1. Homer, Iliad, 1.245-1.284, 1.542, 8.431, 16.542, 18.497-18.508, 23.573-23.574, 23.579-23.580, 23.585-23.595 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 83, 84, 86, 88, 89 | 1.245. / the staff studded with golden nails, and himself sat down, while over against him the son of Atreus continued to vent his wrath. Then among them arose Nestor, sweet of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the Pylians, from whose tongue flowed speech sweeter than honey. Two generations of mortal men had passed away in his lifetime, 1.246. / the staff studded with golden nails, and himself sat down, while over against him the son of Atreus continued to vent his wrath. Then among them arose Nestor, sweet of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the Pylians, from whose tongue flowed speech sweeter than honey. Two generations of mortal men had passed away in his lifetime, 1.247. / the staff studded with golden nails, and himself sat down, while over against him the son of Atreus continued to vent his wrath. Then among them arose Nestor, sweet of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the Pylians, from whose tongue flowed speech sweeter than honey. Two generations of mortal men had passed away in his lifetime, 1.248. / the staff studded with golden nails, and himself sat down, while over against him the son of Atreus continued to vent his wrath. Then among them arose Nestor, sweet of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the Pylians, from whose tongue flowed speech sweeter than honey. Two generations of mortal men had passed away in his lifetime, 1.249. / the staff studded with golden nails, and himself sat down, while over against him the son of Atreus continued to vent his wrath. Then among them arose Nestor, sweet of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the Pylians, from whose tongue flowed speech sweeter than honey. Two generations of mortal men had passed away in his lifetime, 1.250. / who had been born and reared with him before in sacred Pylos, and he was king among the third. He with good intent addressed the gathering and spoke among them:Comrades, great grief has come upon the land of Achaea. Truly would Priam and the sons of Priam 1.251. / who had been born and reared with him before in sacred Pylos, and he was king among the third. He with good intent addressed the gathering and spoke among them:Comrades, great grief has come upon the land of Achaea. Truly would Priam and the sons of Priam 1.252. / who had been born and reared with him before in sacred Pylos, and he was king among the third. He with good intent addressed the gathering and spoke among them:Comrades, great grief has come upon the land of Achaea. Truly would Priam and the sons of Priam 1.253. / who had been born and reared with him before in sacred Pylos, and he was king among the third. He with good intent addressed the gathering and spoke among them:Comrades, great grief has come upon the land of Achaea. Truly would Priam and the sons of Priam 1.254. / who had been born and reared with him before in sacred Pylos, and he was king among the third. He with good intent addressed the gathering and spoke among them:Comrades, great grief has come upon the land of Achaea. Truly would Priam and the sons of Priam 1.255. / rejoice, and the rest of the Trojans would be most glad at heart, were they to hear all this of you two quarrelling, you who are chief among the Danaans in counsel and chief in war. Listen to me, for you are both younger than I. In earlier times I moved among men more warlike than you, 1.256. / rejoice, and the rest of the Trojans would be most glad at heart, were they to hear all this of you two quarrelling, you who are chief among the Danaans in counsel and chief in war. Listen to me, for you are both younger than I. In earlier times I moved among men more warlike than you, 1.257. / rejoice, and the rest of the Trojans would be most glad at heart, were they to hear all this of you two quarrelling, you who are chief among the Danaans in counsel and chief in war. Listen to me, for you are both younger than I. In earlier times I moved among men more warlike than you, 1.258. / rejoice, and the rest of the Trojans would be most glad at heart, were they to hear all this of you two quarrelling, you who are chief among the Danaans in counsel and chief in war. Listen to me, for you are both younger than I. In earlier times I moved among men more warlike than you, 1.259. / rejoice, and the rest of the Trojans would be most glad at heart, were they to hear all this of you two quarrelling, you who are chief among the Danaans in counsel and chief in war. Listen to me, for you are both younger than I. In earlier times I moved among men more warlike than you, 1.260. / and never did they despise me. Such warriors have I never since seen, nor shall I see, as Peirithous was and Dryas, shepherd of the people, and Caeneus and Exadius and godlike Polyphemus, and Theseus, son of Aegeus, a man like the immortals. 1.261. / and never did they despise me. Such warriors have I never since seen, nor shall I see, as Peirithous was and Dryas, shepherd of the people, and Caeneus and Exadius and godlike Polyphemus, and Theseus, son of Aegeus, a man like the immortals. 1.262. / and never did they despise me. Such warriors have I never since seen, nor shall I see, as Peirithous was and Dryas, shepherd of the people, and Caeneus and Exadius and godlike Polyphemus, and Theseus, son of Aegeus, a man like the immortals. 1.263. / and never did they despise me. Such warriors have I never since seen, nor shall I see, as Peirithous was and Dryas, shepherd of the people, and Caeneus and Exadius and godlike Polyphemus, and Theseus, son of Aegeus, a man like the immortals. 1.264. / and never did they despise me. Such warriors have I never since seen, nor shall I see, as Peirithous was and Dryas, shepherd of the people, and Caeneus and Exadius and godlike Polyphemus, and Theseus, son of Aegeus, a man like the immortals. 1.265. / Mightiest were these of men reared upon the earth; mightiest were they, and with the mightiest they fought, the mountain-dwelling centaurs, and they destroyed them terribly. With these men I had fellowship, when I came from Pylos, from a distant land far away; for they themselves called me. 1.266. / Mightiest were these of men reared upon the earth; mightiest were they, and with the mightiest they fought, the mountain-dwelling centaurs, and they destroyed them terribly. With these men I had fellowship, when I came from Pylos, from a distant land far away; for they themselves called me. 1.267. / Mightiest were these of men reared upon the earth; mightiest were they, and with the mightiest they fought, the mountain-dwelling centaurs, and they destroyed them terribly. With these men I had fellowship, when I came from Pylos, from a distant land far away; for they themselves called me. 1.268. / Mightiest were these of men reared upon the earth; mightiest were they, and with the mightiest they fought, the mountain-dwelling centaurs, and they destroyed them terribly. With these men I had fellowship, when I came from Pylos, from a distant land far away; for they themselves called me. 1.269. / Mightiest were these of men reared upon the earth; mightiest were they, and with the mightiest they fought, the mountain-dwelling centaurs, and they destroyed them terribly. With these men I had fellowship, when I came from Pylos, from a distant land far away; for they themselves called me. 1.270. / And I fought on my own; with those men could no one fight of the mortals now upon the earth. Yes, and they listened to my counsel, and obeyed my words. So also should you obey, since to obey is better. Neither do you, mighty though you are, take away the girl, 1.271. / And I fought on my own; with those men could no one fight of the mortals now upon the earth. Yes, and they listened to my counsel, and obeyed my words. So also should you obey, since to obey is better. Neither do you, mighty though you are, take away the girl, 1.272. / And I fought on my own; with those men could no one fight of the mortals now upon the earth. Yes, and they listened to my counsel, and obeyed my words. So also should you obey, since to obey is better. Neither do you, mighty though you are, take away the girl, 1.273. / And I fought on my own; with those men could no one fight of the mortals now upon the earth. Yes, and they listened to my counsel, and obeyed my words. So also should you obey, since to obey is better. Neither do you, mighty though you are, take away the girl, 1.274. / And I fought on my own; with those men could no one fight of the mortals now upon the earth. Yes, and they listened to my counsel, and obeyed my words. So also should you obey, since to obey is better. Neither do you, mighty though you are, take away the girl, 1.275. / but let her be, as the sons of the Achaeans first gave her to him as a prize; nor do you, son of Peleus, be minded to strive with a king, might against might, for it is no common honour that is the portion of a sceptre-holding king, to whom Zeus gives glory. If you are a stronger fighter, and a goddess mother bore you, 1.276. / but let her be, as the sons of the Achaeans first gave her to him as a prize; nor do you, son of Peleus, be minded to strive with a king, might against might, for it is no common honour that is the portion of a sceptre-holding king, to whom Zeus gives glory. If you are a stronger fighter, and a goddess mother bore you, 1.277. / but let her be, as the sons of the Achaeans first gave her to him as a prize; nor do you, son of Peleus, be minded to strive with a king, might against might, for it is no common honour that is the portion of a sceptre-holding king, to whom Zeus gives glory. If you are a stronger fighter, and a goddess mother bore you, 1.278. / but let her be, as the sons of the Achaeans first gave her to him as a prize; nor do you, son of Peleus, be minded to strive with a king, might against might, for it is no common honour that is the portion of a sceptre-holding king, to whom Zeus gives glory. If you are a stronger fighter, and a goddess mother bore you, 1.279. / but let her be, as the sons of the Achaeans first gave her to him as a prize; nor do you, son of Peleus, be minded to strive with a king, might against might, for it is no common honour that is the portion of a sceptre-holding king, to whom Zeus gives glory. If you are a stronger fighter, and a goddess mother bore you, 1.280. / yet he is the mightier, since he is king over more. Son of Atreus, check your rage. Indeed, I beg you to let go your anger against Achilles, who is for all the Achaeans a mighty bulwark in evil war. 1.281. / yet he is the mightier, since he is king over more. Son of Atreus, check your rage. Indeed, I beg you to let go your anger against Achilles, who is for all the Achaeans a mighty bulwark in evil war. 1.282. / yet he is the mightier, since he is king over more. Son of Atreus, check your rage. Indeed, I beg you to let go your anger against Achilles, who is for all the Achaeans a mighty bulwark in evil war. 1.283. / yet he is the mightier, since he is king over more. Son of Atreus, check your rage. Indeed, I beg you to let go your anger against Achilles, who is for all the Achaeans a mighty bulwark in evil war. 1.284. / yet he is the mightier, since he is king over more. Son of Atreus, check your rage. Indeed, I beg you to let go your anger against Achilles, who is for all the Achaeans a mighty bulwark in evil war. In answer to him spoke lord Agamemnon: 1.542. / Always is it your pleasure to hold aloof from me, and to give judgments which you have pondered in secret, nor have you ever brought yourself with a ready heart to declare to me the matter which you devise. In answer to her spoke the father of men and gods:Hera, do not hope to know all my words: 8.431. / even as it may befall; and for him, let him take his own counsel in his heart and judge between Trojans and Danaans, as is meet. So spake she, and turned back her single-hooved horses. Then the Hours unyoked for them their fair-maned horses, and tethered them at their ambrosial mangers, 16.542. / are wasting their lives away, yet thou carest not to aid them. Low lies Sarpedon, leader of the Lycian shieldmen, he that guarded Lycia by his judgments and his might. Him hath brazen Ares laid low beneath the spear of Patroclus. Nay, friends, take your stand beside him, and have indignation in heart, 18.497. / flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.498. / flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.499. / flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.500. / declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.501. / declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.502. / declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.503. / declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.504. / declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.505. / holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.506. / holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.507. / holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.508. / holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 23.573. / Antilochus, thou that aforetime wast wise, what a thing hast thou wrought! Thou hast put my skill to shame and hast thwarted my horses, thrusting to the front thine own that were worser far. Come now, ye leaders and rulers of the Argives, judge ye aright betwixt us twain, neither have regard unto either, 23.574. / Antilochus, thou that aforetime wast wise, what a thing hast thou wrought! Thou hast put my skill to shame and hast thwarted my horses, thrusting to the front thine own that were worser far. Come now, ye leaders and rulers of the Argives, judge ye aright betwixt us twain, neither have regard unto either, 23.579. / lest in aftertime some one of the brazen-coated Achaeans shall say: ‘Over Antilochus did Menelaus prevail by lies, and depart with the mare, for that his horses were worser far, but himself the mightier in worth and in power.’ Nay, but I will myself declare the right, and I deem that 23.580. / none other of the Danaans shall reproach me, for my judgement shall be just. Antilochus, fostered of Zeus, up, come thou hither and, as is the appointed way, stand thou before thy horses and chariot, and take in hand the slender lash with which aforetimethou wast wont to drive, and laying thy hand on thy horses swear by him that holdeth and shaketh the earth 23.585. / that not of thine own will didst thou hinder my chariot by guile. 23.586. / that not of thine own will didst thou hinder my chariot by guile. 23.587. / that not of thine own will didst thou hinder my chariot by guile. 23.588. / that not of thine own will didst thou hinder my chariot by guile. 23.589. / that not of thine own will didst thou hinder my chariot by guile. Then in turn wise Antilochus answered him:Bear with me, now, for far younger am I than thou, king Menelaus, and thou art the elder and the better man. Thou knowest of what sort are the transgressions of a man that he is young, 23.590. / for hasty is he of purpose and but slender is his wit. Wherefore let thy heart be patient; the mare that I have won will I give thee of my self. Aye, and if thou shouldst ask some other goodlier thing from out my house, forthwith were I fain to give it thee out of hand, rather than all my days be cast out of thy heart, thou nurtured of Zeus, 23.591. / for hasty is he of purpose and but slender is his wit. Wherefore let thy heart be patient; the mare that I have won will I give thee of my self. Aye, and if thou shouldst ask some other goodlier thing from out my house, forthwith were I fain to give it thee out of hand, rather than all my days be cast out of thy heart, thou nurtured of Zeus, 23.592. / for hasty is he of purpose and but slender is his wit. Wherefore let thy heart be patient; the mare that I have won will I give thee of my self. Aye, and if thou shouldst ask some other goodlier thing from out my house, forthwith were I fain to give it thee out of hand, rather than all my days be cast out of thy heart, thou nurtured of Zeus, 23.593. / for hasty is he of purpose and but slender is his wit. Wherefore let thy heart be patient; the mare that I have won will I give thee of my self. Aye, and if thou shouldst ask some other goodlier thing from out my house, forthwith were I fain to give it thee out of hand, rather than all my days be cast out of thy heart, thou nurtured of Zeus, 23.594. / for hasty is he of purpose and but slender is his wit. Wherefore let thy heart be patient; the mare that I have won will I give thee of my self. Aye, and if thou shouldst ask some other goodlier thing from out my house, forthwith were I fain to give it thee out of hand, rather than all my days be cast out of thy heart, thou nurtured of Zeus, 23.595. / and be a sinner in the eyes of the gods. So spake the son of great-souled Nestor, and led up the mare, and gave her into the hands of Menelaus. And his heart was gladdened even as the corn when with the dew upon the ears it waxeth ripe, what time the fields are bristling. |
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2. Hesiod, Theogony, 100, 102-103, 80-92, 94-99, 101 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 85 | 101. And he stood out among them. Thus were they |
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| 3. Homer, Odyssey, 11.547, 11.568-11.571, 12.444 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 83, 86, 89 |
4. Homeric Hymns, To Hermes, 274-275 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 89 | 275. And mother’s milk and blankets and to be |
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5. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 235-239, 241-243, 429-435, 467-469, 583, 240 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 84| 240. ὅμοια χέρσον καὶ θάλασσαν ἐκπερῶν, | 240. Going over land and sea alike, keeping the commands of Loxias’ oracle, I now approach your house and image, goddess. Here I will keep watch and await the result of my trial. The Furies enter dispersedly, hunting Orestes’ trail by scent. Chorus |
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6. Herodotus, Histories, 1.96-1.100 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 85 | 1.96. All of those on the mainland were now free men; but they came to be ruled by monarchs again, as I will now relate. There was among the Medes a clever man called Deioces: he was the son of Phraortes. ,Deioces was infatuated with sovereignty, and so he set about gaining it. Already a notable man in his own town (one of the many towns into which Media was divided), he began to profess and practice justice more constantly and zealously than ever, and he did this even though there was much lawlessness throughout the land of Media, and though he knew that injustice is always the enemy of justice. Then the Medes of the same town, seeing his behavior, chose him to be their judge, and he (for he coveted sovereign power) was honest and just. ,By acting so, he won no small praise from his fellow townsmen, to such an extent that when the men of the other towns learned that Deioces alone gave fair judgments (having before suffered from unjust decisions), they came often and gladly to plead before Deioces; and at last they would submit to no arbitration but his. 1.97. The number of those who came grew ever greater, for they heard that each case turned out in accord with the truth. Then Deioces, seeing that everything now depended on him, would not sit in his former seat of judgment, and said he would give no more decisions; for it was of no advantage to him (he said) to leave his own business and spend all day judging the cases of his neighbors. ,This caused robbery and lawlessness to increase greatly in the towns; and, gathering together, the Medes conferred about their present affairs, and said (here, as I suppose, the main speakers were Deioces' friends), ,“Since we cannot go on living in the present way in the land, come, let us set up a king over us; in this way the land will be well governed, and we ourselves shall attend to our business and not be routed by lawlessness.” With such words they persuaded themselves to be ruled by a king. 1.98. The question was at once propounded: Whom should they make king? Then every man was loud in putting Deioces forward and praising Deioces, until they agreed that he should be their king. ,He ordered them to build him houses worthy of his royal power, and strengthen him with a bodyguard. The Medes did so. They built him a big and strong house wherever in the land he indicated to them, and let him choose a bodyguard out of all the Medes. ,And having obtained power, he forced the Medes to build him one city and to fortify and care for this more strongly than all the rest. The Medes did this for him, too. So he built the big and strong walls, one standing inside the next in circles, which are now called Ecbatana . ,This fortress is so designed that each circle of walls is higher than the next outer circle by no more than the height of its battlements; to which plan the site itself, on a hill in the plain, contributes somewhat, but chiefly it was accomplished by skill. ,There are seven circles in all; within the innermost circle are the palace and the treasuries; and the longest wall is about the length of the wall that surrounds the city of Athens . The battlements of the first circle are white, of the second black, of the third circle purple, of the fourth blue, and of the fifth orange: ,thus the battlements of five circles are painted with colors; and the battlements of the last two circles are coated, the one with silver and the other with gold. 1.99. Deioces built these walls for himself and around his own quarters, and he ordered the people to dwell outside the wall. And when it was all built, Deioces was first to establish the rule that no one should come into the presence of the king, but everything should be done by means of messengers; that the king should be seen by no one; and moreover that it should be a disgrace for anyone to laugh or to spit in his presence. ,He was careful to hedge himself with all this so that the men of his own age (who had been brought up with him and were as nobly born as he and his equals in courage), instead of seeing him and being upset and perhaps moved to plot against him, might by reason of not seeing him believe him to be different. 1.100. When he had made these arrangements and strengthened himself with sovereign power, he was a hard man in the protection of justice. They would write down their pleas and send them in to him; then he would pass judgment on what was brought to him and send his decisions out. ,This was his manner of deciding cases at law, and he had other arrangements too; for when he heard that a man was doing violence he would send for him and punish him as each offense deserved: and he had spies and eavesdroppers everywhere in his domain. |
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| 7. Isaeus, Orations, 3.2-3.4, 3.30, 4.27-4.29, 6.56, 11.32-11.35 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 129, 135, 138, 139 |
| 8. Sophocles, Antigone, 264, 266-267, 265 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 90 |
| 9. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 9.2, 43.4, 67.1-67.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 36, 132, 133, 134, 136 |
| 10. Aeschines, Letters, 1.90-1.91, 1.176-1.177, 1.192-1.193, 3.245-3.247 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 138, 141 |
| 11. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 53 |
| 12. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 2.17.2, 5.20.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 250 |
| 13. Cicero, In Pisonem, 61 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 250 |
| 14. Cicero, On His Consulship, 6-7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 219 |
| 15. Cicero, Letters, 6.7.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 250 |
16. New Testament, Matthew, 10.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 95| 10.17. προσέχετε δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων· παραδώσουσιν γὰρ ὑμᾶς εἰς συνέδρια, καὶ ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς αὐτῶν μαστιγώσουσιν ὑμᾶς· | 10.17. But beware of men: for they will deliver you up to councils, and in their synagogues they will scourge you. |
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| 17. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 53 |
18. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.153-1.154, 1.199, 1.535-1.537, 1.617-1.619, 1.661, 2.117, 2.570-2.571 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 89, 91, 95 | 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.199. 3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down. 1.535. and this it was that came as the last storm, and entirely sunk the young men when they were in great danger before. For Salome came running to the king, and informed him of what admonition had been given her; whereupon he could bear no longer, but commanded both the young men to be bound, and kept the one asunder from the other. He also sent Volumnius, the general of his army, to Caesar immediately, as also his friend Olympus with him, who carried the informations in writing along with them. 1.536. Now, as soon as they had sailed to Rome, and delivered the king’s letters to Caesar, Caesar was mightily troubled at the case of the young men; yet did not he think he ought to take the power from the father of condemning his sons; 1.537. o he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment. 1.617. 5. And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to the palace, without any friends with him; for these were affronted, and shut out at the first gate. Now Varus, the president of Syria, happened to be in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater went in to his father, and, putting on a bold face, he came near to salute him. 1.618. But Herod Stretched out his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried out, “Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to get me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God confound thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me, till thou hast cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee. I appoint thee a court where thou art to be judged, and this Varus, who is very seasonably here, to be thy judge; and get thou thy defense ready against tomorrow, for I give thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses for thyself.” 1.619. And as Antipater was so confounded, that he was able to make no answer to this charge, he went away; but his mother and wife came to him, and told him of all the evidence they had gotten against him. Hereupon he recollected himself, and considered what defense he should make against the accusations. 1.661. 7. These were the commands he gave them; when there came letters from his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that Acme was put to death at Caesar’s command, and that Antipater was condemned to die; however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar permitted him so to do. 2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. 2.570. And being conscious to himself that if he communicated part of his power to the great men, he should make them his fast friends; and that he should gain the same favor from the multitude, if he executed his commands by persons of their own country, and with whom they were well acquainted; he chose out seventy of the most prudent men, and those elders in age, and appointed them to be rulers of all Galilee, 2.571. as he chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser quarrels; for as to the greater causes, and those wherein life and death were concerned, he enjoined they should be brought to him and the seventy elders. |
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19. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.125, 31.165, 34.48, 34.51, 46.14, 47.16 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 163, 164, 170, 172 | 31.125. It is just as if a person thought that you ought to demolish your own walls, or let them lie when they fall, simply because they lie fallen in the other cities, or rather, in practically all the others. Yet with them the walls are neglected because of their condition of peace and servitude, one of which everybody welcomes, to wit, peace, whereas the other is no longer a sign of baseness; but when people treat in this way their benefactors of long ago, the reason is ingratitude. But I for my part venture to assert that even among your neighbours yonder wrong is not done to benefactors! For who among the Caunians has ever proved himself a noble man? Or who has ever conferred any benefaction upon them? Why, they are in a state of abject slavery, not alone to you but also to the Romans, on account of their excessive folly and wickedness having made their slavery a double one. And this one might also say about others who have the same reputation. 31.165. An apt illustration is found, I think, in the conduct of men on board a ship at sea: when a storm strikes them or a hurricane, not even the most wanton of them is to be seen doing anything base; but they are all giving undivided attention to the sailing; whereas in fair weather recklessness prevails among both the sailors and the passengers, even if they do not indulge in licentiousness. In the same way I believe that war is wont to arouse and to sway even the meaner souls; but in such peaceful and quiet times as these, it is the part of the best men not to drift into any shameful or disorderly practices. 34.48. On the other hand, goodwill and a reputation for superiority in virtue and kindliness â those are your true blessings, those are the objects worthy of emulation and serious regard. And you would pay heed to them, since your present behaviour is ridiculous. And whether it is a question of Aegaeans quarrelling with you, or Apameans with men of Antioch, or, to go farther afield, Smyrnaeans with Ephesians, it is an ass's shadow, as the saying goes, over which they squabble; for the right to lead and to wield authority belongs to others. 34.51. And yet those states of old possessed real power and great utility, if it be correct to call self-seeking by that name; whereas anyone seeing the disputes and occasions for hostility of the present time would, methinks, blush for shame, for in reality they make one think of fellow-slaves quarrelling with one another over glory and pre-eminence. What then? Is there nothing noble in this our day to merit one's serious pursuit? The greatest things, yes the only things worthy of serious pursuit, were present then, are present now, and always will be; and over these no man, surely, has control, whether to confer them on another or to take them away from him who has them, but, on the contrary, they are always at one's disposal, whether it be a private citizen or the body politic. But the discussion of these matters perhaps would take too long. 46.14. And let no one imagine that it is in anger over my own position that I have said these things rather than in fear for yours, lest possibly you may some day be accused of being violent and lawless. For nothing which takes place in the cities escapes the attention of the proconsuls â I mean the more important ones in these parts; on the contrary, just as relatives denounce to the teachers the children who are too disorderly at home, so also the misdeeds of the communities are reported to the proconsuls. Now while such conduct as yours would not be honourable or advantageous for yourselves, to demand that there should be supervision of your market and that those men should be elected who are ficially able and have not performed liturgies, but if that cannot be, that then the choice of supervisors should rest with you, this, I say, is the course of sensible human beings and in this no one will oppose you. 47.16. But what use is there in you speaking of these things now? One of the sophists did well to call me a nightingale, though he intended it as an insult; his reason, no doubt, was that the poets call the nightingale a tiresome chatterer. But perhaps I may be like the cicadae; for when parched with thirst from exposure of that sun, they sing out of sheer folly, since they are in no wise benefited thereby. Yet perhaps I should not fail to add this much at least on the subject of the tombs and shrines, namely, that it is not likely that the people of Antioch did not lay hands upon anything of this kind; the reason is that they were providing much more space than we are, for their city is thirty-six stades in length and they have constructed colonnades on both sides; nor is it likely that the people of Tarsus did not either; nor indeed the people of Nicomedia, who passed a resolution to transfer their tombs. |
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20. New Testament, Acts, 9.2, 16.37-16.38, 18.12-18.16, 19.23-19.40, 22.19, 26.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 95, 172, 178| 9.2. προσελθὼν τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ᾐτήσατο παρʼ αὐτοῦ ἐπιστολὰς εἰς Δαμασκὸν πρὸς τὰς συναγωγάς, ὅπως ἐάν τινας εὕρῃ τῆς ὁδοῦ ὄντας, ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας, δεδεμένους ἀγάγῃ εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ. 16.37. ὁ δὲ Παῦλος ἔφη πρὸς αὐτούς Δείραντες ἡμᾶς δημοσίᾳ ἀκατακρίτους, ἀνθρώπους Ῥωμαίους ὑπάρχοντας, ἔβαλαν εἰς φυλακήν· καὶ νῦν λάθρᾳ ἡμᾶς ἐκβάλλουσιν; οὐ γάρ, ἀλλὰ ἐλθόντες αὐτοὶ ἡμᾶς ἐξαγαγέτωσαν. 16.38. ἀπήγγειλαν δὲ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς οἱ ῥαβδοῦχοι τὰ ῥήματα ταῦτα· 18.12. Γαλλίωνος δὲ ἀνθυπάτου ὄντος τῆς Ἀχαίας κατεπέστησαν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ὁμοθυμαδὸν τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ ἤγαγον αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα, 18.13. λέγοντες ὅτι Παρὰ τὸν νόμον ἀναπείθει οὗτος τοὺς ἀνθρώπους σέβεσθαι τὸν θεόν. 18.14. μέλλοντος δὲ τοῦ Παύλου ἀνοίγειν τὸ στόμα εἶπεν ὁ Γαλλίων πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους Εἰ μὲν ἦν ἀδίκημά τι ἢ ῥᾳδιούργημα πονηρόν, ὦ Ἰουδαῖοι, κατὰ λόγον ἂν ἀνεσχόμην ὑμῶν· 18.15. εἰ δὲ ζητήματά ἐστιν περὶ λόγου καὶ ὀνομάτων καὶ νόμου τοῦ καθʼ ὑμᾶς, ὄψεσθε αὐτοί· κριτὴς ἐγὼ τούτων οὐ βούλομαι εἶναι. 18.16. καὶ ἀπήλασεν αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος. 19.23. Ἐγένετο δὲ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον τάραχος οὐκ ὀλίγος περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ. 19.24. Δημήτριος γάρ τις ὀνόματι, ἀργυροκόπος, ποιῶν ναοὺς [ἀργυροῦς] Ἀρτέμιδος παρείχετο τοῖς τεχνίταις οὐκ ὀλίγην ἐργασίαν, 19.25. οὓς συναθροίσας καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐργάτας εἶπεν Ἄνδρες, ἐπίστασθε ὅτι ἐκ ταύτης τῆς ἐργασίας ἡ εὐπορία ἡμῖν ἐστίν, 19.26. καὶ θεωρεῖτε καὶ ἀκούετε ὅτι οὐ μόνον Ἐφέσου ἀλλὰ σχεδὸν πάσης τῆς Ἀσίας ὁ Παῦλος οὗτος πείσας μετέστησεν ἱκανὸν ὄχλον, λέγων ὅτι οὐκ εἰσὶν θεοὶ οἱ διὰ χειρῶν γινόμενοι. 19.27. οὐ μόνον δὲ τοῦτο κινδυνεύει ἡμῖν τὸ μέρος εἰς ἀπελεγμὸν ἐλθεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ τῆς μεγάλης θεᾶς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερὸν εἰς οὐθὲν λογισθῆναι, μέλλειν τε καὶ καθαιρεῖσθαι τῆς μεγαλειότητος αὐτῆς, ἣν ὅλη [ἡ] Ἀσία καὶ [ἡ] οἰκουμένη σέβεται. 19.28. ἀκούσαντες δὲ καὶ γενόμενοι πλήρεις θυμοῦ ἔκραζον λέγοντες Μεγάλη ἡ Ἄρτεμις Ἐφεσίων. 19.29. καὶ ἐπλήσθη ἡ πόλις τῆς συγχύσεως, ὥρμησάν τε ὁμοθυμαδὸν εἰς τὸ θέατρον συναρπάσαντες Γαῖον καὶ Ἀρίσταρχον Μακεδόνας, συνεκδήμους Παύλου. 19.30. Παύλου δὲ βουλομένου εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὸν δῆμον οὐκ εἴων αὐτὸν οἱ μαθηταί· 19.31. τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἀσιαρχῶν, ὄντες αὐτῷ φίλοι, πέμψαντες πρὸς αὐτὸν παρεκάλουν μὴ δοῦναι ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸ θέατρον. 19.32. ἄλλοι μὲν οὖν ἄλλο τι ἔκραζον, ἦν γὰρ ἡ ἐκκλησία συνκεχυμένη, καὶ οἱ πλείους οὐκ ᾔδεισαν τίνος ἕνεκα συνεληλύθεισαν. 19.33. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ὄχλου συνεβίβασαν Ἀλέξανδρον προβαλόντων αὐτὸν τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος κατασείσας τὴν χεῖρα ἤθελεν ἀπολογεῖσθαι τῷ δήμῳ. 19.34. ἐπιγνόντες δὲ ὅτι Ἰουδαῖός ἐστιν φωνὴ ἐγένετο μία ἐκ πάντων ὡσεὶ ἐπὶ ὥρας δύο κραζόντων Μεγάλη ἡ Ἄρτεμις Ἐφεσίων . 19.35. καταστείλας δὲ τὸν ὄχλον ὁ γραμματεύς φησιν Ἄνδρες Ἐφέσιοι, τίς γάρ ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων ὃς οὐ γινώσκει τὴν Ἐφεσίων πόλιν νεωκόρον οὖσαν τῆς μεγάλης Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ τοῦ διοπετοῦς; 19.36. ἀναντιρήτων οὖν ὄντων τούτων δέον ἐστὶν ὑμᾶς κατεσταλμένους ὑπάρχειν καὶ μηδὲν προπετὲς πράσσειν. 19.37. ἠγάγετε γὰρ τοὺς ἄνδρας τούτους οὔτε ἱεροσύλους οὔτε βλασφημοῦντας τὴν θεὸν ἡμῶν. 19.38. εἰ μὲν οὖν Δημήτριος καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τεχνῖται ἔχουσιν πρός τινα λόγον, ἀγοραῖοι ἄγονται καὶ ἀνθύπατοί εἰσιν, ἐγκαλείτωσαν ἀλλήλοις. 19.39. εἰ δέ τι περαιτέρω ἐπιζητεῖτε, ἐν τῇ ἐννόμῳ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐπιλυθήσεται. 19.40. καὶ γὰρ κινδυνεύομεν ἐγκαλεῖσθαι στάσεως περὶ τῆς σήμερον μηδενὸς αἰτίου ὑπάρχοντος, περὶ οὗ οὐ δυνησόμεθα ἀποδοῦναι λόγον περὶ τῆς συστροφῆς ταύτης. 22.19. κἀγὼ εἶπον Κύριε, αὐτοὶ ἐπίστανται ὅτι ἐγὼ ἤμην φυλακίζων καὶ δέρων κατὰ τὰς συναγωγὰς τοὺς πιστεύοντας ἐπὶ σέ· 26.11. καὶ κατὰ πάσας τὰς συναγωγὰς πολλάκις τιμωρῶν αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκαζον βλασφημεῖν, περισσῶς τε ἐμμαινόμενος αὐτοῖς ἐδίωκον ἕως καὶ εἰς τὰς ἔξω πόλεις. | 9.2. and asked for letters from him to the synagogues of Damascus, that if he found any who were of the Way, whether men or women, he might bring them bound to Jerusalem. 16.37. But Paul said to them, "They have beaten us publicly, without a trial, men who are Romans, and have cast us into prison! Do they now release us secretly? No, most assuredly, but let them come themselves and bring us out!" 16.38. The sergeants reported these words to the magistrates, and they were afraid when they heard that they were Romans, 18.12. But when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews with one accord rose up against Paul and brought him before the judgment seat, 18.13. saying, "This man persuades men to worship God contrary to the law." 18.14. But when Paul was about to open his mouth, Gallio said to the Jews, "If indeed it were a matter of wrong or of wicked crime, Jews, it would be reasonable that I should bear with you; 18.15. but if they are questions about words and names and your own law, look to it yourselves. For I don't want to be a judge of these matters." 18.16. He drove them from the judgment seat. 19.23. About that time there arose no small stir concerning the Way. 19.24. For a certain man named Demetrius, a silversmith, who made silver shrines of Artemis, brought no little business to the craftsmen, 19.25. whom he gathered together, with the workmen of like occupation, and said, "Sirs, you know that by this business we have our wealth. 19.26. You see and hear, that not at Ephesus alone, but almost throughout all Asia, this Paul has persuaded and turned away many people, saying that they are no gods, that are made with hands. 19.27. Not only is there danger that this our trade come into disrepute, but also that the temple of the great goddess Artemis will be counted as nothing, and her majesty destroyed, whom all Asia and the world worships." 19.28. When they heard this they were filled with anger, and cried out, saying, "Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!" 19.29. The whole city was filled with confusion, and they rushed with one accord into the theater, having seized Gaius and Aristarchus, men of Macedonia, Paul's companions in travel. 19.30. When Paul wanted to enter in to the people, the disciples didn't allow him. 19.31. Certain also of the Asiarchs, being his friends, sent to him and begged him not to venture into the theater. 19.32. Some therefore cried one thing, and some another, for the assembly was in confusion. Most of them didn't know why they had come together. 19.33. They brought Alexander out of the multitude, the Jews putting him forward. Alexander beckoned with his hand, and would have made a defense to the people. 19.34. But when they perceived that he was a Jew, all with one voice for a time of about two hours cried out, "Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!" 19.35. When the town clerk had quieted the multitude, he said, "You men of Ephesus, what man is there who doesn't know that the city of the Ephesians is temple-keeper of the great goddess Artemis, and of the image which fell down from Zeus? 19.36. Seeing then that these things can't be denied, you ought to be quiet, and to do nothing rash. 19.37. For you have brought these men here, who are neither robbers of temples nor blasphemers of your goddess. 19.38. If therefore Demetrius and the craftsmen who are with him have a matter against anyone, the courts are open, and there are proconsuls. Let them press charges against one another. 19.39. But if you seek anything about other matters, it will be settled in the regular assembly. 19.40. For indeed we are in danger of being accused concerning this day's riot, there being no cause. Concerning it, we wouldn't be able to give an account of this commotion." 22.19. I said, 'Lord, they themselves know that I imprisoned and beat in every synagogue those who believed in you. 26.11. Punishing them often in all the synagogues, I tried to make them blaspheme. Being exceedingly enraged against them, I persecuted them even to foreign cities. |
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| 21. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.139 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 273 |
22. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 11.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 95| 11.23. παραφρονῶν λαλῶ, ὕπερ ἐγώ· ἐν κόποις περισσοτέρως, ἐν φυλακαῖς περισσοτέρως, ἐν πληγαῖς ὑπερβαλλόντως, ἐν θανάτοις πολλάκις· | |
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| 23. Josephus Flavius, Life, 79 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 95 |
24. New Testament, Mark, 13.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 95| 13.9. βλέπετε δὲ ὑμεῖς ἑαυτούς· παραδώσουσιν ὑμᾶς εἰς συνέδρια καὶ εἰς συναγωγὰς δαρήσεσθε καὶ ἐπὶ ἡγεμόνων καὶ βασιλέων σταθήσεσθε ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς. | 13.9. But watch yourselves, for they will deliver you up to councils. You will be beaten in synagogues. You will stand before rulers and kings for my sake, for a testimony to them. |
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25. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 4.214, 4.287, 14.73-14.74, 14.77, 16.90, 16.332, 16.356-16.358, 17.91, 17.144-17.145, 17.182, 17.355, 18.2, 20.199-20.203 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 89, 91, 95 | 4.214. 14. Let there be seven men to judge in every city, and these such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of virtue and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him out of the tribe of Levi. 4.287. but if he in whom the trust was reposed, without any deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted withal, let him come before the seven judges, and swear by God that nothing hath been lost willingly, or with a wicked intention, and that he hath not made use of any part thereof, and so let him depart without blame; but if he hath made use of the least part of what was committed to him, and it be lost, let him be condemned to repay all that he had received. 14.73. The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity; 14.74. and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. 14.77. 5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians. 16.90. and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was already become very ill-disposed towards the young men; but still while he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, and not indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be suspected of impiety. 16.332. Which she also confessed. Upon which Herod, supposing that Archelaus’s ill-will to him was fully proved, sent a letter by Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they sailed by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Archelaus the letter. And that when they had ex-postulated with him, that he had a hand in his son’s treacherous design against him, they should from thence sail to Rome; 16.356. 1. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: That he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behoove him to punish them as parricides, for which he gave him power accordingly; but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have him give them an admonition, and not proceed to extremity with them. 16.357. He also advised him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus, which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the presidents of Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more as he thought to be illustrious for their friendship to him, and the dignities they were in, and determine what should be done by their approbation. 16.358. These were the directions that Caesar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him, was immediately very glad of Caesar’s reconciliation to him, and very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over his sons. 17.91. And now he was in great disorder, and presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his going to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who called him a murderer of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction against himself, and told him that Varus should be his auditor and his judge the very next day; 17.144. So he laid all upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Rome to Caesar, there to give an account of these his wicked contrivances. 17.145. But he soon became afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape the danger he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of the epistles before mentioned. 17.182. 1. As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which, when they were read, their purport was this: That Acme was slain by Caesar, out of his indignation at what hand, she had in Antipater’s wicked practices; and that as to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became a father and a king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life, which he pleased. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 20.199. But this younger Aus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; 20.200. when, therefore, Aus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: 20.201. but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; 20.202. nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Aus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent. 20.203. Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Aus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest. |
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| 26. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 163 |
27. Tacitus, Annals, 1.72, 3.38, 4.21, 4.45.2, 6.18, 12.23, 13.30-13.31, 14.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 91, 248, 250, 277| 1.72. Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris patriae Tiberius, a populo saepius ingestum, repudiavit; neque in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se magis in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi; nam legem maiestatis reduxerat, cui nomen apud veteres idem, sed alia in iudicium veniebant, si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatem populi Romani minuisset: facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant. primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius tractavit, commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque inlustris procacibus scriptis diffamaverat; mox Tiberius, consultante Pompeio Macro praetore an iudicia maiestatis redderentur, exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina incertis auctoribus vulgata in saevitiam superbiamque eius et discordem cum matre animum. 3.38. Non enim Tiberius, non accusatores fatiscebant. et Ancharius Priscus Caesium Cordum pro consule Cretae postulaverat repetundis, addito maiestatis crimine, quod tum omnium accusationum complementum erat. Caesar Antistium Veterem e primoribus Macedoniae, absolutum adulterii, increpitis iudicibus ad dicendam maiestatis causam retraxit, ut turbidum et Rhescuporidis consiliis permixtum, qua tempestate Cotye fratre interfecto bellum adversus nos volverat. igitur aqua et igni interdictum reo, adpositumque ut teneretur insula neque Macedoniae neque Thraeciae opportuna. nam Thraecia diviso imperio in Rhoemetalcen et liberos Cotyis, quis ob infantiam tutor erat Trebellenus Rufus, insolentia nostri discors agebat neque minus Rhoemetalcen quam Trebellenum incusans popularium iniurias inultas sinere. Coelaletae Odrusaeque et Dii, validae nationes, arma cepere, ducibus diversis et paribus inter se per ignobilitatem; quae causa fuit ne in bellum atrox coalescerent. pars turbant praesentia, alii montem Haemum transgrediuntur ut remotos populos concirent; plurimi ac maxime compositi regem urbemque Philippopolim, a Macedone Philippo sitam, circumsidunt. 4.21. Actum dehinc de Calpurnio Pisone, nobili ac feroci viro. is namque, ut rettuli, cessurum se urbe ob factiones accusatorum in senatu clamitaverat et spreta potentia Augustae trahere in ius Vrgulaniam domoque principis excire ausus erat. quae in praesens Tiberius civiliter habuit: sed in animo revolvente iras, etiam si impetus offensionis languerat, memoria valebat. Pisonem Q. Granius secreti sermonis incusavit adversum maiestatem habiti, adiecitque in domo eius venenum esse eumque gladio accinctum introire curiam. quod ut atrocius vero tramissum; ceterorum, quae multa cumulabantur, receptus est reus neque peractus ob mortem opportunam. relatum et de Cassio Severo exule, qui sordidae originis, maleficae vitae, sed orandi validus, per immodicas inimicitias ut iudicio iurati senatus Cretam amoveretur effecerat; atque illic eadem actitando recentia veteraque odia advertit, bonisque exutus, interdicto igni atque aqua, saxo Seripho consenuit. 6.18. Dein redeunt priores metus postulato maiestatis Considio Proculo; qui nullo pavore diem natalem celebrans raptus in curiam pariterque damnatus interfectusque, et sorori eius Sanciae aqua atque igni interdictum accusante Q. Pomponio. is moribus inquies haec et huiusce modi a se factitari praetendebat ut parta apud principem gratia periculis Pomponii Secundi fratris mederetur. etiam in Pompeiam Macrinam exilium statuitur cuius maritum Argolicum socerum Laconem e primoribus Achaeorum Caesar adflixerat. pater quoque inlustris eques Romanus ac frater praetorius, cum damnatio instaret, se ipsi interfecere. datum erat crimini quod Theophanen Mytilenaeum proavum eorum Cn. Magnus inter intimos habuisset, quodque defuncto Theophani caelestis honores Graeca adulatio tribuerat. 12.23. Galliae Narbonensi ob egregiam in patres reverentiam datum ut senatoribus eius provinciae non exquisita principis sententia, iure quo Sicilia haberetur, res suas invisere liceret. Ituraeique et Iudaei defunctis regibus Sohaemo atque Agrippa provinciae Syriae additi. Salutis augurium quinque et septuaginta annis omissum repeti ac deinde continuari placitum. et pomerium urbis auxit Caesar, more prisco, quo iis qui protulere imperium etiam terminos urbis propagare datur. nec tamen duces Romani, quamquam magnis nationibus subactis, usurpaverant nisi L. Sulla et divus Augustus. 13.31. Nerone iterum L. Pisone consulibus pauca memoria digna evenere, nisi cui libeat laudandis fundamentis et trabibus, quis molem amphitheatri apud campum Martis Caesar extruxerat, volumina implere, cum ex dignitate populi Romani repertum sit res inlustris annalibus, talia diurnis urbis actis mandare. ceterum coloniae Capua atque Nuceria additis veteranis firmatae sunt, plebeique congiarium quadringeni nummi viritim dati, et sestertium quadringenties aerario inlatum est ad retinendam populi fidem. vectigal quoque quintae et vicesimae venalium mancipiorum remissum, specie magis quam vi, quia cum venditor pendere iuberetur, in partem pretii emptoribus adcrescebat. et edixit Caesar, ne quis magistratus aut procurator in provincia quam obtineret spectaculum gladiatorum aut ferarum aut quod aliud ludicrum ederet. nam ante non minus tali largitione quam corripiendis pecuniis subiectos adfligebant, dum quae libidine deliquerant ambitu propugt. 14.18. Motus senatu et Pedius Blaesus, accusantibus Cyrenensibus violatum ab eo thesaurum Aesculapii dilectumque militarem pretio et ambitione corruptum. idem Cyrenenses reum agebant Acilium Strabonem, praetoria potestate usum et missum disceptatorem a Claudio agrorum, quos regis Apionis quondam avitos et populo Romano cum regno relictos proximus quisque possessor invaserant, diutinaque licentia et iniuria quasi iure et aequo nitebantur. igitur abiudicatis agris orta adversus iudicem invidia; et senatus ignota sibi esse mandata Claudii et consulendum principem respondit. Nero probata Strabonis sententia se nihilo minus subvenire sociis et usurpata concedere scripsit. | 1.72. In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence â betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. 3.38. For Tiberius and the informers showed no fatigue. Ancharius Priscus had accused Caesius Cordus, proconsul of Crete, of malversation: a charge of treason, the complement now of all arraignments, was appended. Antistius Vetus, a grandee of Macedonia, had been acquitted of adultery: the Caesar reprimanded the judges and recalled him to stand his trial for treason, as a disaffected person, involved in the schemes of Rhescuporis during that period after the murder of Cotys when he had meditated war against ourselves. The defendant was condemned accordingly to interdiction from fire and water, with a proviso that his place of detention should be an island not too conveniently situated either for Macedonia or for Thrace. For since the partition of the monarchy between Rhoemetalces and the children of Cotys, who during their minority were under the tutelage of Trebellenus Rufus, Thrace â unaccustomed to Roman methods â was divided against herself; and the accusations against Trebellenus were no more violent than those against Rhoemetalces for leaving the injuries of his countrymen unavenged. Three powerful tribes, the Coelaletae, Odrysae, and Dii, took up arms, but under separate leaders of precisely equal obscurity: a fact which saved us from a coalition involving a serious war. One division embroiled the districts at hand; another crossed the Haemus range to bring out the remote clans; the most numerous, and least disorderly, besieged the king in Philippopolis, a city founded by Philip of Macedon. 4.21. Next there was treated the case of Calpurnius Piso, a man of birth and courage: it was he who, as I have stated already, had exclaimed to the senate that he would retire from the capital as a protest against the cabals of the informers, and, contemptuous of the influence of Augusta, had dared to bring Urgulania before a court and to summon her from under the imperial roof. For the moment, Tiberius took the incidents in good part; but in his heart, brooding over its grounds for wrath, though the first transport of resentment might have died down, memory lived. It was Quintus Granius, who charged Piso with holding private conversations derogatory to majesty; and added that he kept poison at his house and wore a sword when entering the curia. The last count was allowed to drop as too atrocious to be true; on the others, which were freely accumulated, he was entered for trial, and was only saved from undergoing it by a well-timed death. The case, also, of the exiled Cassius Severus was brought up in the senate. of sordid origin and mischievous life, but a powerful orator, he had made enemies on such a scale that by a verdict of the senate under oath he was relegated to Crete. There, by continuing his methods, he drew upon himself so many animosities, new or old, that he was now stripped of his estate, interdicted from fire and water, and sent to linger out his days on the rock of Seriphos. 6.18. Old fears now returned with the indictment for treason of Considius Proculus; who, while celebrating his birthday without a qualm, was swept off to the senate-house and in the same moment condemned and executed. His sister Sancia was banned from fire and water, the accuser being Quintus Pomponius: a restless character, who pleaded that the object of his activity in this and similar cases was, by acquiring favour with the emperor, to palliate the dangers of his brother Pomponius Secundus. Exile was also the sentence of Pompeia Macrina, whose husband Argolicus and father-inâlaw Laco, two of the most prominent men in Achaia had been struck down by the Caesar. Her father, too, a Roman knight of the highest rank, and her brother, a former praetor, finding their condemnation at hand, committed suicide. The crime laid to their account was that Theophanes of Mytilene (great-grandfather of Pompeia and her brother) had been numbered with the intimates of Pompey, and that, after his death, Greek sycophancy had paid him the honour of deification. 12.23. For its exemplary deference to the senate, Narbonese Gaul was so far privileged that members from the province were allowed the right, obtaining in the case of Sicily, of visiting their estates without first ascertaining the pleasure of the emperor. Ituraea and Judaea, on the death of their sovereigns, Sohaemus and Agrippa, were attached to the province of Syria. A decision was taken that the Augury of Safety, disused for the last seventy-five years, should be reintroduced and continued for the future. The Caesar also enlarged the pomerium, in consoce with the old custom, by which an expansion of the empire confers the right to extend similarly the boundaries of the city: a right, however, which, even after the conquest of powerful nations, had been exercised by no Roman commander except Lucius Sulla and the deified Augustus. 13.30. In the same consulate, Vipsanius Laenas was found guilty of malversation in his province of Sardinia; Cestius Proculus was acquitted on a charge of extortion brought by the Cretans. Clodius Quirinalis, who, as commandant of the crews stationed at Ravenna, had by his debauchery and ferocity tormented Italy, as though Italy were the most abject of the nations, forestalled his sentence by poison. Caninius Rebilus, who in juristic knowledge and extent of fortune ranked with the greatest, escaped the tortures of age and sickness by letting the blood from his arteries; though, from the unmasculine vices for which he was infamous, he had been thought incapable of the firmness of committing suicide. In contrast, Lucius Volusius departed in the fullness of honour, after enjoying a term of ninety-three years of life, a noble fortune virtuously gained, and the unbroken friendship of a succession of emperors. 13.31. In the consulate of Nero, for the second time, and of Lucius Piso, little occurred that deserves remembrance, unless the chronicler is pleased to fill his rolls with panegyrics of the foundations and the beams on which the Caesar reared his vast amphitheatre in the Campus Martius; although, in accordance with the dignity of the Roman people, it has been held fitting to consign great events to the page of history and details such as these to the urban gazette. Still, the colonies of Capua and Nuceria were reinforced by a draft of veterans; the populace was given a gratuity of four hundred sesterces a head; and forty millions were paid into the treasury to keep the public credit stable. Also, the tax of four per cent on the purchase of slaves was remitted more in appearance than in effect: for, as payment was now required from the vendor, the buyers found the amount added as part of the price. The Caesar, too, issued an edict that no magistrate or procurator should, in the province for which he was responsible, exhibit a gladiatorial spectacle, a display of wild beasts, or any other entertainment. Previously, a subject community suffered as much from the spurious liberality as from the rapacity of its governors, screening as they did by corruption the offences they had committed in wantonness. 14.18. Pedius Blaesus also was removed from the senate: he was charged by the Cyrenaeans with profaning the treasury of Aesculapius and falsifying the military levy by venality and favouritism. An indictment was brought, again by Cyrene, against Acilius Strabo, who had held praetorian office and been sent by Claudius to adjudicate on the estates, once the patrimony of King Apion, which he had bequeathed along with his kingdom to the Roman nation. They had been annexed by the neighbouring proprietors, who relied on their long-licensed usurpation as a legal and fair title. Hence, when the adjudication went against them, there was an outbreak of ill-will against the adjudicator; and the senate could only answer that it was ignorant of Claudius' instructions and the emperor would have to be consulted. Nero, while upholding Strabo's verdict, wrote that none the less he supported the provincials and made over to them the property occupied. |
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| 28. Anon., Marytrdom of Polycarp, 3 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 171 |
| 29. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 5.9-5.10 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 129 |
| 30. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 24.22, 26.67, 50.72-50.73 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 162, 172, 174 |
31. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.1-1.2, 2.18, 2.28, 6.22-6.23, 6.29, 9.27, 11.28, 11.30 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 174, 378 | 11.28. Thus I was initiated into the religion, but my desire was delayed by reason of my poverty. I had spent a great part of my goods in travel and peregrination, but most of all the cost of living in the city of Rome had dwindled my resources. In the end, being often stirred forward with great trouble of mind, I was forced to sell my robe for a little money which was nevertheless sufficient for all my affairs. Then the priest spoke to me saying, “How is it that for a little pleasure you are not afraid to sell your vestments, yet when you enter into such great ceremonies you fear to fall into poverty? Prepare yourself and abstain from all animal meats, beasts and fish.” In the meantime I frequented the sacrifices of Serapis, which were done in the night. This gave me great comfort to my peregrination, and ministered to me more plentiful living since I gained some money by pleading in the courts in the Latin language. 11.30. In this way the divine majesty persuaded me in my sleep. Whereupon I went to the priest and declared all that I had seen. Then I fasted for ten days, according to the custom, and of my own free will I abstained longer than I had been commanded. And verily I did not repent of the pain I had gone through and of the charges I had undertaken. This was because the divine providence had seen to it that I gained much money in pleading of causes. Finally, after a few days, the great god Osiris appeared to me at night, not disguised in any other form, but in his own essence. He commanded me to be an advocate in the court, and not fear the slander and envy of ill persons who begrudged me by for the religion which I had attained by much labor. Moreover, he would not suffer that I should be any longer of the number of his priests, but he allotted me to one of the higher positions. And after he appointed me a place within the ancient temple, which had been erected in the time of Sulla, I executed my office in great joy and with a shaved head. |
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32. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 56.25.6, 57.24.6-57.24.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 250, 274 | 56.25.6. Nevertheless, he forbade this practice. He also issued a proclamation to the subject nations forbidding them to bestow any honours upon a person assigned to govern them either during his term of office or within sixty days after his departure; this was because some governors by arranging beforehand for testimonials and eulogies from their subjects were causing much mischief. 57.24.6. There were other events, also, at this time worthy of a place in history. The people of Cyzicus were once more deprived of their freedom, because they had imprisoned some Romans and because they had not completed the shrine to Augustus which they had begun to build. 57.24.7. A man who had sold the emperor's statue along with his house was brought to trial for doing this, and would certainly have been put to death by Tiberius, had not the consul called upon the emperor himself to give his vote first; for in this way Tiberius, being ashamed to appear to be favouring himself, cast his vote for acquittal. |
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| 33. Tertullian, To Scapula, 4.3, 4.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 378 |
34. Tertullian, Apology, 2.6-2.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 187| 2.6. prohibentes. 2.7. oportere. O sententiam necessitate confusam! Negat inquirendos ut innocentes, et mandat puniendos ut nocentes. Parcit et saevit, dissimulat et animadvertit. 2.8. Si damnas, cur non et inquiris? si non inquiris, cur non et absolvis? Latronibus vestigandis per universas provincias militaris statio sortitur. In reos maiestatis et publicos hostes omnis homo miles est; ad socios, ad conscios usque inquisitio extenditur. 2.9. | |
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| 35. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 5.36.5 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 219 |
36. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.48, 10.55-10.58, 10.65, 10.72-10.73, 10.81.1-10.81.4, 10.82, 10.96-10.97, 10.109 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 25, 187, 194 | 10.48. Trajan to Pliny. The memorial of the people of Apamea which you enclosed with your letter makes it unnecessary for me to examine into the reasons why they wish it to be known that those who have hitherto acted as proconsuls in the province refrained from inspecting their accounts, though they have no objection to your inspecting them. Their frankness, therefore, merits reward, and you will let them know that your inspection at my express wish will not prejudice the privileges they possess. 10.55. Trajan to Pliny. I do not see any other remedy, my dear Pliny, than the lowering of the rate of interest, which would facilitate the investment of the public moneys. You must fix the rate according to the number of those likely to borrow. But if people are averse to borrowing, it would not be in consoce with the justice of our reign to force a loan upon them, as possibly they too would find no investment for it. 10.56. To Trajan. I thank you. Sir, most sincerely that in the midst of your most pressing business of state you have deigned to give me directions on the matters about which I have consulted you, and I beg that you will do the same now. For a certain person came to me and informed me that some enemies of his who had been banished for three years by that distinguished man, Servilius Calvus, * were still lingering in the province, while they on the other hand declared that the sentence against them had been revoked - also by Calvus - and read out to me his edict. That is why I think it necessary to refer the whole matter to you just as it stands. For while your instructions warn me against recalling those who have been banished by others or by myself, they do not cover the case of those who have been banished and recalled from banishment by another governor. Hence, Sir, I thought I ought to consult you as to the course you would wish me to adopt, not only in the instances I have quoted, but also when persons are discovered in the province who have been banished for ever and have not had the sentence revoked. A case of this sort came under my notice in my judicial capacity. For a man was brought before me who had been banished for ever by the proconsul, Julius Bassus. ** Knowing as I did that the decrees of Bassus had been rescinded, and that the senate had given permission to all who had been sentenced by him to have their cases tried over again, if they brought their appeal within two years, I asked this man who had been banished by Bassus which proconsul he had approached and told his story to. He said he had not laid his case before anyone. It is this which made me consult you whether I should hand him over to complete his sentence or inflict additional punishment, and I should like to know what course you think I ought to adopt towards him and others who may be found to be similarly situated. I enclose with this letter the decree of Calvus and his edict, and also the decree of Bassus. 0 10.57. Trajan to Pliny. What steps ought to be taken with respect to those who were banished for three years by the proconsul Servilius Calvus, and afterwards were recalled by an edict of his and remained in the province, I will write and tell you shortly as soon as I have ascertained from Calvus the reason for his recalling them. As to the man who was banished for ever by Julius Bassus, he had two years allowed him in which to appeal if he considered he had been unjustly banished, and as he failed to do so and continued to linger in the province, he must be sent in chains to the prefects of my praetorian guard. * For he will not be sufficiently punished by being sent to complete his former sentence, inasmuch as he impudently evaded it. 10.58. To Trajan. When, Sir, I was about to hold a court and was calling out the names of the judges, Flavius Archippus began to ask leave to be excused on the ground that he was a philosopher. I was indeed told by some other persons that he ought not only to be excused from sitting as a judge but that his name ought to be struck off the list, and that he himself should be handed back to finish the sentence which he had evaded by breaking out of prison. A judgment of the proconsul Velius Paullus was read to me, which showed that Archippus had been condemned to the mines for forgery, and he could produce nothing to prove that the sentence had been revoked. However, he brings forward, in lieu of a pardon, a petition which he sent to Domitian and a letter which Domitian wrote in reply, referring to some distinction conferred upon him, and he also produces a decree of the people of Prusa. In addition to these documents, there is a letter written by yourself to him, and an edict and a letter of your father's in which he confirmed the privileges granted by Domitian. Consequently, though the man is involved in such serious charges, I thought I had better come to no decision until I had taken your advice on a point which I consider quite worthy of your attention. I enclose with this letter the documents which have been produced on both sides. • A letter from Domitian to Terentius Maximus I have granted the request of Flavius Archippus, the philosopher, that I should order land of the value of 600,000 sesterces to be bought for him near Prusa, his native place. I wish this to be acquired for him, and you will charge the whole amount to my account as a gift from me. • A letter from Domitian to Lucius Appius Maximus I desire, my dear Maximus, that you will regard Archippus the philosopher, who is a worthy man, and whose character fully corresponds with the nobility of his profession, as specially commended to your notice, and that you will show him the full extent of your kindness in any reasonable request he may lay before you. • Edict of the late Emperor Nerva There are some things, Romans, that go without saying in such prosperous times as we are now enjoying, nor should people look to a good emperor to declare himself on points wherein his position is thoroughly understood. For every citizen is well assured, and can answer for me without prompting, that I have preferred the security of the State to my own convenience, and in so doing have both conferred new privileges and confirmed old ones that were conceded before my time. However, to prevent there being any interruption of the public felicity by doubts and hesitation arising from the nervousness of those who have obtained favours, or from the memory of the emperor who granted them, I have thought that it is advisable, and that it will give general pleasure, if I remove all doubt by giving proof of my kind indulgence. I do not wish any one to think that any benefit conferred upon him, in either a private or public capacity by any other emperor, will be taken away from him just in order that he may owe the confirmation of his privilege to myself. Let all such grants be regarded as ratified and absolutely secure, and let those who write to thank me for the favours which the royal house has bestowed upon them not fail to renew their applications for more. Only let them give me time for new kindnesses, and understand that the favours they solicit must be such as they do not already possess. • A letter from Nerva to Tullius Justus Since I have made it my rule to preserve all arrangements begun and carried through in the previous reigns, the letters of Domitian must also remain valid. |
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37. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.48, 10.55-10.58, 10.65, 10.72-10.73, 10.81.1-10.81.4, 10.82, 10.96-10.97, 10.109 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 25, 187, 194 | 10.48. Trajan to Pliny. The memorial of the people of Apamea which you enclosed with your letter makes it unnecessary for me to examine into the reasons why they wish it to be known that those who have hitherto acted as proconsuls in the province refrained from inspecting their accounts, though they have no objection to your inspecting them. Their frankness, therefore, merits reward, and you will let them know that your inspection at my express wish will not prejudice the privileges they possess. 10.55. Trajan to Pliny. I do not see any other remedy, my dear Pliny, than the lowering of the rate of interest, which would facilitate the investment of the public moneys. You must fix the rate according to the number of those likely to borrow. But if people are averse to borrowing, it would not be in consoce with the justice of our reign to force a loan upon them, as possibly they too would find no investment for it. 10.56. To Trajan. I thank you. Sir, most sincerely that in the midst of your most pressing business of state you have deigned to give me directions on the matters about which I have consulted you, and I beg that you will do the same now. For a certain person came to me and informed me that some enemies of his who had been banished for three years by that distinguished man, Servilius Calvus, * were still lingering in the province, while they on the other hand declared that the sentence against them had been revoked - also by Calvus - and read out to me his edict. That is why I think it necessary to refer the whole matter to you just as it stands. For while your instructions warn me against recalling those who have been banished by others or by myself, they do not cover the case of those who have been banished and recalled from banishment by another governor. Hence, Sir, I thought I ought to consult you as to the course you would wish me to adopt, not only in the instances I have quoted, but also when persons are discovered in the province who have been banished for ever and have not had the sentence revoked. A case of this sort came under my notice in my judicial capacity. For a man was brought before me who had been banished for ever by the proconsul, Julius Bassus. ** Knowing as I did that the decrees of Bassus had been rescinded, and that the senate had given permission to all who had been sentenced by him to have their cases tried over again, if they brought their appeal within two years, I asked this man who had been banished by Bassus which proconsul he had approached and told his story to. He said he had not laid his case before anyone. It is this which made me consult you whether I should hand him over to complete his sentence or inflict additional punishment, and I should like to know what course you think I ought to adopt towards him and others who may be found to be similarly situated. I enclose with this letter the decree of Calvus and his edict, and also the decree of Bassus. 0 10.57. Trajan to Pliny. What steps ought to be taken with respect to those who were banished for three years by the proconsul Servilius Calvus, and afterwards were recalled by an edict of his and remained in the province, I will write and tell you shortly as soon as I have ascertained from Calvus the reason for his recalling them. As to the man who was banished for ever by Julius Bassus, he had two years allowed him in which to appeal if he considered he had been unjustly banished, and as he failed to do so and continued to linger in the province, he must be sent in chains to the prefects of my praetorian guard. * For he will not be sufficiently punished by being sent to complete his former sentence, inasmuch as he impudently evaded it. 10.58. To Trajan. When, Sir, I was about to hold a court and was calling out the names of the judges, Flavius Archippus began to ask leave to be excused on the ground that he was a philosopher. I was indeed told by some other persons that he ought not only to be excused from sitting as a judge but that his name ought to be struck off the list, and that he himself should be handed back to finish the sentence which he had evaded by breaking out of prison. A judgment of the proconsul Velius Paullus was read to me, which showed that Archippus had been condemned to the mines for forgery, and he could produce nothing to prove that the sentence had been revoked. However, he brings forward, in lieu of a pardon, a petition which he sent to Domitian and a letter which Domitian wrote in reply, referring to some distinction conferred upon him, and he also produces a decree of the people of Prusa. In addition to these documents, there is a letter written by yourself to him, and an edict and a letter of your father's in which he confirmed the privileges granted by Domitian. Consequently, though the man is involved in such serious charges, I thought I had better come to no decision until I had taken your advice on a point which I consider quite worthy of your attention. I enclose with this letter the documents which have been produced on both sides. • A letter from Domitian to Terentius Maximus I have granted the request of Flavius Archippus, the philosopher, that I should order land of the value of 600,000 sesterces to be bought for him near Prusa, his native place. I wish this to be acquired for him, and you will charge the whole amount to my account as a gift from me. • A letter from Domitian to Lucius Appius Maximus I desire, my dear Maximus, that you will regard Archippus the philosopher, who is a worthy man, and whose character fully corresponds with the nobility of his profession, as specially commended to your notice, and that you will show him the full extent of your kindness in any reasonable request he may lay before you. • Edict of the late Emperor Nerva There are some things, Romans, that go without saying in such prosperous times as we are now enjoying, nor should people look to a good emperor to declare himself on points wherein his position is thoroughly understood. For every citizen is well assured, and can answer for me without prompting, that I have preferred the security of the State to my own convenience, and in so doing have both conferred new privileges and confirmed old ones that were conceded before my time. However, to prevent there being any interruption of the public felicity by doubts and hesitation arising from the nervousness of those who have obtained favours, or from the memory of the emperor who granted them, I have thought that it is advisable, and that it will give general pleasure, if I remove all doubt by giving proof of my kind indulgence. I do not wish any one to think that any benefit conferred upon him, in either a private or public capacity by any other emperor, will be taken away from him just in order that he may owe the confirmation of his privilege to myself. Let all such grants be regarded as ratified and absolutely secure, and let those who write to thank me for the favours which the royal house has bestowed upon them not fail to renew their applications for more. Only let them give me time for new kindnesses, and understand that the favours they solicit must be such as they do not already possess. • A letter from Nerva to Tullius Justus Since I have made it my rule to preserve all arrangements begun and carried through in the previous reigns, the letters of Domitian must also remain valid. |
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| 38. Ambrosiaster, 1 Tim. Comm., 242.20-242.22 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 90 |
| 39. Libanius, Orations, 30.19 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delegation of adjudication, procedures derived from roman law Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 168 |
| 40. Augustine, Confessions, 6.3.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delegation of adjudication, procedures derived from roman law Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 168 |
| 41. Jerome, Commentaria In Abacuc, 3.18 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •synodal tribunals, procedure of influence by roman law Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 208 |
| 42. Justinian, Digest, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 160, 179 |
| 43. Augustine, Letters, 33.5 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delegation of adjudication, procedures derived from roman law Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 168 |
| 44. Epigraphy, Tam, 3.106 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 164 |
| 45. Epigraphy, Mama, 4.297 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 165, 166 |
| 46. Epigraphy, Ig, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 274 |
| 47. Anon., Martyrdom of Pionius, 15 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 178 |
| 48. Papyri, P.Yadin, 28 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 89, 91, 95 |
| 49. Papyri, Psi, 5.446 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 176 |
| 50. Lysias, Orations, 6.54, 10.3, 10.6-10.8, 10.17, 10.28, 12.35, 12.85, 13.1, 13.3, 13.41-13.42, 13.83-13.84, 14.1, 14.4, 14.12, 14.45, 15.9, 15.12, 22.17-22.21, 27.6-27.7, 29.13, 30.23, 32.12 Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 90, 136, 138 |
51. Strabo, Geography, 14.2.5 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 164 | 14.2.5. The city of the Rhodians lies on the eastern promontory of Rhodes; and it is so far superior to all others in harbors and roads and walls and improvements in general that I am unable to speak of any other city as equal to it, or even as almost equal to it, much less superior to it. It is remarkable also for its good order, and for its careful attention to the administration of affairs of state in general; and in particular to that of naval affairs, whereby it held the mastery of the sea for a long time and overthrew the business of piracy, and became a friend to the Romans and to all kings who favoured both the Romans and the Greeks. Consequently it not only has remained autonomous. but also has been adorned with many votive offerings, which for the most part are to be found in the Dionysium and the gymnasium, but partly in other places. The best of these are, first, the Colossus of Helius, of which the author of the iambic verse says,seven times ten cubits in height, the work of Chares the Lindian; but it now lies on the ground, having been thrown down by an earthquake and broken at the knees. In accordance with a certain oracle, the people did not raise it again. This, then, is the most excellent of the votive offerings (at any rate, it is by common agreement one of the Seven Wonders); and there are also the paintings of Protogenes, his Ialysus and also his Satyr, the latter standing by a pillar, on top of which stood a male partridge. And at this partridge, as would be natural, the people were so agape when the picture had only recently been set up, that they would behold him with wonder but overlook the Satyr, although the latter was a very great success. But the partridge-breeders were still more amazed, bringing their tame partridges and placing them opposite the painted partridge; for their partridges would make their call to the painting and attract a mob of people. But when Protogenes saw that the main part of the work had become subordinate, he begged those who were in charge of the sacred precinct to permit him to go there and efface the partridge, and so he did. The Rhodians are concerned for the people in general, although their rule is not democratic; still, they wish to take care of their multitude of poor people. Accordingly, the people are supplied with provisions and the needy are supported by the well-to-do, by a certain ancestral custom; and there are certain liturgies that supply provisions, so that at the same time the poor man receives his sustece and the city does not run short of useful men, and in particular for the manning of the fleets. As for the roadsteads, some of them were kept hidden and forbidden to the people in general; and death was the penalty for any person who spied on them or passed inside them. And here too, as in Massalia and Cyzicus, everything relating to the architects, the manufacture of instruments of war, and the stores of arms and everything else are objects of exceptional care, and even more so than anywhere else. |
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| 52. Papyri, P.Euphrates, 2, 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 492 |
| 53. Papyri, P.Lips., 1.43 Tagged with subjects: •delegation of adjudication, procedures derived from roman law Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 169 |
| 54. Papyri, P.Mil.Vogl. [Cg], 2.47 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 25 |
| 55. Papyri, P.Oxy., 3.472, 3.486, 6.903 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure •delegation of adjudication, procedures derived from roman law Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 24; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 168 |
| 56. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 8.7.6 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 219 |
| 57. Papyri, Sm, 1.3924, 3.6097, 12.10929 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure •delegation of adjudication, procedures derived from roman law Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 24, 176; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 169 |
| 58. Basil of Caesarea, Long Rules, 49 Tagged with subjects: •delegation of adjudication, procedures derived from roman law Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 168 |
| 59. Papyri, P. Bostra, 1 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 492 |
| 60. Demosthenes, Orations, 19.232, 21.25-21.26, 21.98, 21.183, 21.207, 21.220-21.225, 21.227, 22.7, 22.25-22.29, 22.68, 23.94, 24.8, 24.101, 24.218, 25.10, 25.53, 26.1-26.2, 27.63, 27.67, 28.1, 29.50, 35.47, 36.58, 37.33-37.38, 40.56, 45.7, 45.87, 46.22, 50.65-50.66, 53.1-53.2, 53.29, 54.15, 54.42-54.43, 56.4, 56.48-56.50, 58.1, 58.58, 59.1, 59.12, 59.15, 59.111-59.113, 59.126 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 129, 134, 138, 140 |
| 61. Hildegarde of Bingen, Sciv., 18.27-18.34, 20.2, 20.12-20.14, 21.18 Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 129, 137, 138, 141, 142, 143 |
| 62. Epigraphy, Ae, 1156, 1178, 1305, 1306, 1331, 1403, 1424, 1428, 1431-33, 1528, 1545, 1575, 1696, 1976, 1979, 1993, 2003, 2006, 2008, 2009, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014, 624, 653, 1537 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 164 |
| 63. Epigraphy, Ic Iv, 1.2-1.24, 2.15-2.20, 2.28-2.33, 3.5-3.9, 3.49-3.52, 4.6-4.8, 6.25-6.31, 9.23-9.40, 11.16-11.17, 11.26-11.31, 11.46-11.55, 12.7, 12.11-12.12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 35, 87, 88, 89, 311, 312, 313 |
| 64. Epigraphy, Ig Xii Suppl., 43, 7, 44 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 277 |
| 65. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q387A, 1.27, 1.46, 1.67, 1.88, 1.107, 1.113, 2.21-2.23, 3.19 Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 138 |
| 66. Epigraphy, E. M. Smallwood, Ed., Documents Illustrating The Principates of Nerva, Trajan And Hadrian (Cambridge, 1966), 32, 86 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 53 |
| 67. Epigraphy, Ibm, 1.19, 1.22, 1.78, 2.8, 2.12, 2.84 Tagged with subjects: •procedural law Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 53, 90, 311, 312, 313 |
| 68. Epigraphy, Ils, 214 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 176 |
| 69. Epigraphy, Ogis, 527 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 164 |
| 70. Epigraphy, Seg, 9.8, 11.778, 17.755, 23.585, 27.631, 29.127, 39.1244, 42.411, 45.1276, 45.1279, 51.1813-51.1814, 53.1464, 56.1493, 58.330, 58.1504, 58.1536, 62.808, 62.1188-62.1191, 63.858, 63.1223, 64.1496 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure •procedural law Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 162, 165, 166, 167, 170, 173, 174, 176, 187, 219, 248, 273; Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 311, 312 |
| 71. Gregory Nazianzen, Orationes, 43.34 Tagged with subjects: •delegation of adjudication, procedures derived from roman law Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 168, 169 |
| 72. Basil of Caesarea, Moralia, 51.4-51.5 Tagged with subjects: •delegation of adjudication, procedures derived from roman law Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 168 |
| 73. Papyri, Cpj, 2.435 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 25 |
| 74. Heraclitus, Allegoriae, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 129 |
| 75. Papyri, Bgu, 7.1563, 20.2863 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 24, 25 |
| 77. Epigraphy, Idr, None Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 165 |
| 78. Paulus, Leyden Fragment, 2 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 250 |
| 80. Epigraphy, Ic, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 248 |
| 82. Epigraphy, Lex Ursonensis, None Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 174 |
| 83. Epigraphy, Fd, a b c d\n0 3.4 290-5 3.4 290 3 4 290 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 219 |
| 84. Epigraphy, Bloomberg Tablets, None Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 441 |
| 85. Anon., Fragmentum Pseudo-Dositheanum De Manumissionibus, 12 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 489 |
| 86. Epigraphy, Ims, 605 Tagged with subjects: •criminal law and procedure Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 166 |
