| 1. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 29 |
| 2. Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, 25 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 91 |
| 3. Cato, Marcus Porcius, De Agri Cultura; Fragmenta, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 4. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.16-2.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 78 |
| 5. Cicero, Commentariolum Petitionis, 44 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, as pontifex maximus Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 63 |
| 6. Varro, On Agriculture, 2.1.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 274 |
| 7. Varro, On The Latin Language, 6.30-6.31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •priests, pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 21; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 27 |
8. Cicero, On Divination, 1.3.5, 1.92, 2.33.71, 2.71, 2.77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •festivals, of augustus’ appointment as pontifex maximus Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 184, 185; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 164, 272, 273; Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 38| 1.92. Etruria autem de caelo tacta scientissume animadvertit eademque interpretatur, quid quibusque ostendatur monstris atque portentis. Quocirca bene apud maiores nostros senatus tum, cum florebat imperium, decrevit, ut de principum filiis x ex singulis Etruriae populis in disciplinam traderentur, ne ars tanta propter tenuitatem hominum a religionis auctoritate abduceretur ad mercedem atque quaestum. Phryges autem et Pisidae et Cilices et Arabum natio avium significationibus plurimum obtemperant, quod idem factitatum in Umbria accepimus. 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 2.77. qui auspicia non habent! Itaque nec amnis transeunt auspicato nec tripudio auspicantur. Ubi ergo avium divinatio? quae, quoniam ab iis, qui auspicia nulla habent, bella administrantur, ad urbanas res retenta videtur, a bellicis esse sublata. Nam ex acuminibus quidem, quod totum auspicium militare est, iam M. Marcellus ille quinquiens consul totum omisit, idem imperator, idem augur optumus. Et quidem ille dicebat, si quando rem agere vellet, ne impediretur auspiciis, lectica operta facere iter se solere. Huic simile est, quod nos augures praecipimus, ne iuges auspicium obveniat, ut iumenta iubeant diiungere. | 1.92. Again, the Etruscans are very skilful in observing thunderbolts, in interpreting their meaning and that of every sign and portent. That is why, in the days of our forefathers, it was wisely decreed by the Senate, when its power was in full vigour, that, of the sons of the chief men, six should be handed over to each of the Etruscan tribes for the study of divination, in order that so important a profession should not, on account of the poverty of its members, be withdrawn from the influence of religion, and converted into a means of mercenary gain. On the other hand the Phrygians, Pisidians, Cilicians, and Arabians rely chiefly on the signs conveyed by the flights of birds, and the Umbrians, according to tradition, used to do the same. [42] 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. 2.77. Therefore they have no tripudium and they cross rivers without first taking the auspices. What, then, has become of divining by means of birds? It is not used by those who conduct our wars, for they have not the right of auspices. Since it has been withdrawn from use in the field I suppose it is reserved for city use only!As to divination ex acuminibus, which is altogether military, it was wholly ignored by that famous man, Marcus Marcellus, who was consul five times and, besides, was a commander-in‑chief, as well as a very fine augur. In fact, he used to say that, if he wished to execute some manoeuvre which he did not want interfered with by the auspices, he would travel in a closed litter. His method is of a kind with the advice which we augurs give, that the draught cattle be ordered to be unyoked so as to prevent a iuge auspicium. |
|
9. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 45, 100 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 63| 100. audio praeterea non hanc suspicionem nunc primum in Capitonem conferri; multas esse infamis eius infames eius Gruter : infamius (-is ψ ) codd. palmas, hanc primam esse tamen lemniscatam quae Roma ei Roma ei Ernesti : Romae codd . deferatur; nullum modum esse hominis occidendi quo ille non aliquot occiderit, multos ferro, multos veneno. habeo etiam dicere quem contra morem maiorum minorem annis lx de ponte in Tiberim deiecerit. quae quae Naugerius : qui codd. , si prodierit atque adeo cum prodierit — scio enim proditurum esse — audiet. veniat modo, explicet suum volumen illud quod ei planum | |
|
| 10. Cicero, On Laws, 1.4, 2.22, 2.37 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •priests, pontifex maximus Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 22, 26; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 158 |
11. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.7, 2.67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •vestal virgins, pontifex maximus and •pontifex maximus, emperor as Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 164; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 318 | 2.7. "Again, prophecies and premonitions of future events cannot but be taken as proofs that the future may appear or be foretold as a warning or portended or predicted to mankind — hence the very words 'apparition,' 'warning,' 'portent,' 'prodigy.' Even if we think that the stories of Mopsus, Tiresias, Amphiaraus, Calchas and Helenus are mere baseless fictions of romance (though their powers of divination would not even have been incorporated in the legends had they been entirely repugt to fact), shall not even the instances from our own native history teach us to acknowledge the divine power? shall we be unmoved by the story of the recklessness of Publius Claudius in the first Punic War? Claudius merely in jest mocked at the gods: when the chickens on being released from their cage refused to feed, he ordered them to be thrown into the water, so that as they would not eat they might drink; but the joke cost the jester himself many tears and the Roman people a great disaster, for the fleet was severely defeated. Moreover did not his colleague Junius during the same war lose his fleet in a storm after failing to comply with the auspices? In consequence of these disasters Claudius was tried and condemned for high treason and Junius committed suicide. 2.67. The mother is Ceres, a corruption of 'Geres,' from gero, because she bears the crops; the same accidental change of the first letter is also seen in her Greek name Dēmētēr, a corruption of gē mētēr ('mother earth'). Mavors again is from magna vertere, 'the overturner of the great,' while Minerva is either 'she who minishes' or 'she who is minatory.' Also, as the beginning and the end are the most important parts of all affairs, they held that Janus is the leader in a sacrifice, the name being derived from ire ('to go'), hence the names jani for archways and januae for the front doors of secular buildings. Again, the name Vesta comes from the Greeks, for she is the goddess whom they call Hestia. Her power extends over altars and hearths, and therefore all prayers and all sacrifices end with this goddess, because she is the guardian of the innermost things. |
|
| 12. Cicero, Republic, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 38 |
| 13. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 5.12, 8.15.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 155; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 91 |
| 14. Cicero, Oratio Pro Rege Deiotaro, 2.5-2.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 49 |
| 15. Cicero, Philippicae, 11.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 144 |
| 16. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar, c., as pontifex maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 232 |
| 17. Cicero, Pro Fonteio, 47 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •vestal virgins, pontifex maximus and •pontifex maximus, emperor as Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 255 |
18. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 4.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus, daughter of •pontifex maximus, death of Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 335| 4.27. offensionum autem definitiones sunt eius modi, eiusdem modi G 1 ut inhospitalitas inhospitalis K 1 RH sit opinio vehemens valde fugiendum esse hospitem, eaque inhaerens et penitus insita; similiterque definitur et mulierum odium, ut Hippolyti, hippoliti GH hyppoliti V et, ut Timonis, generis humani. Atque ut ad valetudinis similitudinem veniamus veniamus s ( cf. utamur) veniam X eaque conlatione consolatione V utamur aliquando, sed parcius quam solent Stoici: ut sunt alii ad alios morbos procliviores St. fr. 3, 423 —itaque dicimus gravidinosos gravidinosos W Non. ( 115, 16 etiam in lemmate ) ut Plin. 18, 139 codd. praeter d cf. Catull. 44, 13 Lucil. 820 (gravedo Marx ) gravedinosos edd. alt. quosdam om. W Non. add. Beroaldus quosdam, quosdam torminosos, itaque ... 9 torminosos Non. 32, 13 et 115, 16 terminosos KRH ( Non. L 1 priore loco ) non quia iam sint, sed quia saepe sint—, sic saepe sint, sic Gr. Lb. saepe sint X saepe, sic Man. ( de iterato sint cf. Sey. ad Lael. 43 ) alii ad metum, alii ad aliam perturbationem; ex quo non quia ia in r. V 2 sed... 11 quo om. K 1 add. c in aliis anxietas, unde anxii, in aliis iracundia dicitur. quae ab ira differt, estque aliud aliud ex illud V rec iracundum esse, aliud iratum, ut differt anxietas ab angore (neque enim omnes anxii, qui anguntur aliquando, nec, nec s haec X qui anxii, semper anguntur), ut nec ... 15 ut om. Non. inter ebrietatem et ebriositatem et ebriositatem om. W Non. L 1 hab. Nonii codd. rell. interest, aliudque que om. G 1 Non. est amatorem esse, aliud amantem. aliud... 17 amantem Non. 444, 1 atque haec aliorum ad alios morbos proclivitas late patet; nam pertinet ad omnes perturbationes; | |
|
19. Polybius, Histories, 1.52.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 164| 1.52.3. διὸ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα μεγάλαις ζημίαις καὶ κινδύνοις κριθεὶς περιέπεσεν. | |
|
| 20. Scaevola Quintus Mucius, Digesta, 50.16.98 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 119 |
| 21. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 55 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 38 |
22. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.5-2.6, 2.25.2, 2.66-2.67, 2.67.4, 4.62.5, 7.68 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •festivals, of augustus’ appointment as pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus, and vestals •pontifex maximus, always named •pontifex maximus, and regulations Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 65, 66; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 184, 208; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 178 | 2.5. 1. And when the people approved, he appointed a day on which he proposed to consult the auspices concerning the sovereignty; and when the time was come, he rose at break of day and went forth from his tent. Then, taking his stand under the open sky in a clear space and first offering the customary sacrifice, he prayed to King Jupiter and to the other gods whom he had chosen for the patrons of the colony, that, if it was their pleasure he should be king of the city, some favourable signs might appear in the sky.,2. After this prayer a flash of lightning darted across the sky from the left to the right. Now the Romans look upon the lightning that passes from the left to the right as a favourable omen, having been thus instructed either by the Tyrrhenians or by their own ancestors. Their reason is, in my opinion, that the best seat and station for those who take the auspices is that which looks toward the east, from whence both the sun and the moon rise as well as the planets and fixed stars; and the revolution of the firmament, by which all things contained in it are sometimes above the earth and sometimes beneath it, begins its circular motion thence.,3. Now to those who look toward the east the parts facing toward the north are on the left and those extending toward the south are on the right, and the former are by nature more honourable than the latter. For in the northern parts the pole of the axis upon which the firmament turns is elevated, and of the five zones which girdle the sphere the one called the arctic zone is always visible on this side; whereas in the southern parts the other zone, called the antarctic, is depressed and invisible on that side.,4. So it is reasonable to assume that those signs in the heavens and in mid-air are the best which appear on the best side; and since the parts that are turned toward the east have preëminence over the western parts, and, of the eastern parts themselves, the northern are higher than the southern, the former would seem to be the best.,5. But some relate that the ancestors of the Romans from very early times, even before they had learned it from the Tyrrhenians, looked upon the lightning that came from the left as a favourable omen. For they say that when Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, was warred upon and besieged by the Tyrrhenians led by their king Mezentius, and was upon the point of making a final sally out of the town, his situation being now desperate, he prayed with lamentations to Jupiter and to the rest of the gods to encourage this sally with favourable omens, and thereupon out of a clear sky there appeared a flash of lightning coming from the left; and as this battle had the happiest outcome, this sign continued to be regarded as favourable by his posterity. 2.6. 1. When Romulus, therefore, upon the occasion mentioned had received the sanction of Heaven also, he called the people together in assembly; and having given them an account of these omens, he was chosen king by them and established it as a custom, to be observed by all his successors, that none of them should accept the office of king or any other magistracy until Heaven, too, had given its sanction. And this custom relating to the auspices long continued to be observed by the Romans, not only while the city was ruled by kings, but also, after the overthrow of the monarchy, in the elections of their consuls, praetors and other legal magistrates;,2. but it has fallen into disuse in our days except as a certain semblance of it remains merely for form's sake. For those who are about to assume the magistracies pass the night out of doors, and rising at break of day, offer certain prayers under the open sky; whereupon some of the augurs present, who are paid by the State, declare that a flash of lightning coming from the left has given them a sign, although there really has not been any.,3. And the others, taking their omen from this report, depart in order to take over their magistracies, some of them assuming this alone to be sufficient, that no omens have appeared opposing or forbidding their intended action, others acting even in opposition to the will of the god; indeed, there are times when they resort to violence and rather seize than receive the magistracies.,4. Because of such men many armies of the Romans have been utterly destroyed on land, many fleets have been lost with all their people at sea, and other great and dreadful reverses have befallen the commonwealth, some in foreign wars and others in civil dissensions. But the most remarkable and the greatest instance happened in my time when Licinius Crassus, a man inferior to no commander of his age, led his army against the Parthian nation contrary to the will of Heaven and in contempt of the innumerable omens that opposed his expedition. But to tell about the contempt of the divine power that prevails among some people in these days would be a long story. 2.25.2. The law was to this effect, that a woman joined to her husband by a holy marriage should share in all his possessions and sacred rites. The ancient Romans designated holy and lawful marriages by the term "farreate," from the sharing of far, which we call zea; for this was the ancient and, for a long time, the ordinary food of all the Romans, and their country produces an abundance of excellent spelt. And as we Greeks regard barley as the most ancient grain, and for that reason begin our sacrifices with barley-corns which we call oulai, so the Romans, in the belief that spelt is both the most valuable and the most ancient of grains, in all burnt offerings begin the sacrifice with that. For this custom still remains, not having deteriorated into first-offerings of greater expense. 2.66. 1. Numa, upon taking over the rule, did not disturb the individual hearths of the curiae, but erected one common to them all in the space between the Capitoline hill and the Palatine (for these hills had already been united by a single wall into one city, and the Forum, in which the temple is built, lies between them), and he enacted, in accordance with the ancestral custom of the Latins, that the guarding of the holy things should be committed to virgins.,2. There is some doubt, however, what it is that is kept in this temple and for what reason the care of it has been assigned to virgins, some affirming that nothing is preserved there but the fire, which is visible to everybody. And they very reasonably argue that the custody of the fire was committed to virgins, rather than to men, because fire in incorrupt and a virgin is undefiled, and the most chaste of mortal things must be agreeable to the purest of those that are divine.,3. And they regard the fire as consecrated to Vesta because that goddess, being the earth and occupying the central place in the universe, kindles the celestial fires from herself. But there are some who say that besides the fire there are some holy things in the temple of the goddess that may not be revealed to the public, of which only the pontiffs and the virgins have knowledge. As a strong confirmation of this story they cite what happened at the burning of the temple during the First Punic War between the Romans and the Carthaginians over Sicily.,4. For when the temple caught fire and the virgins fled from the flames, one of the pontiffs, Lucius Caecilius, called Metellus, a man of consular rank, the same who exhibited a hundred and thirty-eight elephants in the memorable triumph which he celebrated for his defeat of the Carthaginians in Sicily, neglecting his own safety for the sake of the public good, ventured to force his way into the burning structure, and, snatching up the holy things which the virgins had abandoned, saved them from the fire; for which he received the honours from the State, as the inscription upon his statue on the Capitol testifies.,5. Taking this incident, then, as an admitted fact, they add some conjectures of their own. Thus, some affirm that the objects preserved here are a part of those holy things which were once in Samothrace; that Dardanus removed them out of that island into the city which he himself had built, and that Aeneas, when he fled from the Troad, brought them along with the other holy things into Italy. But others declare that it is the Palladium that fell from Heaven, the same that was in the possession of the people of Ilium; for they hold that Aeneas, being well acquainted with it, brought it into Italy, whereas the Achaeans stole away the copy, â an incident about which many stories have been related both by poets and by historians.,6. For my part, I find from very many evidences that there are indeed some holy things, unknown to the public, kept by the virgins, and not the fire alone; but what they are I do not think should be inquired into too curiously, either by me of by anyone else who wishes to observe the reverence due to the gods. 2.67. 1. The virgins who serve the goddess were originally four and were chosen by the kings according to the principles established by Numa, but afterwards, from the multiplicity of the sacred rites they perform, their number was increased of six, and has so remained down to our time. They live in the temple of the goddess, into which none who wish are hindered from entering in the daytime, whereas it is not lawful for any man to remain there at night.,2. They were required to remain undefiled by marriage for the space of thirty years, devoting themselves to offering sacrifices and performing the other rites ordained by law. During the first ten years their duty was to learn their functions, in the second ten to perform them, and during the remaining ten to teach others. After the expiration of the term of thirty years nothing hindered those who so desired from marrying, upon laying aside their fillets and the other insignia of their priesthood. And some, though very few, have done this; but they came to ends that were not at all happy or enviable. In consequence, the rest, looking upon their misfortunes as ominous, remain virgins in the temple of the goddess till their death, and then once more another is chosen by the pontiffs to supply the vacancy.,3. Many high honours have been granted them by the commonwealth, as a result of which they feel no desire either for marriage or for children; and severe penalties have been established for their misdeeds. It is the pontiffs who by law both inquire into and punish these offences; to Vestals who are guilty of lesser misdemeanours they scourge with rods, but those who have suffered defilement they deliver up to the most shameful and the most miserable death.,4. While they are yet alive they are carried upon a bier with all the formality of a funeral, their friends and relations attending them with lamentations, and after being brought as far as the Colline Gate, they are placed in an underground cell prepared within the walls, clad in their funeral attire; but they are not given a monument or funeral rites or any other customary solemnities.,5. There are many indications, it seems, when a priestess is not performing her holy functions with purity, but the principal one is the extinction of the fire, which the Romans dread above all misfortunes, looking upon it, from whatever cause it proceeds, as an omen that portends the destruction of the city; and they bring fire again into the temple with many supplicatory rites, concerning which I shall speak on the proper occasion. 2.67.4. While they are yet alive they are carried upon a bier with all the formality of a funeral, their friends and relations attending them with lamentations, and after being brought as far as the Colline Gate, they are placed in an underground cell prepared within the walls, clad in their funeral attire; but they are not given a monument or funeral rites or any other customary solemnities. 4.62.5. Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men. 7.68. 7.68. 1. A few days after this the time came for the election of magistrates, and Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus and Spurius Larcius Flavus were chosen consuls by the people, the latter for the second time. Sundry disturbances fell upon the commonwealth as the result of prodigies, and these were many; for unusual sights appeared to many, and voices too were heard, though no one uttered them; births of children and cattle, so very abnormal as to approach the incredible and the monstrous, were reported; oracles were uttered in many places; and women possessed with a divine frenzy foretold lamentable and dreadful misfortunes to the commonwealth.,2. A kind of pestilence also visited the population and destroyed great numbers of cattle; however, not many persons died of it, the mischief going no farther than sickness. Some thought that these things had occurred by the will of Heaven, which was angry with them for having banished from the country the most deserving of all their citizens, while others held that nothing that took place was the work of Heaven, but that both these and all other human events were due to chance.,3. Afterwards, a certain man named Titus Latinius, being ill, was brought to the senate-chamber in a litter; he was a man advanced in years and possessed of a competent fortune, a farmer who did his own work and passed the greater part of his life in the country. This man, having been carried into the senate, said that Jupiter Capitolinus had, as he thought, appeared to him in a dream and said to him: "Go, Latinius, and tell your fellow-citizens that in the recent procession they did not give me an acceptable leader of the dance, in order that they may renew the rites and perform them over again; for I have not accepted these.",4. He added that after awaking he had disregarded the vision, looking upon it as one of the deceitful dreams that are so common. Later, he said, the same vision of the god, appearing to him again in his sleep, was angry and displeased with him for not having reported to the senate the orders he had received, and threatened him that, if he did not do so promptly, he should learn by the experience of some great calamity not to neglect supernatural injunctions. After seeing this second dream also he had formed the same opinion of it, and at the same time had felt ashamed, being a farmer who did his own work and old, to report to the senate dreams full of foreboding and terrors, for fear of being laughed at.,5. But a few days later, he said, his son, who was young and handsome, had been suddenly snatched away by death without any sickness or any other obvious cause. And once more the vision of the god had appeared to him in his sleep and declared that he had already been punished in part for his contempt and neglect of the god's words by the loss of his son, and should soon suffer the rest of his punishment.,6. When he heard this, he said, he had received the threats with pleasure, in the hope that death would come to him, weary of life as he was; but the god did not inflict this punishment upon him, but sent such intolerable and cruel pains into all his limbs that he could not move a joint without the greatest effort. Then at last he had informed his friends of what had happened, and by their advice had now come to the senate. While he was giving this account his pains seemed to leave him by degrees; and after he had related everything, he rose from the litter, and having invoked the god, went home on foot through the city in perfect health. |
|
23. Ovid, Tristia, 3.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •festivals, of augustus’ appointment as pontifex maximus Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 208, 232| 3.1. ‘Missus in hanc venio timide liber exulis urbem: 3.1. Ergo erat in fatis Scythiam quoque visere nostris, 3.1. Haec mea si casu miraris epistula quare 3.1. O mihi care quidem semper, sed tempore duro 3.1. Usus amicitiae tecum mihi parvus, ut illam 3.1. Foedus amicitiae nec vis, carissime, nostrae, 3.1. VADE salutatum, subito perarata, Perillam, 3.1. Nunc ego Triptolemi cuperem consistere curru, 3.1. Hic quoque sunt igitur Graiae—quis crederet?—urbes 3.1. Siquis adhuc istic meminit Nasonis adempti, 3.1. Si quis es, insultes qui casibus, improbe, nostris, 3.1. Frigora iam Zephyri minuunt, annoque peracto 3.1. Ecce supervacuus—quid enim fuit utile gigni?— 3.1. Cultor et antistes doctorum sancte virorum, | |
|
24. Ovid, Fasti, 1.471, 1.472, 1.473, 1.474, 1.475, 1.476, 1.477, 1.478, 1.479, 1.480, 1.481, 1.482, 1.483, 1.484, 1.485, 1.486, 1.487, 1.488, 1.489, 1.490, 1.491, 1.492, 1.493, 1.494, 1.495, 1.496, 1.497, 1.498, 1.499, 1.500, 1.501, 1.502, 1.503, 1.504, 1.505, 1.506, 1.507, 1.508, 1.509, 1.510, 1.511, 1.512, 1.513, 1.514, 1.515, 1.516, 1.517, 1.518, 1.519, 1.520, 1.521, 1.522, 1.523, 1.524, 1.525, 1.526, 1.527, 1.528, 1.529, 1.530, 1.531, 1.532, 1.533, 1.534, 1.535, 1.536, 1.537, 1.538, 1.539, 1.540, 1.587, 1.588, 1.589, 1.590, 1.591, 1.592, 1.593, 1.594, 1.595, 1.596, 1.597, 1.598, 1.599, 1.600, 1.601, 1.602, 1.603, 1.604, 1.605, 1.606, 1.607, 1.608, 1.609, 1.610, 1.611, 1.612, 1.613, 1.614, 1.615, 1.616, 1.637, 1.638, 1.639, 1.640, 1.641, 1.642, 1.643, 1.644, 1.645, 1.646, 1.647, 1.648, 1.649, 1.650, 1.651, 1.652, 2.21, 2.583, 2.584, 2.585, 2.586, 2.587, 2.588, 2.589, 2.590, 2.591, 2.592, 2.593, 2.594, 2.595, 2.596, 2.597, 2.598, 2.599, 2.600, 2.601, 2.602, 2.603, 2.604, 2.605, 2.606, 2.607, 2.608, 2.609, 2.610, 2.611, 2.612, 2.613, 2.614, 2.615, 2.616, 3.29, 3.143, 3.415, 3.416, 3.417, 3.418, 3.419, 3.420, 3.421, 3.422, 3.423, 3.424, 3.425, 3.426, 3.427, 3.428, 3.697, 3.698, 3.699, 3.700, 3.701, 3.702, 3.703, 3.704, 3.705, 3.706, 3.707, 3.708, 3.709, 3.710, 4.19, 4.20, 4.21, 4.22, 4.731-714, 4.949, 4.950, 4.951, 4.952, 4.953, 4.954, 5.155, 5.156, 5.157, 5.158, 5.569, 5.570, 5.571, 5.572, 5.573, 5.574, 5.575, 5.576, 5.577, 5.578, 6.225-234, 6.227, 6.228, 6.435, 6.436, 6.455, 6.456 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 81| 2.21. pontifices ab rege petunt et flamine lanas, | 2.21. The high priests ask the King and the Flamen |
|
25. Ovid, Amores, 3.8.23 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 274| 3.8.23. Ille ego Musarum purus Phoebique sacerdos | |
|
| 26. Nepos, Hannibal, 13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 91 |
| 27. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 115 |
| 28. Livy, Per., 19 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 164 |
| 29. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 8.5, 10.2, 34.1-34.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar, pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus •festivals, of augustus’ appointment as pontifex maximus Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 33, 184, 191, 206 |
| 30. Propertius, Elegies, 4.1.69, 4.11.43-4.11.59 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus (chief priest) Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 63; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 49 |
| 31. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 6.5.1-6.5.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 49 |
| 32. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 63, 96, 99, 25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 166 |
| 33. Suetonius, Augustus, 1.2, 4.4, 7.2, 9.1, 31.3, 57.1, 91.2, 92.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 273; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 53; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 185; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 119; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 182 |
| 34. Suetonius, Caligula, 3.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 87 |
| 35. Suetonius, Claudius, 38.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus, daughter of •pontifex maximus, death of Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 335 |
| 36. Suetonius, Domitianus, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priests, pontifex maximus Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 26 |
| 37. Suetonius, Iulius, 1.2, 6.1, 40.2, 76.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 155; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 232; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 117; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 255 |
| 38. Suetonius, Nero, 19.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •vestal virgins, pontifex maximus and •pontifex maximus, emperor as Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 318 |
| 39. Suetonius, Otho, 12.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus, daughter of •pontifex maximus, death of Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 335 |
| 40. Suetonius, Titus, 9.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 273 |
| 41. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 10.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 208 |
| 42. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 3.4.1, 9.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus, daughter of •pontifex maximus, death of •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 166; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 335 |
| 43. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 6.1.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus, daughter of Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 311 |
| 44. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 9.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, as pontifex maximus Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 85 |
| 45. Tacitus, Histories, 1.3.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •vestal virgins, pontifex maximus and •pontifex maximus, emperor as Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 255 |
| 46. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Marciam, 15.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, as pontifex maximus •tiberius, as pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 86 |
| 47. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar, c., as pontifex maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 232 |
| 48. Plutarch, Fabius, 4, 4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 49. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.9, 1.10.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus, deification of Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 342; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 82 |
50. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 7.1, 42.2, 59.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar, c., as pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 232; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 81| 7.1. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ Μετέλλου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τελευτήσαντος καὶ τὴν ἱερωσύνην περιμάχητον οὖσαν Ἰσαυρικοῦ καὶ Κάτλου μετιόντων, ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μέγιστον ἐν βουλῇ δυναμένων, οὐχ ὑπεῖξεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἀλλὰ καταβὰς εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀντιπαρήγγελλεν. 42.2. πέμπειν δὲ πολλοὺς εἰς Ῥώμην μισθουμένους καὶ προκαταλαμβάνοντας οἰκίας ὑπατεύουσι καὶ στρατηγοῦσιν ἐπιτηδείους, ὡς εὐθὺς ἄρξοντες μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον. μάλιστα δὲ ἐσφάδαζον οἱ ἱππεῖς ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ἠσκημένοι περιττῶς ὅπλων λαμπρότησι καὶ τροφαῖς ἵππων καὶ κάλλει σωμάτων, μέγα φρονοῦντες καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος, ἑπτακισχίλιοι πρὸς χιλίους τοὺς Καίσαρος ὄντες. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ τῶν πεζῶν πλῆθος οὐκ ἀγχώμαλον, ἀλλὰ τετρακισμύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι παρετάττοντο δισμυρίοις καὶ δισχιλίοις. 59.2. ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τὴν τότε οὖσαν ἡλιακὴν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παντάπασι τούτων ἀσυλλογίστως εἶχον, οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς μόνοι τὸν καιρὸν εἰδότες ἐξαίφνης καὶ προῃσθημένου μηδενὸς τὸν ἐμβόλιμον προσέγραφον μῆνα, Μερκηδόνιον ὀνομάζοντες, ὃν Νομᾶς ὁ βασιλεὺς πρῶτος ἐμβαλεῖν λέγεται, μικρὰν καὶ διατείνουσαν οὐ πόρρω βοήθειαν ἐξευρὼν τῆς περὶ τὰς ἀποκαταστάσεις πλημμελείας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. | 7.1. 42.2. 59.2. |
|
| 51. Seneca The Younger, Apocolocyntosis, 11.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus, deification of Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 342 |
| 52. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 33.6-34.1, 50.6, 75.4, 75.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 255 |
| 53. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.139-7.141, 8.206, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 274; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 91; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 178 |
| 54. Tacitus, Annals, 1.14.2, 1.54.1, 1.62.1-1.62.2, 1.73, 1.73.2-1.73.4, 1.76, 2.7.3, 2.22, 2.22.1, 2.41.1, 2.48.3, 2.83.1, 2.85.4, 3.28.1-3.28.5, 3.57.2-3.57.4, 3.58-3.59, 3.58.1, 3.58.3, 3.59.4, 3.65.3, 3.71.2-3.71.3, 4.16.1-4.16.4, 4.17.1-4.17.3, 4.27.1, 4.37.3, 4.62, 4.73.3, 5.2.1, 6.6, 6.23, 6.46.3, 11.11.1, 11.26.1-11.26.4, 11.30.2, 11.34.1-11.34.3, 12.5, 12.43, 12.43.1, 13.2.3, 13.24.2, 14.10.3, 14.12.1-14.12.2, 14.15.5, 14.47.2, 14.64.3, 15.17, 15.18.1, 15.22.2, 15.23.1-15.23.4, 15.28.2, 15.36.1-15.36.2, 16.6.1-16.6.2, 16.7.1, 16.21.1-16.21.2, 16.22.1-16.22.3, 16.25.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 181 |
| 55. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.28.4-2.28.7, 10.6, 10.15.1, 10.15.14, 10.15.16-10.15.18, 10.15.23 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus, emperor as •augustus, as pontifex maximus •tiberius, as pontifex maximus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 164; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 12, 86, 142, 143 |
| 56. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, 292.3-292.7, 310.19-310.20, 346.27, 374.7-374.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 27, 99, 166 |
| 57. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.112, 2.101-2.103 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 27; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 178 |
| 58. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.68 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, as pontifex maximus Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 88 |
59. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 41.34.1, 42.19.3, 49.15.5, 51.19.3, 51.20.3, 53.16.7, 54.24.2-54.24.3, 54.27.3, 54.28.4-54.28.5, 55.12.4-55.12.5, 56.10.2, 56.29.1, 56.31.3, 61.3.1, 67.3.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus, emperor as •augustus, as pontifex maximus •festivals, of augustus’ appointment as pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus (chief priest) •vestal virgins, pontifex maximus and •tiberius, as pontifex maximus •julius caesar, c., as pontifex maximus Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 274; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 155, 184, 185; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 63, 64; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 207; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 232; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 86, 142, 148, 182 | 41.34.1. "Since these things are so, I will never yield aught to these brawlers under compulsion nor give them a free rein perforce. 42.19.3. I shall omit those honours which had either been voted to some others previously â images, crowns, front seats, and things of that kind â or which, while novel and proposed now for the first time, were not confirmed by Caesar, for fear that I might become wearisome, were I to enumerate them all. 49.15.5. But this was mere idle talk. The people at this time resolved that a house should be presented to Caesar at public expense; for he had made public property of the place on the Palatine which he had bought for the purpose of erecting a residence upon it, and had consecrated it to Apollo, after a thunderbolt had descended upon it. Hence they voted him the house and also protection from any insult by deed or word; 51.19.3. But it would be quite superfluous to go on and mention the prayers, the images, the privilege of the front seat, and all the other honours of the sort. At the beginning, then, they not only voted him these honours but also either took down or effaced the memorials of Antony, declared the day on which he had been born accursed, and forbade the use of the surname Marcus by any of his kind. 51.20.3. that the day on which he entered the city should be honoured with sacrifices by the whole population and be held sacred for evermore; and that he might choose priests even beyond the regular number, â as many, in fact, as he should wish on any occasion. This last-named privilege, handed down from that time, was afterwards indefinitely extended, so that I need not henceforth make a point of giving the exact number of such officials. 53.16.7. For when they wished to call him by some distinctive title, and men were proposing one title and another and urging its selection, Caesar was exceedingly desirous of being called Romulus, but when he perceived that this caused him to be suspected of desiring the kingship, 54.24.2. The Basilica of Paulus was burned and the flames spread from it to the -- temple of Vesta-- , so that the sacred objects there were carried up to the Palatine by the Vestal Virgins, â except the eldest, who had become blind, â and were placed in the house of the priest of Jupiter. 54.24.3. The basilica was afterwards rebuilt, nominally by Aemilius, who was the descendant of the family of the man who had formerly erected it, but really by Augustus and the friends of Paulus. At this time the Pannonians revolted again and were subdued, and the Maritime Alps, inhabited by the Ligurians who were called Comati, and were still free even then, were reduced to slavery. 54.27.3. That measure, therefore, now failed of passage, and he also received no official residence; but, inasmuch as it was absolutely necessary that the high priest should live in a public residence, he made a part of his own house public property. The house of the rex sacrificulus, however, he gave to the Vestal Virgins, because it was separated merely by a wall from their apartments. 54.28.4. Why he did this, I do not know. Some, however, have stated that it was because he was high priest, others that it was because he was performing the duties of censor. But both are mistaken, since neither the high priest is forbidden to look at a corpse, nor the censor, either, except when he is about to complete the census; but if he looks upon a corpse then, before his purification, all his work has to be done over again. 54.28.5. Now Augustus not only did what I have recorded, but also had the funeral procession of Agrippa conducted in the manner in which his own was afterward conducted, and he buried him in his own sepulchre, though Agrippa had taken one for himself in the Campus Martius. 55.12.4. Once, when a fire destroyed the palace and many persons offered him large sums of money, he accepted nothing but an aureus from entire communities and a denarius from single individuals. I here use the name aureus, according to the Roman practice, for the coin worth one hundred sesterces. 55.12.5. Some of the Greeks, also, whose books we read with the object of acquiring a pure Attic style, have given it this name. Among the Greeks, Dio says, the aureus is exchanged for twenty drachmas. When Augustus had built his house, he made it all state property, either on account of the contributions made by the people or because he was high priest and wished to live in apartments that were at once private and public. 56.10.2. Contrary to the Lex Voconia, according to which no woman could inherit property to the value of more than one hundred thousand sesterces, he permitted some women to inherit larger amounts; and he granted the Vestal Virgins all the privileges enjoyed by women who had borne children. 56.29.1. During a horse-race at the Augustalia, which were celebrated in honour of his birthday, a madman seated himself in the chair which was dedicated to Julius Caesar, and taking his crown, put it on. This incident disturbed everybody, for it seemed to have some bearing upon Augustus, as, indeed, proved true. 56.31.3. Tiberius and his son Drusus wore dark clothing made for use in the Forum. They, too, offered incense, but did not employ a flute-player. Most of the members sat in their accustomed places, but the consuls sat below, one on the praetors' bench and the other on that of the tribunes. After this Tiberius was absolved for having touched the corpse, a forbidden act, and for having escorted it on its journey, although the . . . 61.3.1. He was seventeen years of age when he began to rule. He first entered the camp, and after reading to the soldiers the speech that Seneca had written for him he promised them all that Claudius had given them. Before the senate, too, he read a similar speech, â this one also written by Seneca, â with the result that it was voted that his address should be inscribed on a silver tablet and should be read every time the new consuls entered upon their office. The senators, accordingly, were getting ready to enjoy a good reign as much as if they had a written guarantee of it. |
|
| 60. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 20.6, 20.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 83, 117 |
| 61. Iamblichus, Concerning The Mysteries, 1.15, 2.11, 3.18 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 69 |
| 62. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 4.11, 5.16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus (chief priest) Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 47, 207 |
| 63. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.10.2, 1.12.34-1.12.35, 1.13.11, 1.14.2-1.14.3, 1.14.13-1.14.15, 1.15.19-1.15.20, 1.16.9-1.16.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •priests, pontifex maximus Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 21; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 27, 83, 117, 119, 166 |
| 64. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.16.9-1.16.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priests, pontifex maximus Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 21 |
| 65. Libanius, Orations, 18.282 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 69, 274 |
| 66. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 3.64, 4.302, 8.552, 10.228 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, as pontifex maximus •tiberius, as pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 81; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 86, 143, 144 |
| 67. Julian (Emperor), Letters, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 82 |
| 68. Symmachus, Relationes, 3.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 153 |
| 69. Ambrose, Letters, 72.14.73 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 153 |
| 70. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 5.13.3, 10.1.8, 16.2.1-16.2.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 78; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 153 |
| 71. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 4.1.2 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priests, pontifex maximus Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 22 |
| 72. Justinian, Digest, 11.8.1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, as pontifex maximus Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 88 |
| 75. Servius Auctus, Georg., 1.268, 1.270 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 166 |
| 77. Laelius Felix, Gell., 15.27.1-15.27.3 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 27 |
| 78. Ambrosius, Extr. Coll., 10 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 153 |
| 79. Epigraphy, Cfa, 40, 13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 191 |
| 80. Concilium Aurelianense Council of Orléans, Canon, 139 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 166 |
| 81. Scaevola, Digesta, 50.16.98 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 119 |
| 82. Arch., Ad Brut., 27 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 88 |
| 83. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 1.46-1.47 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 83 |
| 84. Symmachus, Letters, 6.29, 9.108.147-9.108.148 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 153 |
| 85. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 164 |
| 86. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.41, 2.81.3, 2.82.4, 2.131.1 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •augustus, as pontifex maximus •vestal virgins, pontifex maximus and •pontifex maximus, emperor as •pontifex maximus (chief priest) Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 155; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 63; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 44; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 255 |
87. Vergil, Aeneis, 8.196-8.197, 8.201-8.202 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, as pontifex maximus Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 85 | 8.196. no envoys have I sent, nor tried thy mind 8.197. with artful first approaches, but myself, 8.201. If us they quell, they doubt not to obtain 8.202. lordship of all Hesperia, and subdue |
|
88. Vergil, Georgics, 1.270 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 166| 1.270. religio vetuit, segeti praetendere saepem, | |
|
| 89. Zonaras, Epitome, 8.22 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 272, 273 |
| 90. Anon., Liturgy of Addai And Mari, 7.7.3-7.7.4 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 82 |
| 91. Epigraphy, Cil, 3.6580, 5.8016, 6.701-6.702, 6.1175, 6.1884, 6.2043, 6.2051, 6.31250, 6.40704, 6.40776, 8.24, 11.8259 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus •priests, pontifex maximus •pontifex maximus, daughter of Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 23; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 184, 191, 379; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 64; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 314 |
| 92. Epigraphy, Irt, 232 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 191 |
| 93. Nicephorus, Numenius, 41.1 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus, and vestals Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 66 |
| 94. Epigraphy, Seg, 9.8 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 82 |
| 95. Zonaras, Poroi, 7.26 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89 |
| 96. Eumenius Panegyricus, Panegyricus Constantino Augusto Dictus, 9.7.3 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 88 |
| 97. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.38 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus (chief priest) Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 47 |
| 98. Jul, Οr., None Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 82 |
| 101. Jul, Or., 7.222 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan |
| 102. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 135-138, 140-141, 143, 139 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 232 |
| 103. Anon., Ciceronis Duodecim Orationum Scholia, None Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 164 |
| 104. Paulus Diaconus, De Verborum Significatione, 250.15-250.17, 519.1-519.2 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 29, 166 |
| 105. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 13.2.16 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 99, 117 |
| 106. Arch., Brut., 61 Tagged with subjects: •pontifex maximus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 91 |
| 107. Epigraphy, Ils, 241, 642, 771, 2304 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 184 |
