| 1. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 27 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 169 |
2. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 21.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •temple of bel (palmyra), on priestly elites at jerusalem •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 175| 21.3. "וְהָיָה הָעִיר הַקְּרֹבָה אֶל־הֶחָלָל וְלָקְחוּ זִקְנֵי הָעִיר הַהִוא עֶגְלַת בָּקָר אֲשֶׁר לֹא־עֻבַּד בָּהּ אֲשֶׁר לֹא־מָשְׁכָה בְּעֹל׃", | 21.3. "And it shall be, that the city which is nearest unto the slain man, even the elders of that city shall take a heifer of the herd, which hath not been wrought with, and which hath not drawn in the yoke.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 26.1, 30.11-30.16, 39.24, 39.29 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 188, 222| 26.1. "וְאֶת־הַמִּשְׁכָּן תַּעֲשֶׂה עֶשֶׂר יְרִיעֹת שֵׁשׁ מָשְׁזָר וּתְכֵלֶת וְאַרְגָּמָן וְתֹלַעַת שָׁנִי כְּרֻבִים מַעֲשֵׂה חֹשֵׁב תַּעֲשֶׂה אֹתָם׃", 26.1. "וְעָשִׂיתָ חֲמִשִּׁים לֻלָאֹת עַל שְׂפַת הַיְרִיעָה הָאֶחָת הַקִּיצֹנָה בַּחֹבָרֶת וַחֲמִשִּׁים לֻלָאֹת עַל שְׂפַת הַיְרִיעָה הַחֹבֶרֶת הַשֵּׁנִית׃", 30.11. "וַיְדַבֵּר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה לֵּאמֹר׃", 30.12. "כִּי תִשָּׂא אֶת־רֹאשׁ בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל לִפְקֻדֵיהֶם וְנָתְנוּ אִישׁ כֹּפֶר נַפְשׁוֹ לַיהוָה בִּפְקֹד אֹתָם וְלֹא־יִהְיֶה בָהֶם נֶגֶף בִּפְקֹד אֹתָם׃", 30.13. "זֶה יִתְּנוּ כָּל־הָעֹבֵר עַל־הַפְּקֻדִים מַחֲצִית הַשֶּׁקֶל בְּשֶׁקֶל הַקֹּדֶשׁ עֶשְׂרִים גֵּרָה הַשֶּׁקֶל מַחֲצִית הַשֶּׁקֶל תְּרוּמָה לַיהוָה׃", 30.14. "כֹּל הָעֹבֵר עַל־הַפְּקֻדִים מִבֶּן עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה וָמָעְלָה יִתֵּן תְּרוּמַת יְהוָה׃", 30.15. "הֶעָשִׁיר לֹא־יַרְבֶּה וְהַדַּל לֹא יַמְעִיט מִמַּחֲצִית הַשָּׁקֶל לָתֵת אֶת־תְּרוּמַת יְהוָה לְכַפֵּר עַל־נַפְשֹׁתֵיכֶם׃", 30.16. "וְלָקַחְתָּ אֶת־כֶּסֶף הַכִּפֻּרִים מֵאֵת בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְנָתַתָּ אֹתוֹ עַל־עֲבֹדַת אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד וְהָיָה לִבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לְזִכָּרוֹן לִפְנֵי יְהוָה לְכַפֵּר עַל־נַפְשֹׁתֵיכֶם׃", 39.24. "וַיַּעֲשׂוּ עַל־שׁוּלֵי הַמְּעִיל רִמּוֹנֵי תְּכֵלֶת וְאַרְגָּמָן וְתוֹלַעַת שָׁנִי מָשְׁזָר׃", 39.29. "וְאֶת־הָאַבְנֵט שֵׁשׁ מָשְׁזָר וּתְכֵלֶת וְאַרְגָּמָן וְתוֹלַעַת שָׁנִי מַעֲשֵׂה רֹקֵם כַּאֲשֶׁר צִוָּה יְהוָה אֶת־מֹשֶׁה׃", | 26.1. "Moreover thou shalt make the tabernacle with ten curtains: of fine twined linen, and blue, and purple, and scarlet, with cherubim the work of the skilful workman shalt thou make them.", 30.11. "And the LORD spoke unto Moses, saying:", 30.12. "’When thou takest the sum of the children of Israel, according to their number, then shall they give every man a ransom for his soul unto the LORD, when thou numberest them; that there be no plague among them, when thou numberest them.", 30.13. "This they shall give, every one that passeth among them that are numbered, half a shekel after the shekel of the sanctuary—the shekel is twenty gerahs—half a shekel for an offering to the LORD.", 30.14. "Every one that passeth among them that are numbered, from twenty years old and upward, shall give the offering of the LORD.", 30.15. "The rich shall not give more, and the poor shall not give less, than the half shekel, when they give the offering of the LORD, to make atonement for your souls.", 30.16. "And thou shalt take the atonement money from the children of Israel, and shalt appoint it for the service of the tent of meeting, that it may be a memorial for the children of Israel before the LORD, to make atonement for your souls.’", 39.24. "And they made upon the skirts of the robe pomegranates of blue, and purple, and scarlet, and twined linen.", 39.29. "and the girdle of fine twined linen, and blue, and purple, and scarlet, the work of the weaver in colours; as the LORD commanded Moses.", |
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| 4. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 24 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 113 |
5. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 10.33 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 188| 10.33. "וְהֶעֱמַדְנוּ עָלֵינוּ מִצְוֺת לָתֵת עָלֵינוּ שְׁלִשִׁית הַשֶּׁקֶל בַּשָּׁנָה לַעֲבֹדַת בֵּית אֱלֹהֵינוּ׃", | 10.33. "Also we made ordices for us, to charge ourselves yearly with the third part of a shekel for the service of the house of our God;", |
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6. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 40.4, 45.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 222 | 40.4. from the man who wears purple and a crown to the one who is clothed in burlap; 45.1. From his descendants the Lord brought forth a man of mercy,who found favor in the sight of all flesh and was beloved by God and man,Moses, whose memory is blessed. 45.1. with a holy garment, of gold and blue and purple, the work of an embroiderer;with the oracle of judgment, Urim and Thummim; |
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| 7. Dead Sea Scrolls, (Cairo Damascus Covenant) Cd-A, 6.14-6.17, 40.1, 57.19-57.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 169 |
| 8. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Covenant, 6.14-6.17, 40.1, 57.19-57.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 169 |
| 9. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.3.14, 2.3.36-2.3.37 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 113 |
10. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 4.38, 14.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 116, 222 | 4.38. and inflamed with anger, he immediately stripped off the purple robe from Andronicus, tore off his garments, and led him about the whole city to that very place where he had committed the outrage against Onias, and there he dispatched the bloodthirsty fellow. The Lord thus repaid him with the punishment he deserved.' 14.5. But he found an opportunity that furthered his mad purpose when he was invited by Demetrius to a meeting of the council and was asked about the disposition and intentions of the Jews. He answered:" |
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11. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 9.2, 10.28-10.30, 10.39, 10.64, 11.34-11.35 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 113, 169, 222, 247 | 9.2. They went by the road which leads to Gilgal and encamped against Mesaloth in Arbela, and they took it and killed many people. 10.28. We will grant you many immunities and give you gifts. 10.29. And now I free you and exempt all the Jews from payment of tribute and salt tax and crown levies, 10.30. and instead of collecting the third of the grain and the half of the fruit of the trees that I should receive, I release them from this day and henceforth. I will not collect them from the land of Judah or from the three districts added to it from Samaria and Galilee, from this day and for all time. 10.39. Ptolemais and the land adjoining it I have given as a gift to the sanctuary in Jerusalem, to meet the necessary expenses of the sanctuary. 10.64. And when his accusers saw the honor that was paid him, in accordance with the proclamation, and saw him clothed in purple, they all fled. 11.34. We have confirmed as their possession both the territory of Judea and the three districts of Aphairema and Lydda and Rathamin; the latter, with all the region bordering them, were added to Judea from Samaria. To all those who offer sacrifice in Jerusalem, we have granted release from the royal taxes which the king formerly received from them each year, from the crops of the land and the fruit of the trees. 11.35. And the other payments henceforth due to us of the tithes, and the taxes due to us, and the salt pits and the crown taxes due to us -- from all these we shall grant them release. |
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| 12. Anon., Testament of Moses, 6.8-6.9, 7.3-7.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple •temple of bel (palmyra), on priestly elites at jerusalem Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 175, 191 |
13. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 86 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 222 | 86. then there is one magazine among them all; their expenses are all in common; their garments belong to them all in common; their food is common, since they all eat in messes; for there is no other people among which you can find a common use of the same house, a common adoption of one mode of living, and a common use of the same table more thoroughly established in fact than among this tribe: and is not this very natural? For whatever they, after having been working during the day, receive for their wages, that they do not retain as their own, but bring it into the common stock, and give any advantage that is to be derived from it to all who desire to avail themselves of it; |
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14. Philo of Alexandria, On The Change of Names, 153, 76, 212 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 174 | 212. But on the other hand, we may see the souls of those who are well endowed by nature, like a well-smooth waxen tablet, neither too solid nor too tender, moderately tempered, and easily receiving all admonitions and all lessons, and themselves giving an accurate representation of any impression which has been stamped upon them, being a sort of distinct image of memory. |
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| 15. Philo of Alexandria, Hypothetica, 11.12 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 222 |
16. Mishnah, Eduyot, 7.1-7.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 246| 7.1. "הֵעִיד רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ וְרַבִּי צָדוֹק עַל פִּדְיוֹן פֶּטֶר חֲמוֹר שֶׁמֵּת, שֶׁאֵין בּוֹ לַכֹּהֵן כְּלוּם, שֶׁרַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, חַיָּבִין בְּאַחֲרָיוּתָן כְּחָמֵשׁ סְלָעִים שֶׁל בֵּן. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, אֵין חַיָּבִין בְּאַחֲרָיוּתָן אֶלָּא כְפִדְיוֹן שֶׁל מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי: \n", 7.2. "הֵעִיד רַבִּי צָדוֹק עַל צִיר חֲגָבִים טְמֵאִים, שֶׁהוּא טָהוֹר. שֶׁמִּשְׁנָה רִאשׁוֹנָה, חֲגָבִים טְמֵאִים שֶׁנִּכְבְּשׁוּ עִם חֲגָבִים טְהוֹרִים, לֹא פָסְלוּ צִירָן: \n", 7.3. "הֵעִיד רַבִּי צָדוֹק עַל זוֹחֲלִין שֶׁרַבּוּ עַל הַנּוֹטְפִים, שֶׁהֵם כְּשֵׁרִים. מַעֲשֶׂה הָיָה בְּבִירַת הַפִּלְיָא, וּבָא מַעֲשֶׂה לִפְנֵי חֲכָמִים וְהִכְשִׁירוּהוּ: \n", 7.4. "הֵעִיד רַבִּי צָדוֹק עַל זוֹחֲלִין שֶׁקִּלְּחָן בַּעֲלֵה אֱגוֹז, שֶׁהֵן כְּשֵׁרִים. מַעֲשֶׂה הָיָה בְאָהֳלְיָא, וּבָא מַעֲשֶׂה לִפְנֵי לִשְׁכַּת הַגָּזִית, וְהִכְשִׁירוּהוּ: \n", 7.5. "הֵעִיד רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ וְרַבִּי יָקִים אִישׁ הֲדַר עַל קָלָל שֶׁל חַטָּאת שֶׁנְּתָנוֹ עַל גַּבֵּי הַשֶּׁרֶץ, שֶׁהוּא טָמֵא. שֶׁרַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר מְטַהֵר. הֵעִיד רַבִּי פַּפְּיַס עַל מִי שֶׁנָּזַר שְׁתֵּי נְזִירוּת, שֶׁאִם גִּלַּח אֶת הָרִאשׁוֹנָה יוֹם שְׁלֹשִׁים, שֶׁמְּגַלֵּחַ הַשְּׁנִיָּה יוֹם שִׁשִּׁים. וְאִם גִלַּח יוֹם שִׁשִּׁים חָסֵר אֶחָד, יָצָא, שֶׁיּוֹם שְׁלֹשִׁים עוֹלֶה לוֹ מִן הַמִּנְיָן: \n" | 7.1. "Rabbi Joshua and Rabbi Zadok testified concerning the redemption (lamb) of a firstborn donkey, that if it died, the priest receives nothing, Whereas Rabbi Eliezer says: the owner must bear the responsibility as with the five selas [in the case] of a [firstborn] son. But the Sages say: he bears no responsibility any more than in the case of the redemption of second tithes.", 7.2. "Rabbi Zadok testified concerning brine of unclean locusts that it is clean, Whereas the first mishnah [said]: unclean locusts that have been preserved together with clean locusts do not make their brine unfit.", 7.3. "Rabbi Zadok testified concerning flowing water which exceeded in quantity dripping water; that it was valid. There was such a case at Birath Hapilya, and when the case came before the Sages they declared it valid.", 7.4. "Rabbi Zadok testified concerning flowing water which was made to run in a stream through nut-leaves, that it was valid. There was such a case at Ahaliyya, and when the case came before [the Sages in] the Chamber of Hewn Stone they declared it valid.", 7.5. "Rabbi Joshua and Rabbi Yakim, a man of Hadar, testified concerning a jar of ashes of a red heifer which was put over a creeping thing, that they were unclean. Whereas Rabbi Eliezer had pronounced them clean. Rabbi Papias testified concerning one who had vowed two naziriteships, that if he cut his hair after the first one on the thirtieth day, he could cut his hair after the second one on the sixtieth day; and if he cut his hair on the fifty-ninth day he has also fulfilled his duty, for the thirtieth day counts towards the required number." |
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17. Mishnah, Bava Metzia, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 187| 5.5. "שָׁמִין פָּרָה וַחֲמוֹר וְכָל דָּבָר שֶׁהוּא עוֹשֶׂה וְאוֹכֵל לְמֶחֱצָה. מְקוֹם שֶׁנָּהֲגוּ לַחֲלֹק אֶת הַוְּלָדוֹת מִיָּד, חוֹלְקִין, מְקוֹם שֶׁנָּהֲגוּ לְגַדֵּל, יְגַדֵּלוּ. רַבָּן שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן גַּמְלִיאֵל אוֹמֵר, שָׁמִין עֵגֶל עִם אִמּוֹ וּסְיָח עִם אִמּוֹ. וּמַפְרִיז עַל שָׂדֵהוּ, וְאֵינוֹ חוֹשֵׁשׁ מִשּׁוּם רִבִּית: \n", | 5.5. "One may evaluate cows and donkeys and anything that works and eats [and give them to one’s fellow to raise] in order to share the profit. Where the custom is to share the offspring immediately at birth, they do so; and where the custom is to first rear them [and then give them over to the owner], they do so. Rabban Shimon ben Gamaliel says: “One may evaluate a calf with its mother, and a foal with its mother [and give them to one’s fellow to raise in order to share the profit.] A tet may offer increased rent in exchange for a loan to improve his field, without fearing that this is usury.", |
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| 18. Mishnah, Hulin, None (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 158 |
19. Mishnah, Kelim, 5.11, 10.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 205| 5.11. "תַּנּוּר שֶׁל אֶבֶן וְשֶׁל מַתֶּכֶת, טָהוֹר, וְטָמֵא מִשּׁוּם כְּלֵי מַתָּכוֹת. נִקַּב, נִפְגַּם, נִסְדַּק, עָשָׂה לוֹ טְפֵלָה, אוֹ מוּסָף שֶׁל טִיט, טָמֵא. כַּמָּה יְהֵא בַנֶּקֶב, כְּדֵי שֶׁיֵּצֵא בוֹ הָאוּר. וְכֵן בְּכִירָה. כִּירָה שֶׁל אֶבֶן וְשֶׁל מַתֶּכֶת טְהוֹרָה, וּטְמֵאָה מִשּׁוּם כְּלֵי מַתָּכוֹת, נִקְּבָה, נִפְגְּמָה, נִסְדְּקָה, עָשָׂה לָהּ פִּטְפּוּטִין, טְמֵאָה. מֵרְחָהּ בְּטִיט בֵּין מִבִּפְנִים בֵּין מִבַּחוּץ, טְהוֹרָה. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, מִבִּפְנִים טְמֵאָה, וּמִבַּחוּץ טְהוֹרָה: \n", 10.1. "אֵלּוּ כֵלִים מַצִּילִין בְּצָמִיד פָּתִיל, כְּלֵי גְלָלִים, כְּלֵי אֲבָנִים, כְּלֵי אֲדָמָה, כְּלֵי חֶרֶס, וּכְלֵי נֶתֶר, עַצְמוֹת הַדָּג וְעוֹרוֹ, עַצְמוֹת חַיָּה שֶׁבַּיָּם וְעוֹרָהּ, וּכְלֵי עֵץ הַטְּהוֹרִים. מַצִּילִים בֵּין מִפִּיהֶם בֵּין מִצִּדֵּיהֶן, בֵּין יוֹשְׁבִין עַל שׁוּלֵיהֶן בֵּין מֻטִּין עַל צִדֵּיהֶן. הָיוּ כְפוּיִים עַל פִּיהֶן, מַצִּילִים כֹּל שֶׁתַּחְתֵּיהֶן עַד הַתְּהוֹם. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר מְטַמֵּא. עַל הַכֹּל מַצִּילִין, חוּץ מִכְּלֵי חֶרֶס, שֶׁאֵינוֹ מַצִּיל אֶלָּא עַל הָאֳכָלִים וְעַל הַמַּשְׁקִין וְעַל כְּלֵי חָרֶס: \n", | 5.11. "An oven of stone or of metal is clean, But the latter is unclean as a metal vessel. If a hole was made in it, or if it was damaged or cracked, and he lined it with plaster or with a rim of clay, it is unclean. What must be the size of the hole [for it to be pure]? It must be big enough for the flame to come through. The same applies also to a stove. A stove of stone or of metal is clean. But the latter is unclean as a metal vessel. If a hole was made in it or if it was damaged or cracked but was provided with props it is unclean. If it was lined with clay, whether inside or outside, it remains clean. Rabbi Judah says: if [the lining was] inside it is unclean but if outside it remains clean.", 10.1. "The following vessels protect their contents when they have a tightly fitting cover: those made of cattle dung, of stone, of clay, of earthenware, of sodium carbonate, of the bones of a fish or of its skin, or of the bones of any animal of the sea or of its skin, and wooden vessels that are always clean. They protect whether the covers close their mouths or their sides, whether they stand on their bottoms or lean on their sides. If they were turned over with their mouths downwards they afford protection to all that is beneath them to the nethermost deep. Rabbi Eliezer declares this unclean. These protect everything, except that an earthen vessel protects only foods, liquids and earthen vessels.", |
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20. Mishnah, Oholot, 5.5, 6.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 205| 5.5. "הָיוּ כְלֵי גְלָלִים, כְּלֵי אֲבָנִים, כְּלֵי אֲדָמָה, הַכֹּל טָהוֹר. הָיָה כְלִי טָהוֹר לַקֹּדֶשׁ וְלַחַטָּאת, הַכֹּל טָהוֹר, שֶׁהַכֹּל נֶאֱמָנִין עַל הַחַטָּאת, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהַכֵּלִים טְהוֹרִין וּכְלֵי חֶרֶס טְהוֹרִין וּמַצִּילִין עִם דָּפְנוֹת אֹהָלִים: \n", 6.1. "אָדָם וְכֵלִים נַעֲשִׂין אֹהָלִין לְטַמֵּא, אֲבָל לֹא לְטַהֵר. כֵּיצַד. אַרְבָּעָה נוֹשְׂאִין אֶת הַנִּדְבָּךְ, טֻמְאָה תַחְתָּיו, כֵּלִים שֶׁעַל גַּבָּיו טְמֵאִין. טֻמְאָה עַל גַּבָּיו, כֵּלִים שֶׁתַּחְתָּיו טְמֵאִים. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר מְטַהֵר. נָתוּן עַל אַרְבָּעָה כֵלִים, אֲפִלּוּ כְלֵי גְלָלִים, כְּלֵי אֲבָנִים, כְּלֵי אֲדָמָה, טֻמְאָה תַחְתָּיו, כֵּלִים שֶׁעַל גַּבָּיו טְמֵאִים. טֻמְאָה עַל גַּבָּיו, כֵּלִים שֶׁתַּחְתָּיו טְמֵאִים. נָתוּן עַל אַרְבָּעָה אֲבָנִים, אוֹ עַל דָּבָר שֶׁיֶּשׁ בּוֹ רוּחַ חַיִּים, טֻמְאָה תַחְתָּיו, כֵּלִים שֶׁעַל גַּבָּיו טְהוֹרִין. טֻמְאָה עַל גַּבָּיו, כֵּלִים שֶׁתַּחְתָּיו טְהוֹרִין: \n", | 5.5. "If [lying over the hatch] there were vessels made of dung, vessels of stone, or vessels of [unbaked] earth, everything [in the upper story] remains clean. If it was a vessel known to be clean for holy things or for [the water of] purification, everything remains clean, since everyone is trusted with [regard to matters of] purification. For clean vessels and earthenware vessels that are [known to be] clean protect with the walls of ‘tents'.", 6.1. "Both persons and vessels can form ‘tents’ to bring uncleanness, but not to [protect objects so that they] remain clean. How so? There are four people carrying a chest: If there is uncleanness beneath it, vessels upon it become unclean. If there is uncleanness upon it, vessels beneath it become unclean. Rabbi Eliezer declares them clean. [If the chest] is placed upon four vessels, even if they are vessels made of dung, vessels of stone, or vessels of [unbaked] earth, If there is uncleanness beneath [the chest], vessels upon it become unclean. If there is uncleanness beneath it, vessels upon it become unclean. [If the chest] is placed on four stones or on any living creature, If there is uncleanness beneath it, vessels upon it remain clean. If there is uncleanness upon it vessels beneath it remain clean.", |
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21. Mishnah, Middot, 1.4, 2.3, 2.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 162| 1.4. "שִׁבְעָה שְׁעָרִים הָיוּ בָעֲזָרָה, שְׁלשָׁה בַצָּפוֹן וּשְׁלשָׁה בַדָּרוֹם וְאֶחָד בַּמִּזְרָח. שֶׁבַּדָּרוֹם, שַׁעַר הַדֶּלֶק. שֵׁנִי לוֹ, שַׁעַר הַבְּכוֹרוֹת. שְׁלִישִׁי לוֹ, שַׁעַר הַמָּיִם. שֶׁבַּמִּזְרָח, שַׁעַר נִקָּנוֹר, וּשְׁתֵּי לְשָׁכוֹת הָיוּ לוֹ, אַחַת מִימִינוֹ וְאַחַת מִשְּׂמֹאלוֹ, אַחַת לִשְׁכַּת פִּנְחָס הַמַּלְבִּישׁ, וְאַחַת לִשְׁכַּת עוֹשֵׂי חֲבִתִּין: \n", 2.3. "לִפְנִים מִמֶּנּוּ, סוֹרֵג, גָּבוֹהַּ עֲשָׂרָה טְפָחִים. וּשְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה פְרָצוֹת הָיוּ שָׁם, שֶׁפְּרָצוּם מַלְכֵי יָוָן. חָזְרוּ וּגְדָרוּם, וְגָזְרוּ כְנֶגְדָּם שְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה הִשְׁתַּחֲוָיוֹת. לִפְנִים מִמֶּנּוּ, הַחֵיל, עֶשֶׂר אַמּוֹת. וּשְׁתֵּים עֶשְׂרֵה מַעֲלוֹת הָיוּ שָׁם. רוּם הַמַּעֲלָה חֲצִי אַמָּה, וְשִׁלְחָהּ חֲצִי אַמָּה. כָּל הַמַּעֲלוֹת שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, רוּם מַעֲלָה חֲצִי אַמָּה, וְשִׁלְחָהּ חֲצִי אַמָּה, חוּץ מִשֶּׁל אוּלָם. כָּל הַפְּתָחִים וְהַשְּׁעָרִים שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, גָּבְהָן עֶשְׂרִים אַמָּה, וְרָחְבָּן עֶשֶׂר אַמּוֹת, חוּץ מִשֶּׁל אוּלָם. כָּל הַפְּתָחִים שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, הָיוּ לָהֶן דְּלָתוֹת, חוּץ מִשֶּׁל אוּלָם. כָּל הַשְּׁעָרִים שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, הָיוּ לָהֶן שְׁקוֹפוֹת, חוּץ מִשַּׁעַר טָדִי, שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם שְׁתֵּי אֲבָנִים מֻטּוֹת זוֹ עַל גַּב זוֹ. כָּל הַשְּׁעָרִים שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, נִשְׁתַּנּוּ לִהְיוֹת שֶׁל זָהָב, חוּץ מִשַּׁעַר נִקָּנוֹר, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁנַּעֲשָׂה בָהֶן נֵס. וְיֵשׁ אוֹמְרִים, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁנְּחֻשְׁתָּן מַצְהִיב: \n", 2.6. "וּלְשָׁכוֹת הָיוּ תַחַת עֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל, וּפְתוּחוֹת לְעֶזְרַת הַנָּשִׁים, שֶׁשָּׁם הַלְוִיִּם נוֹתְנִים כִּנּוֹרוֹת וּנְבָלִים וּמְצִלְתַּיִם וְכָל כְּלֵי שִׁיר. עֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל הָיְתָה אֹרֶךְ מֵאָה אַמָּה וּשְׁלשִׁים וְחָמֵשׁ עַל רֹחַב אַחַת עֶשְׂרֵה. וְכֵן עֶזְרַת כֹּהֲנִים הָיְתָה אֹרֶךְ מֵאָה וּשְׁלשִׁים וְחָמֵשׁ עַל רֹחַב אַחַת עֶשְׂרֵה. וְרָאשֵׁי פִסְפָּסִין מַבְדִּילִין בֵּין עֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל לְעֶזְרַת הַכֹּהֲנִים. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן יַעֲקֹב אוֹמֵר, מַעֲלָה הָיְתָה שָׁם, וּגְבוֹהָה אַמָּה, וְהַדּוּכָן נָתוּן עָלֶיהָ, וּבָהּ שָׁלשׁ מַעֲלוֹת שֶׁל חֲצִי חֲצִי אַמָּה. נִמְצֵאת עֶזְרַת הַכֹּהֲנִים גְּבוֹהָה מֵעֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל שְׁתֵּי אַמּוֹת וּמֶחֱצָה. כָּל הָעֲזָרָה הָיְתָה אֹרֶךְ מֵאָה וּשְׁמוֹנִים וָשֶׁבַע עַל רֹחַב מֵאָה וּשְׁלשִׁים וְחָמֵשׁ. וּשְׁלֹשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה הִשְׁתַּחֲוָיוֹת הָיוּ שָׁם. אַבָּא יוֹסֵי בֶן חָנָן אוֹמֵר, כְּנֶגֶד שְׁלֹשָׁה עָשָׂר שְׁעָרִים. שְׁעָרִים דְּרוֹמִיִּים סְמוּכִים לַמַּעֲרָב, שַׁעַר הָעֶלְיוֹן, שַׁעַר הַדֶּלֶק, שַׁעַר הַבְּכוֹרוֹת, שַׁעַר הַמָּיִם, וְלָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמוֹ שַׁעַר הַמַּיִם. שֶׁבּוֹ מַכְנִיסִין צְלוֹחִית שֶׁל מַיִם שֶׁל נִסּוּךְ בֶּחָג. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן יַעֲקֹב אוֹמֵר, וּבוֹ הַמַּיִם מְפַכִּים, וַעֲתִידִין לִהְיוֹת יוֹצְאִין מִתַּחַת מִפְתַּן הַבָּיִת. וּלְעֻמָּתָן בַּצָּפוֹן סְמוּכִים לַמַּעֲרָב, שַׁעַר יְכָנְיָה, שַׁעַר הַקָּרְבָּן, שַׁעַר הַנָּשִׁים, שַׁעַר הַשִּׁיר. וְלָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמוֹ שַׁעַר יְכָנְיָה, שֶׁבּוֹ יָצָא יְכָנְיָה בְּגָלוּתוֹ. שֶׁבַּמִּזְרָח, שַׁעַר נִקָּנוֹר. וּשְׁנֵי פִשְׁפָּשִׁים הָיוּ לוֹ, אֶחָד מִימִינוֹ וְאֶחָד מִשְּׂמֹאלוֹ. וּשְׁנַיִם בַּמַעֲרָב, לֹא הָיָה לָהֶם שֵׁם: \n", | 1.4. "There were seven gates in the courtyard: three in the north and three in the south and one in the east. In the south: the Gate of Kindling, and next to it the Gate of the First-borns, and then the Water Gate. In the east: the Gate of Nicanor. It had two chambers, one on its right and one on its left. One was the chamber of Pinchas the dresser and one the other the chamber of the griddle cake makers.", 2.3. "Within it was the Soreg, ten handbreadths high. There were thirteen breaches in it, which had been originally made by the kings of Greece, and when they repaired them they enacted that thirteen prostrations should be made facing them. Within this was the Hel, which was ten cubits [broad]. There were twelve steps there. The height of each step was half a cubit and its tread was half a cubit. All the steps in the Temple were half a cubit high with a tread of half a cubit, except those of the Porch. All the doorways in the Temple were twenty cubits high and ten cubits broad except those of the Porch. All the doorways there had doors in them except those of the Porch. All the gates there had lintels except that of Taddi which had two stones inclined to one another. All the original gates were changed for gates of gold except the gates of Nicanor, because a miracle happened with them. Some say: because their copper gleamed like gold.", 2.6. "There were chambers underneath the Court of Israel which opened into the Court of Women, where the Levites used to keep lyres and lutes and cymbals and all kinds of musical instruments. The Court of Israel was a hundred and thirty-five cubits in length by eleven in breadth. Similarly the Court of the Priests was a hundred and thirty-five cubits in length by eleven in breadth. And a row of mosaic stones separated the Court of Israel from the Court of the Priests. Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob says: there was a step a cubit high on which a platform was placed, and it had three steps each of half a cubit in height. In this way the Court of the Priests was made two and a half cubits higher than that of Israel. The whole of the Court was a hundred and eighty-seven cubits in length by a hundred and thirty-five in breadth. And thirteen prostrations were made there. Abba Yose ben Ha says: they were made facing the thirteen gates. On the south beginning from the west there were the upper gate, the gate of burning, the gate of the firstborn, and the water gate. And why was it called the water gate? Because they brought in through it the pitcher of water for libation on the festival. Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob says: in it the water welled up, and in the time to come from there it will come out from under the threshold of the Temple. Corresponding to them in the north beginning in the west were the gate of Yehoniah, the gate of the offering, the women's gate, the gate of song. Why was it called the gate of Yehoniah? Because Yehoniah went forth into captivity through it. On the east was the gate of Nicanor; it had two doors, one on its right and one on its left (10 +. There were further two gates in the west which had no special name (12 +.", |
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22. Mishnah, Niddah, 9.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 205| 9.3. "הִשְׁאִילָה חֲלוּקָהּ לְנָכְרִית אוֹ לְנִדָּה, הֲרֵי זוֹ תּוֹלָה בָהּ. שָׁלשׁ נָשִׁים שֶׁלָּבְשׁוּ חָלוּק אֶחָד אוֹ שֶׁיָּשְׁבוּ עַל סַפְסָל אֶחָד, וְנִמְצָא עָלָיו דָּם, כֻּלָּן טְמֵאוֹת. יָשְׁבוּ עַל סַפְסָל שֶׁל אֶבֶן אוֹ עַל הָאִצְטַבָּא שֶׁל מֶרְחָץ, רַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה מְטַהֵר, שֶׁהָיָה רַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה אוֹמֵר, כָּל דָּבָר שֶׁאֵינוֹ מְקַבֵּל טֻמְאָה, אֵינוֹ מְקַבֵּל כְּתָמִים: \n", | 9.3. "If she lent her shirt to a non-Jewish woman or to a menstruant she may attribute a stain to either. If three women had worn the same shirt or had sat on the same wooden bench and subsequently blood was found on it, all are regarded as unclean. If they had sat on a stone bench or on the projection within the colonnade of a bath House: Rabbi Nehemiah says that they are clean, for Rabbi Nehemiah says: anything that is not susceptible to uncleanness is not susceptible to stains.", |
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23. Mishnah, Parah, 3.5, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 205, 233| 3.5. "לֹא מָצְאוּ מִשֶּׁבַע, עוֹשִׂין מִשֵּׁשׁ, מֵחָמֵשׁ, מֵאַרְבַּע, מִשָּׁלשׁ, מִשְּׁתַּיִם וּמֵאֶחָת. וּמִי עֲשָׂאָם. הָרִאשׁוֹנָה עָשָׂה משֶׁה, וְהַשְּׁנִיָּה עָשָׂה עֶזְרָא, וְחָמֵשׁ, מֵעֶזְרָא וָאֵילָךְ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, שֶׁבַע מֵעֶזְרָא וָאֵילָךְ. וּמִי עֲשָׂאָן. שִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק וְיוֹחָנָן כֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל עָשׂוּ שְׁתַּיִם שְׁתַּיִם, אֶלְיְהוֹעֵינַי בֶּן הַקּוֹף וַחֲנַמְאֵל הַמִּצְרִי וְיִשְׁמָעֵאל בֶּן פִּיאָבִי עָשׂוּ אַחַת אֶחָת: \n", 5.5. "בְּכָל הַכֵּלִים מְקַדְּשִׁים, אֲפִלּוּ בִכְלֵי גְלָלִים, בִּכְלֵי אֲבָנִים, וּבִכְלֵי אֲדָמָה. וּבִסְפִינָה, מְקַדְּשִׁין בָּהּ. אֵין מְקַדְּשִׁין לֹא בְדָפְנוֹת הַכֵּלִים, וְלֹא בְשׁוּלֵי הַמַּחַץ, וְלֹא בִמְגוּפַת הֶחָבִית, וְלֹא בְחָפְנָיו, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁאֵין מְמַלְּאִין וְאֵין מְקַדְּשִׁין וְאֵין מַזִּין מֵי חַטָּאת אֶלָּא בְכֶלִי. אֵין מַצִּילִין בְּצָמִיד פָּתִיל אֶלָּא כֵלִים, שֶׁאֵין מַצִּילִים מִיַּד כְּלֵי חֶרֶס אֶלָּא כֵלִים: \n", | 3.5. "If they did not find the residue of the ashes of the seven [red cows] they performed the sprinkling with those of six, of five, of four, of three, of two or of one. And who prepared these? Moses prepared the first, Ezra prepared the second, and five were prepared from the time of Ezra, the words of Rabbi Meir. But the sages say: seven from the time of Ezra. And who prepared them? Shimon the Just and Yoha the high priest prepared two; Elihoenai the son of Ha-Kof and Hanamel the Egyptian and Ishmael the son of Piabi prepared one each.", 5.5. "They can make the mixture in all kinds of vessels, even in vessels made of cattle dung, of stone or of earth. The mixture may also be prepared in a boat. It may not be prepared in the walls of vessels, or in the sides of a large jug, or in the stopper of a jar, or in one's cupped hands, for one does not fill up, or mix in, or sprinkle the hatat with anything but a vessel. Only on a vessel does tightly fitting cover afford protection, for only in vessels is protection afforded against uncleanness within an earthen vessel.", |
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24. Mishnah, Yoma, 2.5-2.7, 3.1, 3.11 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 162, 169| 2.5. "תָּמִיד קָרֵב בְּתִשְׁעָה, בַּעֲשָׂרָה, בְּאַחַד עָשָׂר, בִּשְׁנֵים עָשָׂר, לֹא פָחוֹת וְלֹא יוֹתֵר. כֵּיצַד. עַצְמוֹ בְּתִשְׁעָה. בֶּחָג, בְּיַד אֶחָד צְלוֹחִית שֶׁל מַיִם, הֲרֵי כָאן עֲשָׂרָה. בֵּין הָעַרְבַּיִם, בְּאַחַד עָשָׂר, הוּא עַצְמוֹ בְּתִשְׁעָה, וּשְׁנַיִם בְּיָדָם שְׁנֵי גְזִירֵי עֵצִים. וּבְשַׁבָּת בְּאַחַד עָשָׂר, הוּא עַצְמוֹ בְּתִשְׁעָה, וּשְׁנַיִם בְּיָדָם שְׁנֵי בְזִיכֵי לְבוֹנָה שֶׁל לֶחֶם הַפָּנִים. וּבְשַׁבָּת שֶׁבְּתוֹךְ הֶחָג, בְּיַד אֶחָד צְלוֹחִית שֶׁל מָיִם: \n", 2.6. "אַיִל קָרֵב בְּאַחַד עָשָׂר, הַבָּשָׂר בַּחֲמִשָּׁה, הַקְּרָבַיִם וְהַסֹּלֶת וְהַיַּיִן בִּשְׁנַיִם שְׁנָיִם: \n", 2.7. "פַּר קָרֵב בְּעֶשְׂרִים וְאַרְבָּעָה, הָרֹאשׁ וְהָרֶגֶל, הָרֹאשׁ בְּאֶחָד, וְהָרֶגֶל בִּשְׁנַיִם. הָעֹקֶץ וְהָרֶגֶל, הָעֹקֶץ בִּשְׁנַיִם, וְהָרֶגֶל בִּשְׁנַיִם. הֶחָזֶה וְהַגֵּרָה, הֶחָזֶה בְּאֶחָד, וְהַגֵּרָה בִּשְׁלשָׁה. שְׁתֵּי יָדַיִם בִּשְׁנַיִם. שְׁתֵּי דְפָנּוֹת בִּשְׁנַיִם. הַקְּרָבַיִם וְהַסֹּלֶת וְהַיַּיִן בִּשְׁלשָׁה שְׁלשָׁה. בַּמֶּה דְבָרִים אֲמוּרִים, בְּקָרְבְּנוֹת צִבּוּר. אֲבָל בְּקָרְבַּן יָחִיד, אִם רָצָה לְהַקְרִיב, מַקְרִיב. הֶפְשֵׁטָן וְנִתּוּחָן שֶׁל אֵלּוּ וָאֵלּוּ שָׁוִין: \n", 3.1. "אָמַר לָהֶם הַמְמֻנֶּה, צְאוּ וּרְאוּ אִם הִגִּיעַ זְמַן הַשְּׁחִיטָה. אִם הִגִּיעַ, הָרוֹאֶה אוֹמֵר, בַּרְקַאי. מַתִּתְיָא בֶּן שְׁמוּאֵל אוֹמֵר, הֵאִיר פְּנֵי כָל הַמִּזְרָח עַד שֶׁבְּחֶבְרוֹן. וְהוּא אוֹמֵר הֵן: \n", 3.11. "וְאֵלּוּ לִגְנַאי, שֶׁל בֵּית גַּרְמוּ לֹא רָצוּ לְלַמֵּד עַל מַעֲשֵׂה לֶחֶם הַפָּנִים. שֶׁל בֵּית אַבְטִינָס לֹא רָצוּ לְלַמֵּד עַל מַעֲשֵׂה הַקְּטֹרֶת. הֻגְרַס בֶּן לֵוִי הָיָה יוֹדֵעַ פֶּרֶק בַּשִּׁיר וְלֹא רָצָה לְלַמֵּד. בֶּן קַמְצָר לֹא רָצָה לְלַמֵּד עַל מַעֲשֵׂה הַכְּתָב. עַל הָרִאשׁוֹנִים נֶאֱמַר (משלי י), זֵכֶר צַדִּיק לִבְרָכָה. וְעַל אֵלּוּ נֶאֱמַר (שם) וְשֵׁם רְשָׁעִים יִרְקָב: \n", | 2.5. "The tamid was offered up by nine, ten, eleven or twelve [priests], neither by more, nor by less. How so? [The offering] itself by nine; At the festival [of Sukkot] in the hand of one a flask of water, behold there were ten. In the evening by eleven: [The offering] itself by nine and in the hands of two men were two logs of wood. On Shabbat by eleven: [The offering] itself by nine, in the hands of two men two handfuls of incense for the showbread. And on Shabbat which fell during the festival of Sukkot one man carried in his hand a flask of water.", 2.6. "A ram was offered by eleven: the flesh by five, the innards, the fine flour, and the wine by two each.", 2.7. "A bull was offered by twenty-four: The head and [right] hind-leg: the head by one and the [right] hind-leg by two. The tail and [left] hind-leg: the tail by two and the [left] hind-leg by two. The breast and neck: the breast by one and the neck by three. The two fore-legs by two, The two flanks by two. The innards, the fine flour, and the wine by three each. To what does this refer? To communal offerings. But individual offerings, if a single priest wants to offer [all], he may do so. But as to the flaying and dismembering [of both communal and individual sacrifices] the same regulations apply.", 3.1. "The officer said to them: “Go out and see whether the time for slaughtering [the morning sacrifice] has arrived.” If it had arrived then he who saw it said: “It is daylight!” Matitya ben Shmuel says: “The whole east is light.” Even unto Hebron? And he answered “Yes.”", 3.11. "And these they mentioned to their shame:Those of the House of Garmu did not want to teach anything about the preparation of the showbread. Those of the House of Avtinas did not teach to anything about the preparation of the incense. Hugros, a Levite knew a chapter [concerning] the song but did not want to teach it. Ben Kamtzar did not want teach anyone his art of writing. Concerning the former it is said: “The memory of the righteous shall be for a blessing” (Proverbs 10:7); concerning the others it is said: “But the name of the wicked shall rot.”", |
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25. Mishnah, Yadayim, 1.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 205| 1.2. "בְּכָל הַכֵּלִים נוֹתְנִין לַיָּדַיִם, אֲפִלּוּ בִכְלֵי גְלָלִים, בִּכְלֵי אֲבָנִים, בִּכְלֵי אֲדָמָה. אֵין נוֹתְנִין לַיָּדַיִם, לֹא בְדָפְנוֹת הַכֵּלִים, וְלֹא בְשׁוּלֵי הַמַּחַץ, וְלֹא בִמְגוּפַת הֶחָבִית. וְלֹא יִתֵּן לַחֲבֵרוֹ בְחָפְנָיו, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁאֵין מְמַלְּאִין וְאֵין מְקַדְּשִׁין וְאֵין מַזִּין מֵי חַטָּאת וְאֵין נוֹתְנִים לַיָּדַיִם אֶלָּא בִכְלִי. וְאֵין מַצִּילִין בְּצָמִיד פָּתִיל אֶלָּא כֵלִים, שֶׁאֵין מַצִּילִין מִיַּד כְּלִי חֶרֶשׂ אֶלָּא כֵלִים: \n", | 1.2. "Water may be poured over the hands out of any kind of vessel, even out of vessels made of animal dung, out of vessels made of stone or out of vessels made of clay. Water may not be poured from the sides of [broken] vessels or from the bottom of a ladle or from the stopper of a jar. Nor may one pour [water] over the hands of his fellow out of his cupped hands. Because one may not draw, nor sanctify, nor sprinkle the water of purification, nor pour water over the hands except in a vessel. And only vessels closely covered with a lid protect [their contents from uncleanness]. And only vessels protect [their contents from uncleanness] inside earthenware vessels.", |
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26. New Testament, Acts, 4.6, 5.27, 5.28, 5.29, 5.30, 5.31, 5.32, 5.33, 5.34, 5.35, 5.36, 5.37, 5.38, 5.39, 5.40, 6.12-8.1, 16.14, 22, 23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 222| 16.14. καί τις γυνὴ ὀνόματι Λυδία, πορφυρόπωλις πόλεως Θυατείρων σεβομένη τὸν θεόν, ἤκουεν, ἧς ὁ κύριος διήνοιξεν τὴν καρδίαν προσέχειν τοῖς λαλουμένοις ὑπὸ Παύλου. | 16.14. A certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one who worshiped God, heard us; whose heart the Lord opened to listen to the things which were spoken by Paul. |
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27. New Testament, Apocalypse, 17.4, 18.12, 18.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 222| 17.4. καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἦν περιβεβλημένη πορφυροῦν καὶ κόκκινον, καὶ κεχρυσωμένη χρυσίῳ καὶ λίθῳ τιμίῳ καὶ μαργαρίταις, ἔχουσαποτήριον χρυσοῦνἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτῆς γέμον βδελυγμάτων καὶ τὰ ἀκάθαρτα τῆς πορνείας αὐτῆς, 18.12. γόμον χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου καὶ λίθου τιμίου καὶμαργαριτῶν καὶ βυσσίνου καὶ πορφύρας καὶ σιρικοῦ καὶ κοκκίνου, καὶ πᾶν ξύλον θύινον καὶ πᾶν σκεῦος ἐλεφάντινον καὶ πᾶν σκεῦος ἐκ ξύλου τιμιωτάτου καὶ χαλκοῦ καὶ σιδήρου καὶ μαρμάρου, 18.16. λέγοντες Οὐαί οὐαί, ἡ πόλις ἡ μεγάλη, ἡ περιβεβλημένη βύσσινον καὶ πορφυροῦν καὶ κόκκινον, καὶ κεχρυσωμένη [ἐν] χρυσίῳ καὶ λίθῳ τιμίῳ καὶ μαργαρίτῃ, ὅτι μιᾷ ὥρᾳ ἠρημώθη ὁ τοσοῦτος πλοῦτος. | 17.4. The woman was dressed in purple and scarlet, and decked with gold and precious stones and pearls, having in her hand a golden cup full of abominations and the impurities of the sexual immorality of the earth. 18.12. merchandise of gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, fine linen, purple, silk, scarlet, all expensive wood, every vessel of ivory, every vessel made of most precious wood, and of brass, and iron, and marble; 18.16. saying, 'Woe, woe, the great city, she who was dressed in fine linen, purple, and scarlet, and decked with gold and precious stones and pearls! |
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28. New Testament, John, 2.6, 11.47, 11.49, 18.13-18.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 116, 205, 233| 2.6. ἦσαν δὲ ἐκεῖ λίθιναι ὑδρίαι ἓξ κατὰ τὸν καθαρισμὸν τῶν Ἰουδαίων κείμεναι, χωροῦσαι ἀνὰ μετρητὰς δύο ἢ τρεῖς. 11.47. Συνήγαγον οὖν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι συνέδριον, καὶ ἔλεγον Τί ποιοῦμεν ὅτι οὗτος ὁ ἄνθρωπος πολλὰ ποιεῖ σημεῖα; 11.49. εἷς δέ τις ἐξ αὐτῶν Καιάφας, ἀρχιερεὺς ὢν τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐκείνου, εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ὑμεῖς οὐκ οἴδατε οὐδέν, 18.13. καὶ ἤγαγον πρὸς Ἅνναν πρῶτον· ἦν γὰρ πενθερὸς τοῦ Καιάφα, ὃς ἦν ἀρχιερεὺς τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐκείνου· 18.14. ἦν δὲ Καιάφας ὁ συμβουλεύσας τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ὅτι συμφέρει ἕνα ἄνθρωπον ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ. 18.15. Ἠκολούθει δὲ τῷ Ἰησοῦ Σίμων Πέτρος καὶ ἄλλος μαθητής. ὁ δὲ μαθητὴς ἐκεῖνος ἦν γνωστὸς τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, καὶ συνεισῆλθεν τῷ Ἰησοῦ εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, 18.16. ὁ δὲ Πέτρος ἱστήκει πρὸς τῇ θύρᾳ ἔξω. ἐξῆλθεν οὖν ὁ μαθητὴς ὁ ἄλλος ὁ γνωστὸς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ εἶπεν τῇ θυρωρῷ καὶ εἰσήγαγεν τὸν Πέτρον. 18.17. λέγει οὖν τῷ Πέτρῳ ἡ παιδίσκη ἡ θυρωρός Μὴ καὶ σὺ ἐκ τῶν μαθητῶν εἶ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τούτου; 18.18. λέγει ἐκεῖνος Οὐκ εἰμί. ἱστήκεισαν δὲ οἱ δοῦλοι καὶ οἱ ὑπηρέται ἀνθρακιὰν πεποιηκότες, ὅτι ψύχος ἦν, καὶ ἐθερμαίνοντο· ἦν δὲ καὶ ὁ Πέτρος μετʼ αὐτῶν ἑστὼς καὶ θερμαινόμενος. 18.19. Ὁ οὖν ἀρχιερεὺς ἠρώτησεν τὸν Ἰησοῦν περὶ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ τῆς διδαχῆς αὐτοῦ. 18.20. ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ Ἰησοῦς Ἐγὼ παρρησίᾳ λελάληκα τῷ κόσμῳ· ἐγὼ πάντοτε ἐδίδαξα ἐν συναγωγῇ καὶ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, ὅπου πάντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι συνέρχονται, καὶ ἐν κρυπτῷ ἐλάλησα οὐδέν· 18.21. τί με ἐρωτᾷς; ἐρώτησον τοὺς ἀκηκοότας τί ἐλάλησα αὐτοῖς· ἴδε οὗτοι οἴδασιν ἃ εἶπον ἐγώ. 18.22. ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ εἰπόντος εἷς παρεστηκὼς τῶν ὑπηρετῶν ἔδωκεν ῥάπισμα τῷ Ἰησοῦ εἰπών Οὕτως ἀποκρίνῃ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ; 18.23. ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ Ἰησοῦς Εἰ κακῶς ἐλάλησα, μαρτύρησον περὶ τοῦ κακοῦ· εἰ δὲ καλῶς, τί με δέρεις; 18.24. Ἀπέστειλεν οὖν αὐτὸν ὁ Ἅννας δεδεμένον πρὸς Καιάφαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα. 18.25. Ἦν δὲ Σίμων Πέτρος ἑστὼς καὶ θερμαινόμενος. εἶπον οὖν αὐτῷ Μὴ καὶ σὺ ἐκ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ εἶ; ἠρνήσατο ἐκεῖνος καὶ εἶπεν Οὐκ εἰμί. 18.26. λέγει εἷς ἐκ τῶν δούλων τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, συγγενὴς ὢν οὗ ἀπέκοψεν Πέτρος τὸ ὠτίον Οὐκ ἐγώ σε εἶδον ἐν τῷ κήπῳ μετʼ αὐτοῦ; 18.27. πάλιν οὖν ἠρνήσατο Πέτρος· καὶ εὐθέως ἀλέκτωρ ἐφώνησεν. 18.28. Ἄγουσιν οὖν τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ Καιάφα εἰς τὸ πραιτώριον· ἦν δὲ πρωί· καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐκ εἰσῆλθον εἰς τὸ πραιτώριον, ἵνα μὴ μιανθῶσιν ἀλλὰ φάγωσιν τὸ πάσχα. 18.29. ἐξῆλθεν οὖν ὁ Πειλᾶτος ἔξω πρὸς αὐτοὺς καί φησιν Τίνα κατηγορίαν φέρετε τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τούτου; 18.30. ἀπεκρίθησαν καὶ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Εἰ μὴ ἦν οὗτος κακὸν ποιῶν, οὐκ ἄν σοι παρεδώκαμεν αὐτόν. | 2.6. Now there were six water pots of stone set there after the Jews' manner of purifying, containing two or three metretes apiece. 11.47. The chief priests therefore and the Pharisees gathered a council, and said, "What are we doing? For this man does many signs. 11.49. But a certain one of them, Caiaphas, being high priest that year, said to them, "You know nothing at all, 18.13. and led him to Annas first, for he was father-in-law to Caiaphas, who was high priest that year. 18.14. Now it was Caiaphas who advised the Jews that it was expedient that one man should perish for the people. 18.15. Simon Peter followed Jesus, as did another disciple. Now that disciple was known to the high priest, and entered in with Jesus into the court of the high priest; 18.16. but Peter was standing at the door outside. So the other disciple, who was known to the high priest, went out and spoke to her who kept the door, and brought in Peter. 18.17. Then the maid who kept the door said to Peter, "Are you also one of this man's disciples?"He said, "I am not." 18.18. Now the servants and the officers were standing there, having made a fire of coals, for it was cold. They were warming themselves. Peter was with them, standing and warming himself. 18.19. The high priest therefore asked Jesus about his disciples, and about his teaching. 18.20. Jesus answered him, "I spoke openly to the world. I always taught in synagogues, and in the temple, where the Jews always meet. I said nothing in secret. 18.21. Why do you ask me? Ask those who have heard me what I said to them. Behold, these know the things which I said." 18.22. When he had said this, one of the officers standing by slapped Jesus with his hand, saying, "Do you answer the high priest like that?" 18.23. Jesus answered him, "If I have spoken evil, testify of the evil; but if well, why do you beat me?" 18.24. Annas sent him bound to Caiaphas, the high priest. 18.25. Now Simon Peter was standing and warming himself. They said therefore to him, "You aren't also one of his disciples, are you?"He denied it, and said, "I am not." 18.26. One of the servants of the high priest, being a relative of him whose ear Peter had cut off, said, "Didn't I see you in the garden with him?" 18.27. Peter therefore denied it again, and immediately the rooster crowed. 18.28. They led Jesus therefore from Caiaphas into the Praetorium. It was early, and they themselves didn't enter into the Praetorium, that they might not be defiled, but might eat the Passover. 18.29. Pilate therefore went out to them, and said, "What accusation do you bring against this man?" 18.30. They answered him, "If this man weren't an evildoer, we wouldn't have delivered him up to you." |
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29. New Testament, Luke, 3.2, 16.19, 20.46, 22.66 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple •priestly elites •temple of bel (palmyra), on priestly elites at jerusalem Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 116, 175, 222, 233| 3.2. ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως Ἅννα καὶ Καιάφα, ἐγένετο ῥῆμα θεοῦ ἐπὶ Ἰωάνην τὸν Ζαχαρίου υἱὸν ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ. 16.19. Ἄνθρωπος δέ τις ἦν πλούσιος, καὶ ἐνεδιδύσκετο πορφύραν καὶ βύσσον εὐφραινόμενος καθʼ ἡμέραν λαμπρῶς. 20.46. Προσέχετε ἀπὸ τῶν γραμματέων τῶν θελόντων περιπατεῖν ἐν στολαῖς καὶ φιλούντων ἀσπασμοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἀγοραῖς καὶ πρωτοκαθεδρίας ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς καὶ πρωτοκλισίας ἐν τοῖς δείπνοις, 22.66. Καὶ ὡς ἐγένετο ἡμέρα, συνήχθη τὸ πρεσβυτέριον τοῦ λαοῦ, ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ γραμματεῖς, καὶ ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον αὐτῶν, | 3.2. in the high priesthood of Annas and Caiaphas, the word of God came to John, the son of Zacharias, in the wilderness. 16.19. "Now there was a certain rich man, and he was clothed in purple and fine linen, living in luxury every day. 20.46. "Beware of the scribes, who like to walk in long robes, and love greetings in the marketplaces, the best seats in the synagogues, and the best places at feasts; 22.66. As soon as it was day, the assembly of the elders of the people was gathered together, both chief priests and scribes, and they led him away into their council, saying, |
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30. New Testament, Mark, 12.39, 14.55 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •temple of bel (palmyra), on priestly elites at jerusalem •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 116, 175| 12.39. καὶ πρωτοκαθεδρίας ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς καὶ πρωτοκλισίας ἐν τοῖς δείπνοις, 14.55. οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ ὅλον τὸ συνέδριον ἐζήτουν κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ μαρτυρίαν εἰς τὸ θανατῶσαι αὐτόν, καὶ οὐχ ηὕρισκον· | 12.39. and the best seats in the synagogues, and the best places at feasts: 14.55. Now the chief priests and the whole council sought witnesses against Jesus to put him to death, and found none. |
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31. New Testament, Matthew, 17.25, 23.6, 26.3, 26.57, 26.59 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple •temple of bel (palmyra), on priestly elites at jerusalem Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 116, 175, 194, 233| 17.25. λέγει Ναί. καὶ ἐλθόντα εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν προέφθασεν αὐτὸν ὁ Ἰησοῦς λέγων Τί σοι δοκεῖ, Σίμων; οἱ βασιλεῖς τῆς γῆς ἀπὸ τίνων λαμβάνουσιν τέλη ἢ κῆνσον; ἀπὸ τῶν υἱῶν αὐτῶν ἢ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων; 23.6. φιλοῦσι δὲ τὴν πρωτοκλισίαν ἐν τοῖς δείπνοις καὶ τὰς πρωτοκαθεδρίας ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς 26.3. Τότε συνήχθησαν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι τοῦ λαοῦ εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τοῦ λεγομένου Καιάφα, 26.57. Οἱ δὲ κρατήσαντες τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπήγαγον πρὸς Καιάφαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα, ὅπου οἱ γραμματεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι συνήχθησαν. 26.59. οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ τὸ συνέδριον ὅλον ἐζήτουν ψευδομαρτυρίαν κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν θανατώσωσιν, | 17.25. He said, "Yes."When he came into the house, Jesus anticipated him, saying, "What do you think, Simon? From whom do the kings of the earth receive toll or tribute? From their sons, or from strangers?" 23.6. and love the place of honor at feasts, the best seats in the synagogues, 26.3. Then the chief priests, the scribes, and the elders of the people were gathered together in the court of the high priest, who was called Caiaphas. 26.57. Those who had taken Jesus led him away to Caiaphas the high priest, where the scribes and the elders were gathered together. 26.59. Now the chief priests, the elders, and the whole council sought false testimony against Jesus, that they might put him to death; |
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32. Mishnah, Menachot, 8.1, 8.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 169| 8.1. "כָּל קָרְבְּנוֹת הַצִּבּוּר וְהַיָּחִיד בָּאִים מִן הָאָרֶץ וּמִחוּצָה לָאָרֶץ, מִן הֶחָדָשׁ וּמִן הַיָּשָׁן, חוּץ מִן הָעֹמֶר וּשְׁתֵּי הַלֶּחֶם, שֶׁאֵינָן בָּאִים אֶלָּא מִן הֶחָדָשׁ וּמִן הָאָרֶץ. וְכֻלָּן אֵינָן בָּאִים אֶלָּא מִן הַמֻּבְחָר. וְאֵיזֶהוּ מֻבְחָר. מִכְמָס וּמְזוֹנִיחָה, אַלְפָא לַסֹּלֶת. שְׁנִיָּה לָהֶם, חֲפָרַיִם בַּבִּקְעָה. כָּל הָאֲרָצוֹת הָיוּ כְשֵׁרוֹת, אֶלָּא מִכָּאן הָיוּ מְבִיאִים: \n", 8.6. "וּמִנַּיִן הָיוּ מְבִיאִין אֶת הַיַּיִן. קְרוּתִים וְהַטּוּלִים, אַלְפָא לַיָּיִן. שְׁנִיָּה לָהֶן, בֵּית רִמָּה וּבֵית לָבָן בָּהָר, וּכְפַר סִגְנָה בַבִּקְעָה. כָּל הָאֲרָצוֹת הָיוּ כְשֵׁרוֹת, אֶלָּא מִכָּאן הָיוּ מְבִיאִין. אֵין מְבִיאִין, לֹא מִבֵּית הַזְּבָלִים, וְלֹא מִבֵּית הַשְּׁלָחִין, וְלֹא מִמַּה שֶּׁנִּזְרַע בֵּינֵיהֶן. וְאִם הֵבִיא, כָּשֵׁר. אֵין מְבִיאִין אִלְיוּסְטָן. וְאִם הֵבִיא, כָּשֵׁר. אֵין מְבִיאִין יָשָׁן, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי. וַחֲכָמִים מַכְשִׁירִין. אֵין מְבִיאִין, לֹא מָתוֹק, וְלֹא מְעֻשָּׁן, וְלֹא מְבֻשָּׁל. וְאִם הֵבִיא, פָּסוּל. אֵין מְבִיאִין מִן הַדָּלִיּוֹת, אֶלָּא מִן הָרוֹגְלִיּוֹת וּמִן הַכְּרָמִים הָעֲבוּדִים: \n", | 8.1. "All the sacrifices communal or individual may be offered from [produce grown] in the Land [of Israel] or outside the Land, from new [produce] or from the old, except for the omer and the two loaves, which must be offered only from new produce and from [produce grown] in the land. All [offerings] must be offered from the choicest produce. And which is the choicest? That from Michmas and Zanoha are “alpha” for the quality of their fine flour; second to them is Hafaraim in the valley. The [produce of the] whole land was valid, but they used to bring it from these places.", 8.6. "From where did they bring the wine? Keruhim and Attulim rank are alpha their wine. Second to them are Bet Rimmah and Bet Lavan on the mountain and Kefar Signa in the valley. [Wine of the] whole land was valid but they used to bring it only from these places. One may not bring it from a manured field or from an irrigated field or from vines planted in a field sown with seeds; but if one did bring it [from these] it was valid. One may not bring wine from sun-dried grapes, but if one did bring it, it was valid. One may not bring old wine, the words of Rabbi. But the sages permit it. One may not bring sweet wine or smoked wine or cooked wine, and if one did bring it, it was invalid. One may not bring wine from grapes suspended [on reeds], but only from the vines growing close to the ground and from well-cultivated vineyards.", |
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| 33. Josephus Flavius, Life, 118-119, 80 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 185 |
34. Plutarch, Brutus, 19.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 119| 19.3. καὶ Κάσσιον μὲν Ἀντώνιος εἱστία παραλαβών, Βροῦτον δὲ Λέπιδος, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους, ὥς τις εἶχε πρὸς ἕκαστον ἢ συνηθείας ἢ φιλοφροσύνης. | 19.3. |
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35. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 3.225, 4.223, 5.135, 6.36, 6.84, 6.268, 11.111, 12.103, 13.49-13.51, 13.56, 13.62-13.73, 13.357-13.367, 14.72, 14.91, 14.105-14.109, 14.158-14.184, 14.199, 14.203, 14.272-14.273, 14.415-14.430, 15.32, 15.38, 15.173, 15.391-15.392, 16.31-16.65, 17.46, 17.78, 17.93, 17.162, 17.166, 17.197, 17.264, 18.3, 18.6, 18.35, 18.95, 18.123, 19.297, 20.181, 20.200-20.202, 20.205-20.207, 20.216, 20.219-20.223, 20.229, 20.251 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •temple of bel (palmyra), on priestly elites at jerusalem •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple •priestly elites Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 16, 17, 88, 113, 116, 119, 129, 152, 162, 168, 169, 174, 182, 187, 191, 194, 222, 233, 234, 247 | 3.225. In the one case, what is slain is burnt, as a whole burnt-offering, whence that name is given to it; but the other is a thank-offering, and is designed for feasting those that sacrifice. I will speak of the former. 4.223. 17. Aristocracy, and the way of living under it, is the best constitution: and may you never have any inclination to any other form of government; and may you always love that form, and have the laws for your governors, and govern all your actions according to them; for you need no supreme governor but God. But if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your own nation; let him be always careful of justice and other virtues perpetually; 5.135. they suffered their aristocracy to be corrupted also, and did not ordain themselves a senate, nor any other such magistrates as their laws had formerly required, but they were very much given to cultivating their fields, in order to get wealth; which great indolence of theirs brought a terrible sedition upon them, and they proceeded so far as to fight one against another, from the following occasion:— 6.36. o they begged of him, and entreated him, to appoint some person to be king over them, who might rule over the nation, and avenge them of the Philistines, who ought to be punished for their former oppressions. These words greatly afflicted Samuel, on account of his innate love of justice, and his hatred to kingly government, for he was very fond of an aristocracy, as what made the men that used it of a divine and happy disposition; 6.84. for in the days of Moses, and his disciple Joshua, who was their general, they continued under an aristocracy; but after the death of Joshua, for eighteen years in all, the multitude had no settled form of government, but were in an anarchy; 6.268. This reflection is openly confirmed to us from the example of Saul, the son of Kish, who was the first king who reigned after our aristocracy and government under the judges were over; and that by his slaughter of three hundred priests and prophets, on occasion of his suspicion about Ahimelech, and by the additional wickedness of the overthrow of their city, and this is as he were endeavoring in some sort to render the temple [tabernacle] destitute both of priests and prophets, which endeavor he showed by slaying so many of them, and not suffering the very city belonging to them to remain, that so others might succeed them. 11.111. So these men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and used great magnificence in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form of government that was aristocratical, but mixed with an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head of their affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly government; 12.103. Accordingly, when three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank in the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place, and fit for their discoursing together about their work. 13.49. for I will free you from the greatest part of the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself; and I do now set you free from those tributes which you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value of the crowns which you used to offer to me and instead of the third part of the fruits [of the field], and the half of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this day: 13.50. and as to the poll-money, which ought to be given me for every head of the inhabitants of Judea, and of the three toparchies that adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and Perea, that I relinquish to you for this time, and for all time to come. 13.51. I will also that the city of Jerusalem be holy and inviolable, and free from the tithe, and from the taxes, unto its utmost bounds. And I so far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he may place such a garrison in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-will to himself, that they may keep it for us. 13.56. And whosoever shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto belonging, or who owe the king money, or are there on any other account, let them be set free, and let their goods be in safety. 13.62. 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, 13.63. out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65. “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, 13.66. where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67. I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68. for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69. 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.70. “King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. 13.71. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72. 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 13.73. However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple. 13.357. Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force. 13.358. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. 13.359. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. 13.360. But as those of Gaza stoutly resisted them, and would not yield for either their want of any thing, nor for the great multitude that were slain, (for they would rather suffer any hardship whatever than come under the power of their enemies,) Aretas, king of the Arabians, a person then very illustrious, encouraged them to go on with alacrity, and promised them that he would come to their assistance; 13.361. but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander, 13.362. who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the Jews; 13.363. and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them; 13.364. but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo’s temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege. 13.365. 4. About this very time Antiochus, who was called Grypus, died His death was caused by Heracleon’s treachery, when he had lived forty-five years, and had reigned twenty-nine. 13.366. His son Seleucus succeeded him in the kingdom, and made war with Antiochus, his father’s brother, who was called Antiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took him prisoner, and slew him. 13.367. But after a while Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, who was called Pius, came to Aradus, and put the diadem on his own head, and made war with Seleucus, and beat him, and drove him out of all Syria. 14.72. for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. 14.91. and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy. 14.105. 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. 14.106. He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, 14.107. for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, 14.108. but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; 14.109. yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple. 14.158. 2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age. 14.159. But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him; 14.160. for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria. 14.161. Now Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame he had thereby gotten, and became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-will while he held the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority therein. 14.162. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus. 14.163. 3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus’s own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him; 14.164. for indeed Antipater had contracted a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus’s gift to them. 14.165. Hyrcanus heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear, because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, “How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee? 14.166. But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords; 14.167. for Herod, Antipater’s son, hath slain Hezekiah, and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim yet hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority from thee.” 14.168. 4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. 14.169. Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded [to his enemies.] 14.170. However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son. 14.171. But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. 14.172. When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, “O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment: 14.173. but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death. 14.174. Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also.” 14.175. Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas, 14.176. for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:—which things will be related by us in their proper places. 14.177. 5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape. 14.178. So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that summons. 14.179. Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all. 14.180. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim; 14.181. but his father Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had: 14.182. they also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance. 14.183. So they desired him to consider, that since it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him, and had done nothing of itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing really severe in it. 14.184. Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it—and in this state were the affairs of Judea at this time. 14.199. 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.203. and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.272. and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: 14.273. but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. 14.415. He also went thence, and resolved to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies of armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village called Arbela; 14.416. and on the fortieth day after, he came himself with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put those to flight who were already conquerors, and recalled his men that ran away. 14.417. He also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they ran away by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them into winter quarters; 14.418. at which time Silo came to him, and his commanders with him, because Antigonus would not give them provisions any longer, for he supplied them for no more than one month; nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered them to carry off the provisions that were there, and retire to the mountains, that the Romans might have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish by famine. 14.419. But Herod committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium, which had been before desolate. 14.420. 5. About this time it was that Antony continued some time at Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo, and commanded him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish the present war, and then to send for their confederates for the war they were themselves engaged in; 14.421. but as for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers that were in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidius, while he marched against them. 14.422. These caves were in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle were no other than precipices, with certain entrances into the caves, and those caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers lie concealed, with all their families about them; 14.423. but the king caused certain chests to be made, in order to destroy them, and to be hung down, bound about with iron chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not possible to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor to creep down to them from above. 14.424. Now these chests were filled with armed men, who had long hooks in their hands, by which they might pull out such as resisted them, and then tumble them down, and kill them by so doing; 14.425. but the letting the chests down proved to be a matter of great danger, because of the vast depth they were to be let down, although they had their provisions in the chests themselves. But when the chests were let down, and not one of those in the mouths of the caves durst come near them, but lay still out of fear, some of the armed men girt on their armor, and by both their hands took hold of the chain by which the chests were let down, and went into the mouths of the caves, because they fretted that such delay was made by the robbers not daring to come out of the caves; 14.426. and when they were at any of those mouths, they first killed many of those that were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to them that resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down the precipices, and afterwards went into the caves, and killed many more, and then went into their chests again, and lay still there; 14.427. but, upon this, terror seized the rest, when they heard the lamentations that were made, and they despaired of escaping. However, when the night came on, that put an end to the whole work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as delivered themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer. 14.428. The same method of assault was made use of the next day; and they went further, and got out in baskets to fight them, and fought them at their doors, and sent fire among them, and set their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible matter within them. 14.429. Now there was one old man who was caught within one of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed him to give them leave to go out, and yield themselves up to the enemy; but he stood at the cave’s mouth, and always slew that child of his who went out, till he had destroyed them every one, and after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead bodies down the precipice, and himself after them, and so underwent death rather than slavery: 14.430. but before he did this, he greatly reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was then king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out his hand, and offered him all manner of security for his life; by which means all these caves were at length subdued entirely. 15.32. privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony’s means this youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead; 15.38. So when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away. 15.173. Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately. 15.391. 3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the sinking of their foundations fell down; and this part it was that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero. 15.392. Now the temple was built of stones that were white and strong, and each of their length was twenty-five cubits, their height was eight, and their breadth about twelve; 16.31. “It is of necessity incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are complaits, they approach you with great assurance; 16.32. for as they have formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are; 16.33. and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors; and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not to confirm them to us. 16.34. And for those that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated. 16.35. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any of the customs of their forefathers; 16.36. for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to live [in peace]; 16.37. and although they would not be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own towards their gods. 16.38. And let us now consider the one of these practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing ‘. Is there any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted? 16.39. No one is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own grants made them by you may be taken from them also; 16.40. which grants of yours can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider the old governments under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. 16.41. Now the privileges we desire, even when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us; 16.42. for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice; 16.43. nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. 16.44. If any one therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed them. 16.45. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred; 16.46. for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to it. 16.47. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you. 16.48. And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; 16.49. for you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end to his discourse; 16.50. but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us, to say nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king who now governs us, and is now one of thy assessors; 16.51. and indeed in what instance of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been? 16.52. It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the management of the navy; 16.53. and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; 16.54. for these are demonstrations both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to our king’s disposition towards you, and your disposition towards him. 16.55. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee. 16.56. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of Herod. 16.57. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from us.” 16.58. 4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer; 16.59. nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them. 16.60. So when Agrippa perceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he made this answer: That, on account of Herod’s good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to him in themselves just; and that if they requested any thing further, he should not scruple to grant it them, provided they were no way to the detriment of the Roman government; but that while their request was no more than this, that what privileges they had already given them might not be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that they might continue in the observation of their own customs, without any one offering them the least injury. And when he had said thus, he dissolved the assembly; 16.61. upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms; 16.62. after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Caesarea in a few days’ time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also. 16.63. So he came to them, and gave them a particular account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time to come. 16.64. He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. 16.65. Accordingly, they were so pleased with his favor and speech to them, that they went their ways with great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness. 17.46. 1. When Herod had punished those Pharisees who had been convicted of the foregoing crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his friends, and accused Pheroras’s wife; and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to the impudence of that woman, brought an accusation against her for the dishonor she had brought upon them: 17.78. The high priest’s daughter also, who was the king’s wife, was accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room. 17.93. 3. On the next day Varus and the king sat together in judgment, and both their friends were also called in, as also the king’s relations, with his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any thing, and such as had been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater’s mother, who were taken up a little before Antipater’s coming, and brought with them a written letter, the sum of which was this: That he should not come back, because all was come to his father’s knowledge; and that Caesar was the only refuge he had left to prevent both his and her delivery into his father’s hands. 17.162. and his building of the temple, and what a vast charge that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform any so great a work for the honor of God as that was; 17.166. The occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream, to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred office. 17.197. The body was carried upon a golden bier, embroidered with very precious stones of great variety, and it was covered over with purple, as well as the body itself; he had a diadem upon his head, and above it a crown of gold: he also had a scepter in his right hand. 17.264. insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four hundred talents. 18.3. but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. 18.6. o men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; 18.35. and when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor. 18.95. but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Aus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch. 18.123. and when he had been there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus. 19.297. 2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Aus, from the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I have related above. 20.181. And such was the impudence and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice. 20.200. when, therefore, Aus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: 20.201. but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; 20.202. nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Aus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent. 20.205. But as for the high priest, Aias he increased in glory every day, and this to a great degree, and had obtained the favor and esteem of the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great hoarder up of money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and of the high priest [Jesus], by making them presents; 20.206. he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them. 20.207. So the other high priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food. 20.216. 6. Now as many of the Levites, which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty, as being his doing. 20.219. 7. And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their bread by their labors about the temple; 20.220. and while they were unwilling to keep by them the treasures that were there deposited, out of fear of [their being carried away by] the Romans; and while they had a regard to the making provision for the workmen; they had a mind to expend these treasures upon them; for if any one of them did but labor for a single hour, he received his pay immediately; so they persuaded him to rebuild the eastern cloisters. 20.221. These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits [in length], and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon, who first of all built the entire temple. 20.222. But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with white stone. 20.223. He also deprived Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the high priesthood, and gave it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus, under whom the Jews’ war with the Romans took its beginning. 20.229. for at the first they held the high priesthood till the end of their life, although afterward they had successors while they were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two of the sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one after another; for their form of government was an aristocracy, and after that a monarchy, and in the third place the government was regal. 20.251. Some of these were the political governors of the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the government became an aristocracy, and the high priests were intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be said concerning our high priests. |
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| 36. Tacitus, Annals, 2.42.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 129 |
| 37. Appian, Civil Wars, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 119 |
| 38. Tosefta, Menachot, 13.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 88 |
39. Tosefta, Yevamot, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 233| 1.1. "אימתי אמרו אם מתו או נתגרשו צרותיהן מותרות בחיי הבעל אבל לאחר מיתת הבעל צרותיהן אסורות מיאנו בחיי הבעל צרותיהן מותרות לאחר מיתת הבעל צרותיהן חולצות ולא מתיבמות וכולן שנמצאו איילונית או שהיו נשואות לאחרים בין בחיי הבעל ובין לאחר מיתת הבעל צרותיהן מותרות [כל היכולה למאן ולא מיאנה ומת צרתה חולצת ולא מתיבמת] כיצד אם מתו הן צרותיהן מותרות היתה בתו או אחת מכל העריות הללו [נשואה] לאחיו ולו אשה אחרת מתה בתו ואחר כך מת אחיו צרתה מותרת מת אחיו ואח\"כ מתה [בתו] צרתה אסורה הלכה צרת בתו ונשאת לאחיו השני ולו אשה אחרת מת אחיו ואח\"כ צרתה אע\"פ שבתו קיימת צרת צרתה מותרת מתה צרת צרתה ואח\"כ מת אחיו אע\"פ שבתו קיימת צרתה אסורה אפילו הן מאה נמצאת אומר כל זמן שאחין מרובין צרות מרובות אחין מועטין צרות מועטות כשם שאם מתו או מיאנו או נתגרשו או נמצאו איילונית או שהיו נשואות לאחרים צרותיהן מותרות כך צרת צרותיהן שמתו או שמיאנו או [נתגרשו] או שנמצאו איילונית או שהיו נשואות לאחרים צרותיהן מותרות כשם שפוטרות מן הנשואין כך פוטרות מן האירוסין בד\"א באשה שאין לה בה קידושין אבל באשה שיש לה בה קדושין צרותיהן חולצות ולא מתיבמות דברי ב\"ה ב\"ש מתירין את הצרות לאחין.", | |
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40. Tosefta, Kippurim, 2.3-2.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 162| 2.3. "בן קטין עשה שנים עשר דד לכיור שנים עשר כהנים מקדשין ממנו שמתחלה לא היו בו אלא שנים [ושנים] כהנים מקדשין הימנו ומזכירין אותו לשבח מונבז המלך עשה כל ידות הסכינין של יום הכפורים זהב ומזכירין אותו לשבח הילני המלכה אמו עשתה נברשת של זהב שעל פתח ההיכל אף היא עשתה טבלא של זהב שפרשת סוטה כתובה [עלה שבשעה שחמה זורחת היו נצוצות יוצאין הימנה ויודעין שחמה זורחת כל] השערים שהיו שם נשתנו להיות של זהב חוץ משערי נקנור מפני שנעשה בהן נס וי\"א מפני שנחושתן [מצהיב] ר\"א בן יעקב אומר נחושתא קלניתא [והיה] יפה כזהב.", 2.4. "[מהו נס שנעשה בהן אמרו כשהיה נקנור מביאו מאלכסנדריא שבמצרים] עמד עליהן נחשול שבים לטבען ונטלו אחד מהן והטילוהו לים [ובקשו להטיל את השני ולא הניחן נקנור אמר להם אם אתם מטילין את השני הטילוני עמו היה מצטער ובא עד שהגיע לנמל של יפו כיון שהגיע לנמילה של יפו היה מבעבע ועולה מתחת הספינה וי\"א אחת מהן חיה שבים בלעה אותה וכיון שהגיע ניקנור לנמילה של יפו פלטתו והטילתו ליבשה ועליהן מפורש בקבלה (שיר השירים א׳:י״ז) קורות בתינו ארזים וגו'].", | |
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41. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.17-1.18, 1.179, 1.208-1.211, 1.305-1.313, 1.434, 1.537, 1.571, 1.620-1.644, 2.5, 2.14, 2.111, 2.122-2.123, 2.126, 2.175, 2.205, 2.293-2.295, 2.404-2.405, 2.426-2.429, 5.36, 5.201, 5.205, 5.212, 5.232, 5.405, 5.424-5.441, 5.506, 7.216, 19.294 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple •priestly elites Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 16, 17, 45, 88, 92, 116, 119, 129, 162, 191, 194, 222, 234, 247 | 1.17. 6. To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews, who they were [originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and what country they traveled over, and what countries they seized upon afterward, and how they were removed out of them, I think this not to be a fit opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and this because many Jews before me have composed the histories of our ancestors very exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and have translated our histories into their own tongue, and have not much mistaken the truth in their histories. 1.18. But then, where the writers of these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise and begin my history. Now, as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time, I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able; but for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly. 1.179. 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely]. 1.208. 6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to anybody; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. 1.209. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit anyone to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment. 1.210. 7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father’s advice, and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came up [to Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus’s government, nor yet so few as to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. 1.211. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod. 1.305. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela, and came himself forty days afterwards with the rest of his forces. Yet were not the enemy affrighted at his assault but met him in arms; for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers: 1.306. when therefore it came to a pitched battle, they put to flight Herod’s left wing with their right one; but Herod, wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away. 1.307. 3. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan]; and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered. 1.308. In order to which Herod, in the first place, distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroras, to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions accordingly. 1.309. 4. In the meantime Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea; so Herod willingly dismissed Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those that lay in the caves. 1.310. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; 1.311. for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made, that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity. 1.312. And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the cave’s mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare his children; 1.313. yet did not he relent at all upon what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them. 1.434. and had he complied with their desires, when they exhorted him not to go over the river to Herod, he had not perished: but the marriage of his granddaughter [to Herod] was his temptation; for as he relied upon him, and was overfond of his own country, he came back to it. Herod’s provocation was this:—not that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be their king than for Herod. 1.537. o he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment. 1.571. 2. But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at Pheroras’s wife; for Salome had principally accused her. So he got an assembly of his friends and kindred together, and there accused this woman of many things, and particularly of the affronts she had offered his daughters; and that she had supplied the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for what they had done against him, and had procured his brother to become his enemy, by giving him love potions. 1.620. 1. Now the day following the king assembled a court of his kinsmen and friends, and called in Antipater’s friends also. Herod himself, with Varus, were the presidents; and Herod called for all the witnesses, and ordered them to be brought in; among whom some of the domestic servants of Antipater’s mother were brought in also, who had but a little while before been caught, as they were carrying the following letter from her to her son:—“Since all those things have been already discovered to thy father, do not thou come to him, unless thou canst procure some assistance from Caesar.” 1.621. When this and the other witnesses were introduced, Antipater came in, and falling on his face before his father’s feet, he said, “Father, I beseech thee, do notcondemn me beforehand, but let thy ears be unbiassed, and attend to my defense; for if thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that I am innocent.” 1.622. 2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus:—“I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and every other upright judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge me also myself worthy of all sorts of calamity for begetting such children; while yet I ought rather to be pitied, who have been so affectionate a father to such wretched sons; 1.623. for when I had settled the kingdom on my former sons, even when they were young, and when, besides the charges of their education at Rome, I had made them the friends of Caesar, and made them envied by other kings, I found them plotting against me. These have been put to death, and that, in great measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he was then young, and appointed to be my successor, I took care chiefly to secure him from danger: 1.624. but this profligate wild beast, when he had been over and above satiated with that patience which I showed him, he made use of that abundance I had given him against myself; for I seemed to him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age I was arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back out of the country to court, when he was of no esteem before, and for thrusting out those sons of mine that were born of the queen, and for making him a successor to my dominions. 1.625. I confess to thee, O Varus, the great folly I was guilty of; for I provoked those sons of mine to act against me, and cut off their just expectations for the sake of Antipater; and indeed what kindness did I do to them; that could equal what I have done to Antipater? to whom I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal authority while I am alive, and whom I have openly named for the successor to my dominions in my testament, and given him a yearly revenue of his own of fifty talents, and supplied him with money to an extravagant degree out of my own revenue; and when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three hundred talents, and recommended him, and him alone of all my children, to Caesar, as his father’s deliverer. 1.626. Now what crimes were those other sons of mine guilty of like these of Antipater? and what evidence was there brought against them so strong as there is to demonstrate this son to have plotted against me? 1.627. Yet does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must guard thyself against him; for I know the wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation. This was he who exhorted me to have a care of Alexander when he was alive, and not to entrust my body with all men! This was he who came to my very bed, and looked about, lest anyone should lay snares for me! This was he who took care of my sleep, and secured me fromfear of danger, who comforted me under the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to see what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my protector, and the guardian of my body! 1.628. And when I call to mind, O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of dissembling, I can hardly believe that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have escaped such a deep plotter of mischief. However, since some fate or other makes my house desolate, and perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me against me, I will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and privately groan under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the evidence should extend itself to all my sons.” 1.629. 3. Upon Herod’s saying this, he was interrupted by the confusion he was in; but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence against Antipater. But in the meantime Antipater lifted up his head (for he lay on the ground before his father’s feet) and cried out aloud, 1.630. “Thou, O father, hast made my apology for me; for how can I be a parricide, whom thou thyself confessest to have always had for thy guardian? Thou callest my filial affection prodigious lies and hypocrisy! how then could it be that I, who was so subtle in other matters, should here be so mad as not to understand that it was not easy that he who committed so horrid a crime should be concealed from men, but impossible that he should be concealed from the Judge of heaven, who sees all things, and is present everywhere? 1.631. or did not I know what end my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great a punishment for their evil designs against thee? And indeed what was there that could possibly provoke me against thee? Could the hope of being king do it? I was a king already. Could I suspect hatred from thee? No. Was not I beloved by thee? And what other fear could I have? Nay, by preserving thee safe, I was a terror to others. 1.632. Did I want money? No; for who was able to expend so much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most execrable of all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most cruel wild beast, must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hadst bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest [into the palace]; whom thou didst prefer before so many of thy sons; whom thou madest a king in thine own lifetime, and, by the vast magnitude of the other advantages thou bestowest on me, thou madest me an object of envy. 1.633. O miserable man! that thou shouldst undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford a great opportunity for envy to arise against thee, and a long space for such as were laying designs against thee! Yet was I absent, father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with contempt in thine old age. Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth, who oftentimes called me Philopater. Take here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more to be believed than the calumnies raised here; these letters are my only apology; these I use as the demonstration of that natural affection I have to thee. 1.634. Remember that it was against my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom against me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin, by forcing me to allow time for calumnies against me, and envy at me. However, I am come hither, and am ready to hear the evidence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I have passed by land and by sea, without suffering any misfortune on either of them: 1.635. but this method of trial is no advantage to me; for it seems, O father, that I am already condemned, both before God and before thee; and as I am already condemned, I beg that thou wilt not believe the others that have been tortured, but let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks march through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this polluted body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to die without torture.” 1.636. Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation and weeping, and moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to commiserate his case. Herod was the only person whose passion was too strong to permit him to weep, as knowing that the testimonies against him were true. 1.637. 4. And now it was that, at the king’s command, Nicolaus, when he had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and had prevented the effects of their commiseration to him, afterwards brought in a bitter and large accusation against him, ascribing all the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him, and especially the murder of his brethren; and demonstrated that they had perished by the calumnies he had raised against them. He also said that he had laid designs against them that were still alive, as if they were laying plots for the succession; and (said he) how can it be supposed that he who prepared poison for his father should abstain from mischief as to his brethren? 1.638. He then proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison Herod, and gave an account in order of the several discoveries that had been made; and had great indignation as to the affair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been for making him murder his brother, and had corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the whole palace with wickedness; and when he had insisted on many other accusations, and the proofs of them, he left off. 1.639. 5. Then Varus bid Antipater make his defense; but he lay in silence, and said no more but this:—“God is my witness that I am entirely innocent.” So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to be drunk by a condemned malefactor, who was then in prison, who died upon the spot. 1.640. So Varus, when he had had a very private discourse with Herod, and had written an account of this assembly to Caesar, went away, after a day’s stay. The king also bound Antipater, and sent away to inform Caesar of his misfortunes. 1.641. 6. Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus’s domestic servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maidservant of Julia [Caesar’s wife], whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia’s papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her goodwill to him. 1.642. This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. 1.643. This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him:—“As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised, when all is accomplished.” 1.644. 7. When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged against Salome contained, a suspicion came into the king’s mind, that perhaps the letters against Alexander were also forged: he was moreover greatly disturbed, and in a passion, because he had almost slain his sister on Antipater’s account. He did no longer delay therefore to bring him to punishment for all his crimes; 2.5. And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations came in crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the golden eagle that had been over the gate of the temple. 2.14. 1. Archelaus went down now to the seaside, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs. 2.111. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury. 2.122. 3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there anyone to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,—insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one’s possessions are intermingled with every other’s possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. 2.123. They think that oil is a defilement; and if anyone of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all. 2.126. But the habit and management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of garments, or of shoes, till they be first entirely torn to pieces or worn out by time. 2.175. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. 2.205. but the senate, upon the reference of the consuls, Sentius Saturninus, and Pomponius Secundus, gave orders to the three regiments of soldiers that staid with them to keep the city quiet, and went up into the capitol in great numbers, and resolved to oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatment they had met with from Caius; and they determined either to settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or at least to choose by vote such a one for emperor as might be worthy of it. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 2.294. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. 2.295. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more; 2.404. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus.” 2.405. 1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. 2.426. insomuch that the king’s soldiers were overpowered by their multitude and boldness; and so they gave way, and were driven out of the upper city by force. The others then set fire to the house of Aias the high priest, and to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice; 2.427. after which they carried the fire to the place where the archives were reposited, and made haste to burn the contracts belonging to their creditors, and thereby to dissolve their obligations for paying their debts; and this was done in order to gain the multitude of those who had been debtors, and that they might persuade the poorer sort to join in their insurrection with safety against the more wealthy; so the keepers of the records fled away, and the rest set fire to them. 2.428. And when they had thus burnt down the nerves of the city, they fell upon their enemies; at which time some of the men of power, and of the high priests, went into the vaults under ground, and concealed themselves, 2.429. while others fled with the king’s soldiers to the upper palace, and shut the gates immediately; among whom were Aias the high priest, and the ambassadors that had been sent to Agrippa. And now the seditious were contented with the victory they had gotten, and the buildings they had burnt down, and proceeded no further. 5.36. Nay, John abused the sacred materials, and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness; 5.201. 3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without [the inward court of] the holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. 5.205. for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. 5.212. but before these doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple, and of a contexture that was truly wonderful. Nor was this mixture of colors without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind of image of the universe; 5.232. But that girdle that tied the garment to the breast was embroidered with five rows of various colors, of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also of fine linen and blue, with which colors we told you before the veils of the temple were embroidered also. 5.405. Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers; 5.424. 2. But as for the richer sort, it proved all one to them whether they staid in the city, or attempted to get out of it; for they were equally destroyed in both cases; for every such person was put to death under this pretense, that they were going to desert,—but in reality that the robbers might get what they had. The madness of the seditious did also increase together with their famine, and both those miseries were every day inflamed more and more; 5.425. for there was no corn which anywhere appeared publicly, but the robbers came running into, and searched men’s private houses; and then, if they found any, they tormented them, because they had denied they had any; and if they found none, they tormented them worse, because they supposed they had more carefully concealed it. 5.426. The indication they made use of whether they had any or not was taken from the bodies of these miserable wretches; which, if they were in good case, they supposed they were in no want at all of food; but if they were wasted away, they walked off without searching any further; nor did they think it proper to kill such as these, because they saw they would very soon die of themselves for want of food. 5.427. Many there were indeed who sold what they had for one measure; it was of wheat, if they were of the richer sort; but of barley, if they were poorer. When these had so done, they shut themselves up in the inmost rooms of their houses, and ate the corn they had gotten; some did it without grinding it, by reason of the extremity of the want they were in, and others baked bread of it, according as necessity and fear dictated to them: 5.428. a table was nowhere laid for a distinct meal, but they snatched the bread out of the fire, half-baked, and ate it very hastily. 5.429. 3. It was now a miserable case, and a sight that would justly bring tears into our eyes, how men stood as to their food, while the more powerful had more than enough, and the weaker were lamenting (for want of it). But the famine was too hard for all other passions, and it is destructive to nothing so much as to modesty; for what was otherwise worthy of reverence was in this case despised; 5.430. insomuch that children pulled the very morsels that their fathers were eating out of their very mouths, and what was still more to be pitied, so did the mothers do as to their infants; and when those that were most dear were perishing under their hands, they were not ashamed to take from them the very last drops that might preserve their lives: 5.431. and while they ate after this manner, yet were they not concealed in so doing; but the seditious everywhere came upon them immediately, and snatched away from them what they had gotten from others; 5.432. for when they saw any house shut up, this was to them a signal that the people within had gotten some food; whereupon they broke open the doors, and ran in, and took pieces of what they were eating almost up out of their very throats, and this by force: 5.433. the old men, who held their food fast, were beaten; and if the women hid what they had within their hands, their hair was torn for so doing; nor was there any commiseration shown either to the aged or to infants, but they lifted up children from the ground as they hung upon the morsels they had gotten, and shook them down upon the floor. 5.434. But still they were more barbarously cruel to those that had prevented their coming in, and had actually swallowed down what they were going to seize upon, as if they had been unjustly defrauded of their right. 5.435. They also invented terrible methods of torment to discover where any food was, and they were these: to stop up the passages of the privy parts of the miserable wretches, and to drive sharp stakes up their fundaments; and a man was forced to bear what it is terrible even to hear, in order to make him confess that he had but one loaf of bread, or that he might discover a handful of barley-meal that was concealed; 5.436. and this was done when these tormentors were not themselves hungry; for the thing had been less barbarous had necessity forced them to it; but this was done to keep their madness in exercise, and as making preparation of provisions for themselves for the following days. 5.437. These men went also to meet those that had crept out of the city by night, as far as the Roman guards, to gather some plants and herbs that grew wild; and when those people thought they had got clear of the enemy, they snatched from them what they had brought with them, 5.438. even while they had frequently entreated them, and that by calling upon the tremendous name of God, to give them back some part of what they had brought; though these would not give them the least crumb, and they were to be well contented that they were only spoiled, and not slain at the same time. 5.439. 4. These were the afflictions which the lower sort of people suffered from these tyrants’ guards; but for the men that were in dignity, and withal were rich, they were carried before the tyrants themselves; some of whom were falsely accused of laying treacherous plots, and so were destroyed; others of them were charged with designs of betraying the city to the Romans; but the readiest way of all was this, to suborn somebody to affirm that they were resolved to desert to the enemy. 5.440. And he who was utterly despoiled of what he had by Simon was sent back again to John, as of those who had been already plundered by John, Simon got what remained; insomuch that they drank the blood of the populace to one another, and divided the dead bodies of the poor creatures between them; 5.441. o that although, on account of their ambition after dominion, they contended with each other, yet did they very well agree in their wicked practices; for he that did not communicate what he had got by the miseries of others to the other tyrant seemed to be too little guilty, and in one respect only; and he that did not partake of what was so communicated to him grieved at this, as at the loss of what was a valuable thing, that he had no share in such barbarity. 5.506. beyond which it went up again at the monument of Aus the high priest, and encompassing that mountain where Pompey had formerly pitched his camp, 7.216. 6. About the same time it was that Caesar sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberius Maximus, who was the procurator [of Judea], and gave order that all Judea should be exposed to sale; |
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| 42. Palestinian Talmud, Taanit, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 92 |
43. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 47.28.3, 51.20.6-51.20.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple •priestly elites, at the temple of artemis Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 119, 157 | 47.28.3. So when Cassius had secured possession of Syria, he set out for Judaea on learning that the followers of Caesar who had been left behind in Egypt were approaching; 51.20.6. Caesar, meanwhile, besides attending to the general business, gave permission for the dedication of sacred precincts in Ephesus and in Nicaea to Rome and to Caesar, his father, whom he named the hero Julius. These cities had at that time attained chief place in Asia and in Bithynia respectively. 51.20.7. He commanded that the Romans resident in these cities should pay honour to these two divinities; but he permitted the aliens, whom he styled Hellenes, to consecrate precincts to himself, the Asians to have theirs in Pergamum and the Bithynians theirs in Nicomedia. This practice, beginning under him, has been continued under other emperors, not only in the case of the Hellenic nations but also in that of all the others, in so far as they are subject to the Romans. 51.20.8. For in the capital itself and in Italy generally no emperor, however worthy of renown he has been, has dared to do this; still, even there various divine honours are bestowed after their death upon such emperors as have ruled uprightly, and, in fact, shrines are built to them. 51.20.9. All this took place in the winter; and the Pergamenians also received authority to hold the "sacred" games, as they called them, in honour of Caesar's temple. |
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| 44. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 1352-1353, 1370, 1524, 2284-2287, 260-261, 263, 265, 270, 2769, 288, 1347 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 158, 159 |
45. Anon., Lamentations Rabbah, 2.2 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 92| 2.2. אֵיכָה יָעִיב בְּאַפּוֹ ה' אֶת בַּת צִיּוֹן. אָמַר רַבִּי חָמָא בַּר רַבִּי חֲנִינָא אֵיךְ חַיֵּיב ה' בְּרוּגְזֵיהּ יָת בַּת צִיּוֹן. אִית אַתְרָא דְּצָוְוחִין לְחַיָּיבָא עֲיָיבָא. רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָנִי אָמַר, אֵיךְ כַּיֵּיב ה' בְּרוּגְזֵיהּ. אִית אַתְרָא דְּצַוְוחִין לְכֵיבָא עֵייבָא. וְרַבָּנָן אָמְרִין אֵיךְ שַׁיֵּים ה' בְּרוּגְזֵיהּ יָת בַּת צִיּוֹן. הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ תִּפְאֶרֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל, רַבִּי הוּנָא וְרַבִּי אַחָא בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בְּרֵיהּ דְּרַבִּי אַבָּהוּ, מָשָׁל לְמֶלֶךְ שֶׁהָיָה לוֹ בֵּן, בָּכָה וּנְתָנוֹ עַל אַרְכּוּבוֹתָיו, בָּכָה וּנְתָנוֹ עַל זְרוֹעוֹתָיו, בָּכָה וְהִרְכִּיבוֹ עַל כְּתֵפוֹ, טִנֵּף עָלָיו וּמִיָּד הִשְׁלִיכוֹ לָאָרֶץ, וְלָא הֲוַת מְחוּתִיתֵיהּ כִּמְסוּקִיתֵיהּ, מְסוּקִיתֵיהּ צִיבְחַר צִיבְחַר, וּמְחוּתִיתֵיהּ כּוֹלָּא חֲדָא. כָּךְ (הושע יא, ג): וְאָנֹכִי תִרְגַּלְתִּי לְאֶפְרַיִם קָחָם עַל זְרוֹעֹתָיו. וְאַחַר כָּךְ (הושע י, יא): אַרְכִּיב אֶפְרַיִם יַחֲרוֹשׁ יְהוּדָה יְשַׂדֶּד לוֹ יַעֲקֹב. וְאַחַר כָּךְ: הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ תִּפְאֶרֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל. דָּבָר אַחֵר, הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ תִּפְאֶרֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בְּרַבִּי נַחְמָן מָשָׁל לִבְנֵי מְדִינָה שֶׁעָשׂוּ עֲטָרָה לַמֶּלֶךְ, הִקְנִיטוּהוּ וּסְבָלָן, הִקְנִיטוּהוּ וּסְבָלָן, אָחַר כָּךְ אָמַר לָהֶם הַמֶּלֶךְ כְּלוּם אַתֶּם מַקְנִיטִין אוֹתִי אֶלָּא בַּעֲבוּר עֲטָרָה שֶׁעִטַּרְתֶּם לִי, הֵא לְכוֹן טְרוֹן בְּאַפֵּיכוֹן, כָּךְ אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְיִשְׂרָאֵל, כְּלוּם אַתֶּם מַקְנִיטִין אוֹתִי אֶלָּא בִּשְׁבִיל אִיקוּנִין שֶׁל יַעֲקֹב שֶׁחֲקוּקָה עַל כִּסְאִי, הֵא לְכוֹן טְרוֹן בְּאַפֵּיכוֹן, הֱוֵי: הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ וגו'. | |
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46. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 162| 38a. בסירוגין,ניקנור נעשו נסים לדלתותיו ת"ר מה נסים נעשו לדלתותיו אמרו כשהלך ניקנור להביא דלתות מאלכסנדריא של מצרים בחזירתו עמד עליו נחשול שבים לטבעו נטלו אחת מהן והטילוה לים ועדיין לא נח הים מזעפו,בקשו להטיל את חברתה עמד הוא וכרכה אמר להם הטילוני עמה מיד נח הים מזעפו והיה מצטער על חברתה כיון שהגיע לנמלה של עכו היתה מבצבצת ויוצאה מתחת דופני הספינה ויש אומרים בריה שבים בלעתה והקיאתה ליבשה,ועליה אמר שלמה (שיר השירים א, יז) קורות בתינו ארזים רהיטנו ברותים אל תיקרי ברותים אלא ברית ים לפיכך כל השערים שהיו במקדש נשתנו להיות של זהב חוץ משערי ניקנור מפני שנעשו בו נסים ויש אומרים מפני שנחושתן מוצהבת היתה ר' אליעזר בן יעקב אומר נחשת קלוניתא היתה והיתה מאירה כשל זהב, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ואלו לגנאי של בית גרמו לא רצו ללמד על מעשה לחם הפנים של בית אבטינס לא רצו ללמד על מעשה הקטורת,הוגרס בן לוי היה יודע פרק בשיר ולא רצה ללמד בן קמצר לא רצה ללמד על מעשה הכתב על הראשונים נאמר (משלי י, ז) זכר צדיק לברכה ועל אלו נאמר (משלי י, ז) ושם רשעים ירקב, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר בית גרמו היו בקיאין במעשה לחם הפנים ולא רצו ללמד שלחו חכמים והביאו אומנין מאלכסנדריא של מצרים והיו יודעין לאפות כמותן ולא היו יודעין לרדות כמותן שהללו מסיקין מבחוץ ואופין מבחוץ והללו מסיקין מבפנים ואופין מבפנים הללו פיתן מתעפשת והללו אין פיתן מתעפשת,כששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו כל מה שברא הקב"ה לכבודו בראו שנאמר (ישעיהו מג, ז) כל הנקרא בשמי ולכבודי בראתיו וחזרו בית גרמו למקומן שלחו להם חכמים ולא באו כפלו להם שכרן ובאו בכל יום היו נוטלין שנים עשר מנה והיום עשרים וארבעה ר' יהודה אומר בכל יום עשרים וארבעה והיום ארבעים ושמונה,אמרו להם חכמים מה ראיתם שלא ללמד אמרו להם יודעין היו של בית אבא שבית זה עתיד ליחרב שמא ילמוד אדם שאינו מהוגן וילך ויעבוד עבודת כוכבים בכך ועל דבר זה מזכירין אותן לשבח מעולם לא נמצאת פת נקיה ביד בניהם שלא יאמרו ממעשה לחם הפנים זה ניזונין לקיים מה שנאמר (במדבר לב, כב) והייתם נקיים מה' ומישראל,של בית אבטינס לא רצו ללמד על מעשה הקטורת ת"ר בית אבטינס היו בקיאין במעשה הקטורת ולא רצו ללמד שלחו חכמים והביאו אומנין מאלכסנדריא של מצרים והיו יודעין לפטם כמותם ולא היו יודעין להעלות עשן כמותן של הללו מתמר ועולה כמקל של הללו מפציע לכאן ולכאן,וכששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו כל מה שברא הקב"ה לכבודו בראו שנאמר (משלי טז, ד) כל פעל ה' למענהו וחזרו בית אבטינס למקומן שלחו להם חכמים ולא באו כפלו להם שכרן ובאו בכל יום היו נוטלין שנים עשר מנה והיום עשרים וארבעה ר' יהודה אומר בכל יום עשרים וארבעה והיום ארבעים ושמונה,אמרו להם חכמים מה ראיתם שלא ללמד אמרו יודעין היו של בית אבא שבית זה עתיד ליחרב אמרו שמא ילמוד אדם שאינו מהוגן וילך ויעבוד עבודת כוכבים בכך ועל דבר זה מזכירין אותן לשבח מעולם לא יצאת כלה מבושמת מבתיהן וכשנושאין אשה ממקום אחר מתנין עמה שלא תתבסם שלא יאמרו ממעשה הקטורת מתבסמין לקיים מה שנא' והייתם נקיים מה' ומישראל,תניא אמר ר' ישמעאל פעם אחת הייתי מהלך בדרך ומצאתי אחד מבני בניהם אמרתי לו אבותיך בקשו להרבות כבודן ורצו למעט כבוד המקום עכשיו כבוד מקום במקומו ומיעט כבודם,אמר ר' עקיבא (פעם אחת) סח לי ר' ישמעאל בן לוגא פעם אחת יצאתי אני ואחד מבני בניהם לשדה ללקט עשבים וראיתי (ששחק ובכה) אמרתי לו מפני מה בכית אמר לי כבוד אבותי נזכרתי ומפני מה שחקת אמר לי שעתיד הקב"ה להחזירה לנו ומפני מה נזכרת אמר לי מעלה עשן כנגדי הראהו לי אמר לי שבועה היא בידינו שאין מראין אותו לכל אדם,אמר ר' יוחנן בן נורי פעם אחת מצאתי זקן א' ומגילת סממנין בידו אמרתי לו מאין אתה אמר לי מבית אבטינס אני ומה בידך אמר לי מגילת סממנין הראהו לי אמר לי כל זמן שבית אבא היו קיימין לא היו מוסרין אותו לכל אדם ועכשיו הרי הוא לך והזהר בה וכשבאתי וסחתי דברי לפני ר"ע אמר לי מעתה אסור לספר בגנותן של אלו,מכאן אמר בן עזאי בשמך יקראוך ובמקומך יושיבוך | 38a. with b alternating /b complete words and initials. The first words of each verse were written there, but the rest of the words in the verse were represented by initials. Therefore, this contribution of Queen Helene does not resolve the question of whether writing a scroll for a child is permitted.,§ The mishna related: For b Nicanor, miracles were performed to his doors. The Sages taught /b in the i Tosefta /i : b What miracles occurred for his doors? They said: When Nicanor went to bring /b copper b doors /b for the eastern gate of the Temple b from Alexandria in Egypt, /b famous for its craftsmanship, b on his return /b voyage by ship, b a storm arose in the sea /b and threatened b to drown him. /b The ship’s passengers b took one /b of the doors, which were exceedingly heavy, b and cast it into the sea, /b fearing that the weight of the doors would sink the ship. b And still the sea did not rest from its rage. /b , b They sought to cast the other /b door into the sea, at which point Nicanor b stood and embraced it /b and b said to them: Cast me into /b the sea b with it. Immediately, the sea rested from its rage, /b and it was necessary to cast neither the door nor Nicanor into the sea. The ship continued its journey with one door b and /b for the entire voyage, b he regretted /b the fate b of the other /b door that he allowed them to cast into the sea. b When they arrived at the port of Akko /b and prepared to disembark, despite the fact that it was made of copper, the door that was thrown into the sea b was poking out under the sides of the ship. And some say a sea creature swallowed it and spewed it onto the land. /b , b And with regard to this, Solomon said: “The beams of our houses are cedars, and our doors are cypresses [ i berotim /i ]” /b (Song of Songs 1:17), and the Sages interpreted it homiletically: b Do not read /b it as b i berotim /i but /b as b i berit yam /i , /b covet of the sea, meaning that the door forged a covet with the sea for the sea to deliver it to its place. b Therefore, /b when the nation prospered and the people replaced the doors made of various metals, the doors in b all the gates in the Temple were altered to become /b doors of b gold except /b the doors in b the Gates of Nicanor because miracles were performed to them. And some say /b it was b because their copper was brightly-colored /b and high quality. b Rabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says it was refined [ i kelonita /i ] copper, and it illuminated /b its surroundings b like gold. /b , strong MISHNA: /strong Apropos the mention in the mishna of people who took action in the Temple and were mentioned favorably, the mishna lists b those /b who took action in the Temple and were mentioned b unfavorably. /b The craftsmen b of the House of Garmu did not want to teach /b the secret b of the preparation of the shewbread /b and sought to keep the secret within their family. The craftsmen b of the House of Avtinas did not want to teach /b the secret b of the preparation of the incense. /b ,Also, b Hugras ben Levi knew a chapter /b in the art of b music, /b as will be explained, b and he did not want to teach /b it to others. And the scribe b ben Kamtzar did not want to teach /b a special b act of writing. /b He was expert at writing all four letters of a four-letter name simultaneously. b About the first /b ones, who were mentioned favorably, b it is stated: “The memory of the righteous shall be for a blessing” /b (Proverbs 10:7); b and about these /b who were concerned only for themselves b it is stated: “But the name of the wicked shall rot” /b (Proverbs 10:7)., strong GEMARA: /strong b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : The craftsmen of the b House of Garmu were expert in /b the b preparation /b of b the shewbread, and they did not want to teach /b others the secret of its production. b The Sages /b dismissed them and b sent for and brought craftsmen from Alexandria in Egypt, /b a large city with many experts. b And /b those craftsmen b knew /b how b to bake like /b the members of the House of Garmu did, b but they did not know /b how b to remove /b the bread from the oven b like they /b did. The shewbread was baked in a complex shape, and it was difficult to place it in the oven and remove it without breaking it. The difference was b that these /b Alexandrians b light /b the fire b outside /b the oven b and bake it outside /b the oven; b and these /b members of the House of Garmu b light /b the fire b inside /b the oven b and bake /b it b inside. /b In the case of b these /b Alexandrians, b their bread becomes moldy /b over the course of the week, b and /b in the case of b these /b members of the House of Garmu, b their bread does not become moldy. /b , b When the Sages heard of the matter /b that the bread of the imported craftsmen was of lower quality than before, b they said: Whatever the Holy One, Blessed be He, created, He created in His honor, as it is stated: “Everyone who is called by My name, I have created for My glory” /b (Isaiah 43:7). In deference to God, the Sages should diminish their honor for the greater glory of God b and /b let b the House of Garmu return to their /b original b station. The Sages sent for them /b to reassume their previous position, b and they did not come. They doubled their wages and they came. Each day /b until then b they would take /b wages of b twelve i maneh /i , and today /b they take wages of b twenty-four i maneh /i . Rabbi Yehuda says: Each day /b they took b twenty-four /b i maneh /i , b and today /b they take b forty-eight. /b , b The Sages said to them: What did you see that /b led b you not to teach /b others this craft? b They said: /b The members of our b father’s house knew that this house, /b the Temple, b is destined to be destroyed, /b and they were concerned b lest an unworthy man learn /b our skill of baking b and go and engage in idol worship with /b that skill. Therefore, they attempted to prevent this skill from spreading beyond their family. The Gemara comments: b And for this matter they are mentioned favorably: Never was refined bread /b of fine flour b found in the hands of their descendants, so that /b people b would not say /b that b they are sustained from that /b technique of b preparing the shewbread. /b They ate only bread made of coarse flour mixed with bran, b to fulfill that which is stated: “And you shall be clear before the Lord and before Israel” /b (Numbers 32:22). Not only must one’s behavior be beyond reproach, he should also make certain to be beyond suspicion.,§ Similarly, the mishna related: The craftsmen b of the House of Avtinas did not want to teach about the /b secret of the b preparation of the incense, /b at which they were particularly adept. b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b The /b members of the b House of Avtinas were expert in the /b technique of b preparing the incense, and they did not want to teach /b others. b The Sages /b dismissed them and b sent for and brought craftsmen from Alexandria in Egypt. And /b the Alexandrian craftsmen b knew /b how b to blend /b the spices b like they /b did, b but they did not know /b how b to cause the smoke to rise like /b the House of Avtinas b did. /b The smoke b of /b the incense blended by b these /b members of the House of Avtinas b rises in a column like a stick; /b the smoke b of /b the incense blended by b these /b Alexandrians b branched out to here and to there /b and did not rise in a straight line., b When the Sages heard of the matter, they said: Whatever the Holy One, Blessed be He, created, He created in His honor, as it is stated: “God made everything for His sake” /b (Proverbs 16:4), b and /b they let b the House of Avtinas return to their /b original b station. The Sages sent for /b the members of the House of Avtinas to reassume their previous position, b and they did not come. They doubled their wages and they came. Each day /b until then b they would take /b wages of b twelve i maneh /i , and today /b they take wages of b twenty-four i maneh /i . Rabbi Yehuda says: Each day /b they took b twenty-four /b i maneh /i , b and today /b they take b forty-eight. /b , b The Sages said to them: What did you see that /b led you b not to teach /b others this craft? b They said: /b The members of our b father’s house knew that this house, /b the Temple, b is destined to be destroyed, /b and they were concerned b lest an unworthy man learn /b our skill of preparing incense b and go and engage in idol worship with /b that skill. Therefore, they attempted to prevent this skill from spreading beyond their family. The Gemara comments: b And for this matter they are mentioned favorably: Never did a perfumed bride emerge from their homes. And when they marry a woman from a different place, they stipulate with her that she will not perfume herself, so that /b cynics b would not say /b that b it is with the work of the incense /b that b they perfume themselves, to fulfill that which is stated: “And you shall be clear before the Lord and before Israel” /b (Numbers 32:22)., b It was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yishmael said: One time I was walking along the road and I found one of /b the b descendants /b of the House of Avtinas. b I said to him: Your fathers sought to enhance their honor and sought to diminish God’s honor /b by not revealing their secret to others. b Now, /b although the Temple was destroyed, b the honor of God remains as it was, /b and b He diminished their honor, /b as their significance stemmed from their Temple service., b Rabbi Akiva said: One time Rabbi Yishmael ben Loga related to me: One time I and one of the descendants /b of the House of Avtinas b went out to the field to collect herbs, and I saw that he laughed and he cried. I said to him: Why did you cry? He said to me: I was reminded of the honor of my forefathers, /b how important they were in the Temple. I said to him: b And why did you laugh? He said to me: The Holy One, Blessed be He, is going to restore it to us in the future /b and we will be honored again. I said to him: b And why are you reminded /b of this now? b He said to me: The smoke-raising /b herb b is before me, /b here in the field, reminding me of the past. I said to him: b Show it to me; /b which one is it? b He said to me: We are bound by oath not to show it to any person /b other than the members of our family., b Rabbi Yoḥa ben Nuri said: One time I found an old man who had in his hand a scroll /b with the location and formula for blending b of spices. I said to him: Where are you from? /b What is your ancestry? b He said to me: I am from the House of Avtinas. /b I asked him: b And what is in your hand? He said to me: A scroll of spices. /b I said to him: b Show it to me. He said to me: As long as the House /b of Avtinas, b my forefathers, was extant, they would not pass it on to anyone. And now, here it is; and be careful with it /b not to give it to anyone. b And when I came and related my statement before Rabbi Akiva, he said to me: And now /b that they have surrendered the scroll to worthy recipients since they are unable to maintain its sanctity, b it is prohibited to mention them unfavorably, /b as even their earlier reticence was apparently for the glory of God., b From here, /b with regard to the cases of the Temple’s craftsmen whom the Sages restored to their posts, b ben Azzai said: /b One should not be concerned that others might usurp his livelihood and success, since at the appropriate moment, b by your name they shall call you /b to return to your previous position, b and in your place, they shall seat you, /b |
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47. Babylonian Talmud, Pesahim, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 88| 57a. נימא תלתא תנאי הוו לא תרי תנאי הוו ותנא קמא דר' שמעון היינו ר' יוסי ותנא קמא דר' יוסי היינו ר' שמעון ומאי אף אקמייתא,ת"ר בן בוהיין נתן פיאה לירק ובא אביו ומצאן לעניים שהיו טעונין ירק ועומדין על פתח הגינה אמר להם בני השליכו מעליכם ואני נותן לכם כפליים במעושר לא מפני שעיני צרה אלא מפני שאמרו חכמים אין נותנין פיאה לירק,למה ליה למימרא להו לא מפני שעיני צרה כי היכי דלא לימרו דחויי קא מדחי לן,ת"ר בראשונה היו מניחין עורות קדשים בלשכת בית הפרוה לערב היו מחלקין אותן לאנשי בית אב והיו בעלי זרועות נוטלין אותן בזרוע התקינו שיהיו מחלקין אותן מערב שבת לע"ש דאתיין כולהו משמרות ושקלן בהדדי,ועדיין היו גדולי כהונה נוטלין אותן בזרוע עמדו בעלים והקדישום לשמים,אמרו לא היו ימים מועטים עד שחיפו את ההיכל כולו בטבלאות של זהב שהן אמה על אמה כעובי דינר זהב ולרגל היו מקפלין אותן ומניחין אותן על גב מעלה בהר הבית כדי שיהו עולי רגלים רואין שמלאכתם נאה ואין בה דלם,תנא אבא שאול אומר קורות של שקמה היו ביריחו והיו בעלי זרועות נוטלין אותן בזרוע עמדו בעלים והקדישום לשמים,עליהם ועל כיוצא בהם אמר אבא שאול בן בטנית משום אבא יוסף בן חנין אוי לי מבית בייתוס אוי לי מאלתן אוי לי מבית חנין אוי לי מלחישתן אוי לי מבית קתרוס אוי לי מקולמוסן אוי לי מבית ישמעאל בן פיאכי אוי לי מאגרופן שהם כהנים גדולים ובניהן גיזברין וחתניהם אמרכלין ועבדיהן חובטין את העם במקלות,תנו רבנן ארבע צווחות צוחה עזרה ראשונה צאו מכאן בני עלי שטימאו היכל ה' ועוד צווחה צא מיכן יששכר איש כפר ברקאי שמכבד את עצמו ומחלל קדשי שמים דהוה כריך ידיה בשיראי ועביד עבודה,ועוד צווחה העזרה שאו שערים ראשיכם ויכנס ישמעאל בן פיאכי תלמידו של פנחס וישמש בכהונה גדולה ועוד צווחה העזרה שאו שערים ראשיכם ויכנס יוחנן בן נרבאי תלמידו של פנקאי וימלא כריסו מקדשי שמים,אמרו עליו על יוחנן בן נרבאי שהיה אוכל ג' מאות עגלים ושותה ג' מאות גרבי יין ואוכל ארבעים סאה גוזלות בקינוח סעודה אמרו כל ימיו של יוחנן בן נרבאי לא נמצא נותר במקדש מאי סלקא ביה ביששכר איש כפר ברקאי אמרי מלכא ומלכתא הוו יתבי מלכא אמר גדיא יאי ומלכתא אמרה אימרא יאי אמרו מאן מוכח כהן גדול דקא מסיק קרבנות כל יומא אתא איהו | 57a. b Let us say /b that b there are three i tanna’im /i /b who dispute this point: The two unattributed opinions, each of which is referring to two vegetables, and the opinion common to Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Shimon that includes all three vegetables. The Gemara rejects this: b No, there are /b only b two i tanna’im /i /b who dispute the point, b and the first i tanna /i /b whose opinion appears before the opinion of b Rabbi Shimon is Rabbi Yosei. And the first i tanna /i /b whose opinion appears before the opinion of b Rabbi Yosei is Rabbi Shimon. And what /b is the meaning of the word b even /b in both their statements? They agree with regard to b the first /b vegetable, turnips; however, they disagree with regard to the second, and replace it with another vegetable.,The Gemara cites an episode from the i Tosefta /i . b The Sages taught: The son /b of a man named b Bohayan designated /b for the poor b the /b produce in the b corner /b in a garden b of vegetables, and his father /b Bohayan b found the poor laden /b with b vegetables and standing at the opening of the garden /b on their way out. b He said to them: My sons, cast /b the vegetables that you have gathered b from upon yourselves and I will give you twice /b the amount in b tithed /b produce, and you will be no worse off. b Not because I begrudge /b you what you have taken. b Rather, it is because the Sages say: One does not designate /b for the poor b the /b produce in the b corner /b in a garden b of vegetables. /b Therefore, the vegetables that you took require tithing.,The Gemara asks: b Why /b was it necessary b for him to say to them: Not because I begrudge /b you what you have taken? It would have been sufficient to offer them tithed produce. The Gemara answers that he said it b so they would not say: He is putting us off, /b taking what we collected now, but later he will not fulfill his commitment.,Apropos the people of Jericho, the Gemara relates that powerful people would steal wood from them. b The Sages taught: Initially, /b the priests b would place the hides /b that were flayed from animals b consecrated /b as offerings of the most sacred order, which were given to the priests, b in the Parva chamber. In the evening, they would distribute them to the members of the family /b of priests serving in the Temple that day. b And the powerful /b priests among them would b take them by force /b before they could be distributed. The Rabbis b decreed that they would distribute them each Shabbat eve, /b because then b all the /b families of both priestly b watches came and took /b their part b together. /b All the families from both the watch that was beginning its service and the one ending its service were together when they divided the hides. The powerful priests were unable to take the hides by force., b Yet still the prominent priests /b by virtue of their lineage b would take them by force. /b Due to their prominence, the members of the rest of the watch dared not challenge them. When they realized that there was no equitable distribution, b the owners /b of the sacrifices ( i Me’iri /i ) b arose and consecrated /b the hides b to Heaven /b so the priests could not take them.,The Sages b said: Not a few days passed before they had plated the entire sanctuary with golden tablets /b with the proceeds from the redemption and sale of the hides. These plates b were one cubit by one cubit and as thick as a golden dinar. And /b when the people assembled b for the /b Festival b pilgrimage they would remove /b the tablets b and place them on a stair of the Temple Mount so that the pilgrims would see that the craftsmanship /b of the tablets b was beautiful and without flaw [ i dalam /i ]. /b Afterward they replaced the tablets in the Sanctuary., b It was /b similarly b taught /b that b Abba Shaul says: There were sycamore tree trunks in Jericho, and powerful people would take them /b from their owners b by force. The owners stood and consecrated /b these trunks b to Heaven. /b It was with regard to these trunks and the branches that grew from them that the residents of Jericho acted against the will of the Sages., b With regard to /b the prominent priests b and those like them, Abba Shaul ben Batnit said in the name of Abba Yosef ben Ḥanin: Woe is me due to /b the High Priests of b the house of Baitos, woe is me due to their clubs. Woe is me due to /b the High Priests of b the house of Ḥanin; woe is me due to their whispers /b and the rumors they spread. b Woe is me due to /b the High Priests of b the house of Katros; woe is me due to their pens /b that they use to write lies. b Woe is me due to /b the servants of the High Priests of b the house of Yishmael ben Piakhi; woe is me due to their fists. /b The power of these households stemmed from the fact b that /b the fathers b were High Priests, and their sons were /b the Temple b treasurers, and their sons-in-law were /b Temple b overseers [ i amarkalin /i ]. And their servants strike the people with clubs, /b and otherwise act inappropriately.,Apropos the critique of several prominent priests, the Gemara relates that b the Sages taught: /b The people in b the /b Temple b courtyard /b all b cried four cries, /b as they were in agreement over various issues ( i Pardes Rimonim /i ). The b first /b cry was: b Leave here, sons of Eli, who defiled God’s Sanctuary /b (see I Samuel 2:22). Subsequently the priesthood was transferred to the house of Zadok. b And an additional cry: Leave here, Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai, who honors himself and desecrates /b the items b consecrated /b to b Heaven. /b Due to his delicate nature and his disrespect for the Temple service, he would b wrap /b his hands b in silk [ i shirai /i ] and perform the service. /b This would invalidate the service because the silk was an interposition between his hands and the Temple vessels. Furthermore, his conduct demeaned the Temple service, as he demonstrated that he was unwilling to dirty his hands for it., b And /b the people in b the /b Temple b courtyard cried additionally: Lift your heads, O gates, and let /b the righteous b Yishmael ben Piakhi, the student of Pinehas /b ben Elazar the priest, b enter and serve as High Priest, /b although the members of this family were violent. b And /b the people in b the /b Temple b courtyard cried additionally: Lift your heads, O gates, and let Yoḥa ben Narbbai, the student of Pinkai, enter and fill his belly with /b meat b of offerings /b consecrated to b Heaven, /b as he is worthy to eat offerings., b They said about Yoḥa ben Narbbai that he /b and his household b would eat three hundred calves, and drink three hundred jugs of wine, and eat forty i se’a /i of doves for dessert. They said: /b Throughout b all the days of Yoḥa ben Narbbai there was no leftover /b sacrificial meat b in the Temple, /b as he would make certain that someone ate it. The Gemara asks: b What /b ultimately b happened to Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai? They said: The king and the queen were sitting /b and talking. b The king said /b that b goat /b meat b is better /b food, b and the queen said lamb /b meat is b better /b food. b They said: Who can prove /b which one of us is correct? b The High Priest /b can, b as he offers sacrifices all day /b and tastes their meat. The High Priest had the right to take a portion from any sacrifice offered in the Temple, and therefore was well acquainted with the tastes of different meat. Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai b came, /b and when they asked him this question, |
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| 48. Maximus The Confessor, Quaestiones Ad Thalassium , 1.1.3, 1.1.9-1.1.12, 1.1.32, 1.1.50-1.1.51, 1.1.54, 1.1.76, 1.1.86, 1.1.98, 1.1.137-1.1.138, 1.1.173, 1.1.183, 1.1.244, 1.1.259-1.1.260, 1.1.268, 1.1.288-1.1.311, 1.1.335, 1.1.366-1.1.372, 1.1.461, 1.1.518, 1.1.530, 1.1.534, 1.1.556, 1.1.674 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 45, 162, 233, 234, 236, 240 |
| 49. Serapion of Thmuis, Epistle, 1.1, 4.1-4.5, 4.9, 5.1, 8.8 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 169, 191, 194 |
| 50. Anon., Leges Publicae, 2.2 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 92 |
| 51. Epigraphy, Seg, 4.3, 4.28, 19.867 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the temple of artemis •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 113, 158 |
| 52. Anon., Psalms of Solomon, 4 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 116 |
| 53. Anon., Vitae Prophetarum, 4.11 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 236 |
| 54. New Testament, Q, 11.43 Tagged with subjects: •temple of bel (palmyra), on priestly elites at jerusalem •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 175 |
| 55. Epigraphy, Cij, 1221, 1317, 1411, 1308 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 236 |
| 56. Papyri, Pat, 54-55 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 157 |
| 57. Mishnah, ŠebiʿIt, 9.11 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 187 |
58. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 301 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 116 | 301. Three days later Demetrius took the men and passing along the sea-wall, seven stadia long, to the island, crossed the bridge and made for the northern districts of Pharos. There he assembled them in a house, which had been built upon the sea-shore, of great beauty and in a secluded situation, and invited them to carry out the work of translation, since everything that they needed for the purpose |
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| 59. Epigraphy, Bgu, 2.6, 2.11-2.13 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 169 |
| 60. Anon., Joseph And Aseneth, 5.5 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 222 |
| 61. Dicoletian, Edict of Diocletian, 2.3 Tagged with subjects: •priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Found in books: Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 205 |
