συνεργήσαντος, τὸ δὲ πολὺ διὰ τῆς αὐτοῦ προνοίας ἁπάντων κεχειρισμένων. 18.12.3. πάνυ γὰρ ἀγχίνους, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος Ῥωμαίων, [καὶ] ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ γέγονεν· 18.12.4. οὕτως γὰρ εὐστόχως ἐχείριζε καὶ νουνεχῶς οὐ μόνον τὰς κοινὰς ἐπιβολάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντεύξεις, ὥσθʼ ὑπερβολὴν μὴ καταλιπεῖν. 18.12.5. καίτοι γε [καὶ] νέος ἦν κομιδῇ· πλείω γὰρ τῶν τριάκοντʼ ἐτῶν οὐκ εἶχε· καὶ πρῶτος εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διαβεβήκει μετὰ στρατοπέδων. — 18.23.5. πῶς οὖν ὑμᾶς εὐλαβεῖσθαι καθήκει, μέλλοντας ἐξ ἴσου ποιεῖσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον πρὸς τοὺς αὐτούς; τί δὲ προορᾶσθαι τῶν προγεγονότων, ἀλλʼ οὐ τἀναντία διʼ ἐκεῖνα καὶ νῦν θαρρεῖν; 18.34.7. ἤδη γὰρ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τῆς δωροδοκίας ἐπιπολαζούσης καὶ τοῦ μηδένα μηδὲν δωρεὰν πράττειν, καὶ τοῦ χαρακτῆρος τούτου νομιστευομένου παρὰ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, οὐκ ἐδύναντο πιστεύειν διότι χωρὶς δώρων ἡ τηλικαύτη μεταβολὴ γέγονε τοῦ Τίτου πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον, 18.34.8. οὐκ εἰδότες τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ἀλλʼ ἐξ αὑτῶν τεκμαιρόμενοι καὶ συλλογιζόμενοι διότι τὸν μὲν Φίλιππον εἰκὸς ἦν προτείνειν πλῆθος χρημάτων διὰ τὸν καιρόν, τὸν δὲ Τίτον μὴ δύνασθαι τούτοις ἀντοφθαλμεῖν. 18.46.12. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀντοφθαλμῆσαι κατὰ πρόσωπον καὶ σωτῆρα προσφωνῆσαι βουλόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ τῆς δεξιᾶς ἅψασθαι σπουδάζοντες, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ στεφάνους ἐπιρριπτοῦντες καὶ λημνίσκους, παρʼ ὀλίγον διέλυσαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον. 21.30.9. ὁ δὲ Μάρκος παραλαβὼν τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν τοὺς μὲν Αἰτωλοὺς ἀφῆκεν ὑποσπόνδους, τὰ δʼ ἀγάλματα καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὰς γραφὰς ἀπήγαγεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ὄντα καὶ πλείω διὰ τὸ γεγονέναι βασίλειον Πύρρου τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν. 35.4.13. πᾶσιν δὲ παραδόξου φανείσης τῆς ἐπαγγελίας καὶ διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ διὰ τὴν ἄλλην εὐλάβειαν, παραυτίκα μὲν εὐθέως συνέβη μεγάλην ἀποδοχὴν γενέσθαι τοῦ Σκιπίωνος, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ταῖς ἑξῆς ἡμέραις· | 3.41.6. disembarked his forces there, having heard that Hannibal was already crossing the Pyrenees, but convinced that he was still at a distance of many days' march owing to the difficulty of the country and the numbers of Celtic tribes between them. 3.41.8. Publius, when the arrival of the enemy was reported to him, being partly incredulous owing to the cupidity of their advance and partly desirous of ascertaining the exact truth â while he himself was refreshing his troops after their voyage and consulting with his Tribunes in what place it would be wisest to offer battle to the enemy â 3.43.11. Hannibal, all falling out favourably as he had purposed, at once marshalled those of his men who were the first to land, and after addressing some words of exhortation to them, led them to meet the barbarians, 3.45.4. Publius at once put his baggage on board the ships and started with his whole army marching up the river bank with the view of encountering the Carthaginians. 3.47. 1. After the elephants had been put across, Hannibal, taking them and his cavalry and forming these into a rear-guard, advanced up the river bank away from the sea in an easterly direction as though making for the centre of Europe.,2. The Rhone rises north-west of the head of the Adriatic on the northern slope of the Alps, and running in a south-westerly direction, falls into the Sardinian Sea.,3. A great part of its course is through a deep valley, to the north of which lives the Celtic tribe of the Ardyes, while on the south it is bounded for its whole extent by the northern spurs of the Alps.,4. The plain of the Po which I described above at length is separated from the Rhone valley by the lofty main chain of these mountains, which starting from Marseilles extends to the head of the Adriatic.,5. It is this chain which Hannibal now crossed to enter Italy from the Rhone valley.,6. Some of the writers who have described this passage of the Alps, from the wish to impress their readers by the marvels they recount of these mountains, are betrayed into two vices ever most alien to true history; for they are compelled to make both false statements and statements which contradict each other.,7. While on the one hand introducing Hannibal as a commander of unequalled courage and foresight, they incontestably represent him to us as entirely wanting in prudence,,8. and again, being unable to bring their series of falsehoods to any close or issue they introduce gods and the sons of gods into the sober history of the facts.,9. By representing the Alps as being so steep and rugged that not only horses and troops accompanied by elephants, but even active men on foot would have difficult in passing, and at the same time picturing to us the desolation of the country as being such, that unless some god or hero had met Hannibal and showed him the way, his whole army would have gone astray and perished utterly, they unquestionably fall into both the above vices. 3.49.1. Now the Roman Consul Publius arrived at the crossing of the river three days after the departure of the Carthaginians, and finding the enemy gone was in the highest degree astonished, 3.49.2. as he had been convinced that they would never venture to march on Italy by this route owing to the number and unruly character of the native inhabitants. 3.61.7. In Rome itself the intelligence had much the same effect. The stir created by the last news of the Carthaginians â that they had captured Saguntum â 3.61.8. had only just subsided, measures had been taken to meet this situation by sending one Consul to Libya who was to besiege Carthage itself, and the other to Spain to fight, as they thought, with Hannibal there; and now news came that Hannibal was in Italy with his army and already laying siege to some cities. 5.13.2. He was in great haste to get through the difficult pass, as he expected that the Aetolians, relying on the strength of the positions near it, would fall on his rear, as they actually did at once. 5.18.5. For they were still in a state of excitement over the news that had arrived about the doings of Philip in Aetolia and his destruction of Thermus, and there was some talk among them of sending Lycurgus to help the Aetolians, 5.18.6. but no one ever imagined that the danger would descend on their heads so swiftly from such a long distance, the king's extreme youth still tending to inspire contempt for him. Consequently, as things fell out quite contrary to their expectations, they were naturally much dismayed; 5.43.2. Mithridates claimed to be a descendant of one of those seven Persians who had killed the Magus, and he had preserved in his family the kingdom on the Pontus originally granted to them by Darius. 6.35. 1. They manage the night guards thus:,2. The maniple on duty there guards the consul and his tent, while the tents of the tribunes and the troops of horse are guarded by the men appointed from each maniple in the manner I explained above.,3. Each separate body likewise appoints a guard of its own men for itself.,4. The remaining guards are appointed by the Consul; and there are generally three pickets at the quaestorium and two at the tents of each of the legates and members of the council.,5. The whole outer face of the camp is guard by the velites, who are posted every day along the vallum â this being the special duty assigned to them â and ten of them are on guard at each entrance.,6. of those appointed to picket duty, the man in each maniple who is to take the first watch is brought to the tribune in the evening by one of the optiones of his company.,7. The tribune gives them all little tablets, one for each station, quite small, with a sign written on them and on receiving this they leave for the posts assigned to them.,8. The duty of going the rounds is entrusted to the cavalry. The first praefect of cavalry in each legion must give orders early in the morning to one of his optiones to send notice before breakfast to four lads of his own squadron who will be required to go the rounds.,9. The same man must also give notice in the evening to the praefect of the next squadron that he must make arrangements for going the rounds on the following day.,10. This praefect, on receiving the notice, must take precisely the same steps on the next day; and so on through all the squadrons.,11. The four men chosen by the optiones from the first squadron, after drawing lots for their respective watches, go to the tribune and get written orders from him stating what stations they are to visit and at what time.,12. After that all four of them go and station themselves next the first maniple of the triarii, for it is the duty of the centurion of this maniple to have a bugle sounded at the beginning of each watch. 6.36. 1. When this time comes, the man to whom the first watch fell by lot makes his rounds accompanied by some friends as witnesses.,2. He visits the posts mentioned in his orders, not only those near the vallum and the gates, but the pickets also of the infantry maniples and cavalry squadrons.,3. If he finds the guards of the first watch awake he receives their tessera, but if he finds that anyone is asleep or has left his post, he calls those with him to witness the fact, and proceeds on his rounds.,4. Those who go the rounds in the succeeding watches act in a similar manner.,5. As I said, the charge of sounding a bugle at the beginning of each watch, so that those going the rounds may visit the different stations at the right time, falls on the centurions of the first maniple of the triarii in each legion, who take it by turns for a day.,6. Each of the men who have gone the rounds brings back the tesserae at daybreak to the tribune. If they deliver them all they are suffered to depart without question;,7. but if one of them delivers fewer than the number of stations visited, they find out from examining the signs on the tesserae which station is missing,,8. and on ascertaining this the tribune calls the centurion of the maniple and he brings before him the men who were on picket duty, and they are confronted with the patrol.,9. If the fault is that of the picket, the patrol makes matters clear at once by calling the men who had accompanied him, for he is bound to do this; but if nothing of the kind has happened, the fault rests on him. 6.37. 1. A court-martial composed of all the tribunes at once meets to try him, and if he is found guilty he is punished by the bastinado ( fustuarium).,2. This is inflicted as follows: The tribune takes a cudgel and just touches the condemned man with it,,3. after which all in the camp beat or stone him, in most cases dispatching him in the camp itself.,4. But even those who manage to escape are not saved thereby: impossible! for they are not allowed to return to their homes, and none of the family would dare to receive such a man in his house. So that those who have of course fallen into this misfortune are utterly ruined.,5. The same punishment is inflicted on the optio and on the praefect of the squadron, if they do not give the proper orders at the right time to the patrols and the praefect of the next squadron.,6. Thus, owing to the extreme severity and inevitableness of the penalty, the night watches of the Roman army are most scrupulously kept.,7. While the soldiers are subject to the tribune, the latter are subject to the consuls.,8. A tribune, and in the case of the allies a praefect, has the right of inflicting fines, of demanding sureties, and of punishing by flogging.,9. The bastinado is also inflicted on those who steal anything from the camp; on those who give false evidence; on young men who have abused their persons; and finally on anyone who has been punished thrice for the same fault.,10. Those are the offences which are punished as crimes, the following being treated as unmanly acts and disgraceful in a soldier â when a man boasts falsely to the tribune of his valour in the field in order to gain distinction;,11. when any men who have been placed in a covering force leave the station assigned to them from fear; likewise when anyone throws away from fear any of his arms in the actual battle.,12. Therefore the men in covering forces often face certain death, refusing to leave their ranks even when vastly outnumbered, owing to dread of the punishment they would meet with;,13. and again in the battle men who have lost a shield or sword or any other arm often throw themselves into the midst of the enemy, hoping either to recover the lost object or to escape by death from inevitable disgrace and the taunts of their relations. 6.37.1. A court-martial composed of all the tribunes at once meets to try him, and if he is found guilty he is punished by the bastinado ( fustuarium). 6.37.2. This is inflicted as follows: The tribune takes a cudgel and just touches the condemned man with it, 6.37.3. after which all in the camp beat or stone him, in most cases dispatching him in the camp itself. 6.37.4. But even those who manage to escape are not saved thereby: impossible! for they are not allowed to return to their homes, and none of the family would dare to receive such a man in his house. So that those who have of course fallen into this misfortune are utterly ruined. 6.37.5. The same punishment is inflicted on the optio and on the praefect of the squadron, if they do not give the proper orders at the right time to the patrols and the praefect of the next squadron. 6.37.6. Thus, owing to the extreme severity and inevitableness of the penalty, the night watches of the Roman army are most scrupulously kept. 6.38. 1. If the same thing ever happens to large bodies, and if entire maniples desert their posts when exceedingly hard pressed, the officers refrain from inflicting the bastinado or the death penalty on all, but find a solution of the difficulty which is both salutary and terror-striking.,2. The tribune assembles the legion, and brings up those guilty of leaving the ranks, reproaches them sharply, and finally chooses by lots sometimes five, sometimes eight, sometimes twenty of the offenders, so adjusting the number thus chosen that they form as near as possible the tenth part of those guilty of cowardice.,3. Those on whom the lot falls are bastinadoed mercilessly in the manner above described; the rest receive rations of barley instead of wheat and are ordered to encamp outside the camp on an unprotected spot.,4. As therefore the danger and dread of drawing the fatal lot affects all equally, as it is uncertain on whom it will fall; and as the public disgrace of receiving barley rations falls on all alike, this practice is that best calculated both to inspire fear and to correct the mischief. 6.41.11. For then they break up at the gate and everyone goes straight on from there and reaches his own house without fail, as he knows both the quarter and the exact spot where his residence is situated. 6.41.12. It is very much the same thing in a Roman camp. 6.42.2. The Greeks in encamping think it of primary importance to adapt the camp to the natural advantages of the ground, first because they shirk the labour of entrenching, and next because they think artificial defences are not equal in value to the fortifications which nature provides unaided on the spot. 6.42.3. So that as regards the plan of the camp as a whole they are obliged to adopt all kinds of shapes to suit the nature of the ground, and they often have to shift the parts of the army to unsuitable situations, the consequence being that everyone is quite uncertain whereabouts in the camp his own place or the place of his corps is. 6.42.5. The Romans on the contrary prefer to submit to the fatigue of entrenching and other defensive work for the sake of the convenience of having a single type of camp which never varies and is familiar to all. 6.51. 1. The constitution of Carthage seems to me to have been originally well contrived as regards its most distinctive points.,2. For there were kings, and the house of Elders was an aristocratical force, and the people were supreme in matters proper to them, the entire frame of the state much resembling that of Rome and Sparta.,3. But at the time when they entered on the Hannibalic War, the Carthaginian constitution had degenerated, and that of Rome was better.,4. For as every body or state or action has its natural periods first of growth, then of prime, and finally of decay, and as everything in them is at its best when they are in their prime, it was for this reason that the difference between the two states manifested itself at this time.,5. For by as much as the power and prosperity of Carthage had been earlier than that of Rome, by so much had Carthage already begun to decline; while Rome was exactly at her prime, as far as at least as her system of government was concerned.,6. Consequently the multitude at Carthage had already acquired the chief voice in deliberations; while at Rome the senate still retained this;,7. and hence, as in one case the masses deliberated and in the other the most eminent men, the Roman decisions on public affairs were superior,,8. so that although they met with complete disaster, they were finally by the wisdom of their counsels victorious over the Carthaginians in the war. 6.56. 1. Again, the laws and customs relating to the acquisition of wealth are better in Rome than at Carthage.,2. At Carthage nothing which results in profit is regarded as disgraceful; at Rome nothing is considered more so than to accept bribes and seek gain from improper channels.,3. For no less strong than their approval of money-making is their condemnation of unscrupulous gain from forbidden sources.,4. A proof of this is that at Carthage candidates for office practise open bribery, whereas at Rome death is the penalty for it.,5. Therefore as the rewards offered to merit are the opposite in the two cases, it is natural that the steps taken to gain them should also be dissimilar.,6. But the quality in which the Roman commonwealth is most distinctly superior is in my opinion the nature of their religious convictions.,7. I believe that it is the very thing which among other peoples is an object of reproach, I mean superstition, which maintains the cohesion of the Roman State.,8. These matters are clothed in such pomp and introduced to such an extent into their public and private life that nothing could exceed it, a fact which will surprise many.,9. My own opinion at least is that they have adopted this course for the sake of the common people.,10. It is a course which perhaps would not have been necessary had it been possible to form a state composed of wise men,,11. but as every multitude is fickle, full of lawless desires, unreasoned passion, and violent anger, the multitude must be held in by invisible terrors and suchlike pageantry.,12. For this reason I think, not that the ancients acted rashly and at haphazard in introducing among the people notions concerning the gods and beliefs in the terrors of hell, but that the moderns are most rash and foolish in banishing such beliefs.,13. The consequence is that among the Greeks, apart from other things, members of the government, if they are entrusted with no more than a talent, though they have ten copyists and as many seals and twice as many witnesses, cannot keep their faith;,14. whereas among the Romans those who as magistrates and legates are dealing with large sums of money maintain correct conduct just because they have pledged their faith by oath.,15. Whereas elsewhere it is a rare thing to find a man who keeps his hands off public money, and whose record is clean in this respect, among the Romans one rarely comes across a man who has been detected in such conduct. . . . VIII. Conclusion of the Treatise on the Roman Republic 6.56.2. At Carthage nothing which results in profit is regarded as disgraceful; at Rome nothing is considered more so than to accept bribes and seek gain from improper channels. 6.56.3. For no less strong than their approval of money-making is their condemnation of unscrupulous gain from forbidden sources. 6.56.4. A proof of this is that at Carthage candidates for office practise open bribery, whereas at Rome death is the penalty for it. 6.56.7. I believe that it is the very thing which among other peoples is an object of reproach, I mean superstition, which maintains the cohesion of the Roman State. 9.10. 1. A city is not adorned by external splendours, but by the virtue of its inhabitants. . . .,2. The Romans, then, decided for this reason to transfer all these objects to their own city and leave nothing behind.,3. As to whether in doing so they acted rightly and in their own interest or the reverse, there is much to be said on both sides, but the more weighty arguments are in favour of their conduct having been wrong then and still being wrong.,4. For if they had originally relied on such things for the advancement of their country, they would evidently have been right in bringing to their home the kind of things which had contributed to their aggrandizement.,5. But if, on the contrary, while leading the simplest of lives, very far removed from all such superfluous magnificence, they were constantly victorious over those who possessed the greatest number and finest examples of such works, must we not consider that they committed a mistake?,6. To abandon the habits of the victors and to imitate those of the conquered, not only appropriating the objects, but at the same time attracting that envy which is inseparable from their possession, which is the one thing most to be dreaded by superiors in power, is surely an incontestable error.,7. For in no case is one who contemplates such works of art moved so much by admiration of the good fortune of those who have possessed themselves of the property of others, as by pity as well as envy for the original owners.,8. And when opportunities become ever more frequent, and the victor collects around him all the treasures of other peoples, and these treasures may be almost said to invite those who were robbed of them to come and inspect them, things are twice as bad.,9. For now spectators no longer pity their neighbours, but themselves, as they recall to mind their own calamities.,10. And hence not only envy, but a sort of passionate hatred for the favourites of fortune flares up, for the memories awakened of their own disaster move them to abhor the authors of it.,11. There were indeed perhaps good reasons for appropriating all the gold and silver: for it was impossible for them to aim at a world empire without weakening the resources of other peoples and strengthening their own.,12. But it was possible for them to leave everything which did not contribute to such strength, together with the envy attached to its possession, in its original place, and to add to the glory of their native city by adorning it not with paintings and reliefs but with dignity and magimity.,13. At any rate these remarks will serve to teach all those who succeed to empire, that they should not strip cities under the idea that the misfortunes of others are an ornament to their own country. The Romans on the present occasion, after transferring all these objects to Rome, used such as came from private houses to embellish their own homes, and those that were state property for their public buildings. IV. Affairs of Spain 9.30.8. It is indeed very easy to conjecture what will happen from the past. 10.2.6. such men being, in their opinion, more divine and more worthy of admiration than those who always act by calculation. They are not aware that one of the two things deserves praise and the other only congratulation, the latter being common to ordinary men, 10.2.7. whereas what is praiseworthy belongs alone to men of sound judgement and mental ability, whom we should consider to be the most divine and most beloved by the gods. 10.2.8. To me it seems that the character and principles of Scipio much resembled those of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian legislator. 10.2.9. For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire ')" onMouseOut="nd();" for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens. 10.2.10. But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself, 10.2.12. while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired. 10.2.13. That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what I am about to say. 10.3. 1. It is generally agreed that Scipio was beneficent and magimous, but that he was also shrewd and discreet with a mind always concentrated on the object he had in view would be conceded by none except those who associated with him and to whom his character stood clearly revealed.,2. One of these was Gaius Laelius, who from his youth up to the end had participated in his every word and deed, and who has produced the above impression upon myself, as his account seems both probable on the face of it and in accordance with the actual performances of Scipio.,3. For he tells us that Scipio first distinguished himself on the occasion of the cavalry engagement between his father and Hannibal in the neighbourhood of the Po.,4. He was at the time seventeen years of age, this being his first campaign, and his father had placed him in command of a picked troop of horse in order to ensure his safety, but when he caught sight of his father in the battle, surrounded by the enemy and escorted only by two or three horsemen and dangerously wounded,,5. he at first endeavoured to urge those with him to go to the rescue, but when they hung back for a time owing to the large numbers of the enemy round them, he is said with reckless daring to have charged the encircling force alone.,6. Upon the rest being now forced to attack, the enemy were terror-struck and broke up, and Publius Scipio, thus unexpectedly delivered, was the first to salute his son in the hearing of all as his preserver.,7. Having by this service gained a universally acknowledged reputation for bravery, he in subsequent times refrained from exposing his person without sufficient reason, when his country reposed her hopes of success on him â conduct characteristic not of a commander who relies on luck, but on one gifted with intelligence. 10.3.7. Having by this service gained a universally acknowledged reputation for bravery, he in subsequent times refrained from exposing his person without sufficient reason, when his country reposed her hopes of success on him â conduct characteristic not of a commander who relies on luck, but on one gifted with intelligence. 10.6.10. He was now but twenty-seven years of age, and yet he in the first place took in hand a situation pronounced by most people as desperate owing to the serious nature of the recent reverses, 10.9.1. and though he had formed such a great project and was only of the age I just stated he concealed the plan from everyone except Gaius Laelius, until the time when he judged it proper to make it public. 10.40.5. He therefore assembled the Iberians and told them that he wished to be called kingly by them and actually to be kingly, but that he did not wish to be king or to be called so by any one. After saying this he ordered them to call him general. 10.40.6. Perhaps even on this occasion one would be justified in noting with admiration Scipio's greatness of mind, in view of the fact that though he was still quite young and fortune had favoured him so highly that all who were subject to him were prompted to form this estimate of him and bestow on him the name of king of their own accord, he still kept his head and declined to profit by their enthusiasm and accept this splendid title. 18.12.2. This information was rapidly conveyed to Greece, and now all had fallen out as Flamininus wished, chance having contributed little to help him, but nearly all being due to his own prudent management. 18.12.3. For this general had shown a sagacity equal to that of any Roman, having managed both public enterprises and his own private dealings with consummate skill and good sense, and this although he was yet quite young, not being over thirty. He was the first Roman who had crossed to Greece in command of an army. Definition of Treachery 18.23.5. What reason, then, have you to be timid now when you are about to do battle with the same men on equal terms? What need for you to dread a recurrence of former danger, when you should rather on the contrary derive confidence from memory of the past! 18.34.7. For since by this time bribery and the notion that no one should do anything gratis were very prevalent in Greece, and so to speak quite current coin among the Aetolians, they could not believe that Flamininus's complete change of attitude towards Philip could have been brought about without a bribe, since they were ignorant of the Roman principles and practice in this matter, but judged from their own, and calculated that it was probable that Philip would offer a very large sum owing to his actual situation and Flamininus would not be able to resist the temptation. 18.44. 1. At this time the ten commissioners who were to control the affairs of Greece arrived from Rome bringing the senatus-consultum about the peace with Philip.,2. Its principal contents were as follows: All the rest of the Greeks in Asia and Europe were to be free and subject to their own laws;,3. Philip was to surrender to the Romans before the Isthmian games those Greeks subject to his rule and the cities in which he had garrisons;,4. he was to leave free, withdrawing his garrisons from them, the towns of Euromus, Pedasa, Bargylia, and Iasus, as well as Abydus, Thasos, Myrina, and Perinthus; Flamininus was to write to Prusias in the terms of the senatus-consultum about restoring the freedom of Cius;,6. Philip was to restore to the Romans all prisoners of war and deserters before the same date, and to surrender to them all his warships with the exception of five light vessels and his great ship of sixteen banks of oars;,7. he was to pay them a thousand talents, half at once and the other half by instalments extending over ten years. 18.46.12. For some of them, longing to look him in the face and call him their saviour, others in their anxiety to grasp his hand, and the greater number throwing crowns and fillets on him, they all but tore the man in pieces. 21.30.9. Fulvius, having entered Ambracia, allowed the Aetolians to depart under flag of truce; but carried away all the decorative objects, statues, and pictures, of which there were a considerable number, as the town had once been the royal seat of Pyrrhus. 35.4.13. All were surprised at this offer owing to Scipio's youth and his cautiousness in general, and Scipio became very popular both at the moment and still more on the following days. |
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| 10. Cicero, On Old Age, 1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius (cos. 189 bce) Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 30 |
| 11. Cicero, Letters, 9.3.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 35 |
| 12. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius (cos. 189 bce) Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 39 |
13. Terence, The Eunuch, 422-425, 440-445 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 39| 445. Siquidem me amaret, tum istuc prodesset, Gnatho. Gn. | |
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| 14. Cicero, In Catilinam, 2.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
| 15. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.55, 2.1.58, 2.2.4, 2.4.120-2.4.121, 2.4.128-2.4.131 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 35, 40, 46 |
16. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 40, 66 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 46| 66. Q. Quinto Hortensio, summis et clarissimis viris, disputarem; norunt norunt H : noverunt cett. enim sociorum volnera, vident eorum calamitates, querimonias audiunt. pro sociis vos contra hostis exercitus exercitus H : exercitum cett. mittere putatis an hostium simulatione contra socios atque amicos? quae civitas est in Asia quae non modo imperatoris aut legati sed unius tribuni militum animos ac spiritus capere possit? qua re, etiam si quem habetis qui conlatis signis exercitus regios superare posse videatur, tamen, nisi erit idem qui a qui a H, Heumann : qui se a cett. pecuniis sociorum, qui ab eorum coniugibus ac liberis, qui ab ornamentis fanorum atque oppidorum qui ab... oppidorum H : om. cett., qui ab auro gazaque regia manus, oculos, animum cohibere possit, non erit idoneus qui ad bellum Asiaticum regiumque mittatur. | |
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17. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.40.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40 | 4.40.7. And it was made clear by another prodigy that this man was dear to the gods; in consequence of which that fabulous and incredible opinion I have already mentioned concerning his birth also came to be regarded by many as true. For in the temple of Fortune which he himself had built there stood a gilded wooden statue of Tullius, and when a conflagration occurred and everything else was destroyed, this statue alone remained uninjured by the flames. And even to this day, although the temple itself and all the objects in it, which were restored to their formed condition after the fire, are obviously the products of modern art, the statue, as aforetime, is of ancient workmanship; for it still remains an object of veneration by the Romans. Concerning Tullius these are all the facts that have been handed down to us. |
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18. Livy, History, 21.63.8-21.63.9, 22.1.6-22.1.7, 23.1.5, 24.37.9, 24.37.11, 24.38.9, 24.39.2, 24.47.15, 31.14.1, 32.16, 33.27.3-33.27.4, 33.43.5-33.43.6, 33.43.8, 34.50.9, 34.59.4, 35.23.10, 35.48.13, 37.28.4, 38.9, 38.43.2-38.43.5, 38.44.6, 38.48.16, 39.4, 39.6.8, 39.42-39.43, 41.10.7, 41.10.13, 41.15.4-41.15.7, 43.4.7, 45.18.1-45.18.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. •flamininus, titus quinctius •quinctius flamininus, l. •flamininus, titus quinctius, consul and general •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) •l. quinctius flamininus •flamininus, lucius quinctius •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 205; Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach (2021), Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond, 184; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 54; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 35, 36, 51, 208; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 112; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 223; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40, 46| 43.4.7. id opus centum triginta milibus aeris locasse dicitur; tabulis quoque pictis ex praeda fanum Aesculapi exornavit. 45.18.1. omnium primum liberos esse placebat Macedonas atque Illyrios, ut omnibus gentibus appareret arma populi Romani non liberis servitutem, sed contra servientibus libertatem adferre, 45.18.2. ut et, in libertate gentes quae essent, tutam eam sibi perpetuamque sub tutela populi Romani esse, et, quae sub regibus viverent, et in praesens tempus mitiores eos iustioresque respectu populi Romani habere se crederent et, si quando bellum cum populo Romano regibus fuisset suis, exitum eius victoriam Romanis adlaturum, sibi libertatem. 45.18.3. metalli quoque Macedonici, quod ingens vectigal erat, locationes praediorumque rusticorum tolli placebat; 45.18.4. nam neque sine publicano exerceri posse et, ubi publicanus esset, ibi aut ius publicum vanum aut libertatem sociis nullam esse. 45.18.5. ne ipsos quidem Macedonas id exercere posse; ubi in medio praeda administrantibus esset, ibi numquam causas seditionum et certaminis defore. | |
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| 19. Ovid, Remedia Amoris, 32, 31 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
20. Ovid, Fasti, 2.69, 6.569-6.572, 6.613-6.625 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40, 46| 2.69. ad penetrale Numae Capitoliumque Totem 6.569. Lux eadem, Fortuna, tua est auctorque locusque; 6.570. sed superiniectis quis latet iste togis? 6.571. Servius est, hoc constat enim, sed causa latendi 6.572. discrepat et dubium me quoque mentis habet, 6.613. signum erat in solio residens sub imagine Tulli; 6.614. dicitur hoc oculis opposuisse manum, 6.615. et vox audita est ‘voltus abscondite nostros, 6.616. ne natae videant ora nefanda meae.’ 6.617. veste data tegitur, vetat hanc Fortuna moveri 6.618. et sic e templo est ipsa locuta suo: 6.619. ‘ore revelato qua primum luce patebit 6.620. Servius, haec positi prima pudoris erit.’ 6.621. parcite, matronae, vetitas attingere vestes: 6.622. sollemni satis est voce movere preces, 6.623. sitque caput semper Romano tectus amictu, 6.624. qui rex in nostra septimus urbe fuit. 6.625. arserat hoc templum, signo tamen ille pepercit | 2.69. At Numa’s sanctuary, and the Thunderer’s on the Capitol, 6.569. Day, doubled the enemy’s strength. 6.570. Fortuna, the same day is yours, your temple 6.571. Founded by the same king, in the same place. 6.572. And whose is that statue hidden under draped robes? 6.613. Yet she still dared to visit her father’s temple, 6.614. His monument: what I tell is strange but true. 6.615. There was a statue enthroned, an image of Servius: 6.616. They say it put a hand to its eyes, 6.617. And a voice was heard: ‘Hide my face, 6.618. Lest it view my own wicked daughter.’ 6.619. It was veiled by cloth, Fortune refused to let the robe 6.620. Be removed, and she herself spoke from her temple: 6.621. ‘The day when Servius’ face is next revealed, 6.622. Will be a day when shame is cast aside.’ 6.623. Women, beware of touching the forbidden cloth, 6.624. (It’s sufficient to utter prayers in solemn tones) 6.625. And let him who was the City’s seventh king |
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21. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 4.1177-4.1184 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92| 4.1177. at lacrimans exclusus amator limina saepe 4.1178. floribus et sertis operit postisque superbos 4.1179. unguit amaracino et foribus miser oscula figit; 4.1180. quem si iam ammissum venientem offenderit aura 4.1181. una modo, causas abeundi quaerat honestas 4.1182. et meditata diu cadat alte sumpta querella 4.1183. stultitiaque ibi se damnet, tribuisse quod illi 4.1184. plus videat quam mortali concedere par est. | |
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| 22. Livy, Per., 57 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
23. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 19.40.2, 20.20, 20.28 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, titus quinctius, consul and general •flamininus, titus quinctius Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 112; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 231 | 19.40.2. When Eumenes learned that Antigonus had taken his place on the right with his best cavalry, he drew up his army against him, stationing his best troops on the left wing. In fact, he placed there most of the satraps with the selected bodies of cavalry that accompanied them in battle, and he himself intended to take part in the fight along with them. There was also present with them Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes and a descendant of one of the seven Persians who slew the Magian Smerdis, a man remarkable for courage and trained from childhood as a soldier. 20.20. 1. Meanwhile Polyperchon, who was biding his time in the Peloponnesus, and who was nursing grievances against Cassander and had long craved the leadership of the Macedonians, summoned from Pergamon Barsinê's son Heracles, who was the son of Alexander but was being reared in Pergamon, being about seventeen years of age.,2. Moreover, Polyperchon, sending to his own friends in many places and to those who were at odds with Cassander, kept urging them to restore the youth to his ancestral throne.,3. He also wrote to the Federal League of the Aetolians, begging them to grant a safe conduct and to join forces with him and promising to repay the favour many times over if they would aid in placing the youth on his ancestral throne. Since the affair proceeded as he wished, the Aetolians being in hearty agreement and many others hurrying to aid in the restoration of the king, in all there were assembled more than twenty thousand infantry and at least one thousand horsemen.,4. Meanwhile Polyperchon, intent on the preparations for the war, was gathering money; and sending to those to Macedonians who were friendly, he kept urging them to join in the undertaking. 20.28. 1. Meanwhile Polyperchon, who had collected a strong army, brought back to his father's kingdom Heracles, the son of Alexander and Barsinê; but when he was in camp at the place called Stymphaeum, Cassander arrived with his army. As the camps were not far distant from each other and the Macedonians regarded the restoration of the king without disfavour, Cassander, since he feared lest the Macedonians, being by nature prone to change sides easily, should sometime desert to Heracles, sent an embassy to Polyperchon.,2. As for the king, Cassander tried to show Polyperchon that if the restoration should take place he would do what was ordered by others; but, he said, if Polyperchon joined with him and slew the stripling, he would at once recover what had formerly been granted him throughout Macedonia, and then, after receiving an army, he would be appointed general in the Peloponnesus and would be partner in everything in Cassander's realm, being honoured above all. Finally he won Polyperchon over by many great promises, made a secret compact with him, and induced him to murder the king.,3. When Polyperchon had slain the youth and was openly co-operating with Cassander, he recovered the grants in Macedonia and also, according to the agreement, received four thousand Macedonian foot-soldiers and five hundred Thessalian horse.,4. Enrolling also those of the others who wished, he attempted to lead them through Boeotia into the Peloponnesus; but, when he was prevented by Boeotians and Peloponnesians, he turned aside, advanced into Locris, and there passed the winter. |
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| 24. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 19 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 46 |
| 25. Propertius, Elegies, 1.16.5-1.16.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
| 26. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 1.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 35 |
| 27. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.9, 9.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, lucius quinctius •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach (2021), Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond, 186; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
28. Plutarch, Flaminius, 1.1, 10.2, 10.4-10.7, 11.3-11.7, 12.6, 12.11-12.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 51, 65, 121, 212, 213; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 45| 1.1. ὃν δὲ παραβάλλομεν αὐτῷ, Τίτος Κοΐντιος Φλαμινῖνος, ἰδέαν μὲν ὁποῖος ἦν πάρεστι θεάσασθαι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ χαλκῆς εἰκόνος, ἣ κεῖται παρὰ τὸν μέγαν Ἀπόλλωνα τὸν ἐκ Καρχηδόνος ἀντικρὺ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου, γράμμασιν Ἑλληνικοῖς ἐπιγεγραμμένη, τὸ δὲ ἦθος ὀξὺς λέγεται γενέσθαι καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ πρὸς χάριν. 10.2. τοὺς δὲ Ἕλληνας ἐρωτῶντες εἰ κλοιὸν ἔχοντες βαρύτερον μὲν, λειότερον δὲ τοῦ πάλαι τὸν νῦν, χαίρουσι, καὶ θαυμάζουσι τὸν Τίτον ὡς εὐεργέτην, ὅτι τοῦ ποδὸς λύσας τὴν Ἑλλάδα τοῦ τραχήλου δέδεκεν. ἐφʼ οἷς ἀχθόμενος ὁ Τίτος καὶ βαρέως φέρων, καὶ δεόμενος τοῦ συνεδρίου, τέλος ἐξέπεισε καὶ ταύτας τὰς πόλεις ἀνεῖναι τῆς φρουρᾶς, ὅπως ὁλόκληρος ἡ χάρις ὑπάρξῃ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. 10.4. προελθὼν εἰς μέσον ὁ κῆρυξ ἀνεῖπεν ὅτι Ῥωμαίων ἡ σύγκλητος καὶ Τίτος Κοΐντιος στρατηγὸς ὕπατος καταπολεμήσαντες βασιλέα Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας, ἀφιᾶσιν ἀφρουρήτους καὶ ἐλευθέρους καὶ ἀφορολογήτους, νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις, Κορινθίους, Λοκρούς, Φωκεῖς, Εὐβοέας, Ἀχαιοὺς Φθιώτας, Μάγνητας, Θετταλούς, Περραιβούς. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον οὐ πάνυ πάντες οὐδὲ σαφῶς ἐπήκουσαν, ἀλλʼ ἀνώμαλος καὶ θορυβώδης κίνησις ἦν ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ θαυμαζόντων καὶ διαπυνθανομένων καὶ πάλιν ἀνειπεῖν κελευόντων· 10.5. ὡς δὲ αὖθις ἡσυχίας γενομένης ἀναγαγὼν ὁ κῆρυξ τὴν φωνὴν προθυμότερον εἰς ἅπαντας ἐγεγώνει καὶ διῆλθε τὸ κήρυγμα, κραυγὴ μὲν ἄπιστος τὸ μέγεθος διὰ χαρὰν ἐχώρει μέχρι θαλάττης, ὀρθὸν δὲ ἀνειστήκει τὸ θέατρον, οὐδεὶς δὲ λόγος ἦν τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων, ἔσπευδον δὲ πάντες ἀναπηδῆσαι καὶ δεξιώσασθαι καὶ προσειπεῖν τὸν σωτῆρα τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ πρόμαχον. 10.6. τὸ δὲ πολλάκις λεγόμενον εἰς ὑπερβολὴν τῆς φωνῆς καὶ μέγεθος ὤφθη τότε. κόρακες γὰρ ὑπερπετόμενοι κατὰ τύχην ἔπεσον εἰς τὸ στάδιον. αἰτία δὲ ἡ τοῦ ἀέρος ῥῆξις· ὅταν γὰρ ἡ φωνὴ πολλὴ καὶ μεγάλη φέρηται, διασπώμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῆς οὐκ ἀντερείδει τοῖς πετομένοις, ἀλλʼ ὀλίσθημα ποιεῖ καθάπερ κενεμβατοῦσιν, εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία πληγῇ τινι μᾶλλον ὡς ὑπὸ βέλους διελαυνόμενα πίπτει καὶ ἀποθνῄσκει, δύναται δὲ καὶ περιδίνησις εἶναι τοῦ ἀέρος, οἷον ἑλιγμὸν ἐν πελάγει καὶ παλιρρύμην τοῦ σάλου διὰ μέγεθος λαμβάνοντος. 11.3. οἱ γὰρ Ἀγησίλαοι καὶ Λύσανδροι καὶ οἱ Νικίαι καὶ οἱ Ἀλκιβιάδαι πολέμους μὲν εὖ διέπειν καὶ μάχας νικᾶν κατά τε γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν ἄρχοντες ἠπίσταντο, χρῆσθαι δὲ πρὸς χάριν εὐγενῆ καὶ τὸ καλὸν οἷς κατώρθουν οὐκ ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλʼ εἰ τὸ Μαραθώνιόν τις ἔργον ἀφέλοι καὶ τὴν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχίαν καὶ Πλαταιὰς καὶ Θερμοπύλας καὶ τὰ πρὸς Εὐρυμέδοντι καὶ τὰ περὶ Κύπρον Κίμωνος ἔργα, πάσας τὰς μάχας ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ μεμάχηται πρὸς αὑτήν, καὶ πᾶν τρόπαιον αὐτῆς συμφορὰ καὶ ὄνειδος ἐπʼ αὐτὴν ἕστηκε, τὰ πλεῖστα κακίᾳ καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ τῶν ἡγουμένων περιτραπείσης. 11.4. ἀλλόφυλοι δὲ ἄνδρες, ἐναύσματα μικρὰ καὶ γλίσχρα κοινωνήματα παλαιοῦ γένους ἔχειν δοκοῦντες, ἀφʼ ὧν καὶ λόγῳ τι καὶ γνώμῃ τῶν χρησίμων ὑπάρξαι τῇ Ἑλλάδι θαυμαστὸν ἦν, οὗτοι τοῖς μεγίστοις κινδύνοις καὶ πόνοις ἐξελόμενοι τὴν Ἑλλάδα δεσποτῶν χαλεπῶν καὶ τυράννων ἐλευθεροῦσι. 12.6. ἀνατιθεὶς γὰρ εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀσπίδας ἀργυρᾶς καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ θυρεόν ἐπέγραψε· Ζηνὸς ἰὼ κραιπναῖσι γεγαθότες ἱπποσύναισι κοῦροι, ἰὼ Σπάρτας Τυνδαρίδαι βασιλεῖς, Αἰνεάδας Τίτος ὔμμιν ὑπέρτατον ὤπασε δῶρον. Ἑλλἠνωντεύξας παισὶν ἐλευθερίαν. | 1.1. 10.2. 10.4. 10.5. 10.6. 11.3. 11.4. 12.6. |
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| 29. Plutarch, Theseus, 27.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 213 |
30. Plutarch, Themistocles, 20.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 51| 20.3. τὸν γὰρ Θησέα φησὶν ὑπὸ χειμῶνος εἰς Κύπρον ἐξενεχθέντα καὶ τὴν Ἀριάδνην ἔγκυον ἔχοντα, φαύλως δὲ διακειμένην ὑπὸ τοῦ σάλου καὶ δυσφοροῦσαν, ἐκβιβάσαι μόνην, αὐτὸν δὲ τῷ πλοίῳ βοηθοῦντα πάλιν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς φέρεσθαι. τὰς οὖν ἐγχωρίους γυναῖκας τὴν Ἀριάδνην ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ περιέπειν ἀθυμοῦσαν ἐπὶ τῇ μονώσει, καὶ γράμματα πλαστὰ προσφέρειν, ὡς τοῦ Θησέως γράφοντος αὐτῇ, καὶ περὶ τὴν ὠδῖνα συμπονεῖν καὶ βοηθεῖν· ἀποθανοῦσαν δὲ θάψαι μὴ τεκοῦσαν. | |
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31. Plutarch, Sulla, 38.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66| 38.4. τὸ μὲν οὖν μνημεῖον ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεώς ἐστι τὸ δὲ ἐπίγραμμά φασιν αὐτὸν ὑπογραψάμενον καταλιπεῖν, οὗ κεφάλαιόν ἐστιν ὡς οὔτε τῶν φίλων τις αὐτὸν εὖ ποιῶν οὔτε τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακῶς ὑπερεβάλετο. | 38.4. |
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32. Plutarch, Solon, 12.9, 29.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 45| 29.2. οὕτω δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐχόντων ὁ Σόλων παραγενόμενος εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας, αἰδῶ μὲν εἶχε καὶ τιμὴν παρὰ πᾶσιν, ἐν δὲ κοινῷ λέγειν καὶ πράσσειν ὁμοίως οὐκ ἔτʼ ἦν δυνατὸς οὐδὲ πρόθυμος ὑπὸ γήρως, ἀλλʼ ἐντυγχάνων ἰδίᾳ τοῖς προεστῶσι τῶν στάσεων ἀνδράσιν ἐπειρᾶτο διαλύειν καὶ συναρμόττειν, μάλιστα τοῦ Πεισιστράτου προσέχειν δοκοῦντος αὐτῷ. καὶ γὰρ αἱμύλον τι καὶ προσφιλὲς εἶχεν ἐν τῷ διαλέγεσθαι, καὶ βοηθητικὸς ἦν τοῖς πένησι καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἔχθρας ἐπιεικὴς καὶ μέτριος. | 29.2. Such was the state of affairs when Solon returned to Athens. He was revered and honored by all, but owing to his years he no longer had the strength or the ardor to speak and act in public as before. He did, however, confer privately with the chiefs of the opposing factions, endeavoring to reconcile and harmonize them, and Peisistratus seemed to pay him more heed than the others. For Peisistratus had an insinuating and agreeable quality in his address, he was ready to help the poor and was reasonable and moderate in his enmities. |
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33. Plutarch, Romulus, 16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66| 16.8. Κόσσος μὲν οὖν καὶ Μάρκελλος ἤδη τεθρίπποις εἰσήλαυνον, αὐτοὶ τὰ τρόπαια φέροντες· Ῥωμύλον δʼ οὐκ ὀρθῶς φησιν ἅρματι χρήσασθαι Διονύσιος. Ταρκύνιον γὰρ ἱστοροῦσι τὸν Δημαράτου τῶν βασιλέων πρῶτον εἰς τοῦτο τὸ σχῆμα καὶ τὸν ὄγκον ἐξᾶραι τοὺς θριάμβους· ἕτεροι δὲ πρῶτον ἐφʼ ἅρματος θριαμβεῦσαι Ποπλικόλαν. τοῦ δὲ Ῥωμύλου τὰς εἰκόνας ὁρᾶν ἔστιν ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὰς τροπαιοφόρους πεζὰς ἁπάσας. | 16.8. Cossus indeed, and Marcellus, already used a four-horse chariot for their entrance into the city, carrying the trophies themselves, but Dionysius Antiq. Rom. ii. 34. is incorrect in saying that Romulus used a chariot. For it is matter of history that Tarquin, the son of Demaratus, was first of the kings to lift triumphs up to such pomp and ceremony, although others say that Publicola was first to celebrate a triumph riding on a chariot. Cf. Publicola , ix. 5. And the statues of Romulus bearing the trophies are, as may be seen in Rome, all on foot. |
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| 34. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 8.5, 10.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 213 |
| 35. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 4.78, 4.81, 4.83, 4.91, 4.102, 4.105, 5.9-5.10, 5.65, 5.102, 5.148, 6.37, 6.39, 6.57, 6.136-6.137, 6.164, 6.196, 6.207, 6.209, 33.142, 34.39, 34.79, 35.66, 36.50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. •flamininus, titus quinctius, consul and general •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 231; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 35, 40, 46 |
| 36. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 5, 23.1-2, 28.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212 |
37. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 5.5, 15.2-15.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 121; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 45| 15.2. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς αὐτὸν Ἐπικυδίδας ὁ Σπαρτιάτης, ἀπαγγέλλων ὅτι πολὺς περιέστηκε τὴν Σπάρτην πόλεμος Ἑλληνικός, καὶ καλοῦσιν ἐκεῖνον οἱ ἔφοροι καὶ κελεύουσι τοῖς οἴκοι βοηθεῖν. ὦ βάρβαρʼ ἐξευρόντες Ἕλληνες κακά· τί γὰρ ἄν τις ἄλλο τὸν φθόνον ἐκεῖνον προσείποι καὶ τὴν τότε σύστασιν καὶ σύνταξιν ἐφʼ ἑαυτοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων; οἳ τῆς τύχης ἄνω φερομένης ἐπελάβοντο, καὶ τὰ ὅπλα πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους βλέποντα καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἤδη τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐξῳκισμένον αὖθις εἰς ἑαυτοὺς ἔτρεψαν. 15.3. οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγε συμφέρομαι τῷ Κορινθίῳ Δημαράτῳ μεγάλης ἡδονῆς ἀπολελεῖφθαι φήσαντι τοὺς μὴ θεασαμένους Ἕλληνας Ἀλέξανδρον ἐν τῷ Δαρείου θρόνῳ καθήμενον, ἀλλʼ εἰκότως ἄν οἶμαι δακρῦσαι, συννοήσαντας ὅτι ταῦτἈλεξάνδρῳ καὶ Μακεδόσιν ἀπέλιπον οἳ τότε τοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων στρατηγοὺς περὶ Λεῦκτρα καὶ Κορώνειαν καὶ Κόρινθον καὶ Ἀρκαδίαν κατανήλωσαν. 15.4. Ἀγησιλάῳ μέντοι οὐδὲν κρεῖσσον ἢ μεῖζόν ἐστι τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως ἐκείνης διαπεπραγμένον, οὐδὲ γέγονε παράδειγμα πειθαρχίας καὶ δικαιοσύνης ἕτερον κάλλιον. ὅπου γὰρ Ἀννίβας ἤδη κακῶς πράττων καὶ περιωθούμενος ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας μάλα μόλις ὑπήκουσε τοῖς ἐπὶ τὸν οἴκοι πόλεμον καλοῦσιν, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ καὶ προσεπέσκωψε πυθόμενος τὴν πρὸς Ἆγιν Ἀντιπάτρου μάχην, εἰπών· ἔοικεν, ὦ ἄνδρες, ὅτε Δαρεῖον ἡμεῖς ἐνικῶμεν μὲν ἐνταῦθα, ἐκεῖ τις ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ γεγονέναι μυομαχία· | 15.2. 15.3. 15.4. |
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38. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 16.7-16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 35| 16.7. ὁ δὲ θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ λογισμῷ πρῶτος ἐμβαλὼν τόν τε ἵππον ἀποβάλλει ξίφει πληγέντα διὰ τῶν πλευρῶν ἦν δὲ ἕτερος, οὐχ ὁ Βουκεφάλας, καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ἀποθανόντων καὶ τραυματισθέντων ἐκεῖ συνέβη κινδυνεῦσαι καὶ πεσεῖν,ʼ πρός ἀνθρώπους ἀπεγνωκότας καὶ μαχίμους συμπλεκομένους. λέγονται δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν δισμύριοι τῶν βαρβάρων, ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχίλιοι πεντακόσιοι πεσεῖν. τῶν δὲ περὶ τόν Ἀλέξανδρον Ἀριστόβουλός φησι τέσσαρας καὶ τριάκοντα νεκροὺς γενέσθαι τοὺς πάντας, ὧν ἐννέα πεζοὺς εἶναι. 16.8. τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐκέλευσεν εἰκόνας ἀνασταθῆναι χαλκᾶς, ἃς Λύσιππος εἰργάσατο. κοινούμενος δὲ τὴν νίκην τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἰδίᾳ μὲν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἔπεμψε τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τριακοσίας ἀσπίδας, κοινῇ δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις λαφύροις ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιγράψαι φιλοτιμοτάτην ἐπιγραφήν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Φιλίππου καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων τῶν τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικούντων ἐκπώματα δὲ καὶ πορφύρας, καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα τῶν Περσικῶν ἔλαβε, πάντα τῇ μητρὶ πλὴν ὀλίγων ἔπεμψεν. | 16.7. But he, influenced by anger more than by reason, charged foremost upon them and lost his horse, which was smitten through the ribs with a sword (it was not Bucephalas, but another); and most of the Macedonians who were slain or wounded fought or fell there, since they came to close quarters with men who knew how to fight and were desperate. of the Barbarians, we are told, twenty thousand footmen fell, and twenty-five hundred horsemen. Diodorus ( xvii. 21, 6 ) says that more than ten thousand Persian footmen fell, and not less than two thousand horsemen; while over twenty thousand were taken prisoners. But on Alexander’s side, Aristobulus says there were thirty-four dead in all, of whom nine were footmen. 16.8. of these, then, Alexander ordered statues to be set up in bronze, and Lysippus wrought them. According to Arrian ( Anab. i. 16, 4 ), about twenty-five of Alexander’s companions, a select corps, fell at the first onset, and it was of these that Alexander ordered statues to be made by Lysippus. Moreover, desiring to make the Greeks partners in his victory, he sent to the Athenians in particular three hundred of the captured shields, and upon the rest of the spoils in general he ordered a most ambitious inscription to be wrought: Alexander the son of Philip and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians from the Barbarians who dwell in Asia. But the drinking vessels and the purple robes and whatever things of this nature he took from the Persians, all these, except a few, he sent to his mother. |
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39. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 41.3, 42.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212| 41.3. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἄλλην πορείαν χαλεπῶς ἤνυσεν, οὐδενὸς παρέχοντος ἀγοράν, ἀλλὰ πάντων καταφρονούντων Διὰ τὴν ἔναγχος ἧτταν ὡς δὲ εἷλε Γόμφους, Θεσσαλικὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἔθρεψε τὴν στρατιάν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ νοσήματος ἀπήλλαξε παραλόγως. ἀφθόνῳ γὰρ ἐνέτυχον οἴνῳ, καὶ πιόντες ἀνέδην, εἶτα χρώμενοι κώμοις καὶ βακχεύοντες ἀνὰ τὴν ὁδὸν, ἐκ μέθης διεκρούσαντο καὶ παρήλλαξαν τὸ πάθος, εἰς ἕξιν ἑτέραν τοῖς σώμασι μεταπεσόντες. 42.1. ὡς δὲ εἰς τὴν Φαρσαλίαν ἐμβαλόντες ἀμφότεροι κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὁ μὲν Πομπήϊος αὖθις εἰς τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἀνεκρούετο λογισμὸν τὴν γνώμην, ἔτι καὶ φασμάτων οὐκ αἰσίων προσγενομένων καὶ καθʼ ὕπνον ὄψεως, ἐδόκει γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὁρᾶν ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ κροτούμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, The substance of what has fallen from the text here may be found in the Pompey , lxvii. 2. Sintenis brackets the sentence as an intrusion here from marginal notes. οἱ δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν οὕτω θρασεῖς ἦσαν καὶ τὸ νίκημα ταῖς ἐλπίσι προειληφότες ὥστε φιλονεικεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀρχιερωσύνης Δομίτιον καὶ Σπινθῆρα καὶ Σκηπίωνα διαμιλλωμένους ἀλλήλοις, | 41.3. 42.1. |
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40. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 56| 13.1. ἐπεὶ δʼ Ἀντίοχος ἐμφράξας τὰ περὶ Θερμοπύλας στενὰ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, καὶ τοῖς αὐτοφυέσι τῶν τόπων ἐρύμασι προσβαλὼν χαρακώματα καὶ διατειχίσματα, καθῆστο τὸν πόλεμον ἐκκεκλεικέναι νομίζων, τὸ μὲν κατὰ στόμα βιάζεσθαι παντάπασιν ἀπεγίνωσκον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, τὴν δὲ Περσικὴν ἐκείνην περιήλυσιν καὶ κύκλωσιν ὁ Κάτων εἰς νοῦν βαλόμενος ἐξώδευσε νύκτωρ, ἀναλαβὼν μέρος τι τῆς στρατιᾶς. | 13.1. |
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41. Plutarch, Phocion, 26.1-26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212| 26.1. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ Κρατεροῦ διαβάντος ἐξ Ἀσίας μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως καὶ γενομένης πάλιν ἐν Κραννῶνι παρατάξεως, ἡττήθησαν μὲν οἱ Ἕλληνες οὔτε μεγάλην ἧτταν οὔτε πολλῶν πεσόντων, ἀπειθείᾳ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ νέους ὄντας, καὶ ἅμα τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν πειρῶντος Ἀντιπάτρου, διαρρυέντες αἴσχιστα προήκαντο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. 26.2. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἄγοντος τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τὴν δύναμιν οἱ μὲν περὶ Δημοσθένην καὶ Ὑπερείδην ἀπηλλάγησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, Δημάδης δέ, μηθὲν μέρος ὧν ὤφειλε χρημάτων ἐπὶ ταῖς καταδίκαις ἐκτῖσαι τῇ πόλει· δυνάμενος ἡλώκει γὰρ ἑπτὰ γραφὰς παρανόμων καὶ γεγονὼς ἄτιμος ἐξείργετο τοῦ λέγειν, ἄδειαν εὑρόμενος τότε, γράφει ψήφισμα ἐκπέμπειν ἐκπέμπειν with Doehner; the MSS. have καὶ πέυπει , which Bekker retains: πέμπειν , after Coraës. πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης πρέσβεις αὐτοκράτορας. | 26.1. 26.2. |
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42. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 65| 1.5. ἃς γοῦν Θουκυδίδης ἐξήνεγκε πράξεις καὶ Φίλιστος, ἐπεὶ παρελθεῖν οὐκ ἔστι, μάλιστά γε δὴ τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων παθῶν καλυπτομένην περιεχούσας, ἐπιδραμὼν βραχέως καὶ διὰ τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἵνα μὴ παντάπασιν ἀμελὴς δοκῶ καὶ ἀργὸς εἶναι, τὰ διαφεύγοντα τοὺς πολλούς, ὑφʼ ἑτέρων δʼ εἰρημένα σποράδην ἢ πρὸς ἀναθήμασιν ἢ ψηφίσμασιν εὑρημένα παλαιοῖς πεπείραμαι συναγαγεῖν, οὐ τὴν ἄχρηστον ἀθροίζων ἱστορίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πρὸς κατανόησιν ἤθους καὶ τρόπου παραδιδούς. | 1.5. |
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43. Plutarch, Aratus, 24.5-24.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 45| 24.5. ἡγεῖτο γὰρ ἀσθενεῖς ἰδίᾳ τὰς πόλεις ὑπαρχούσας σῴζεσθαι διʼ ἀλλήλων ὥσπερ ἐνδεδεμένας τῷ κοινῷ συμφέροντι, καὶ καθάπερ τὰ μέρη τοῦ σώματος ζῶντα καὶ συμπνέοντα διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἄλληλα συμφυΐαν, ὅταν ἀποσπασθῇ καὶ γένηται χωρίς, ἀτροφεῖ καὶ σήπεται, παραπλησίως τὰς πόλεις ἀπόλλυσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν διασπώντων τὸ κοινόν, αὔξεσθαι δὲ ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων, ὅταν ὅλου τινὸς μεγάλου μέρη γενόμεναι κοινῆς προνοίας τυγχάνωσιν. | 24.5. |
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| 44. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 35 |
| 45. Plutarch, Marcellus, 5.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 208 |
46. Plutarch, Lucullus, 41.5, 45.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 45| 41.5. πλὴν τοσοῦτο μόνον αἰτουμένῳ συνεχώρησαν εἰπεῖν πρὸς ἕνα τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐναντίον ἐκείνων, ὅτι τήμερον ἐν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι δειπνήσοι· τοῦτο γάρ τις εἶχε τῶν πολυτελῶν οἴκων ὄνομα· καὶ τοῦτο σεσοφισμένος ἐλελήθει τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἑκάστῳ γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, δειπνητηρίῳ τεταγμένον ἦν τίμημα δείπνου, καὶ χορηγίαν ἰδίαν καὶ παρασκευὴν ἕκαστον εἶχεν, ὥστε τοὺς δούλους ἀκούσαντας, ὅπου βούλεται δειπνεῖν, εἰδέναι, πόσον δαπάνημα καὶ ποῖόν τι κόσμῳ καὶ διαθέσει γενέσθαι δεῖ τὸ δεῖπνον εἰώθει δὲ δειπνεῖν ἐν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι πέντε μυριάδων· | 41.5. |
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47. Plutarch, Fabius, 22.5-22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66| 22.5. πάντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγομένων καὶ φερομένων λέγεται τὸν γραμματέα πυθέσθαι τοῦ Φαβίου περὶ τῶν θεῶν τί κελεύει, τὰς γραφὰς οὕτω προσαγορεύσαντα καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας· τὸν οὖν Φάβιον εἰπεῖν ἀπολείπωμεν τοὺς θεοὺς Ταραντίνοις κεχολωμένους. 22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. | 22.5. While everything else was carried off as plunder, it is said that the accountant asked Fabius what his orders were concerning the gods, for so he called their pictures and statues; and that Fabius answered: Let us leave their angered gods for the Tarentines. 22.5. While everything else was carried off as plunder, it is said that the accountant asked Fabius what his orders were concerning the gods, for so he called their pictures and statues; and that Fabius answered:Let us leave their angered gods for the Tarentines. 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods. |
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48. Plutarch, Demetrius, 18.1-18.2, 23.1-23.2, 43.3-43.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212, 213| 18.1. ἐκ τούτου πρῶτον ἀνεφώνησε τὸ πλῆθος Ἀντίγονον καὶ Δημήτριον βασιλέας. Ἀντίγονον μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς ἀνέδησαν οἱ φίλοι, Δημητρίῳ δὲ ὁ πατὴρ ἔπεμψε διάδημα καὶ γράφων ἐπιστολὴν βασιλέα προσεῖπεν. οἱ δʼ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τούτων ἀπαγγελλομένων καὶ αὐτοὶ βασιλέα τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀνηγόρευσαν, ὡς μὴ δοκεῖν τοῦ φρονήματος ὑφίεσθαι διὰ τὴν ἧτταν. 18.2. ἐπενείματο δὲ οὕτως τὸ πρᾶγμα τῷ ζήλῳ τοὺς διαδόχους. καὶ γὰρ Λυσίμαχος ἤρξατο φορεῖν διάδημα, καὶ Σέλευκος ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἐπεὶ τοῖς γε βαρβάροις πρότερον οὗτος ὡς βασιλεὺς ἐχρημάτιζε. Κάσανδρος δέ, τῶν ἄλλων αὐτὸν βασιλέα καὶ γραφόντων καὶ καλούντων, αὐτός, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰώθει, τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἔγραφε. 23.1. ἐκάλουν δὲ τὸν Δημήτριον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι Κασάνδρου τὸ ἄστυ πολιορκοῦντος. ὁ δὲ ναυσὶν ἐπιπλεύσας τριακοσίαις τριάκοντα καὶ πολλοῖς ὁπλίταις, οὐ μόνον ἐξήλασε τῆς Ἀττικῆς τὸν Κάσανδρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φεύγοντα μέχρι Θερμοπυλῶν διώξας καὶ τρεψάμενος, Ἡράκλειαν ἔλαβεν, ἑκουσίως αὐτῷ προσθεμένην, καὶ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἑξακισχιλίους μεταβαλομένους πρὸς αὐτόν. 23.2. ἐπανιὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐντὸς Πυλῶν Ἕλληνας ἠλευθέρου, καὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συμμάχους, When Strabo wrote, during the reign of Augustus, the painting was still at Rhodes, where it had been seen and admired by Cicero ( Orat. 2, 5); when the elder Pliny wrote, καὶ Κεγχρέας εἷλε· καὶ Φυλὴν καὶ Πάνακτον, ἐπιτειχίς ματα τῆς Ἀττικῆς ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου φρουρούμενα, καταστρεψάμενος ἀπέδωκε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. οἱ δὲ καίπερ ἐκκεχυμένοι πρότερον εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ κατακεχρημένοι πᾶσαν φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξεῦρον ὅμως καὶ τότε πρόσφατοι καὶ καινοὶ ταῖς κολακείαις φανῆναι. 43.3. στόλον δὲ νεῶν ἅμα πεντακοσίων καταβαλλόμενος τὰς μὲν ἐν Πειραιεῖ τρόπεις ἔθετο, τὰς δὲ ἐν Κορίνθῳ, τὰς δὲ ἐν Χαλκίδι, τὰς δὲ περὶ Πέλλαν, αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν ἑκασταχόσε καὶ διδάσκων ἃ χρὴ καὶ συντεχνώμενος, ἐκπληττομένων ἁπάντων οὐ τὰ πλήθη μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ μεγέθη τῶν ἔργων. 43.4. οὐδεὶς γὰρ εἶδεν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε πεντεκαιδεκήρη ναῦν πρότερον οὔτε ἑκκαιδεκήρη, ἀλλʼ ὕστερον τεσσαρακοντήρη Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ ἐναυπηγήσατο, μῆκος διακοσίων ὀγδοήκοντα πηχῶν, ὕψος δὲ ἕως ἀκροστολίου πεντήκοντα δυεῖν δεόντων, ναύταις δὲ χωρὶς ἐρετῶν ἐξηρτυμένην τετρακοσίοις, ἐρέταις δὲ τετρακισχιλίοις, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὁπλίτας δεχομένην ἐπί τε τῶν παρόδων καὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος ὀλίγῳ τρισχιλίων ἀποδέοντας. | 18.1. 18.2. 23.1. 23.2. 43.3. 43.4. |
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| 49. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 51, 121 |
| 50. Plutarch, On The Malice of Herodotus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 51 |
51. Plutarch, Brutus, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66| 1.1. Μάρκου δὲ Βρούτουπρόγονος ἦν Ἰούνιος Βροῦτος, ὃν ἀνέστησαν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ χαλκοῦν οἱ πάλαι Ῥωμαῖοι μέσον τῶν βασιλέων, ἐσπασμένον ξίφος, ὡς βεβαιότατα καταλύσαντα Ταρκυνίους. | 1.1. |
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52. Plutarch, Cimon, 19.3-19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 121| 19.3. ὀψὲ δʼ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀγησίλαον εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξενεγκάμενοι τὰ ὅπλα βραχέος ἥψαντο πολέμου πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ βασιλέως στρατηγούς· καὶ λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ μέγα δράσαντες, αὖθις δὲ ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς στάσεσι καὶ ταραχαῖς ἀφʼ ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς ὑπενεχθέντες, ᾤχοντο τοὺς Περσῶν φορολόγους ἐν μέσαις ταῖς συμμάχοις καὶ φίλαις πόλεσιν ἀπολιπόντες, ὧν οὐδὲ γραμματοφόρος κατέβαινεν οὐδʼ ἵππος πρὸς θαλάσσῃ τετρακοσίων σταδίων ἐντὸς ὤφθη στρατηγοῦντος Κίμωνος. 19.4. ὅτι μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀπεκομίσθη τὰ λείψανα αὐτοῦ, μαρτυρεῖ τῶν μνημάτων τὰ μέχρι νῦν Κιμώνεια προσαγορευόμενα· τιμῶσι δὲ καὶ Κιτιεῖς τάφον τινὰ Κίμωνος, ὡς Ναυσικράτης ὁ ῥήτωρ φησίν, ἐν λοιμῷ καὶ γῆς ἀφορίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ προστάξαντος αὐτοῖς μὴ ἀμελεῖν Κίμωνος, ἀλλʼ ὡς κρείττονα σέβεσθαι καὶ γεραίρειν. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Ἑλληνικὸς ἡγεμών. | 19.3. 19.4. |
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53. Plutarch, Pompey, 42.3, 68.3-68.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 213; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 46| 42.3. οὐ γὰρ αὐτὸς Πομπήϊος ἰδεῖν ὑπέμεινεν, ἀλλʼ ἀφοσιωσάμενος τὸ νεμεσητὸν εἰς Σινώπην ἀπέπεμψε, τῆς δʼ ἐσθῆτος, ἣν ἐφόρει, καὶ τῶν ὅπλων τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τήν λαμπρότητα ἐθαύμασε· καίτοι τὸν μὲν ξιφιστῆρα πεποιημένον ἀπὸ τετρακοσίων ταλάντων Πόπλιος κλέψας ἐπώλησεν Ἀριαράθῃ, τὴν δὲ κίταριν Γάϊος ὁ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου σύντροφος ἔδωκε κρύφα δεηθέντι Φαύστῳ τῷ Σύλλα παιδί, θαυμαστῆς οὖσαν ἐργασίας, ὃ τότε τὸν Πομπήϊον διέλαθε. Φαρνάκης δὲ γνοὺς ὕστερον ἐτιμωρήσατο τοὺς ὑφελομένους. 68.3. ἑωθινῆς δὲ φυλακῆς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Καίσαρος στρατοπέδου πολλὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντος ἐξέλαμψε μέγα φῶς, ἐκ δὲ τούτου λαμπὰς ἀρθεῖσα φλογοειδὴς ἐπὶ τὸ ἐπὶ τὸ Coraës and Bekker, after Reiske: ἐπὶ . Πομπηΐου κατέσκηψε· καὶ τοῦτο ἰδεῖν φησι Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν τὰς φυλακάς. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ, μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς Σκοτοῦσαν ἀναζευγνύειν καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς τῶν στρατιωτῶν καθαιρούντων καὶ προπεμπόντων ὑποζύγια καὶ θεράποντας, ἧκον οἱ σκοποὶ φράζοντες ὅπλα πολλὰ καθορᾶν ἐν τῷ χάρακι τῶν πολεμίων διαφερόμενα, καὶ κίνησιν εἶναι καὶ θόρυβον ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ μάχην ἐξιόντων. 68.4. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἕτεροι παρῆσαν εἰς τάξιν ἤδη καθίστασθαι τοὺς πρώτους λέγοντες, ὁ μὲν οὖν Καῖσαρ εἰπὼν τὴν προσδοκωμένην ἥκειν ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ πρὸς ἄνδρας, οὐ πρὸς λιμὸν οὐδὲ πενίαν μαχοῦνται, κατὰ τάχος πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς ἐκέλευσε προθεῖναι τὸν φοινικοῦν χιτῶνα· τοῦτο γὰρ μάχης Ῥωμαίοις ἐστὶ σύμβολον. 68.5. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται θεασάμενοι μετὰ βοῆς καὶ χαρᾶς τὰς σκηνὰς ἀφέντες ἐφέροντο πρὸς τὰ ὅπλα. καὶ τῶν ταξιαρχῶν ἀγόντων εἰς ἣν ἔδει τάξιν, ἕκαστος, ὥσπερ χορός, ἄνευ θορύβου μεμελετημένως εἰς τάξιν εἰς τάξιν bracketed by Bekker. καὶ πρᾴως καθίστατο. | 42.3. 68.3. 68.4. 68.5. |
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54. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 9.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92| 9.5. ἐλύπουν δὲ καὶ χρυσῶν ἐκπωμάτων ὥσπερ ἐν πομπαῖς ταῖς ἀποδημίαις διαφερομένων ὄψεις, καὶ στάσεις ἐνόδιοι σκηνῶν, καὶ πρὸς ἄλσεσι καὶ ποταμοῖς ἀρίστων πολυτελῶν διαθέσεις, καὶ λέοντες ἅρμασιν ὑπεζευγμένοι, καὶ σωφρόνων ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν οἰκίαι χαμαιτύπαις καὶ σαμβυκιστρίαις ἐπισταθμευόμεναι. | 9.5. |
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| 55. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 12.10.3-12.10.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40 |
| 56. Appian, The Illyrian Wars, 30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40 |
| 57. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 12.10.3-12.10.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40 |
58. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.72 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 46 | 14.72. for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. |
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| 59. Juvenal, Satires, 11.171-11.179, 12.87 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 35 |
| 60. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 6.32.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
| 61. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 95.24 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
62. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.1.9, 2.10.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 20| 2.10.3. ὁ δὲ ἦγεν ἐν τάξει ἔτι, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα, καίπερ ἐν ἀπόπτῳ ἤδη ἔχων τὴν Δαρείου δύναμιν, βάδην, τοῦ μὴ διασπασθῆναί τι ἐν τῇ ξυντονωτέρᾳ πορείᾳ κυμῆναν τῆς φάλαγγος· ὡς δὲ ἐντὸς βέλους ἐγίγνοντο, πρῶτοι δὴ οἱ κατὰ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ τεταγμένος δρόμῳ ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐνέβαλον, ὡς τῇ τε ὀξύτητι τῆς ἐφόδου ἐκπλῆξαι τοὺς Πέρσας καὶ τοῦ θᾶσσον ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντας ὀλίγα πρὸς τῶν τοξοτῶν βλάπτεσθαι. καὶ ξυνέβη ὅπως εἴκασεν Ἀλέξανδρος. | |
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| 63. Appian, The Spanish Wars, 85 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 64. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40 |
| 65. Suetonius, Augustus, 29.3, 91.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 46 |
| 66. Gellius, Attic Nights, 4.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 35 |
67. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 54.4.2, 66.15.1, 75.4.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40, 46 | 54.4.2. He also dedicated the temple of Jupiter Tos. Concerning this temple two stories have been handed down, first, that at that time claps of thunder occurred when the ritual was being performed, and, second, that at a later time Augustus had a dream as follows. The people, he thought, approached Jupiter who is called Tos and did reverence to him, partly because of the novelty of his name and of the form of his statue, and partly because the statue had been set up by Augustus, |
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| 68. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 8.721 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40 |
| 69. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 4.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
| 70. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 4.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
| 71. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 19.12-19.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40 |
| 72. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 24.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 73. Anon., Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri, 34 (4th cent. CE - th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
| 74. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 32.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 75. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40 |
| 76. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40 |
| 77. Jerome, Commentaria In Matthaeum (Commentaria In Evangelium S. Matthaei), 2.14.11 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, lucius quinctius Found in books: Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach (2021), Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond, 186 |
| 78. Justinian, Institutiones, 4.18.4 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 79. Epigraphy, Illrp, 343, 709, 337 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 164 |
80. Strabo, Geography, 7.6.1, 11.14.6, 14.1.14 Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. •flamininus, titus quinctius, consul and general •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 231; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40, 46 | 7.6.1. Pontic seaboard The remainder of the country between the Ister and the mountains on either side of Paeonia consists of that part of the Pontic seaboard which extends from the Sacred Mouth of the Ister as far as the mountainous country in the neighborhood of the Haemus and as far as the mouth at Byzantium. And just as, in traversing the Illyrian seaboard, I proceeded as far as the Ceraunian Mountains, because, although they fall outside the mountainous country of Illyria, they afford an appropriate limit, and just as I determined the positions of the tribes of the interior by these mountains, because I thought that marks of this kind would be more significant as regards both the description at hand and what was to follow, so also in this case the seaboard, even though it falls beyond the mountain-line, will nevertheless end at an appropriate limit — the mouth of the Pontus — as regards both the description at hand and that which comes next in order. So, then, if one begins at the Sacred Mouth of the Ister and keeps the continuous seaboard on the right, one comes, at a distance of five hundred stadia, to a small town, Ister, founded by the Milesians; then, at a distance of two hundred and fifty stadia, to a second small town, Tomis; then, at two hundred and eighty stadia, to a city Callatis, a colony of the Heracleotae; then, at one thousand three hundred stadia, to Apollonia, a colony of the Milesians. The greater part of Apollonia was founded on a certain isle, where there is a sanctuary of Apollo, from which Marcus Lucullus carried off the colossal statue of Apollo, a work of Calamis, which he set up in the Capitolium. In the interval between Callatis and Apollonia come also Bizone, of which a considerable part was engulfed by earthquakes, Cruni, Odessus, a colony of the Milesians, and Naulochus, a small town of the Mesembriani. Then comes the Haemus Mountain, which reaches the sea here; then Mesembria, a colony of the Megarians, formerly called Menebria (that is, city of Menas, because the name of its founder was Menas, while bria is the word for city in the Thracian language. In this way, also, the city of Selys is called Selybria and Aenus was once called Poltyobria). Then come Anchiale, a small town belonging to the Apolloniatae, and Apollonia itself. On this coast-line is Cape Tirizis, a stronghold, which Lysimachus once used as a treasury. Again, from Apollonia to the Cyaneae the distance is about one thousand five hundred stadia; and in the interval are Thynias, a territory belonging to the Apolloniatae (Anchiale, which also belongs to the Apolloniatae), and also Phinopolis and Andriake, which border on Salmydessus. Salmydessus is a desert and stony beach, harborless and wide open to the north winds, and in length extends as far as the Cyaneae, a distance of about seven hundred stadia; and all who are cast ashore on this beach are plundered by the Astae, a Thracian tribe who are situated above it. The Cyaneae are two islets near the mouth of the Pontus, one close to Europe and the other to Asia; they are separated by a channel of about twenty stadia and are twenty stadia distant both from the sanctuary of the Byzantines and from the sanctuary of the Chalcedonians. And this is the narrowest part of the mouth of the Euxine, for when one proceeds only ten stadia farther one comes to a headland which makes the strait only five stadia in width, and then the strait opens to a greater width and begins to form the Propontis. 11.14.6. The cities of Armenia are Artaxata, also called Artaxiasata, which was founded by Hannibal for Artaxias the king, and Arxata, both on the Araxes River, Arxata being near the borders of Atropatia, whereas Artaxata is near the Araxene plain, being a beautiful settlement and the royal residence of the country. It is situated on a peninsula-like elbow of land and its walls have the river as protection all round them, except at the isthmus, which is enclosed by a trench and a palisade. Not far from the city are the treasuries of Tigranes and Artavasdes, the strong fortresses Babyrsa and Olane. And there were other fortresses on the Euphrates. of these, Artageras was caused to revolt by Ador, its commandant, but Caesar's generals sacked it after a long siege and destroyed its walls. 14.1.14. The distance from the Trogilian promontory to Samos is forty stadia. Samos faces the south, both it and its harbor, which latter has a naval station. The greater part of it is on level ground, being washed by the sea, but a part of it reaches up into the mountain that lies above it. Now on the right, as one sails towards the city, is the Poseidium, a promontory which with Mt. Mycale forms the seven-stadia strait; and it has a temple of Poseidon; and in front of it lies an isle called Narthecis; and on the left is the suburb near the Heraion, and also the Imbrasus River, and the Heraion, an ancient sanctuary and large temple, which is now a picture gallery. Apart from the number of the paintings placed inside, there are other picture galleries and some little temples [naiskoi] full of ancient art. And the area open to the sky is likewise full of most excellent statues. of these, three of colossal size, the work of Myron, stood upon one base; Antony took these statues away, but Augustus Caesar restored two of them, those of Athena and Heracles, to the same base, although he transferred the Zeus to the Capitolium, having erected there a small chapel for that statue. |
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| 81. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.3-1.11.5 Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 35 |
| 82. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.8.11, 2.7.1, 2.8.2, 2.9.3, 4.4.9, 6.1.10, 9.1.8 Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. •l. quinctius flamininus •quinctius flamininus, t. •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 36; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 275, 276; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40, 46 |
| 83. Callimachus, Hymns, 6 Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, titus quinctius Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 116 |
| 84. Epigraphy, Ig, 5.1.1165 Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t., consul Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 164 |
| 85. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 136-141, 143, 135 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 35 |
| 86. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 208 |
| 87. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.34 Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66 |
| 88. Plutarch, Synkr., a b c d\n0 2(23).6 2(23).6 2(23) 6 Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 51 |
| 89. Augustus, Sherk, Rdge, None Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, titus quinctius, consul and general Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 223 |
| 90. Epigraphy, Bullép, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 54 |
| 91. Epigraphy, Robert 1977, 226 Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, quinctius Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 54 |
| 92. Epigraphy, Segré 1934, None Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, quinctius Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 54 |
| 93. Theodosian Code, Theodosian Code, 9.7.3, 16.10.4 Tagged with subjects: •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 94. Aurelius Victor, Caes., 28.6-28.8 Tagged with subjects: •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 95. Lucilius, Fr., 399, 398 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 96. Plutarch, Titus Flam., 18 Tagged with subjects: •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 97. Plutarch, Philopoimon, 8.3 Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, t. quinctius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 45 |
| 98. Alcaeus of Messene, Anth. Pal., 16.5-16.6 Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, titus quinctius Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 54 |
| 101. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 2.26.12-2.26.13 Tagged with subjects: •l. quinctius flamininus Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 276 |
| 102. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.24.2 Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, titus quinctius Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 56 |
| 103. Epigraphy, Syll. , 184, 616 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 164 |
| 104. Epigraphy, Seg, 22.214, 23.412, 52.791 Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, t., consul Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 164 |
| 105. Epigraphy, Ig Xi,2, 207 Tagged with subjects: •flamininus, quinctius Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 54 |
| 106. Pseudo-Quintilian, Major Declamations, 15.2 Tagged with subjects: •quinctius flamininus, l. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 92 |
| 107. Epigraphy, Ils, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 208 |
