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27 results for "pseudepigraphy"
1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 21.22-21.23 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 33
21.22. "וְכִי־יִהְיֶה בְאִישׁ חֵטְא מִשְׁפַּט־מָוֶת וְהוּמָת וְתָלִיתָ אֹתוֹ עַל־עֵץ׃", 21.23. "לֹא־תָלִין נִבְלָתוֹ עַל־הָעֵץ כִּי־קָבוֹר תִּקְבְּרֶנּוּ בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא כִּי־קִלְלַת אֱלֹהִים תָּלוּי וְלֹא תְטַמֵּא אֶת־אַדְמָתְךָ אֲשֶׁר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לְךָ נַחֲלָה׃", 21.22. "And if a man have committed a sin worthy of death, and he be put to death, and thou hang him on a tree;", 21.23. "his body shall not remain all night upon the tree, but thou shalt surely bury him the same day; for he that is hanged is a reproach unto God; that thou defile not thy land which the LORD thy God giveth thee for an inheritance.",
2. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 21.6 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34, 35
21.6. "פֹּעַל אוֹצָרוֹת בִּלְשׁוֹן שָׁקֶר הֶבֶל נִדָּף מְבַקְשֵׁי־מָוֶת׃", 21.6. "The getting of treasures by a lying tongue Is a vapour driven to and fro; they [that seek them] seek death.",
3. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 2.10, 7.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34
7.4. "כִּי נִמְכַּרְנוּ אֲנִי וְעַמִּי לְהַשְׁמִיד לַהֲרוֹג וּלְאַבֵּד וְאִלּוּ לַעֲבָדִים וְלִשְׁפָחוֹת נִמְכַּרְנוּ הֶחֱרַשְׁתִּי כִּי אֵין הַצָּר שֹׁוֶה בְּנֵזֶק הַמֶּלֶךְ׃", 2.10. "Esther had not made known her people nor her kindred; for Mordecai had charged her that she should not tell it.", 7.4. "for we are sold, I and my people, to be destroyed, to be slain, and to perish. But if we had been sold for bondmen and bondwomen, I had held my peace, for the adversary is not worthy that the king be endamaged.’",
4. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 34.13-34.31, 49.5-49.6 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34
34.13. "וַיַּעֲנוּ בְנֵי־יַעֲקֹב אֶת־שְׁכֶם וְאֶת־חֲמוֹר אָבִיו בְּמִרְמָה וַיְדַבֵּרוּ אֲשֶׁר טִמֵּא אֵת דִּינָה אֲחֹתָם׃", 34.14. "וַיֹּאמְרוּ אֲלֵיהֶם לֹא נוּכַל לַעֲשׂוֹת הַדָּבָר הַזֶּה לָתֵת אֶת־אֲחֹתֵנוּ לְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־לוֹ עָרְלָה כִּי־חֶרְפָּה הִוא לָנוּ׃", 34.15. "אַךְ־בְּזֹאת נֵאוֹת לָכֶם אִם תִּהְיוּ כָמֹנוּ לְהִמֹּל לָכֶם כָּל־זָכָר׃", 34.16. "וְנָתַנּוּ אֶת־בְּנֹתֵינוּ לָכֶם וְאֶת־בְּנֹתֵיכֶם נִקַּח־לָנוּ וְיָשַׁבְנוּ אִתְּכֶם וְהָיִינוּ לְעַם אֶחָד׃", 34.17. "וְאִם־לֹא תִשְׁמְעוּ אֵלֵינוּ לְהִמּוֹל וְלָקַחְנוּ אֶת־בִּתֵּנוּ וְהָלָכְנוּ׃", 34.18. "וַיִּיטְבוּ דִבְרֵיהֶם בְּעֵינֵי חֲמוֹר וּבְעֵינֵי שְׁכֶם בֶּן־חֲמוֹר׃", 34.19. "וְלֹא־אֵחַר הַנַּעַר לַעֲשׂוֹת הַדָּבָר כִּי חָפֵץ בְּבַת־יַעֲקֹב וְהוּא נִכְבָּד מִכֹּל בֵּית אָבִיו׃", 34.21. "הָאֲנָשִׁים הָאֵלֶּה שְׁלֵמִים הֵם אִתָּנוּ וְיֵשְׁבוּ בָאָרֶץ וְיִסְחֲרוּ אֹתָהּ וְהָאָרֶץ הִנֵּה רַחֲבַת־יָדַיִם לִפְנֵיהֶם אֶת־בְּנֹתָם נִקַּח־לָנוּ לְנָשִׁים וְאֶת־בְּנֹתֵינוּ נִתֵּן לָהֶם׃", 34.22. "אַךְ־בְּזֹאת יֵאֹתוּ לָנוּ הָאֲנָשִׁים לָשֶׁבֶת אִתָּנוּ לִהְיוֹת לְעַם אֶחָד בְּהִמּוֹל לָנוּ כָּל־זָכָר כַּאֲשֶׁר הֵם נִמֹּלִים׃", 34.23. "מִקְנֵהֶם וְקִנְיָנָם וְכָל־בְּהֶמְתָּם הֲלוֹא לָנוּ הֵם אַךְ נֵאוֹתָה לָהֶם וְיֵשְׁבוּ אִתָּנוּ׃", 34.24. "וַיִּשְׁמְעוּ אֶל־חֲמוֹר וְאֶל־שְׁכֶם בְּנוֹ כָּל־יֹצְאֵי שַׁעַר עִירוֹ וַיִּמֹּלוּ כָּל־זָכָר כָּל־יֹצְאֵי שַׁעַר עִירוֹ׃", 34.25. "וַיְהִי בַיּוֹם הַשְּׁלִישִׁי בִּהְיוֹתָם כֹּאֲבִים וַיִּקְחוּ שְׁנֵי־בְנֵי־יַעֲקֹב שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי אֲחֵי דִינָה אִישׁ חַרְבּוֹ וַיָּבֹאוּ עַל־הָעִיר בֶּטַח וַיַּהַרְגוּ כָּל־זָכָר׃", 34.26. "וְאֶת־חֲמוֹר וְאֶת־שְׁכֶם בְּנוֹ הָרְגוּ לְפִי־חָרֶב וַיִּקְחוּ אֶת־דִּינָה מִבֵּית שְׁכֶם וַיֵּצֵאוּ׃", 34.27. "בְּנֵי יַעֲקֹב בָּאוּ עַל־הַחֲלָלִים וַיָּבֹזּוּ הָעִיר אֲשֶׁר טִמְּאוּ אֲחוֹתָם׃", 34.28. "אֶת־צֹאנָם וְאֶת־בְּקָרָם וְאֶת־חֲמֹרֵיהֶּם וְאֵת אֲשֶׁר־בָּעִיר וְאֶת־אֲשֶׁר בַּשָּׂדֶה לָקָחוּ׃", 34.29. "וְאֶת־כָּל־חֵילָם וְאֶת־כָּל־טַפָּם וְאֶת־נְשֵׁיהֶם שָׁבוּ וַיָּבֹזּוּ וְאֵת כָּל־אֲשֶׁר בַּבָּיִת׃", 34.31. "וַיֹּאמְרוּ הַכְזוֹנָה יַעֲשֶׂה אֶת־אֲחוֹתֵנוּ׃", 49.5. "שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי אַחִים כְּלֵי חָמָס מְכֵרֹתֵיהֶם׃", 49.6. "בְּסֹדָם אַל־תָּבֹא נַפְשִׁי בִּקְהָלָם אַל־תֵּחַד כְּבֹדִי כִּי בְאַפָּם הָרְגוּ אִישׁ וּבִרְצֹנָם עִקְּרוּ־שׁוֹר׃", 34.13. "And the sons of Jacob answered Shechem and Hamor his father with guile, and spoke, because he had defiled Dinah their sister,", 34.14. "and said unto them: ‘We cannot do this thing, to give our sister to one that is uncircumcised; for that were a reproach unto us.", 34.15. "Only on this condition will we consent unto you: if ye will be as we are, that every male of you be circumcised;", 34.16. "then will we give our daughters unto you, and we will take your daughters to us, and we will dwell with you, and we will become one people.", 34.17. "But if ye will not hearken unto us, to be circumcised; then will we take our daughter, and we will be gone.’", 34.18. "And their words pleased Hamor, and Shechem Hamor’s son.", 34.19. "And the young man deferred not to do the thing, because he had delight in Jacob’s daughter. And he was honoured above all the house of his father.", 34.20. "And Hamor and Shechem his son came unto the gate of their city, and spoke with the men of their city, saying:", 34.21. "’These men are peaceable with us; therefore let them dwell in the land, and trade therein; for, behold, the land is large enough for them; let us take their daughters to us for wives, and let us give them our daughters.", 34.22. "Only on this condition will the men consent unto us to dwell with us, to become one people, if every male among us be circumcised, as they are circumcised.", 34.23. "Shall not their cattle and their substance and all their beasts be ours? only let us consent unto them, and they will dwell with us.’", 34.24. "And unto Hamor and unto Shechem his son hearkened all that went out of the gate of his city; and every male was circumcised, all that went out of the gate of his city.", 34.25. "And it came to pass on the third day, when they were in pain, that two of the sons of Jacob, Simeon and Levi, Dinah’s brethren, took each man his sword, and came upon the city unawares, and slew all the males.", 34.26. "And they slew Hamor and Shechem his son with the edge of the sword, and took Dinah out of Shechem’s house, and went forth. .", 34.27. "The sons of Jacob came upon the slain, and spoiled the city, because they had defiled their sister.", 34.28. "They took their flocks and their herds and their asses, and that which was in the city and that which was in the field;", 34.29. "and all their wealth, and all their little ones and their wives, took they captive and spoiled, even all that was in the house.", 34.30. "And Jacob said to Simeon and Levi: ‘Ye have troubled me, to make me odious unto the inhabitants of the land, even unto the Canaanites and the Perizzites; and, I being few in number, they will gather themselves together against me and smite me; and I shall be destroyed, I and my house.’", 34.31. "And they said: ‘Should one deal with our sister as with a harlot?’", 49.5. "Simeon and Levi are brethren; Weapons of violence their kinship.", 49.6. "Let my soul not come into their council; Unto their assembly let my glory not be not united; For in their anger they slew men, And in their self-will they houghed oxen.",
5. Xenophon, The Cavalry General, 4.1-5.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 32
6. Xenophon, Memoirs, 4.2.14-4.2.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34
4.2.14. ἔστι μέντοι, ἔφη. ποτέρωσε οὖν, ἔφη, θῶμεν τοῦτο; δῆλον, ἔφη, ὅτι πρὸς τὴν ἀδικίαν. οὐκοῦν, ἔφη, καὶ ἐξαπατᾶν ἔστι; καὶ μάλα, ἔφη. τοῦτο οὖν ποτέρωσε θῶμεν; καὶ τοῦτο δῆλον ὅτι, ἔφη, πρὸς τὴν ἀδικίαν. τί δὲ τὸ κακουργεῖν; καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη. τὸ δὲ ἀνδραποδίζεσθαι; καὶ τοῦτο. πρὸς δὲ τῇ δικαιοσύνῃ οὐδὲν ἡμῖν τούτων κείσεται, ὦ Εὐθύδημε; 4.2.15. δεινὸν γὰρ ἂν εἴη, ἔφη. τί δʼ; ἐάν τις στρατηγὸς αἱρεθεὶς ἄδικόν τε καὶ ἐχθρὰν πόλιν ἐξανδραποδίσηται, φήσομεν τοῦτον ἀδικεῖν; οὐ δῆτα, ἔφη. δίκαια δὲ ποιεῖν οὐ φήσομεν; καὶ μάλα. τί δʼ; ἐὰν ἐξαπατᾷ πολεμῶν αὐτοῖς; δίκαιον, ἔφη, καὶ τοῦτο. ἐὰν δὲ κλέπτῃ τε καὶ ἁρπάζῃ τὰ τούτων, οὐ δίκαια ποιήσει; καὶ μάλα, ἔφη· ἀλλʼ ἐγώ σε τὸ πρῶτον ὑπελάμβανον πρὸς τοὺς φίλους μόνον ταῦτα ἐρωτᾶν. οὐκοῦν, ἔφη, ὅσα πρὸς τῇ ἀδικίᾳ ἐθήκαμεν, ταῦτα καὶ πρὸς τῇ δικαιοσύνῃ θετέον ἂν εἴη; 4.2.16. ἔοικεν, ἔφη. βούλει οὖν, ἔφη, ταῦτα οὕτω θέντες διορισώμεθα πάλιν πρὸς μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους δίκαιον εἶναι τὰ τοιαῦτα ποιεῖν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς φίλους ἄδικον, ἀλλὰ δεῖν πρός γε τούτους ὡς ἁπλούστατον εἶναι; 4.2.17. πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Εὐθύδημος. τί οὖν; ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, ἐάν τις στρατηγὸς ὁρῶν ἀθύμως ἔχον τὸ στράτευμα ψευσάμενος φήσῃ συμμάχους προσιέναι καὶ τῷ ψεύδει τούτῳ παύσῃ τῆς ἀθυμίας τοὺς στρατιώτας, ποτέρωθι τὴν ἀπάτην ταύτην θήσομεν; δοκεῖ μοι, ἔφη, πρὸς τὴν δικαιοσύνην. ἐὰν δέ τις υἱὸν ἑαυτοῦ δεόμενον φαρμακείας καὶ μὴ προσιέμενον φάρμακον ἐξαπατήσας ὡς σιτίον τὸ φάρμακον δῷ καὶ τῷ ψεύδει χρησάμενος οὕτως ὑγιᾶ ποιήσῃ, ταύτην αὖ τὴν ἀπάτην ποῖ θετέον; δοκεῖ μοι, ἔφη, καὶ ταύτην εἰς τὸ αὐτό. τί δʼ; ἐάν τις, ἐν ἀθυμίᾳ ὄντος φίλου, δείσας μὴ διαχρήσηται ἑαυτόν, κλέψῃ ἢ ἁρπάσῃ ἢ ξίφος ἢ ἄλλο τι τοιοῦτον, τοῦτο αὖ ποτέρωσε θετέον; καὶ τοῦτο νὴ Δίʼ, ἔφη, πρὸς τὴν δικαιοσύνην. 4.2.18. λέγεις, ἔφη, σὺ οὐδὲ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἅπαντα δεῖν ἁπλοίζεσθαι; μὰ Δίʼ οὐ δῆτα, ἔφη· ἀλλὰ μετατίθεμαι τὰ εἰρημένα, εἴπερ ἔξεστι. δεῖ γέ τοι, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, ἐξεῖναι πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ μὴ ὀρθῶς τιθέναι. 4.2.14. Lying occurs among men, does it not? Yes, it does. Under which heading, then, are we to put that? Under the heading of injustice, clearly. Deceit, too, is found, is it not? Certainly. Under which heading will that go? Under injustice again, of course. What about doing mischief? That too. Selling into slavery? That too. Then we shall assign none of these things to justice, Euthydemus? No, it would be monstrous to do so. 4.2.15. Now suppose a man who has been elected general enslaves an unjust and hostile city, shall we say that he acts unjustly? Oh no! We shall say that his actions are just, shall we not? Certainly. And what if he deceives the enemy when at war? Cyropaedia I, vi. 31, VI. i. 55. That too is just. And if he steals and plunders their goods, will not his actions be just? Certainly; but at first I assumed that your questions had reference only to friends. Then everything that we assigned to injustice should be assigned to justice also? Apparently. 4.2.16. Then I propose to revise our classification, and to say: It is just to do such things to enemies, but it is unjust to do them to friends, towards whom one’s conduct should be scrupulously honest. By all means. 4.2.17. Now suppose that a general, seeing that his army is downhearted, tells a lie and says that reinforcements are approaching, and by means of this lie checks discouragement among the men, under which heading shall we put this deception? Under justice, I think. Suppose, again, that a man’s son refuses to take a dose of medicine when he needs it, and the father induces him to take it by pretending that it is food, and cures him by means of this lie, where shall we put this deception? That too goes on the same side, I think. And again, suppose one has a friend suffering from depression, and, for fear that he may make away with himself, one takes away his sword or something of the sort, under which heading shall we put that now? That too goes under justice, of course. 4.2.18. You mean, do you, that even with friends straightforward dealing is not invariably right? It isn’t, indeed! I retract what I said before, if you will let me. Why, I’m bound to let you; it’s far better than getting our lists wrong.
7. Anon., 1 Enoch, 98.15, 104.9-104.10 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 35
104.9. day and night, see all your sins. Be not godless in your hearts, and lie not and alter not the words of uprightness, nor charge with lying the words of the Holy Great One, nor take account of your
8. Dead Sea Scrolls, Community Rule, 4.9-4.14, 6.15, 8.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34, 35
9. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 6.21-6.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34, 35
6.21. Those who were in charge of that unlawful sacrifice took the man aside, because of their long acquaintance with him, and privately urged him to bring meat of his own providing, proper for him to use, and pretend that he was eating the flesh of the sacrificial meal which had been commanded by the king,' 6.22. o that by doing this he might be saved from death, and be treated kindly on account of his old friendship with them.' 6.23. But making a high resolve, worthy of his years and the dignity of his old age and the gray hairs which he had reached with distinction and his excellent life even from childhood, and moreover according to the holy God-given law, he declared himself quickly, telling them to send him to Hades.' 6.24. Such pretense is not worthy of our time of life, he said, 'lest many of the young should suppose that Eleazar in his ninetieth year has gone over to an alien religion,' 6.25. and through my pretense, for the sake of living a brief moment longer, they should be led astray because of me, while I defile and disgrace my old age.' 6.26. For even if for the present I should avoid the punishment of men, yet whether I live or die I shall not escape the hands of the Almighty.' 6.27. Therefore, by manfully giving up my life now, I will show myself worthy of my old age' 6.28. and leave to the young a noble example of how to die a good death willingly and nobly for the revered and holy laws.'When he had said this, he went at once to the rack.'
10. Anon., Jubilees, 30.1-30.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34
30.1. And in the first year of the sixth week he went up to Salem, to the east of Shechem, in peace, in the fourth month. 30.2. And there they carried off Dinah, the daughter of Jacob, into the house of Shechem, the son of Hamor, the Hivite, the prince of the land, and he lay with her and defiled her, 30.3. and she was a little girl, a child of twelve years. br And he besought his father and her brothers that she might be given to him to wife. 30.4. And Jacob and his sons were wroth because of the men of Shechem; for they had defiled Dinah, their sister, and they spake to them with evil intent and dealt deceitfully with them and beguiled them. 30.5. And Simeon and Levi came unexpectedly to Shechem and executed judgment on all the men of Shechem, and slew all the men whom they found in it, and left not a single one remaining in it: 30.6. they slew all in torments because they had dishonoured their sister Dinah. 30.7. And thus let it not again be done from henceforth that a daughter of Israel be defiled; 30.8. for judgment is ordained in heaven against them that they should destroy with the sword all the men of the Shechemites because they had wrought shame in Israel. 30.9. And the Lord delivered them into the hands of the sons of Jacob that they might exterminate them with the sword and execute judgment upon them,... 30.10. and that it might not thus again be done in Israel that a virgin of Israel should be defiled. 30.11. And if there is any man who wisheth in Israel to give his daughter or his sister to any man who is of the seed of the Gentiles he shall surely die, and they shall stone him with stones; for he hath wrought shame in Israel; 30.12. and they shall burn the woman with fire, because she hath dishonoured the name of the house of her father, and she shall be rooted out of Israel. 30.13. And let not an adulteress and no uncleanness be found in Israel throughout all the days of the generations of the earth; for Israel is holy unto the Lord, 30.14. and every man who hath defiled (it) shall surely die: they shall stone him with stones. 30.15. For thus hath it been ordained and written in the heavenly tables regarding all the seed of Israel: he who defileth (it) shall surely die, and he shall be stoned with stones. 30.16. And to this law there is no limit of days, and no remission, nor any atonement: but the man who hath defiled his daughter shall be rooted out in the midst of all Israel, because he hath given of his seed to Moloch, and wrought impiously so as to defile it. 30.17. And do thou, Moses, command the children of Israel and exhort them not to give their daughters to the Gentiles, and not to take for their sons any of the daughters of the Gentiles, for this is abominable before the Lord.
11. New Testament, Mark, 7.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 33
7.15. οὐδὲν ἔστιν ἔξωθεν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου εἰσπορευόμενον εἰς αὐτὸν ὃ δύναται κοινῶσαι αὐτόν· ἀλλὰ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκπορευόμενά ἐστιν τὰ κοινοῦντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον. 7.15. There is nothing from outside of the man, that going into him can defile him; but the things which proceed out of the man are those that defile the man.
12. New Testament, Ephesians, 4.25, 6.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 35
4.25. Διὸ ἀποθέμενοι τὸ ψεῦδος λαλεῖτε ἀλήθειαν ἕκαστος μετὰ τοῦ πλησίον αὐτοῦ, ὅτι ἐσμὲν ἀλλήλων μέλη. 6.14. στῆτε οὖν περιζωσάμενοι τὴν ὀσφὺν ὑμῶν ἐν ἀληθεία, καὶ ἐνδυσάμενοι τὸν θώρακα τῆς δικαιοσύνης, 4.25. Therefore, putting away falsehood, speak truth each one with his neighbor. For we are members one of another. 6.14. Stand therefore, having the utility belt of truth buckled around your waist, and having put on the breastplate of righteousness,
13. New Testament, Colossians, 3.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 35
3.9. μὴ ψεύδεσθε εἰς ἀλλήλους· ἀπεκδυσάμενοι τὸν παλαιὸν ἄνθρωπον σὺν ταῖς πράξεσιν αὐτοῦ, 3.9. Don't lie to one another, seeing that you have put off the old man with his doings,
14. New Testament, 2 Thessalonians, 2.1-2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34
2.1. Ἐρωτῶμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, ὑπὲρ τῆς παρουσίας τοῦ κυρίου [ἡμῶν] Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ἡμῶν ἐπισυναγωγῆς ἐπʼ αὐτόν, 2.2. εἰς τὸ μὴ ταχέως σαλευθῆναι ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ νοὸς μηδὲ θροεῖσθαι μήτε διὰ πνεύματος μήτε διὰ λόγου μήτε διʼ ἐπιστολῆς ὡς διʼ ἡμῶν, ὡς ὅτι ἐνέστηκεν ἡ ἡμέρα τοῦ κυρίου. 2.1. Now, brothers, concerning the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, and our gathering together to him, we ask you 2.2. not to be quickly shaken in your mind, nor yet be troubled, either by spirit, or by word, or by letter as from us, saying that the day of Christ had come.
15. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.526-1.529, 1.641-1.643 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34, 35
1.526. 3. When Eurycles had made this portentous speech, he greatly commended Antipater, as the only child that had an affection for his father, and on that account was an impediment to the other’s plot against him. Hereupon the king, who had hardly repressed his anger upon the former accusations, was exasperated to an incurable degree. 1.527. At which time Antipater took another occasion to send in other persons to his father to accuse his brethren, and to tell him that they had privately discoursed with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had once been masters of the horse to the king, but for some offenses had been put out of that honorable employment. Herod was in a very great rage at these informations, and presently ordered those men to be tortured; 1.528. yet did not they confess anything of what the king had been informed; but a certain letter was produced, as written by Alexander to the governor of a castle, to desire him to receive him and Aristobulus into the castle when he had killed his father, and to give them weapons, and what other assistance he could, upon that occasion. 1.529. Alexander said that this letter was a forgery of Diophantus. This Diophantus was the king’s secretary, a bold man, and cunning in counterfeiting anyone’s hand; and after he had counterfeited a great number, he was at last put to death for it. Herod did also order the governor of the castle to be tortured, but got nothing out of him of what the accusations suggested. 1.641. 6. Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus’s domestic servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maidservant of Julia [Caesar’s wife], whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia’s papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her goodwill to him. 1.642. This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. 1.643. This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him:—“As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised, when all is accomplished.”
16. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.12-12.118 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 32
12.12. Demetrius Phalerius, who was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were possible, to gather together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or agreeable to the king’s inclination, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books,) to which inclination of his Demetrius was zealously subservient. 12.13. And when once Ptolemy asked him how many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand. 12.14. But he said he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and worthy of the king’s library, but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into the Greek tongue; 12.15. that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which is the proper character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get those books to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also in this library. 12.16. So the king thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly. 12.17. 2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king’s most intimate friends, and on account of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free; 12.18. and he thought this to be a convenient opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with the captains of the king’s guards, Sosibius of Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in what he was going to intercede with the king for. 12.19. Accordingly Aristeus embraced the same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the king, and made the following speech to him: 12.20. “It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay the truth open. For since we have determined not only to get the laws of the Jews transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by what means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy kingdom? 12.21. Do thou then what will be agreeable to thy magimity, and to thy good nature: free them from the miserable condition they are in, because that God, who supporteth thy kingdom, was the author of their law 12.22. as I have learned by particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by the name of Ζηνα, [or life, or Jupiter,] because he breathes life into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men to their own country, and this do to the honor of God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent worship to him. 12.23. And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favors to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them.” 12.24. 3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful countece, and said, “How many ten thousands dost thou suppose there are of such as want to be made free?” To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said, “A few more than ten times ten thousand.” The king made answer, “And is this a small gift that thou askest, Aristeus?” 12.25. But Sosibius, and the rest that stood by, said that he ought to offer such a thank-offering as was worthy of his greatness of soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom. With this answer he was much pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should lay down [a hundred and] twenty drachmas for every one of the slaves? 12.26. And he promised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had proposed, and especially what God willed should be done; whereby he said he would not only set those free who had been led away captive by his father and his army, but those who were in this kingdom before, and those also, if any such there were, who had been brought away since. 12.27. And when they said that their redemption money would amount to above four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of which decree I have determined to preserve, that the magimity of this king may be made known. 12.28. Its contents were as follows: “Let all those who were soldiers under our father, and who, when they overran Syria and Phoenicia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this country, and then sold them; as also all those that were in my kingdom before them, and if there be any that have been lately brought thither,—be made free by those that possess them; and let them accept of [a hundred and] twenty drachmas for every slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption money with their pay, but the rest out of the king’s treasury: 12.29. for I suppose that they were made captives without our father’s consent, and against equity; and that their country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers, and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great profit by them. 12.30. Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded. 12.31. And I will that they give in their names within three days after the publication of this edict, to such as are appointed to execute the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I think it will be for the advantage of my affairs. And let every one that will inform against those that do not obey this decree, and I will that their estates be confiscated into the king’s treasury.” 12.32. When this decree was read to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had formerly been brought, and those brought afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he added these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. He also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in a hurry, should be divided among the king’s ministers, and among the officers of his treasury. 12.33. When this was over, what the king had decreed was quickly brought to a conclusion; and this in no more than seven days’ time, the number of the talents paid for the captives being above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their masters required the [hundred and] twenty drachmas for the children also, the king having, in effect, commanded that these should be paid for, when he said in his decree, that they should receive the forementioned sum for every slave. 12.34. 4. Now when this had been done after so magnificent a manner, according to the king’s inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius to give him in writing his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the Jewish books; for no part of the administration is done rashly by these kings, but all things are managed with great circumspection. 12.35. On which account I have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and set down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts [to Jerusalem], and the construction of every one, that the exactness of the artificers’ workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw them, and which workman made every vessel, may be made manifest, and this on account of the excellency of the vessels themselves. Now the copy of the epistle was to this purpose: 12.36. “Demetrius to the great king. When thou, O king, gavest me a charge concerning the collection of books that were wanting to fill your library, and concerning the care that ought to be taken about such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost diligence about those matters. And I let you know, that we want the books of the Jewish legislation, with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew characters, and being in the language of that nation, are to us unknown. 12.37. It hath also happened to them, that they have been transcribed more carelessly than they ought to have been, because they have not had hitherto royal care taken about them. Now it is necessary that thou shouldst have accurate copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full of hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being the legislation of God; 12.38. for which cause it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and historians make no mention of it, nor of those men who lead their lives according to it, since it is a holy law, and ought not to be published by profane mouths. 12.39. If then it please thee, O king, thou mayest write to the high priest of the Jews, to send six of the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are most skillful of the laws, that by their means we may learn the clear and agreeing sense of these books, and may obtain an accurate interpretation of their contents, and so may have such a collection of these as may be suitable to thy desire.” 12.40. 5. When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an epistle should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these matters; and that they should inform him of the release of the Jews that had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense quantity of precious stones. 12.41. He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses. 12.42. Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity on the occasion following: 12.43. When Onias the high priest was dead, his son Simon became his successor. He was called Simon the Just because of both his piety towards God, and his kind disposition to those of his own nation. 12.44. When he was dead, and had left a young son, who was called Onias, Simon’s brother Eleazar, of whom we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote, and that in the manner following: 12.45. “King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high priest, sendeth greeting. There are many Jews who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, when they were in power, carried captives. These were honored by my father; some of them he placed in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordinary; to others of them, when they came with him into Egypt, he committed his garrisons, and the guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the Egyptians. 12.46. And when I had taken the government, I treated all men with humanity, and especially those that are thy fellow citizens, of whom I have set free above a hundred thousand that were slaves, and paid the price of their redemption to their masters out of my own revenues; 12.47. and those that are of a fit age, I have admitted into them number of my soldiers. And for such as are capable of being faithful to me, and proper for my court, I have put them in such a post, as thinking this [kindness done to them] to be a very great and an acceptable gift, which I devote to God for his providence over me. 12.48. And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful to these, and to all the other Jews in the habitable earth, I have determined to procure an interpretation of your law, and to have it translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and to be deposited in my library. 12.49. Thou wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to me men of a good character, who are now elders in age, and six in number out of every tribe. These, by their age, must be skillful in the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate interpretation of them; and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I have done a work glorious to myself. 12.50. And I have sent to thee Andreas, the captain of my guard, and Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem; by whom I have sent those first-fruits which I have dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value of a hundred talents. And if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou wouldst have further, thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me.” 12.51. 6. When this epistle of the king was brought to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to it with all the respect possible: “Eleazar the high priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe, and thy children, be well, we are entirely satisfied. 12.52. When we received thy epistle, we greatly rejoiced at thy intentions; and when the multitude were gathered together, we read it to them, and thereby made them sensible of the piety thou hast towards God. 12.53. We also showed them the twenty vials of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and the table for the shew-bread; as also the hundred talents for the sacrifices, and for the making what shall be needful at the temple; which things Andreas and Aristeus, those most honored friends of thine, have brought us; and truly they are persons of an excellent character, and of great learning, and worthy of thy virtue. 12.54. Know then that we will gratify thee in what is for thy advantage, though we do what we used not to do before; for we ought to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness which thou hast done to our countrymen. 12.55. We immediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with thy children and friends; and the multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved in peace, and that the translation of our law may come to the conclusion thou desirest, and be for thy advantage. 12.56. We have also chosen six elders out of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to send back the law, when it hath been translated, and to return those to us that bring it in safety. Farewell.” 12.57. 7. This was the reply which the high priest made. But it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of the seventy [two] elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle. 12.58. However, I thought it not improper to give an account of those very valuable and artificially contrived vessels which the king sent to God, that all may see how great a regard the king had for God; for the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels, and came often to the workmen, and viewed their works, and suffered nothing of carelessness or negligence to be any damage to their operations. 12.59. And I will relate how rich they were as well as I am able, although perhaps the nature of this history may not require such a description; but I imagine I shall thereby recommend the elegant taste and magimity of this king to those that read this history. 12.60. 8. And first I will describe what belongs to the table. It was indeed in the king’s mind to make this table vastly large in its dimensions; but then he gave orders that they should learn what was the magnitude of the table which was already at Jerusalem, and how large it was, and whether there was a possibility of making one larger than it. 12.61. And when he was informed how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that should be five times as large as the present table; but his fear was, that it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred ministrations. 12.62. According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials. 12.63. And as he was sagacious in observing the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where there was no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which were delineated should be most accurately formed by a constant regard to their delineation. 12.64. 9. When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table, they framed it in length two cubits [and a half], in breadth one cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on its three parts; 12.65. for as they were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators; 12.66. for which reason it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute, and none of the angles, which we before told you were three, appeared less than another, when the table was turned about. Now into the cordwork thus turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them; 12.67. but the parts which were on the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encompassed the table round about. 12.68. But under these oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and that each in its proper color, they made them fast with gold round the whole table. 12.69. The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show the same appearance of variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different, although the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet; 12.70. for there was made a plate of gold four fingers broad, through the entire breadth of the table, into which they inserted the feet, and then fastened them to the table by buttons and button-holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that so on what side soever of the table one should stand, it might exhibit the very same view of the exquisite workmanship, and of the vast expenses bestowed upon it: 12.71. but upon the table itself they engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars, of various colors; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind. 12.72. Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw them. 12.73. The chapiters of the feet imitated the first buddings of lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives were seen standing upright within them. 12.74. Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. 12.75. Now they had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy and tendrils of the vine, sending forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one believe that they were the product of nature, and not the representation of art. 12.76. They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be threefold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit. 12.77. So that this gift, by the king’s great generosity, by the great value of the materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer’s skill in imitating nature with graying tools, was at length brought to perfection, while the king was very desirous, that though in largeness it were not to be different from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious than that was. 12.78. 10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones enchased in the spiral circles. 12.79. Next to which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was composed of stones of all sorts of colors. And next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin, 12.80. while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers’ depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner. 12.81. And this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins. But those which were of silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you might in them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the other. 12.82. The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially engraven. 12.83. And these were the vessels that were after an extraordinary manner brought to this perfection, partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work, but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king, 12.84. who not only supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation. And this was the cause why the workmen were so accurate in their performance, because they had regard to the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so the more indefatigably kept close to the work. 12.85. 11. And these were what gifts were sent by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to God there. But when Eleazar the high priest had devoted them to God, and had paid due respect to those that brought them, and had given them presents to be carried to the king, he dismissed them. 12.86. And when they were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard that they were come, and that the seventy elders were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and Aristens, his ambassadors, who came to him, and delivered him the epistle which they brought him from the high priest, and made answer to all the questions he put to them by word of mouth. 12.87. He then made haste to meet the elders that came from Jerusalem for the interpretation of the laws; and he gave command, that every body who came on other occasions should be sent away, which was a thing surprising, and what he did not use to do; 12.88. for those that were drawn thither upon such occasions used to come to him on the fifth day, but ambassadors at the month’s end. But when he had sent those away, he waited for these that were sent by Eleazar; 12.89. but as the old men came in with the presents, which the high priest had given them to bring to the king, and with the membranes, upon which they had their laws written in golden letters he put questions to them concerning those books; 12.90. and when they had taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt up, they showed him the membranes. So the king stood admiring the thinness of those membranes, and the exactness of the junctures, which could not be perceived; (so exactly were they connected one with another;) and this he did for a considerable time. He then said that he returned them thanks for coming to him, and still greater thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to that God whose laws they appeared to be. 12.91. Then did the elders, and those that were present with them, cry out with one voice, and wished all happiness to the king. Upon which he fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural to men to afford the same indications in great joy that they do under sorrows. 12.92. And when he had bid them deliver the books to those that were appointed to receive them, he saluted the men, and said that it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of the errand they were sent about, and then to address himself to themselves. He promised, however, that he would make this day on which they came to him remarkable and eminent every year through the whole course of his life; 12.93. for their coming to him, and the victory which he gained over Antigonus by sea, proved to be on the very same day. He also gave orders that they should sup with him; and gave it in charge that they should have excellent lodgings provided for them in the upper part of the city. 12.94. 12. Now he that was appointed to take care of the reception of strangers, Nicanor by name, called for Dorotheus, whose duty it was to make provision for them, and bid him prepare for every one of them what should be requisite for their diet and way of living; which thing was ordered by the king after this manner: 12.95. he took care that those that belonged to every city, which did not use the same way of living, that all things should be prepared for them according to the custom of those that came to him, that, being feasted according to the usual method of their own way of living, they might be the better pleased, and might not be uneasy at any thing done to them from which they were naturally averse. And this was now done in the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was put into this office because of his great skill in such matters belonging to common life; 12.96. for he took care of all such matters as concerned the reception of strangers, and appointed them double seats for them to sit on, according as the king had commanded him to do; for he had commanded that half of their seats should be set at his right hand, and the other half behind his table, and took care that no respect should be omitted that could be shown them. 12.97. And when they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to minister to all those that were come to him from Judea, after the manner they used to be ministered to; for which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and those that slew the sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace; but called to one of those that were come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who w a priest, and desired him to say grace; 12.98. who then stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that all prosperity might attend the king, and those that were his subjects. Upon which an acclamation was made by the whole company, with joy and a great noise; and when that was over, they fell to eating their supper, and to the enjoyment of what was set before them. 12.99. And at a little interval afterward, when the king thought a sufficient time had been interposed, he began to talk philosophically to them, and he asked every one of them a philosophical question and such a one as might give light in those inquiries; and when they had explained all the problems that had been proposed by the king about every point, he was well-pleased with their answers. This took up the twelve days in which they were treated; 12.100. and he that pleases may learn the particular questions in that book of Aristeus, which he wrote on this very occasion. 12.101. 13. And while not the king only, but the philosopher Menedemus also, admired them, and said that all things were governed by Providence, and that it was probable that thence it was that such force or beauty was discovered in these men’s words, they then left off asking any more such questions. 12.102. But the king said that he had gained very great advantages by their coming, for that he had received this profit from them, that he had learned how he ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that they should have every one three talents given them, and that those that were to conduct them to their lodging should do it. 12.103. Accordingly, when three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank in the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place, and fit for their discoursing together about their work. 12.104. When he had brought them thither, he entreated them (now they had all things about them which they wanted for the interpretation of their law) that they would suffer nothing to interrupt them in their work. Accordingly, they made an accurate interpretation, with great zeal and great pains, and this they continued to do till the ninth hour of the day; 12.105. after which time they relaxed, and took care of their body, while their food was provided for them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king’s command, brought them a great deal of what was provided for the king himself. 12.106. But in the morning they came to the court and saluted Ptolemy, and then went away to their former place, where, when they had washed their hands, and purified themselves, they betook themselves to the interpretation of the laws. 12.107. Now when the law was transcribed, and the labor of interpretation was over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews together to the place where the laws were translated, and where the interpreters were, and read them over. 12.108. The multitude did also approve of those elders that were the interpreters of the law. They withal commended Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what was greatly for their happiness; and they desired that he would give leave to their rulers also to read the law. Moreover, they all, both the priest and the ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of their commonwealth, made it their request, that since the interpretation was happily finished, it might continue in the state it now was, and might not be altered. 12.109. And when they all commended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any one observed either any thing superfluous, or any thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid before them, and corrected; which was a wise action of theirs, that when the thing was judged to have been well done, it might continue for ever. 12.110. 14. So the king rejoiced when he saw that his design of this nature was brought to perfection, to so great advantage; and he was chiefly delighted with hearing the Laws read to him; and was astonished at the deep meaning and wisdom of the legislator. And he began to discourse with Demetrius, “How it came to pass, that when this legislation was so wonderful, no one, either of the poets or of the historians, had made mention of it.” 12.111. Demetrius made answer, “that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon the description of these laws, because they were divine and venerable, and because some that had attempted it were afflicted by God.” 12.112. He also told him, that “Theopompus was desirous of writing somewhat about them, but was thereupon disturbed in his mind for above thirty days’ time; and upon some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God [by prayer], as suspecting that his madness proceeded from that cause.” Nay, indeed, he further saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged too great a curiosity about divine matters, and was desirous of publishing them among common men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered his understanding again. 12.113. Moreover, he informed him of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when in a certain dramatic representation he was desirous to make mention of things that were contained in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeasing God (by prayer), he was freed from that affliction. 12.114. 15. And when the king had received these books from Demetrius, as we have said already, he adored them, and gave order that great care should be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also desired that the interpreters would come often to him out of Judea, 12.115. and that both on account of the respects that he would pay them, and on account of the presents he would make them; for he said it was now but just to send them away, although if, of their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they should obtain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what his generosity was able to give them. 12.116. So he then sent them away, and gave to every one of them three garments of the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of the value of one talent, and the furniture of the room wherein they were feasted. And these were the things he presented to them. 12.117. But by them he sent to Eleazar the high priest ten beds, with feet of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pouring, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God. 12.118. He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would give these interpreters leave, if any of them were desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued a conversation with men of such learning, and should be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. And this was what came to the Jews, and was much to their glory and honor, from Ptolemy Philadelphus.
17. Tosefta, Bava Metzia, 2.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 33
18. Anon., Epistle of Barnabas, 10.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 33
10.8. Moreover He hath hated the weasel also and with good reason. Thou shalt not, saith He, become such as those men of whom we hear as working iniquity with their mouth for uncleanness, neither shalt thou cleave unto impure women who work iniquity with their mouth. For this animal conceiveth with its mouth.
19. Tosefta, Sanhedrin, 13.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 33
20. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 32
21. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 33
55b. ומה טעם אמרו נודעה אינה מכפרת שלא יאמרו מזבח אוכל גזילות,בשלמא לעולא היינו דקתני חטאת אלא לרב יהודה מאי איריא חטאת אפי' עולה נמי,לא מיבעיא קאמר לא מיבעיא עולה דכליל היא אלא אפי' חטאת נמי דחלב ודם הוא דסליק לגבי מזבח ואידך כהנים אכלי ליה אפי' הכי גזור שלא יאמרו מזבח אוכל גזילות,תנן על חטאת הגזולה שלא נודעה לרבים שהיא מכפרת מפני תיקון המזבח בשלמא לעולא ניחא אלא לרב יהודה איפכא מיבעי ליה,הכי נמי קאמר לא נודעה מכפרת נודעה אינה מכפרת מפני תיקון המזבח,מתיב רבא גנב והקדיש ואחר כך טבח ומכר משלם תשלומי כפל ואינו משלם תשלומי ארבעה וחמשה ותני עלה בחוץ כי האי גוונא ענוש כרת ואי אמרת יאוש כדי לא קני כרת מאי עבידתיה,אמר רב שיזבי כרת מדבריהם אחיכו עליה כרת מדבריהם מי איכא אמר להו רבא גברא רבה אמר מילתא לא תחוכו עלה כרת שעל ידי דבריהן באתה לו אוקמוה רבנן ברשותיה כי היכי דליחייב עלה,אמר רבא הא וודאי קא מיבעיא לי כי אוקמוה רבנן ברשותיה משעת גניבה או משעת הקדישה למאי נפקא מינה לגיזותיה וולדותיה מאי הדר אמר רבא מסתברא משעת הקדישה שלא יהא חוטא נשכר:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big לא היה סיקריקון ביהודה בהרוגי מלחמה מהרוגי המלחמה ואילך יש בה סיקריקון כיצד לקח מסיקריקון וחזר ולקח מבעל הבית מקחו בטל מבעל הבית וחזר ולקח מסיקריקון מקחו קיים,לקח מן האיש וחזר ולקח מן האשה מקחו בטל מן האשה וחזר ולקח מן האיש מקחו קיים זו משנה ראשונה,ב"ד של אחריהם אמרו הלוקח מסיקריקון נותן לבעלים רביע אימתי בזמן שאין בידן ליקח אבל יש בידן ליקח הן קודמין לכל אדם,רבי הושיב בית דין ונמנו שאם שהתה בפני סיקריקון שנים עשר חדש כל הקודם ליקח זכה אבל נותן לבעלים רביע:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big השתא בהרוגי המלחמה לא היה בה סיקריקון מהרוגי מלחמה ואילך יש בה סיקריקון,אמר רב יהודה לא דנו בה דין סיקריקון קאמר דאמר רבי אסי ג' גזירות גזרו גזרתא קמייתא כל דלא קטיל ליקטלוהו מציעתא כל דקטיל לייתי ארבע זוזי בתרייתא כל דקטיל ליקטלוהו הלכך קמייתא ומציעתא כיון דקטלי אגב אונסיה גמר ומקני,בתרייתא אמרי האידנא לישקול למחר תבענא ליה בדינא:,אמר רבי יוחנן מאי דכתיב (משלי כח, יד) אשרי אדם מפחד תמיד ומקשה לבו יפול ברעה אקמצא ובר קמצא חרוב ירושלים אתרנגולא ותרנגולתא חרוב טור מלכא אשקא דריספק חרוב ביתר,אקמצא ובר קמצא חרוב ירושלים דההוא גברא דרחמיה קמצא ובעל דבביה בר קמצא עבד סעודתא אמר ליה לשמעיה זיל אייתי לי קמצא אזל אייתי ליה בר קמצא,אתא אשכחיה דהוה יתיב אמר ליה מכדי ההוא גברא בעל דבבא דההוא גברא הוא מאי בעית הכא קום פוק אמר ליה הואיל ואתאי שבקן ויהיבנא לך דמי מה דאכילנא ושתינא 55b. b And what is the reason /b that the Sages b said /b that if b it is known /b that the sin-offering was obtained through robbery, b it does not effect atonement? /b It is so that people b not say /b that b the altar consumes stolen property. /b ,The Gemara attempts to clarify the two explanations. b Granted, /b according to the opinion of b Ulla, /b that the concern stems from the fact that the priests will be distraught, b this is the reason that /b the i tanna /i b teaches /b the i halakha /i with regard to b a sin-offering: /b The priests partake of the meat of a sin-offering. If they find out that they ate an animal that was forbidden to them, i.e., an offering slaughtered counter to i halakha /i , they are likely to become distraught. b But according to /b the opinion of b Rav Yehuda, /b that the concern is about the honor of the altar, b why /b does the mishna mention b specifically /b the case of b a sin-offering; /b shouldn’t the same concern apply to b a burnt-offering, as well, /b as it too is burned on the alter?,The Gemara answers: The mishna b is speaking /b utilizing the style of: b It is not necessary, /b and the mishna should be understood as follows: b It is not necessary /b to teach the i halakha /i in the case of b a burnt-offering, which is entirely /b consumed on the altar. In that case, people will certainly say that the altar consumes stolen property. b But even /b in the case of b a sin-offering, where /b only b the fat and the blood go up /b to be consumed b on the altar and the rest is consumed by the priests, even so they issued a decree /b and said that the stolen sin-offering does not effect atonement, b so /b that people b should not say /b that b the altar consumes stolen property. /b ,The Gemara further clarifies the two understandings: b We learned /b in the mishna: Rabbi Yoḥa ben Gudgeda testified b about a sin-offering that /b had been obtained b through robbery /b but b that is not publicly known /b to have been obtained in that manner, and said b that it effects atonement /b for the robber who sacrifices it, b for the benefit of the altar. Granted, according to /b the opinion of b Ulla, /b it b works out well, /b as he understands that the Sages instituted that if it was not publicly known that the sin-offering was obtained through robbery, it does effect atonement. b But according to /b the opinion of b Rav Yehuda, it should have /b stated just b the opposite, /b namely, that if it was publicly known that the sin-offering was obtained through robbery, it does not effect atonement.,The Gemara answers: b That is also what /b the mishna b is saying: /b If b it is not known /b that the sin-offering was obtained through robbery, b it effects atonement, /b but if this b is known, it does not effect atonement, for the benefit of the altar. /b , b Rava raises an objection /b from what was learned in a mishna ( i Bava Kamma /i 74a): If b one stole /b an animal b and consecrated /b it, b and afterward he slaughtered or sold /b it, b he pays double payment /b like a thief (see Exodus 22:3), b but he does not pay fourfold or fivefold payment, /b as one must ordinarily pay when he slaughters or sells an ox or a sheep that he stole from another person (Exodus 21:37). b And it is taught /b in a i baraita /i b with regard to /b this mishna: If one slaughtered an animal b outside /b the Temple b in a case like this, /b he is b punishable by i karet /i /b for having sacrificed an offering outside the Temple. b And if you say /b that the owner’s b despair /b of recovering an item that was stolen from him b does not by itself /b enable the thief to b acquire /b the stolen item, b what is the relevance of /b mentioning b i karet /i ? /b The punishment of i karet /i should not apply, as the thief cannot consecrate an animal that does not belong to him., b Rav Sheizevi said: /b This means that he is liable to receive b i karet /i by rabbinic law. /b Those who heard this b laughed at him. Is there /b such a thing as b i karet /i by rabbinic law? Rava said to them: A great man has spoken, do not laugh at him. /b What Rav Sheizevi means is b i karet /i that comes to him through the words /b of the Sages, who declared that the thief’s consecration is valid. It is b the Sages /b who b placed /b the animal b in his possession, so that he would become liable for it. /b , b Rava said: /b Although I agree with Rav Sheizevi, b this /b matter b is certainly a dilemma for me. When the Sages placed /b the animal b in his possession, /b did they do so b from the time of the theft or from the time of the consecration? What is the difference /b between these possibilities? There is a difference b with regard to its wool and with regard to its offspring. /b If the animal was placed in his possession from the time of the theft, the wool that it grows and the offspring that it births are his, and he is not required to return them to the animal’s owner. But if the animal becomes his only when he consecrates it, he is required to return them. b What /b is the i halakha /i ? b Rava then said, /b in answer to his own question: b It stands to reason /b that the Sages placed the animal in his possession b from the time of the consecration. /b This is b so that the sinner not profit /b from his crime. Otherwise, the thief would benefit from the rabbinic decree that was instituted to increase his liability., strong MISHNA: /strong The law of b Sicarii [ i Sikarikon /i ] did not /b apply b in Judea in the /b time that b people were being killed in the war. From /b the time that b people were being killed in the war and onward, /b the law of b Sicarii did /b apply b there. What /b is this law of Sicarii? If b one /b first b purchased /b land b from a Sicarius, /b who extorted the field from its prior owners with threats, b and /b afterward the buyer b returned and purchased /b the same field a second time b from the /b prior b landowner, his purchase is void. /b The prior owner of the field can say that he did not actually mean to sell him the field. By contrast, if he first acquired the field b from the /b prior b owner and /b afterward b he returned and purchased /b the same field b from a Sicarius, his purchase stands. /b ,Similarly, if b one /b first b purchased from the husband /b the rights to use a field belonging to his wife, b and /b afterward b he returned and purchased /b the same field b from the wife, /b so that if the husband were to predecease or divorce her, the purchaser would then own it fully, b his purchase is void. /b The woman can claim that she did not wish to quarrel with her husband and to object to the transaction but that in truth she did not agree to the sale. By contrast, if he first acquired the field b from the wife, and /b afterward b he returned and purchased /b the same field b from the husband, his purchase stands. This /b is the b initial /b version of this b mishna. /b ,Later, b the court of those /b who came b after /b the Sages who composed that mishna b said: /b With regard to b one who purchased /b a field b from a Sicarius, he must give the /b prior b owner one-fourth /b of the field’s value. b When /b does this apply? b At a time when /b the prior owner b is unable to purchase /b the field himself. b But if he is able to purchase /b it himself, b he precedes anyone /b else., b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi later b convened a court, and they counted /b their votes and determined b that if /b the field b remained before, /b i.e., in the possession of, b the Sicarius /b for b twelve months, whoever first purchases /b the field b acquires possession /b of it, b but he must give the /b prior b owner one-fourth /b of the field’s value., strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara challenges the mishna’s assertion that the law of Sicarii did not apply in Judea in the time that people were being killed in the war: b Now /b if b in /b the time that b people were being killed in the war, there were no Sicarii /b stealing land, is it possible that b from /b the time that b people were being killed in the war and onward there were Sicarii? /b , b Rav Yehuda said: /b The mishna b is saying /b that in the time that people were being killed in the war b they did not apply the law of Sicarii, /b but rather they would confirm the purchases of land made from the Sicarii. The reason for this is in accordance with what b Rabbi Asi said: /b The gentile authorities b issued three decrees /b during and in the aftermath of the war that ended in the destruction of the Temple. The b first decree /b was that b anyone who does not kill /b a Jew b should /b himself b be killed. /b The b second /b decree was that b anyone who kills /b a Jew b should pay four dinars /b as a fine. The b last /b decree was that b anyone who kills /b a Jew b should /b himself b be killed. Therefore, /b during the time of the b first and second /b decrees, the time when people were being killed in the war, b since /b the gentile b would kill /b Jews, then the owner of the field, b owing to the danger /b posed to his life, b would fully transfer ownership /b of his field to the Sicarius.,Then, during the time of b the last /b decree, after the time when people were being killed in the war, anybody whose field was stolen by a Sicarius would b say /b to himself: b Now let him take /b the field; b tomorrow I will claim it from him in court. /b Although the gentile had the advantage and could force the owner to give him the field, the assumption is that the owner did not fully transfer possession of the field to him, as he thought that he would still be able to recover it in court.,§ Apropos the war that led to the destruction of the Second Temple, the Gemara examines several aspects of the destruction of that Temple in greater detail: b Rabbi Yoḥa said: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “Happy is the man who fears always, but he who hardens his heart shall fall into mischief” /b (Proverbs 28:14)? b Jerusalem was destroyed on account of Kamtza and bar Kamtza. /b The place known as b the King’s Mountain was destroyed on account of a rooster and a hen. /b The city of b Beitar was destroyed on account of a shaft from a chariot [ i rispak /i ]. /b ,The Gemara explains: b Jerusalem was destroyed on account of Kamtza and bar Kamtza. /b This is b as /b there was b a certain man whose friend /b was named b Kamtza and whose enemy /b was named b bar Kamtza. He /b once b made /b a large b feast /b and b said to his servant: Go bring me /b my friend b Kamtza. /b The servant b went /b and mistakenly b brought him /b his enemy b bar Kamtza. /b ,The man who was hosting the feast b came and found /b bar Kamtza b sitting /b at the feast. The host b said to /b bar Kamtza. b That man is the enemy [ i ba’al devava /i ] of that man, /b that is, you are my enemy. b What /b then b do you want here? Arise /b and b leave. /b Bar Kamtza b said to him: Since I have /b already b come, let me stay and I will give you money /b for b whatever I eat and drink. /b Just do not embarrass me by sending me out.
22. Origen, Against Celsus, 4.19 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34
4.19. Others, then, may concede to Celsus that God does not undergo a change, but leads the spectators to imagine that He does; whereas we who are persuaded that the advent of Jesus among men was no mere appearance, but a real manifestation, are not affected by this charge of Celsus. We nevertheless will attempt a reply, because you assert, Celsus, do you not, that it is sometimes allowable to employ deceit and falsehood by way, as it were, of medicine? Where, then, is the absurdity, if such a saving result were to be accomplished, that some such events should have taken place? For certain words, when savouring of falsehood, produce upon such characters a corrective effect (like the similar declarations of physicians to their patients), rather than when spoken in the spirit of truth. This, however, must be our defense against other opponents. For there is no absurdity in Him who healed sick friends, healing the dear human race by means of such remedies as He would not employ preferentially, but only according to circumstances. The human race, moreover, when in a state of mental alienation, had to be cured by methods which the Word saw would aid in bringing back those so afflicted to a sound state of mind. But Celsus says also, that one acts thus towards enemies when taking measures to escape danger. But God does not fear any one, so as to escape danger by leading into error those who conspire against him. Now it is altogether unnecessary and absurd to answer a charge which is advanced by no one against our Saviour. And we have already replied, when answering other charges, to the statement that no one who is either in a state of sickness or mental alienation is a friend of God. For the answer is, that such arrangements have been made, not for the sake of those who, being already friends, afterwards fell sick or became afflicted with mental disease, but in order that those who were still enemies through sickness of the soul, and alienation of the natural reason, might become the friends of God. For it is distinctly stated that Jesus endured all things on behalf of sinners, that He might free them from sin, and convert them to righteousness.
23. Ammonius Hermiae, In Aristotelis Analyticorum Priorum Librum I Commentarium, 7.13, 20.24-20.26 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34, 35
25. Septuagint, 4 Maccabees, 6.12-6.23  Tagged with subjects: •pseudepigraphy, vii-viii, as deceptive Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 34, 35
6.12. At that point, partly out of pity for his old age, 6.13. partly out of sympathy from their acquaintance with him, partly out of admiration for his endurance, some of the king's retinue came to him and said, 6.14. Eleazar, why are you so irrationally destroying yourself through these evil things? 6.15. We will set before you some cooked meat; save yourself by pretending to eat pork." 6.16. But Eleazar, as though more bitterly tormented by this counsel, cried out: 6.17. May we, the children of Abraham, never think so basely that out of cowardice we feign a role unbecoming to us! 6.18. For it would be irrational if we, who have lived in accordance with truth to old age and have maintained in accordance with law the reputation of such a life, should now change our course 6.19. become a pattern of impiety to the young, in becoming an example of the eating of defiling food. 6.20. It would be shameful if we should survive for a little while and during that time be a laughing stock to all for our cowardice, 6.21. and if we should be despised by the tyrant as unmanly, and not protect our divine law even to death. 6.22. Therefore, O children of Abraham, die nobly for your religion! 6.23. And you, guards of the tyrant, why do you delay?"
26. Anon., The Acts of Justin And Seven Companions (Review A), 100-120, 128-133, 135-139, 14, 140-159, 16, 160-169, 17, 170-171, 252, 83-99, 134  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 32, 33
27. Pseudo-Phocylides, The Sentences of Pseudo-Phocylides, 16-17, 48-50, 7, 12  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 35