1. Homer, Iliad, 6.288, 6.289, 6.290, 6.291, 6.292, 6.293, 6.294, 6.295, 23.740--743 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 116 | 6.288. / then might I deem that my heart had forgotten its woe. So spake he, and she went to the hall and called to her handmaidens; and they gathered together the aged wives throughout the city. But the queen herself went down to the vaulted treasurechamber wherein were her robes, richly broidered, the handiwork of Sidonian women, |
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| 2. Homer, Odyssey, 13.271-13.284, 14.285-14.297 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, as stereotype •stereotypes, punica fides as Found in books: Gruen (2011) 116 |
| 3. Plautus, Poenulus, 1032-1034, 104-106, 108-116, 991, 107 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019) 186 |
4. Polybius, Histories, 3.10.3-3.10.5, 3.15.10, 3.30.4, 9.22.8-9.22.10, 9.26.1-9.26.11, 38.21.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, as stereotype •punica fides Found in books: Gruen (2011) 125, 139| 3.10.3. πλὴν οὐκ ἐντρεπομένων τῶν Ῥωμαίων, εἴξαντες τῇ περιστάσει καὶ βαρυνόμενοι μέν, οὐκ ἔχοντες δὲ ποιεῖν οὐδὲν ἐξεχώρησαν Σαρδόνος, συνεχώρησαν δʼ εἰσοίσειν ἄλλα χίλια καὶ διακόσια τάλαντα πρὸς τοῖς πρότερον ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκείνοις ἀναδέξασθαι τοῖς καιροῖς. 3.10.4. διὸ καὶ δευτέραν, μεγίστην δὲ ταύτην θετέον αἰτίαν τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα συστάντος πολέμου. 3.10.5. Ἀμίλκας γὰρ προσλαβὼν τοῖς ἰδίοις θυμοῖς τὴν ἐπὶ τούτοις ὀργὴν τῶν πολιτῶν, ὡς θᾶττον τοὺς ἀποστάντας τῶν μισθοφόρων καταπολεμήσας ἐβεβαίωσε τῇ πατρίδι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, εὐθέως ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν πράγματα, σπουδάζων ταύτῃ χρήσασθαι παρασκευῇ πρὸς τὸν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων πόλεμον. ἣν δὴ καὶ τρίτην αἰτίαν νομιστέον, 3.15.10. πόσῳ γὰρ ἦν ἄμεινον οἴεσθαι δεῖν Ῥωμαίους ἀποδοῦναι σφίσι Σαρδόνα καὶ τοὺς ἐπιταχθέντας ἅμα ταύτῃ φόρους, οὓς τοῖς καιροῖς συνεπιθέμενοι πρότερον ἀδίκως παρʼ αὐτῶν ἔλαβον· εἰ δὲ μή, φάναι πολεμήσειν; 3.30.4. εἰ δὲ τὴν Σαρδόνος ἀφαίρεσιν καὶ τὰ σὺν ταύτῃ χρήματα, πάντως ὁμολογητέον εὐλόγως πεπολεμηκέναι τὸν κατʼ Ἀννίβαν πόλεμον τοὺς Καρχηδονίους· καιρῷ γὰρ πεισθέντες ἠμύνοντο σὺν καιρῷ τοὺς βλάψαντας. 9.22.8. τινὲς μὲν γὰρ ὠμὸν αὐτὸν οἴονται γεγονέναι καθʼ ὑπερβολήν, τινὲς δὲ φιλάργυρον. τὸ δʼ ἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐν πράγμασιν ἀναστρεφομένων οὐ ῥᾴδιον. 9.22.9. ἔνιοι μὲν γὰρ ἐλέγχεσθαί φασι τὰς φύσεις ὑπὸ τῶν περιστάσεων, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἐξουσίαις καταφανεῖς γίνεσθαι, κἂν ὅλως τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον ἀναστέλλωνται, τοὺς δὲ πάλιν ἐν ταῖς ἀτυχίαις. 9.22.10. ἐμοὶ δʼ ἔμπαλιν οὐχ ὑγιὲς εἶναι δοκεῖ τὸ λεγόμενον· οὐ γὰρ ὀλίγα μοι φαίνονται, τὰ δὲ πλεῖστα, ποτὲ μὲν διὰ τὰς τῶν φίλων παραθέσεις, ποτὲ δὲ διὰ τὰς τῶν πραγμάτων ποικιλίας, ἄνθρωποι παρὰ τὴν αὑτῶν προαίρεσιν ἀναγκάζεσθαι καὶ λέγειν καὶ πράττειν. 9.26.1. πλὴν ὅτι γε καὶ τὴν Ἀννίβου φύσιν οὐ μόνον ἡ τῶν φίλων παράθεσις, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἡ τῶν πραγμάτων περίστασις ἐβιάζετο καὶ μετετίθετο πολλάκις, ἔκ τε τῶν προειρημένων καὶ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων ἐστὶ φανερόν. 9.26.1. οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς περιμέτρου τεκμαίρονται τὰ μεγέθη τῶν προειρημένων. 9.26.2. ἅμα γὰρ τῷ γενέσθαι τὴν Καπύην τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ὑποχείριον εὐθέως ἦσαν, ὅπερ εἰκός, αἱ πόλεις μετέωροι, καὶ περιέβλεπον ἀφορμὰς καὶ προφάσεις τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους μεταβολῆς· 9.26.2. λοιπὸν ὅταν εἴπῃ τις τὴν μὲν τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν πόλιν πεντήκοντα σταδίων ἔχειν τὸν περίβολον, τὴν δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὀκτὼ καὶ τετταράκοντα, τῷ δὲ μεγέθει διπλῆν εἶναι τὴν Λακεδαίμονα τῆς Μεγάλης πόλεως, ἄπιστον αὐτοῖς εἶναι δοκεῖ τὸ λεγόμενον. 9.26.3. ὅτε δὴ καὶ δοκεῖ μάλιστα δυσχρηστηθεὶς Ἀννίβας εἰς ἀπορίαν ἐμπεσεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. 9.26.3. ἂν δὲ καὶ συναυξῆσαί τις βουλόμενος τὴν ἀπορίαν εἴπῃ διότι δυνατόν ἐστι τετταράκοντα σταδίων πόλιν ἢ στρατοπεδείαν ἔχουσαν τὴν περιγραφὴν διπλασίαν γίνεσθαι τῆς ἑκατὸν σταδίων ἐχούσης τὴν περίμετρον, τελέως ἐκπληκτικὸν αὐτοῖς φαίνεται τὸ λεγόμενον. 9.26.4. οὔτε γὰρ τηρεῖν τὰς πόλεις πάσας πολὺ διεστώσας ἀλλήλων δυνατὸς ἦν, καθίσας εἰς ἕνα τόπον, τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πλείοσι στρατοπέδοις ἀντιπαραγόντων, οὔτε διαιρεῖν εἰς πολλὰ μέρη τὴν αὑτοῦ δύναμιν οἷός τʼ ἦν. 9.26.4. τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶν αἴτιον ὅτι τῶν ἐν τοῖς παιδικοῖς μαθήμασι παραδιδομένων ἡμῖν διὰ τῆς γεωμετρίας οὐ μνημονεύομεν. 9.26.5. εὐχείρωτος γὰρ ἔμελλε τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὑπάρξειν καὶ διὰ τὸ λείπεσθαι τῷ πλήθει καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι πᾶσιν αὐτὸς συμπαρεῖναι. 9.26.5. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων προήχθην εἰπεῖν διὰ τὸ μὴ μόνον τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν πολιτευομένων καὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡγεμονίαις ἀναστρεφομένων τινὰς ἐκπλήττεσθαι, θαυμάζοντας ποτὲ μὲν εἰ δυνατόν ἐστι μείζω τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλιν εἶναι, καὶ πολλῷ μείζω, τῆς τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν, τὸν περίβολον ἔχουσαν ἐλάττω, 9.26.6. διόπερ ἠναγκάζετο τὰς μὲν προδήλως ἐγκαταλείπειν τῶν πόλεων, ἐξ ὧν δὲ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξάγειν, ἀγωνιῶν μὴ κατὰ τὰς μεταβολὰς τῶν πραγμάτων συγκαταφθείρῃ τοὺς ἰδίους στρατιώτας. 9.26.6. ποτὲ δὲ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀνδρῶν τεκμαίρεσθαι, στοχαζομένους ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς περιμέτρου τῶν στρατοπεδειῶν. 9.26.7. ἐνίας δὲ καὶ παρασπονδῆσʼ ὑπέμεινε, μετανιστὰς εἰς ἄλλας πόλεις καὶ ποιῶν ἀναρπάστους αὐτῶν τοὺς βίους. 9.26.7. παραπλήσιον δέ τι καὶ ἕτερον ἀδίκημα συμβαίνει περὶ τὰς τῶν πόλεων ἐπιφάσεις. οἱ γὰρ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὰς περικεκλασμένας καὶ βουνώδεις πλείους οἰκίας ὑπολαμβάνουσι κατέχεσθαι τῶν ἐπιπέδων. 9.26.8. ἐξ ὧν προσκόπτοντες οἱ μὲν ἀσέβειαν, οἱ δʼ ὠμότητα κατεγίνωσκον. 9.26.8. τὸ δʼ οὐκ ἔστι τοιοῦτον διὰ τὸ τὰ τειχία τῶν οἰκοδομιῶν μὴ τοῖς ἐγκλίμασι τῶν ἐδάφων ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις ἐπιπέδοις οἰκοδομεῖσθαι πρὸς ὀρθάς, ἐφʼ ὧν καὶ τοὺς λόφους αὐτοὺς βεβηκέναι συμβαίνει. 9.26.9. καὶ γὰρ ἁρπαγαὶ χρημάτων ἅμα τοῖς προειρημένοις καὶ φόνοι καὶ βίαιοι προφάσεις ἐγίνοντο διά τε τῶν ἐξιόντων καὶ διὰ τῶν εἰσιόντων στρατιωτῶν εἰς τὰς πόλεις, ἑκάστων ὑπειληφότων ὅσον οὐκ ἤδη τοὺς ὑπολειπομένους μεταβαλεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους. 9.26.9. γνοίη δʼ ἄν τις ἐκ τοῦ φαινομένου παιδικῶς ὅμως τὸ λεγόμενον. 9.26.10. ἐξ ὧν καὶ λίαν δυσχερὲς ἀποφήνασθαι περὶ τῆς Ἀννίβου φύσεως, διά τε τὴν τῶν φίλων παράθεσιν καὶ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων περίστασιν. 9.26.10. εἰ γὰρ νοήσαι τις εἰς ὕψος ἀνατεταμένας τὰς ἐν τοῖς κλίμασιν οἰκίας οὕτως ὥστε πάσας ἰσοϋψεῖς ὑπάρχειν, φανερὸν ὡς ἑνὸς ἐπιπέδου γενομένου τοῦ κατὰ τὰ τέγη τῶν οἰκιῶν, ἴσον καὶ παράλληλον ἔσται τοῦτο τῷ τοῖς λόφοις ὑποκειμένῳ καὶ τοῖς τῶν τειχῶν θεμελίοις ἐπιπέδῳ. 9.26.11. κρατεῖ γε μὴν ἡ φήμη παρὰ μὲν Καρχηδοίοις ὡς φιλαργύρου, παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ὡς ὠμοῦ γενομένου [αὐτοῦ]. 9.26.11. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι βουλομένων, ἀγνοούντων δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα | 3.10.3. but as the Romans refused to negotiate, the Carthaginians had to yield to circumstances, and though deeply aggrieved they were powerless, and evacuated Sardinia, agreeing also to pay twelve hundred talents in addition to the sum previously exacted, in order not to be forced to accept war at that time. 3.10.4. This, then, we must take to be the second and principal cause of the subsequent war; 3.10.5. for Hamilcar, with the anger felt by all his compatriots at this last outrage added to his old indignation, as soon as he had finally crushed the mutiny of the mercenaries and secured the safety of his country, at once threw all his efforts into the conquest of Spain, with the object of using the resources thus obtained for the war against Rome. 3.15.10. How much better would it have been for him to demand from the Romans the restitution of Sardinia, and at the same time of the tribute which they had so unjustly exacted, availing themselves of the misfortunes of Carthage, and to threaten war in the event of refusal! 3.30.4. If, however, we take the cause of the war to have been the robbery of Sardinia and the tribute then exacted, we must certainly confess that they had good reason for entering on the Hannibalic war, since having yielded only to circumstances, they now availed themselves of circumstances to be avenged on those who had injured them. 9.22.8. For some accuse him of excessive cruelty and others of avarice. Now it is no easy thing to state the truth about him or in general about men who are engaged in public affairs. 9.22.9. For some say that men's real natures are revealed by circumstances, the truth being in the case of some brought to light by possession of power, even if they have hitherto managed to disguise it entirely, and in that of others by misfortune. 9.22.10. But I cannot myself regard this view as sound. For it appears to me that not in a few cases only but in most cases men are compelled to act and speak contrary to their real principles by the complexity of facts and by the suggestions of their friends. 9.26.1. But that it was not only the suggestions of friends that changed and did violence to Hannibal's real nature but also the force of circumstances clearly appears from my narrative, both that which precedes and that which is to follow. 9.26.2. On Capua falling into the hands of the Romans all the other cities naturally began to waver in their allegiance, and were on the look-out for pretexts and occasions for going over to Rome. 9.26.3. Hannibal seems at this crisis to have been in great difficulty and doubt as to how to deal with the situation. 9.26.4. For he was neither able to keep watch over all the cities, far distant as they were from each other, if he started himself at one spot, with several hostile armies ready to intercept his movements, nor was he able to subdivide his force much, as he would then be easily overcome by the enemy owing to numerical inferiority and the impossibility of his being personally present everywhere. 9.26.6. He was therefore obliged to abandon openly some of the cities and to withdraw his garrisons from others, from fear lest if they transferred their allegiance he should lose his own soldiers as well. 9.26.7. In some cases he even allowed himself to violate the treaties he had made, transferring the inhabitants to other towns and giving up their property to plunder, thereby causing such offence that he was accused both of impiety and cruelty. 9.26.9. For as a fact these measures were accompanied by robbery of money, murders, and violence on no matter what pretext at the hands both of the departing and the incoming troops, everybody acting on the supposition that the citizens who were left behind were just on the point of joining the enemy. 9.26.10. All this makes it very difficult to pronounce an opinion on the real nature of Hannibal, as we have to allow for the influence of his friends and the force of circumstances. 9.26.11. But at any rate among the Carthaginians he was notorious for his love of money and among the Romans for his cruelty. VI. Sicilian Affairs Most people judge of the size of cities simply from their circumference. |
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5. Cicero, On Duties, 1.38, 1.108 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132, 133| 1.38. Cum vero de imperio decertatur belloque quaeritur gloria, causas omnino subesse tamen oportet easdem, quas dixi paulo ante iustas causas esse bellorum. Sed ea bella, quibus imperii proposita gloria est, minus acerbe gerenda sunt Ut enim cum civi aliter contendimus, si est inimicus, aliter, si competitor (cum altero certamen honoris et dignitatis est, cum altero capitis et famae), sic cum Celtiberis, cum Cimbris bellum ut cum inimicis gerebatur, uter esset, non uter imperaret, cum Latinis, Sabinis, Samnitibus, Poenis, Pyrrho de imperio dimicabatur. Poeni foedifragi, crudelis Hannibal, reliqui iustiores. Pyrrhi quidem de captivis reddendis illa praeclara: Nec mi aurum posco nec mi pretium dederitis, Nec caupotes bellum, sed belligerantes Ferro, non auro vitam cernamus utrique. Vosne velit an me regnare era, quidve ferat Fors, Virtute experiamur. Et hoc simul accipe dictum: Quorum virtuti belli fortuna pepercit, Eorundem libertati me parcere certum est. Dono, ducite, doque volentibus cum magnis dis. Regalis sane et digna Aeacidarum genere sententia. 1.108. Erat in L. Crasso, in L. Philippo multus lepos, maior etiam magisque de industria in C. Caesare L. filio; at isdem temporibus in M. Scauro et in M. Druso adulescente singularis severitas, in C. Laelio multa hilaritas, in eius familiari Scipione ambitio maior, vita tristior. De Graecis autem dulcem et facetum festivique sermonis atque in omni oratione simulatorem, quem ei)/rwna Graeci nominarunt, Socratem accepimus, contra Pythagoram et Periclem summam auctoritatem consecutos sine ulla hilaritate. Callidum Hannibalem ex Poenorum, ex nostris ducibus Q. Maximum accepimus, facile celare, tacere, dissimulare, insidiari, praeripere hostium consilia. In quo genere Graeci Themistoclem et Pheraeum Iasonem ceteris anteponunt; in primisque versutum et callidum factum Solonis, qui, quo et tutior eius vita esset et plus aliquanto rei publicae prodesset, furere se simulavit. | 1.38. But when a war is fought out for supremacy and when glory is the object of war, it must still not fail to start from the same motives which I said a moment ago were the only righteous grounds for going to war. But those wars which have glory for their end must be carried on with less bitterness. For we contend, for example, with a fellow-citizen in one way, if he is a personal enemy, in another, if he is a rival: with the rival it is a struggle for office and position, with the enemy for life and honour. So with the Celtiberians and the Cimbrians we fought as with deadly enemies, not to determine which should be supreme, but which should survive; but with the Latins, Sabines, Samnites, Carthaginians, and Pyrrhus we fought for supremacy. The Carthaginians violated treaties; Hannibal was cruel; the others were more merciful. From Pyrrhus we have this famous speech on the exchange of prisoners: "Gold will I none, nor price shall ye give; for I ask none; Come, let us not be chaff'rers of war, but warriors embattled. Nay; let us venture our lives, and the sword, not gold, weigh the outcome. Make we the trial by valour in arms and see if Dame Fortune Wills it that ye shall prevail or I, or what be her judgment. Hear thou, too, this word, good Fabricius: whose valour soever Spared hath been by the fortune of war â their freedom I grant them. Such my resolve. I give and present them to you, my brave Romans; Take them back to their homes; the great gods' blessings attend you." A right kingly sentiment this and worthy a scion of the Aeacidae. 1.108. Diversities of character are greater still. Lucius Crassus and Lucius Philippus had a large fund of wit; Gaius Caesar, Lucius's son, had a still richer fund and employed it with more studied purpose. Contemporary with them, Marcus Scaurus and Marcus Drusus, the younger, were examples of unusual seriousness; Gaius Laelius, of unbounded jollity; while his intimate friend, Scipio, cherished more serious ideals and lived a more austere life. Among the Greeks, history tells us, Socrates was fascinating and witty, a genial conversationalist; he was what the Greeks call εἴÏÏν in every conversation, pretending to need information and professing admiration for the wisdom of his companion. Pythagoras and Pericles, on the other hand, reached the heights of influence and power without any seasoning of mirthfulness. We read that Hannibal, among the Carthaginian generals, and Quintus Maximus, among our own, were shrewd and ready at concealing their plans, covering up their tracks, disguising their movements, laying stratagems, forestalling the enemy's designs. In these qualities the Greeks rank Themistocles and Jason of Pherae above all others. Especially crafty and shrewd was the device of Solon, who, to make his own life safer and at the same time to do a considerably larger service for his country, feigned insanity. |
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6. Cicero, On Invention, 1.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132| 1.71. assumptionis autem approbatione praeterita quadri- pertita sic fiet argumentatio: qui saepenumero nos per fidem fefellerunt, eorum orationi fidem habere non debemus. si quid enim perfidia illorum detrimenti acceperimus, nemo erit praeter nosmet ipsos, quem iure accusare possimus. ac primo quidem decipi in- commodum est; iterum, stultum; tertio, turpe. Cartha- ginienses autem persaepe iam nos fefellerunt. summa igitur amentia est in eorum fide spem habere, quorum perfidia totiens deceptus sis. | |
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| 7. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132 |
| 8. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 133 |
| 9. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 7.7-7.8, 7.18, 7.30, 7.57, 7.81-7.82, 7.195-7.196 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 136 |
10. Ovid, Fasti, 3.545-3.550 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 136| 3.545. arserat Aeneae Dido miserabilis igne, 3.546. arserat exstructis in sua fata rogis; 3.547. compositusque cinis, tumulique in marmore carmen 3.548. hoc breve, quod moriens ipsa reliquit, erat: 3.549. “praebuit Aeneas et causam mortis et ensem. 3.550. ipsa sua Dido concidit usa manu.” | 3.545. She burned on the pyre built for her funeral: 3.546. Her ashes were gathered, and this brief couplet 3.547. Which she left, in dying, adorned her tomb: 3.548. AENEAS THE REASON, HIS THE BLADE EMPLOYED. 3.549. DIDO BY HER OWN HAND WAS DESTROYED. 3.550. The Numidians immediately invaded the defencele |
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11. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 30.7.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 133 | 30.7.1. When the Roman (envoys) reported that they had outwitted Perseus without recourse to arms, some members of the senate made a move to praise them. The older men, however, were far from pleased with what had been done, and said it did not become Romans to ape the Phoenicians, nor to get the better of their enemies by knavery rather than by bravery. |
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| 12. Nepos, Hannibal, 9.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 133 |
13. Livy, History, 21.4.9, 22.6.12, 22.22.15, 28.44.4, 30.22.6, 30.30, 30.30.27, 30.42.17, 34.31.2-34.31.4, 34.61.13, 42.47.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image •punica fides Found in books: Giusti (2018) 237; Gruen (2011) 132, 133| 42.47.7. religionis haec Romanae esse, non versutiarum Punicarum neque calliditatis Graecae, apud quos fallere hostem quam vi superare gloriosius fuerit. | |
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| 14. Sallust, Iugurtha, 108.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132 |
| 15. Horace, Odes, 3.5.33, 4.4.49 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 133 |
| 16. Appian, The Punic Wars, 53, 62-64, 250 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132 |
| 17. Silius Italicus, Punica, 3.231-3.234 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 136 |
| 18. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, a b c d\n0 2. 2. 2 \n1 4.67 4.67 4 67 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011) 125, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 140 |
| 19. Eunapius, Lives of The Philosophers, 16.2.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •punica fides (“punic faith”) Found in books: Isaac (2004) 349 |
| 20. Abercius, Papyrus Bodmer Xli, 4.66 Tagged with subjects: •punica fides •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 132 |
21. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.628-1.629, 1.661-1.662, 4.93, 4.96-4.97, 4.393-4.396, 4.590-4.621, 6.853 Tagged with subjects: •punica fides •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019) 186, 192; Giusti (2018) 140, 237; Gruen (2011) 132 | 1.628. which calmed Aeneas' fears, and made him bold 1.629. to hope for safety, and with lifted heart 1.661. on Trojan corn or Xanthus ' cooling stream. 1.662. Here too was princely Troilus, despoiled, 4.93. How blind the hearts of prophets be! Alas! 4.96. love's fire burns inward to her bones; she feels 4.97. quick in her breast the viewless, voiceless wound. 4.393. Ascanius. It is his rightful due 4.394. in Italy o'er Roman lands to reign.” 4.395. After such word Cyllene's winged god 4.396. vanished, and e'er his accents died away, 4.590. my sorrow asks thee, Anna! Since of thee, 4.591. thee only, did that traitor make a friend, 4.592. and trusted thee with what he hid so deep — 4.593. the feelings of his heart; since thou alone 4.594. hast known what way, what hour the man would yield 4.595. to soft persuasion—therefore, sister, haste, 4.596. and humbly thus implore our haughty foe: 4.597. ‘I was not with the Greeks what time they swore 4.598. at Aulis to cut off the seed of Troy ; 4.599. I sent no ships to Ilium . Pray, have I 4.600. profaned Anchises' tomb, or vexed his shade?’ 4.601. Why should his ear be deaf and obdurate 4.602. to all I say? What haste? May he not make 4.603. one last poor offering to her whose love 4.604. is only pain? O, bid him but delay 4.605. till flight be easy and the winds blow fair. 4.606. I plead no more that bygone marriage-vow 4.607. by him forsworn, nor ask that he should lose 4.608. his beauteous Latium and his realm to be. 4.609. Nothing but time I crave! to give repose 4.610. and more room to this fever, till my fate 4.611. teach a crushed heart to sorrow. I implore 4.612. this last grace. (To thy sister's grief be kind!) 4.614. Such plaints, such prayers, again and yet again, 4.615. betwixt the twain the sorrowing sister bore. 4.616. But no words move, no lamentations bring 4.617. persuasion to his soul; decrees of Fate 4.618. oppose, and some wise god obstructs the way 4.619. that finds the hero's ear. oft-times around 4.620. the aged strength of some stupendous oak 4.621. the rival blasts of wintry Alpine winds 6.853. Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests |
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| 22. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 7.4.4 Tagged with subjects: •punica fides, and manipulation of carthaginian image Found in books: Gruen (2011) 136 |
| 23. Gnaeus Naevius, Bellum Punicum, None Tagged with subjects: •punica fides Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019) 171 |
| 24. Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, a b c d\n0 2. 2. 2 Tagged with subjects: •punica fides Found in books: Gruen (2011) 353, 354 |
