| 1. Septuagint, Deuteronomy, 17.15 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 96 |
2. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 17.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 96| 17.15. "שׂוֹם תָּשִׂים עָלֶיךָ מֶלֶךְ אֲשֶׁר יִבְחַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בּוֹ מִקֶּרֶב אַחֶיךָ תָּשִׂים עָלֶיךָ מֶלֶךְ לֹא תוּכַל לָתֵת עָלֶיךָ אִישׁ נָכְרִי אֲשֶׁר לֹא־אָחִיךָ הוּא׃", | 17.15. "thou shalt in any wise set him king over thee, whom the LORD thy God shall choose; one from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee; thou mayest not put a foreigner over thee, who is not thy brother.", |
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| 3. Archilochus, Fragments, None (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, the ‘pompeius’ of ode 2 Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 133 |
| 4. Archilochus, Fragments, None (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, the ‘pompeius’ of ode 2 Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 133 |
| 5. Alcaeus, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, the ‘pompeius’ of ode 2 Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 133 |
| 6. Alcaeus, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, the ‘pompeius’ of ode 2 Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 133 |
| 7. Anacreon, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, the ‘pompeius’ of ode 2 Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 133 |
8. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 8.97.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 50| 8.97.2. ἐγίγνοντο δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι ὕστερον πυκναὶ ἐκκλησίαι, ἀφ’ ὧν καὶ νομοθέτας καὶ τἆλλα ἐψηφίσαντο ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν. καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα δὴ τὸν πρῶτον χρόνον ἐπί γε ἐμοῦ Ἀθηναῖοι φαίνονται εὖ πολιτεύσαντες: μετρία γὰρ ἥ τε ἐς τοὺς ὀλίγους καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς ξύγκρασις ἐγένετο καὶ ἐκ πονηρῶν τῶν πραγμάτων γενομένων τοῦτο πρῶτον ἀνήνεγκε τὴν πόλιν. | 8.97.2. or if he did should be held accursed. Many other assemblies were held afterwards, in which law-makers were elected and all other measures taken to form a constitution. It was during the first period of this constitution that the Athenians appear to have enjoyed the best government that they ever did, at least in my time. For the fusion of the high and the low was effected with judgment, and this was what first enabled the state to raise up her head after her manifold disasters. |
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| 9. Alcaeus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, the ‘pompeius’ of ode 2 Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 133 |
10. Herodotus, Histories, 3.80-3.82 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 50 | 3.80. After the tumult quieted down, and five days passed, the rebels against the Magi held a council on the whole state of affairs, at which sentiments were uttered which to some Greeks seem incredible, but there is no doubt that they were spoken. ,Otanes was for turning the government over to the Persian people: “It seems to me,” he said, “that there can no longer be a single sovereign over us, for that is not pleasant or good. You saw the insolence of Cambyses, how far it went, and you had your share of the insolence of the Magus. ,How can monarchy be a fit thing, when the ruler can do what he wants with impunity? Give this power to the best man on earth, and it would stir him to unaccustomed thoughts. Insolence is created in him by the good things to hand, while from birth envy is rooted in man. ,Acquiring the two he possesses complete evil; for being satiated he does many reckless things, some from insolence, some from envy. And yet an absolute ruler ought to be free of envy, having all good things; but he becomes the opposite of this towards his citizens; he envies the best who thrive and live, and is pleased by the worst of his fellows; and he is the best confidant of slander. ,of all men he is the most inconsistent; for if you admire him modestly he is angry that you do not give him excessive attention, but if one gives him excessive attention he is angry because one is a flatter. But I have yet worse to say of him than that; he upsets the ancestral ways and rapes women and kills indiscriminately. ,But the rule of the multitude has in the first place the loveliest name of all, equality, and does in the second place none of the things that a monarch does. It determines offices by lot, and holds power accountable, and conducts all deliberating publicly. Therefore I give my opinion that we make an end of monarchy and exalt the multitude, for all things are possible for the majority.” 3.81. Such was the judgment of Otanes: but Megabyzus urged that they resort to an oligarchy. “I agree,” said he, “with all that Otanes says against the rule of one; but when he tells you to give the power to the multitude, his judgment strays from the best. Nothing is more foolish and violent than a useless mob; ,for men fleeing the insolence of a tyrant to fall victim to the insolence of the unguided populace is by no means to be tolerated. Whatever the one does, he does with knowledge, but for the other knowledge is impossible; how can they have knowledge who have not learned or seen for themselves what is best, but always rush headlong and drive blindly onward, like a river in flood? ,Let those like democracy who wish ill to Persia ; but let us choose a group of the best men and invest these with the power. For we ourselves shall be among them, and among the best men it is likely that there will be the best counsels.” 3.82. Such was the judgment of Megabyzus. Darius was the third to express his opinion. “It seems to me,” he said, “that Megabyzus speaks well concerning democracy but not concerning oligarchy. For if the three are proposed and all are at their best for the sake of argument, the best democracy and oligarchy and monarchy, I hold that monarchy is by far the most excellent. ,One could describe nothing better than the rule of the one best man; using the best judgment, he will govern the multitude with perfect wisdom, and best conceal plans made for the defeat of enemies. ,But in an oligarchy, the desire of many to do the state good service often produces bitter hate among them; for because each one wishes to be first and to make his opinions prevail, violent hate is the outcome, from which comes faction and from faction killing, and from killing it reverts to monarchy, and by this is shown how much better monarchy is. ,Then again, when the people rule it is impossible that wickedness will not occur; and when wickedness towards the state occurs, hatred does not result among the wicked, but strong alliances; for those that want to do the state harm conspire to do it together. This goes on until one of the people rises to stop such men. He therefore becomes the people's idol, and being their idol is made their monarch; and thus he also proves that monarchy is best. ,But (to conclude the whole matter in one word) tell me, where did freedom come from for us and who gave it, from the people or an oligarchy or a single ruler? I believe, therefore, that we who were liberated through one man should maintain such a government, and, besides this, that we should not alter our ancestral ways that are good; that would not be better.” |
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| 11. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 50 |
| 12. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 10 |
| 13. Cicero, Letters, 7.11.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeii, cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 216, 217 |
| 14. Cicero, Letters, 1.15.7, 7.11.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, sextus pompey (son of magnus) •pompeii, cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 216, 217; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 37 |
15. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 4.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 108 | 4.12. For with alacrity he founded a gymnasium right under the citadel, and he induced the noblest of the young men to wear the Greek hat.' |
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| 16. Cicero, In Pisonem, 23, 58, 65, 94-95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 53 |
| 17. Cicero, In Vatinium, 8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), removing spears from the body politic •pompeius magnus cn. Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 208; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 73 |
| 18. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.9, 2.2.150, 2.2.154, 2.5.67, 2.5.129, 5.40-5.41, 9.13, 13.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), criticized by helvius mancia •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 172, 174; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 68 |
| 19. Cicero, Letters, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 50 |
| 20. Cicero, Letters, 7.11.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeii, cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 216, 217 |
21. Cicero, Oratio Post Reditum Ad Populum, 16, 34, 25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 73| 25. cura, Quirites, erit infixa animo meo sempiterna, ut cum vobis, qui apud me deorum immortalium vim et numen tenetis, tum posteris vestris cunctisque gentibus dignissimus ea ea HGb s s : ex PB e et civitate videar quae suam dignitatem non posse se tenere, nisi me reciperasset, cunctis suffragiis iudicavit. | |
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| 22. Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, 28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as head of state Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 88 |
| 23. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 2.16.2, 4.4.3, 4.6, 5.7, 7.30.1, 8.4.1, 10.12.3, 14.7, 14.11.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as head of state •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey the great) •pompeius magnus cn. Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 17; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69, 138, 142, 288; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 208; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 88 |
| 24. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 1.2.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 47 |
| 25. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
26. Cicero, Post Reditum In Senatu, 12, 17, 25, 29, 32, 36, 4-5, 8, 6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 72| 6. quo quidem mense quid inter me et meos inimicos interesset existimare potuistis. ego meam salutem deserui, ne propter me civium vulneribus res publica cruentaretur: illi meum reditum non populi Romani suffragiis sed flumine sanguinis intercludendum putaverunt. itaque postea nihil vos civibus, nihil sociis, nihil regibus respondistis; nihil iudices sententiis, nihil populus suffragiis, nihil hic ordo auctoritate declaravit; mutum forum, elinguem curiam, tacitam et fractam civitatem videbatis. | |
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27. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 17.7, 17.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 96 | 17.7. The delusions of their magic art lay humbled,and their boasted wisdom was scornfully rebuked. 17.12. For fear is nothing but surrender of the helps that come from reason;" |
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28. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 3.64, 3.72, 3.76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 65| 3.64. haec omnia recta vera debita putantes faciunt in dolore, maximeque declaratur declaratur hoc sana cf. Mue. ( off. 1, 61 ) hoc quasi officii iudicio fieri, quod, si qui forte, cum se in luctu esse vellent, aliquid fecerunt humanius aut si hilarius locuti sunt, revocant se rursus ad maestitiam peccatique se insimulant, quod dolere dolore K 1 V 1 intermiserint. pueros vero matres et magistri castigare etiam solent, nec verbis solum, sed etiam verberibus, si quid in domestico luctu hilarius ab is factum est aut dictum, plorare cogunt. Quid? ipsa remissio luctus cum est consecuta intellectumque intellectaque X corr. V c est est om. K 1 nihil profici maerendo, nonne res declarat fuisse totum illud voluntarium? 3.72. Sed plures sunt causae suscipiendi doloris: primum illa opinio mali, quo viso atque persuaso aegritudo aegritudo add. V c insequitur necessario. deinde etiam gratum mortuis se facere, si graviter eos lugeant, arbitrantur. sed ... 16 arbitrantur H accedit superstitio muliebris quaedam; existumant enim diis inmortalibus se facilius satis facturos, si eorum plaga perculsi adflictos se et stratos esse fateantur. sed haec inter se quam repugnent, plerique non vident. laudant enim eos, qui aequo animo moriantur; qui alterius mortem aequo animo ferant, eos putant vituperandos. quasi fieri ullo modo possit, quod in amatorio sermone dici solet, ut quisquam plus alterum diligat quam se. 3.76. sunt qui unum officium consolantis cons olantis R 1 consulantis GK 1 V 1 putent putent docere Lb. Cleanthes fr. 576 malum illud omnino non esse, ut Cleanthi placet; sunt qui non magnum malum, ut Peripatetici; sunt qui abducant a malis ad bona, ut Epicurus; sunt qui satis satis om. G 1 putent ostendere nihil inopinati inopiti GRV 1 (n exp. c ) opiti K accidisse, ut Cyrenaici lac. stat. Po. ut Cyrenaici pro nihil mali (nihil a mali V 1 ) Dav. cogitari potest: ut Cyr. atque hi quoque, si verum quaeris, efficere student ut non multum adesse videatur aut nihil mall. Chr. cf. § 52–59. 61 extr. Chrys. fr. eth. 486 nihil mali. Chrysippus autem caput esse censet in consolando detrahere detra in r. V c illam opinionem maerentis, qua se maerentis se X (mer. KR) qd add. V 2 maerentis si vel maerentl si s ( sed sec. Chr. omnes qui maerent in illa opinione sunt; non recte p. 275, 19 confert Va. Op. 1, 70 ) qua Po. officio fungi putet iusto atque debito. sunt etiam qui haec omnia genera consolandi colligant abducunt... 21 putant... 356, 2 colligunt X 356, 2 colligant V 2 abducant et putent Ern. ( obloq. Küh. Sey. cf. tamen nat. deor. 2, 82 al. ). inconcinnitatem modorum def. Gaffiot cf. ad p. 226, 23 —alius enim alio modo movetur—, ut fere nos in Consolatione omnia omnia bis scripsit, prius erasit G omnia exp. et in mg. scr. fecimus. omne genus consolandi V c in consolationem unam coniecimus; erat enim in tumore animus, et omnis in eo temptabatur curatio. sed sumendum tempus est non minus in animorum morbis quam in corporum; ut Prometheus ille Aeschyli, cui cum dictum esset: Atqui/, Prometheu, te ho/c tenere exi/stimo, Mede/ri posse ra/tionem ratione ratione G 1 RV 1 ( alterum exp. G 2 V 1 ratione rationem K 1 (ratione del. K 2 ) orationem Stephanus ( ft. recte cf. lo/goi ) iracu/ndiae, v. 377 respondit: Siquide/m qui qui et ss. V c tempesti/vam medicinam a/dmovens Non a/dgravescens adgr. ss. V c vo/lnus inlida/t manu. manus X s exp. V | |
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| 29. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 109, 17, 23, 31, 50, 54, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 69 |
| 30. Cicero, Pro Scauro, 49 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 28 |
| 31. Cicero, Pro Quinctio, 92-94, 55 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 247 |
| 32. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 85, 62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 268 |
| 33. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.2, 2.12-2.13, 2.27, 2.33, 2.37, 2.40-2.41, 2.59-2.62, 2.64, 2.67-2.69, 2.88, 2.109-2.111, 2.113-2.114, 2.116, 3.9, 4.13, 4.15, 5.9, 5.20, 8.32, 13.22, 13.24, 13.29-13.30, 13.35, 13.38, 13.46 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. •cicero, praise for cn. pompeius magnus •pompeii, cn. pompeius magnus •pompey (pompeius magnus, cn.) •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, sextus pompey (son of magnus) Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 213; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 54, 55, 56, 62, 63, 64, 65, 68; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 132, 142; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 268; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 37 |
34. Cicero, Pro Murena, 51 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as head of state Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14| 51. referente me ne postero die comitia haberentur, ut de his rebus in senatu agere possemus. itaque postridie frequenti senatu Catilinam excitavi atque eum de his rebus iussi, si quid vellet, quae ad me adlatae essent dicere. atque ille, ut semper fuit apertissimus, non se purgavit sed indicavit atque induit. tum enim dixit duo corpora esse esse duo corpora A rei publicae, unum debile infirmo capite, alterum firmum sine capite; huic, si si cum y2 ita de se meritum esset, caput se vivo non defuturum. congemuit senatus frequens neque tamen satis severe pro rei indignitate decrevit; nam partim ideo fortes in decernendo non erant, quia nihil timebant, partim, quia omnia omnia scripsi : timebant codd. : timebant nimium Müller . erupit ante erupit add. cue Sx1 ( al. que vel cur S mg. ), cum A pfw, qui x2, cur y1, tum y2 : atque Mommsen ( in archetypo videtur juisse que (=quaere) aliquid amissum esse significans ) e senatu triumphans gaudio quem omnino vivum illinc exire non oportuerat, praesertim cum idem ille in eodem ordine paucis diebus ante Catoni, fortissimo viro, iudicium minitanti ac denuntianti respondisset, si si y : etsi cett. quod esset esset esse S A f in suas fortunas incendium excitatum, id se non aqua sed ruina restincturum extincturum A . | |
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| 35. Cicero, Pro Marcello, 23, 8, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 13 |
| 36. Cicero, Pro Ligario, 7, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 102 |
37. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 41, 48, 42 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 11| 42. gravitate et copia valeat, in quo ipso inest quaedam dignitas imperatoria, vos, Quirites Quirites quoque H, hoc ipso ex loco saepe cognostis cognostis PH : cognovistis E : cognoscitis cett. ( cf. Zielinski p. 199) . fidem vero eius quantam inter socios existimari putatis quam hostes omnes omnium generum sanctissimam iudicarint? humanitate iam tanta est ut difficile dictu sit utrum hostes magis virtutem eius pugtes timuerint an mansuetudinem victi dilexerint. et quisquam dubitabit quin huic hoc tantum bellum hoc tantum bellum PHE : tantum bellum hoc cett. permittendum permittendum H : transmittendum cett. sit qui ad omnia nostrae memoriae bella conficienda divino quodam consilio natus esse videatur? | |
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38. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 16-19, 62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 104| 62. adsunt Athenienses, unde humanitas, doctrina, religio, fruges, iura, leges ortae atque in omnis terras distributae putantur; de quorum urbis possessione propter pulchritudinem etiam inter deos certamen fuisse proditum est; quae vetustate ea est ut ipsa ex sese suos civis genuisse ducatur, et eorum eadem terra parens, altrix, patria dicatur, auctoritate autem tanta est ut iam fractum prope ac debilitatum Graeciae nomen huius urbis laude nitatur. | |
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| 39. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 36 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 29 |
| 40. Cicero, Diuinatio In Q. Caecilium, 36 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus cn. Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 208 |
| 41. Cicero, Pro Milone, 101, 12, 45, 47, 49, 58, 77, 79, 91, 46 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 56 |
| 42. Cicero, On Old Age, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as head of state Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14 |
| 43. Cicero, In Catilinam, 1.17, 2.1, 3.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), attempts to starve patria •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), retired to house after attempt on his life Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 59, 104 |
| 44. Cicero, On His Consulship, 23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), removing spears from the body politic Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 73 |
45. Polybius, Histories, 6.11.11, 6.53 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) •cicero, praise for cn. pompeius magnus •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 63; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 50| 6.11.11. ἦν μὲν δὴ τρία μέρη τὰ κρατοῦντα τῆς πολιτείας, ἅπερ εἶπα πρότερον ἅπαντα· οὕτως δὲ πάντα κατὰ μέρος ἴσως καὶ πρεπόντως συνετέτακτο καὶ διῳκεῖτο διὰ τούτων ὥστε μηδένα ποτʼ ἂν εἰπεῖν δύνασθαι βεβαίως μηδὲ τῶν ἐγχωρίων πότερʼ ἀριστοκρατικὸν τὸ πολίτευμα σύμπαν ἢ δημοκρατικὸν ἢ μοναρχικόν. | 6.11.11. The three kinds of government that I spoke of above all shared in the control of the Roman state. And such fairness and propriety in all respects was shown in the use of these three elements for drawing up the constitution and in its subsequent administration that it was impossible even for a native to pronounce with certainty whether the whole system was aristocratic, democratic, or monarchical. This was indeed only natural. 6.53. 1. Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâcalled rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? |
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46. Cicero, Republic, 1.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), attempts to starve patria Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 104| 1.8. Neque enim hac nos patria lege genuit aut educavit, ut nulla quasi alimenta exspectaret a nobis ac tantum modo nostris ipsa commodis serviens tutum perfugium otio nostro suppeditaret et tranquillum ad quietem locum, sed ut plurimas et maximas nostri animi, ingenii, consilii partis ipsa sibi ad utilitatem suam pigneraretur tantumque nobis in nostrum privatum usum, quantum ipsi superesse posset, remitteret. | |
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| 47. Cicero, Brutus, 1.15.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 174 |
48. Cicero, Brutus, 1.15.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 174; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288| 135. Q. Metellus Numidicus et eius conlega M. Silanus dicebant de re publica quod esset illis viris et consulari dignitati satis. M. Aurelius Scaurus non saepe dicebat sed polite; Latine vero in primis est eleganter locutus. Quae laus eadem in A. Albino bene loquendi bene loquendi secl. Kayser fuit; nam flamen Albinus etiam in numero est habitus disertorum. Q. etiam Caepio, vir acer et fortis, cui fortuna cui fortuna O2B : qui fortuna L belli crimini, invidia populi calamitati fuit. | |
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49. Cicero, On Divination, 1.29-1.30, 2.84 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288| 1.29. Ut P. Claudius, Appii Caeci filius, eiusque collega L. Iunius classis maxumas perdiderunt, cum vitio navigassent. Quod eodem modo evenit Agamemnoni; qui, cum Achivi coepissent . inter se strépere aperteque ártem obterere extíspicum, Sólvere imperát secundo rúmore adversáque avi. Sed quid vetera? M. Crasso quid acciderit, videmus, dirarum obnuntiatione neglecta. In quo Appius, collega tuus, bonus augur, ut ex te audire soleo, non satis scienter virum bonum et civem egregium censor C. Ateium notavit, quod ementitum auspicia subscriberet. Esto; fuerit hoc censoris, si iudicabat ementitum; at illud minime auguris, quod adscripsit ob eam causam populum Romanum calamitatem maximam cepisse. Si enim ea causa calamitatis fuit, non in eo est culpa, qui obnuntiavit, sed in eo, qui non paruit. Veram enim fuisse obnuntiationem, ut ait idem augur et censor, exitus adprobavit; quae si falsa fuisset, nullam adferre potuisset causam calamitatis. Etenim dirae, sicut cetera auspicia, ut omina, ut signa, non causas adferunt, cur quid eveniat, sed nuntiant eventura, nisi provideris. 1.30. Non igitur obnuntiatio Ateii causam finxit calamitatis, sed signo obiecto monuit Crassum, quid eventurum esset, nisi cavisset. Ita aut illa obnuntiatio nihil valuit aut, si, ut Appius iudicat, valuit, id valuit, ut peccatum haereat non in eo, qui monuerit, sed in eo, qui non obtemperarit. Quid? lituus iste vester, quod clarissumum est insigne auguratus, unde vobis est traditus? Nempe eo Romulus regiones direxit tum, cum urbem condidit. Qui quidem Romuli lituus, id est incurvum et leviter a summo inflexum bacillum, quod ab eius litui, quo canitur, similitudine nomen invenit, cum situs esset in curia Saliorum, quae est in Palatio, eaque deflagravisset, inventus est integer. 2.84. Cum M. Crassus exercitum Brundisii inponeret, quidam in portu caricas Cauno advectas vendens Cauneas clamitabat. Dicamus, si placet, monitum ab eo Crassum, caveret ne iret; non fuisse periturum, si omini paruisset. Quae si suscipiamus, pedis offensio nobis et abruptio corrigiae et sternumenta erunt observanda. | 1.29. For example, Publius Claudius, son of Appius Caecus, and his colleague Lucius Junius, lost very large fleets by going to sea when the auguries were adverse. The same fate befell Agamemnon; for, after the Greeks had begun toRaise aloft their frequent clamours, showing scorn of augurs art,Noise prevailed and not the omen: he then bade the ships depart.But why cite such ancient instances? We see what happened to Marcus Crassus when he ignored the announcement of unfavourable omens. It was on the charge of having on this occasion falsified the auspices that Gaius Ateius, an honourable man and a distinguished citizen, was, on insufficient evidence, stigmatized by the then censor Appius, who was your associate in the augural college, and an able one too, as I have often heard you say. I grant you that in pursuing the course he did Appius was within his rights as a censor, if, in his judgement, Ateius had announced a fraudulent augury. But he showed no capacity whatever as an augur in holding Ateius responsible for that awful disaster which befell the Roman people. Had this been the cause then the fault would not have been in Ateius, who made the announcement that the augury was unfavourable, but in Crassus, who disobeyed it; for the issue proved that the announcement was true, as this same augur and censor admits. But even if the augury had been false it could not have been the cause of the disaster; for unfavourable auguries — and the same may be said of auspices, omens, and all other signs — are not the causes of what follows: they merely foretell what will occur unless precautions are taken. 1.30. Therefore Ateius, by his announcement, did not create the cause of the disaster; but having observed the sign he simply advised Crassus what the result would be if the warning was ignored. It follows, then, that the announcement by Ateius of the unfavourable augury had no effect; or if it did, as Appius thinks, then the sin is not in him who gave the warning, but in him who disregarded it.[17] And whence, pray, did you augurs derive that staff, which is the most conspicuous mark of your priestly office? It is the very one, indeed with which Romulus marked out the quarter for taking observations when he founded the city. Now this staffe is a crooked wand, slightly curved at the top, and, because of its resemblance to a trumpet, derives its name from the Latin word meaning the trumpet with which the battle-charge is sounded. It was placed in the temple of the Salii on the Palatine hill and, though the temple was burned, the staff was found uninjured. 2.84. When Marcus Crassus was embarking his army at Brundisium a man who was selling Caunian figs at the harbour, repeatedly cried out Cauneas, Cauneas. Let us say, if you will, that this was a warning to Crassus to bid him Beware of going, and that if he had obeyed the omen he would not have perished. But if we are going to accept chance utterances of this kind as omens, we had better look out when we stumble, or break a shoe-string, or sneeze![41] Lots and the Chaldean astrologers remain to be discussed before we come to prophets and to dreams. |
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50. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 1, 100, 129, 137, 141, 146, 2, 43, 66-67, 87, 99, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 68| 21. ne diutius teneam diutius vos teneam ed. V , iudices, societas coitur. cum nulla iam proscriptionis mentio fieret cum nulla... fieret Charisius ( K. i. 264) Diomedes ( K. i. 390): cum... nulla fieret codd. , cum etiam qui qui omnes qui Diomedes antea metuerant redirent ac iam defunctos sese periculis arbitrarentur, nomen refertur in tabulas Sex. Rosci nomen... Rosci Charisius et Diomedes, om. codd. , hominis studiosissimi nobilitatis; manceps fit Chrysogonus; tria praedia vel nobilissima Capitoni propria traduntur, quae hodie possidet; in reliquas omnis fortunas iste T. T itus Roscius nomine Chrysogoni, quem ad modum ipse dicit, impetum facit. haec facit haec bona emuntur sestertiorum duobus milibus nummum add. codd. ( ex §6): del. Kayser omnia, iudices, imprudente L. L ucio Sulla facta esse certo certo s : certe mei scio. | |
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51. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.15, 14.27-14.49 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 107, 108 | 1.15. and removed the marks of circumcision, and abandoned the holy covet. They joined with the Gentiles and sold themselves to do evil. 14.27. So they made a record on bronze tablets and put it upon pillars on Mount Zion. This is a copy of what they wrote: "On the eighteenth day of Elul, in the one hundred and seventy-second year, which is the third year of Simon the great high priest, 14.28. in Asaramel, in the great assembly of the priests and the people and the rulers of the nation and the elders of the country, the following was proclaimed to us: 14.29. Since wars often occurred in the country, Simon the son of Mattathias, a priest of the sons of Joarib, and his brothers, exposed themselves to danger and resisted the enemies of their nation, in order that their sanctuary and the law might be perserved; and they brought great glory to their nation. 14.30. Jonathan rallied the nation, and became their high priest, and was gathered to his people. 14.31. And when their enemies decided to invade their country and lay hands on their sanctuary, 14.32. then Simon rose up and fought for his nation. He spent great sums of his own money; he armed the men of his nations forces and paid them wages. 14.33. He fortified the cities of Judea, and Beth-zur on the borders of Judea, where formerly the arms of the enemy had been stored, and he placed there a garrison of Jews. 14.34. He also fortified Joppa, which is by the sea, and Gazara, which is on the borders of Azotus, where the enemy formerly dwelt. He settled Jews there, and provided in those cities whatever was necessary for their restoration. 14.35. The people saw Simons faithfulness and the glory which he had resolved to win for his nation, and they made him their leader and high priest, because he had done all these things and because of the justice and loyalty which he had maintained toward his nation. He sought in every way to exalt his people. 14.36. And in his days things prospered in his hands, so that the Gentiles were put out of the country, as were also the men in the city of David in Jerusalem, who had built themselves a citadel from which they used to sally forth and defile the environs of the sanctuary and do great damage to its purity. 14.37. He settled Jews in it, and fortified it for the safety of the country and of the city, and built the walls of Jerusalem higher. 14.38. In view of these things King Demetrius confirmed him in the high priesthood, 14.39. and he made him one of the kings friends and paid him high honors. 14.40. For he had heard that the Jews were addressed by the Romans as friends and allies and brethren, and that the Romans had received the envoys of Simon with honor. 14.41. And the Jews and their priests decided that Simon should be their leader and high priest for ever, until a trustworthy prophet should arise, 14.42. and that he should be governor over them and that he should take charge of the sanctuary and appoint men over its tasks and over the country and the weapons and the strongholds, and that he should take charge of the sanctuary, 14.43. and that he should be obeyed by all, and that all contracts in the country should be written in his name, and that he should be clothed in purple and wear gold. 14.44. And none of the people or priests shall be permitted to nullify any of these decisions or to oppose what he says, or to convene an assembly in the country without his permission, or to be clothed in purple or put on a gold buckle. 14.45. Whoever acts contrary to these decisions or nullifies any of them shall be liable to punishment." 14.46. And all the people agreed to grant Simon the right to act in accord with these decisions. 14.47. So Simon accepted and agreed to be high priest, to be commander and ethnarch of the Jews and priests, and to be protector of them all. 14.48. And they gave orders to inscribe this decree upon bronze tablets, to put them up in a conspicuous place in the precincts of the sanctuary, 14.49. and to deposit copies of them in the treasury, so that Simon and his sons might have them. |
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52. Cicero, On Invention, 1.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus cn. Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 258| 1.20. Exordium est oratio animum auditoris idonee com- parans ad reliquam dictionem: quod eveniet, si eum benivolum, attentum, docilem confecerit. quare qui bene exordiri causam volet, eum necesse est genus suae causae diligenter ante cognoscere. Genera causarum quinque sunt: honestum, admirabile, humile, anceps, obscurum. honestum causae genus est, cui statim sine oratione nostra favet auditoris animus; admirabile, a quo est alienatus animus eorum, qui audituri sunt; humile, quod neglegitur ab auditore et non magno opere adtendendum videtur; anceps, in quo aut iudicatio dubia est aut causa et honestatis et turpitudinis parti- ceps, ut et benivolentiam pariat et offensionem; obscu- rum, in quo aut tardi auditores sunt aut difficilioribus ad cognoscendum negotiis causa est implicata. quare cum tam diversa sint genera causarum, exordiri quo- que dispari ratione in uno quoque genere necesse est. igitur exordium in duas partes dividitur, in principium et insinuationem. principium est oratio perspicue et protinus perficiens auditorem benivolum aut docilem aut attentum. insinuatio est oratio quadam dissimu- latione et circumitione obscure subiens auditoris animum. | |
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| 53. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 45, 47-49, 58, 15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 73 |
54. Cicero, On Duties, 1.68, 2.56-2.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (pompeius magnus, cn.) Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 292| 1.68. Non est autem consentaneum, qui metu non frangatur, eum frangi cupiditate nec, qui invictum se a labore praestiterit, vinci a voluptate. Quam ob rem et haec vitanda et pecuniae figienda cupiditas; nihil enim est tam angusti animi tamque parvi quam amare divitias, nihil honestius magnificentiusque quam pecuniam contemnere, si non habeas, si habeas, ad beneficentiam liberalitatemque conferre. Cavenda etiam est gloriae cupiditas, ut supra dixi; eripit enim libertatem, pro qua magimis viris omnis debet esse contentio. Nee vero imperia expetenda ac potius aut non accipienda interdum aut deponenda non numquam. 2.56. liberales autem, qui suis facultatibus aut captos a praedonibus redimunt aut aes alienum suscipiunt amicorum aut in filiarum collocatione adiuvant aut opitulantur in re vel quaerenda vel augenda. Itaque miror, quid in mentem venerit Theophrasto in eo libro, quem de divitiis scripsit; in quo multa praeclare, illud absurde: est enim multus in laudanda magnificentia et apparatione popularium munerum taliumque sumptuum facultatem fructum divitiarum putat. Mihi autem ille fructus liberalitatis, cuius pauca exempla posui, multo et maior videtur et certior. Quanto Aristoteles gravius et verius nos reprehendit! qui has pecuniarum effusiones non admiremur, quae fiunt ad multitudinem deliniendam. Ait enim, qui ab hoste obsidentur, si emere aquae sextarium cogerentur mina, hoc primo incredibile nobis videri, omnesque mirari, sed cum attenderint, veniam necessitati dare, in his immanibus iacturis infinitisque sumptibus nihil nos magnopere mirari, cum praesertim neque necessitati subveniatur nec dignitas augeatur ipsaque illa delectatio multitudinis ad breve exiguumque tempus capiatur, eaque a levissimo quoque, in quo tamen ipso una cum satietate memoria quoque moriatur voluptatis. 2.57. Bene etiam colligit, haec pueris et mulierculis et servis et servorum simillimis liberis esse grata, gravi vero homini et ea, quae fiunt, iudicio certo ponderanti probari posse nullo modo. Quamquam intellego in nostra civitate inveterasse iam bonis temporibus, ut splendor aedilitatum ab optimis viris postuletur. Itaque et P. Crassus cum cognomine dives, tum copiis functus est aedilicio maximo munere, et paulo post L. Crassus cum omnium hominum moderatissimo Q. Mucio magnificentissima aedilitate functus est, deinde C. Claudius App. f., multi post, Luculli, Hortensius, Silanus; omnes autem P. Lentulus me consule vicit superiores; hunc est Scaurus imitatus; magnificentissima vero nostri Pompei munera secundo consulatu; in quibus omnibus quid mihi placeat, vides. 2.58. Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit. Quare et, si postulatur a populo, bonis viris si non desiderantibus, at tamen approbantibus faciundum est, modo pro facultatibus, nos ipsi ut fecimus, et, si quando aliqua res maior atque utilior populari largitione acquiritur, ut Oresti nuper prandia in semitis decumae nomine magno honori fuerunt. Ne M. quidem Seio vitio datum est, quod in caritate asse modium populo dedit; magna enim se et inveterata invidia nec turpi iactura, quando erat aedilis, nec maxima liberavit. Sed honori summo nuper nostro Miloni fuit, qui gladiatoribus emptis rei publicae causa, quae salute nostra continebatur, omnes P. Clodi conatus furoresque compressit. Causa igitur largitionis est, si aut necesse est aut utile. 2.59. In his autem ipsis mediocritatis regula optima est. L. quidem Philippus Q. f., magno vir ingenio in primisque clarus, gloriari solebat se sine ullo munere adeptum esse omnia, quae haberentur amplissima. Dicebat idem Cotta, Curio. Nobis quoque licet in hoc quodam modo gloriari; nam pro amplitudine honorum, quos cunctis suffragiis adepti sumus nostro quidem anno, quod contigit eorum nemini, quos modo nominavi, sane exiguus sumptus aedilitatis fuit. 2.60. Atque etiam illae impensae meliores, muri, navalia, portus, aquarum ductus omniaque, quae ad usum rei publicae pertinent. Quamquam, quod praesens tamquam in manum datur, iucundius est; tamen haec in posterum gratiora. Theatra, porticus, nova templa verecundius reprehendo propter Pompeium, sed doctissimi non probant, ut et hic ipse Panaetius, quem nultum in his libris secutus sum, non interpretatus, et Phalereus Demetrius, qui Periclem, principem Graeciae, vituperat, quod tantam pecuniam in praeclara illa propylaea coniecerit. Sed de hoc genere toto in iis libris, quos de re publica scripsi, diligenter est disputatum. Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria, et tum ipsum et ad facultates accommodanda et mediocritate moderanda est. 2.61. In illo autem altero genere largiendi, quod a liberalitate proficiscitur, non uno modo in disparibus causis affecti esse debemus. Alia causa est eius, qui calamitate premitur, et eius, qui res meliores quaerit nullis suis rebus adversis. 2.62. Propensior benignitas esse debebit in calamitosos, nisi forte erunt digni calamitate. In iis tamen, qui se adiuvari volent, non ne affligantur, sed ut altiorem gradum ascendant, restricti omnino esse nullo modo debemus, sed in deligendis idoneis iudicium et diligentiam adhibere. Nam praeclare Ennius: Bene fácta male locáta male facta árbitror. 2.63. Quod autem tributum est bono viro et grato, in eo cum ex ipso fructus est, tum etiam ex ceteris. Temeritate enim remota gratissima est liberalitas, eoque eam studiosius plerique laudant, quod summi cuiusque bonitas commune perfugium est omnium. Danda igitur opera est, ut iis beneficiis quam plurimos afficiamus, quorum memoria liberis posterisque prodatur, ut iis ingratis esse non liceat. Omnes enim immemorem beneficii oderunt eamque iniuriam in deterrenda liberalitate sibi etiam fieri eumque, qui faciat, communem hostem tenuiorum putant. Atque haec benignitas etiam rei publicae est utilis, redimi e servitute captos, locupletari tenuiores; quod quidem volgo solitum fieri ab ordine nostro in oratione Crassi scriptum copiose videmus. Hanc ergo consuetudinem benignitatis largitioni munerum longe antepono; haec est gravium hominum atque magnorum, illa quasi assentatorum populi multitudinis levitatem voluptate quasi titillantium. 2.64. Conveniet autem cum in dando munificum esse, tum in exigendo non acerbum in omnique re contrahenda, vendundo emendo, conducendo locando, vicinitatibus et confiniis, aequum, facilem, multa multis de suo iure cedentem, a litibus vero, quantum liceat et nescio an paulo plus etiam, quam liceat, abhorrentem. Est enim non modo liberale paulum non numquam de suo iure decedere, sed interdum etiam fructuosum. Habenda autem ratio est rei familiaris, quam quidem dilabi sinere flagitiosum est, sed ita, ut illiberalitatis avaritiaeque absit suspicio; posse enim liberalitate uti non spoliantem se patrimonio nimirum est pecuniae fructus maximus. Recte etiam a Theophrasto est laudata hospitalitas; est enim, ut mihi quidem videtur, valde decorum patere domus hominum illustrium hospitibus illustribus, idque etiam rei publicae est ornamento, homines externos hoc liberalitatis genere in urbe nostra non egere. Est autem etiam vehementer utile iis, qui honeste posse multum volunt, per hospites apud externos populos valere opibus et gratia. Theophrastus quidem scribit Cimonem Athenis etiam in suos curiales Laciadas hospitalem fuisse; ita enim instituisse et vilicis imperavisse, ut omnia praeberentur, quicumque Laciades in villam suam devertisset. | 1.68. Moreover, it would be inconsistent for the man who is not overcome by fear to be overcome by desire, or for the man who has shown himself invincible to toil to be conquered by pleasure. We must, therefore, not only avoid the latter, but also beware of ambition for wealth; for there is nothing so characteristic of narrowness and littleness of soul as the love of riches; and there is nothing more honourable and noble than to be indifferent to money, if one does not possess it, and to devote it to beneficence and liberality, if one does possess it. As I said before, we must also beware of ambition for glory; for it robs us of liberty, and in defence of liberty a high-souled man should stake everything. And one ought not to seek military authority; nay, rather it ought sometimes to be declined, sometimes to be resigned. 2.56. The generous, on the other hand, are those who employ their own means to ransom captives from brigands, or who assume their friends' debts or help in providing dowries for their daughters, or assist them in acquiring property or increasing what they have. 2.57. His conclusion, too, is excellent: "This sort of amusement pleases children, silly women, slaves, and the servile free; but a serious-minded man who weighs such matters with sound judgment cannot possibly approve of them." And yet I realize that in our country, even in the good old times, it had become a settled custom to expect magnificent entertainments from the very best men in their year of aedileship. So both Publius Crassus, who was not merely surnamed "The Rich" but was rich in fact, gave splendid games in his aedileship; and a little later Lucius Crassus (with Quintus Mucius, the most unpretentious man in the world, as his colleague) gave most magnificent entertainments in his aedileship. Then came Gaius Claudius, the son of Appius, and, after him, many others â the Luculli, Hortensius, and Silanus. Publius Lentulus, however, in the year of my consulship, eclipsed all that had gone before him, and Scaurus emulated him. And my friend Pompey's exhibitions in his second consulship were the most magnificent of all. And so you see what I think about all this sort of thing. 2.58. Still we should avoid any suspicion of penuriousness. Mamercus was a very wealthy man, and his refusal of the aedileship was the cause of his defeat for the consulship. If, therefore, such entertainment is demanded by the people, men of right judgment must at least consent to furnish it, even if they do not like the idea. But in so doing they should keep within their means, as I myself did. They should likewise afford such entertainment, if gifts of money to the people are to be the means of securing on some occasion some more important or more useful object. Thus Orestes recently won great honour by his public dinners given in the streets, on the pretext of their being a tithe-offering. Neither did anybody find fault with Marcus Seius for supplying grain to the people at an as the peck at a time when the market-price was prohibitive; for he thus succeeded in disarming the bitter and deep-seated prejudice of the people against him at an outlay neither very great nor discreditable to him in view of the fact that he was aedile at the time. But the highest honour recently fell to my friend Milo, who bought a band of gladiators for the sake of the country, whose preservation then depended upon my recall from exile, and with them put down the desperate schemes, the reign of terror, of Publius Clodius. The justification for gifts of money, therefore, is either necessity or expediency. 2.59. And, in making them even in such cases, the rule of the golden mean is best. To be sure, Lucius Philippus, the son of Quintus, a man of great ability and unusual renown, used to make it his boast that without giving any entertainments he had risen to all the positions looked upon as the highest within the gift of the state. Cotta could say the same, and Curio. I, too, may make this boast my own â to a certain extent; for in comparison with the eminence of the offices to which I was uimously elected at the earliest legal age â and this was not the good fortune of any one of those just mentioned â the outlay in my aedileship was very inconsiderable. 2.60. Again, the expenditure of money is better justified when it is made for walls, docks, harbours, aqueducts, and all those works which are of service to the community. There is, to be sure, more of present satisfaction in what is handed out, like cash down; nevertheless public improvements win us greater gratitude with posterity. Out of respect for Pompey's memory I am rather diffident about expressing any criticism of theatres, colonnades, and new temples; and yet the greatest philosophers do not approve of them â our Panaetius himself, for example, whom I am following, not slavishly translating, in these books; so, too, Demetrius of Phalerum, who denounces Pericles, the foremost man of Greece, for throwing away so much money on the magnificent, far-famed Propylaea. But this whole theme is discussed at length in my books on "The Republic." To conclude, the whole system of public bounties in such extravagant amount is intrinsically wrong; but it may under certain circumstances be necessary to make them; even then they must be proportioned to our ability and regulated by the golden mean. 2.61. Now, as touching that second division of gifts of money, those which are prompted by a spirit of generosity, we ought to look at different cases differently. The case of the man who is overwhelmed by misfortune is different from that of the one who is seeking to better his condition, though he suffers from no actual distress. 2.62. It will be the duty of charity to incline more to the unfortunate, unless, perchance, they deserve their misfortune. But of course we ought by no means to withhold our assistance altogether from those who wish for aid, not to save them from utter ruin but to enable them to reach a higher degree of fortune. But, in selecting worthy cases, we ought to use judgment and discretion. For, as Ennius says so admirably, "Good deeds misplaced, methinks, are evil deeds." 2.63. Furthermore, the favour conferred upon a man who is good and grateful finds its reward, in such a case, not only in his own good-will but in that of others. For, when generosity is not indiscriminate giving, it wins most gratitude and people praise it with more enthusiasm, because goodness of heart in a man of high station becomes the common refuge of everybody. Pains must, therefore, be taken to benefit as many as possible with such kindnesses that the memory of them shall be handed down to children and to children's children, so that they too may not be ungrateful. For all men detest ingratitude and look upon the sin of it as a wrong committed against themselves also, because it discourages generosity; and they regard the ingrate as the common foe of all the poor. Ransoming prisoners from servitude and relieving the poor is a form of charity that is a service to the state as well as to the individual. And we find in one of Crassus's orations the full proof given that such beneficence used to be the common practice of our order. This form of charity, then, I much prefer to the lavish expenditure of money for public exhibitions. The former is suited to men of worth and dignity, the latter to those shallow flatterers, if I may call them so, who tickle with idle pleasure, so to speak, the fickle fancy of the rabble. 2.64. It will, moreover, befit a gentleman to be at the same time liberal in giving and not inconsiderate in exacting his dues, but in every business relation â in buying or selling, in hiring or letting, in relations arising out of adjoining houses and lands â to be fair, reasonable, often freely yielding much of his own right, and keeping out of litigation as far as his interests will permit and perhaps even a little farther. For it is not only generous occasionally to abate a little of one's rightful claims, but it is sometimes even advantageous. We should, however, have a care for our personal property, for it is discreditable to let it run through our fingers; but we must guard it in such a way that there shall be no suspicion of meanness or avarice. For the greatest privilege of wealth is, beyond all peradventure, the opportunity it affords for doing good, without sacrificing one's fortune. Hospitality also is a theme of Theophrastus's praise, and rightly so. For, as it seems to me at least, it is most proper that the homes of distinguished men should be open to distinguished guests. And it is to the credit of our country also that men from abroad do not fail to find hospitable entertainment of this kind in our city. It is, moreover, a very great advantage, too, for those who wish to obtain a powerful political influence by honourable means to be able through their social relations with their guests to enjoy popularity and to exert influence abroad. For an instance of extraordinary hospitality, Theophrastus writes that at Athens Cimon was hospitable even to the Laciads, the people of his own deme; for he instructed his bailiffs to that end and gave them orders that every attention should be shown to any Laciad who should ever call at his country home. |
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55. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.196, 1.245, 2.124-2.125, 2.164, 2.167, 2.197-2.203, 2.248, 2.287 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), attempts to starve patria •pompeius magnus, cn. •pompey (pompeius magnus, cn.) Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 28; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 268; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 104| 1.196. Ac si nos, id quod maxime debet, nostra patria delectat, cuius rei tanta est vis ac tanta natura, ut Ithacam illam in asperrimis saxulis tamquam nidulum adfixam sapientissimus vir immortalitati anteponeret, quo amore tandem inflammati esse debemus in eius modi patriam, quae una in omnibus terris domus est virtutis, imperi, dignitatis? Cuius primum nobis mens, mos, disciplina nota esse debet, vel quia est patria parens omnium nostrum, vel quia tanta sapientia fuisse in iure constituendo putanda est quanta fuit in his tantis opibus imperi comparandis. 1.245. Et, credo, in illa militis causa, si tu aut heredem aut militem defendisses, ad Hostilianas te actiones, non ad tuam vim et oratoriam facultatem contulisses: tu vero, vel si testamentum defenderes, sic ageres, ut omne omnium testamentorum ius in eo iudicio positum videretur, vel si causam ageres militis, patrem eius, ut soles, dicendo a mortuis excitasses; statuisses ante oculos; complexus esset filium flensque eum centum viris commendasset; lapides me hercule omnis flere ac lamentari coegisses, ut totum illud vti lingva nvn- cvpassit non in xii tabulis, quas tu omnibus bibliothecis anteponis, sed in magistri carmine scriptum videretur. 2.124. Tum Crassus, 'tu vero,' inquit 'Antoni, perge, ut instituisti; neque enim est boni neque liberalis parentis, quem procrearis et eduxeris, eum non et vestire et ornare, praesertim cum te locupletem esse negare non possis. Quod enim ornamentum, quae vis, qui animus, quae dignitas illi oratori defuit, qui in causa peroranda non dubitavit excitare reum consularem et eius diloricare tunicam et iudicibus cicatrices adversas senis imperatoris ostendere? qui idem, hoc accusante Sulpicio, cum hominem seditiosum furiosumque defenderet, non dubitavit seditiones ipsas ornare ac demonstrare gravissimis verbis multos saepe impetus populi non iniustos esse, quos praestare nemo posset; multas etiam e re publica seditiones saepe esse factas, ut cum reges essent exacti, ut cum tribunicia potestas esset constituta; illam Norbani seditionem ex luctu civium et ex Caepionis odio, qui exercitum amiserat, neque reprimi potuisse et iure esse conflatam? 2.125. Potuit hic locus tam anceps, tam inauditus, tam lubricus, tam novus sine quadam incredibili vi ac facultate dicendi tractari? Quid ego de Cn. Manli, quid de Q. Regis commiseratione dicam? Quid de aliis innumerabilibus? In quibus hoc non maxime enituit quod tibi omnes dant, acumen quoddam singulare, sed haec ipsa, quae nunc ad me delegare vis, ea semper in te eximia et praestantia fuerunt.' 2.164. Si res tota quaeritur, definitione universa vis explicanda est, sic: "si maiestas est amplitudo ac dignitas civitatis, is eam minuit, qui exercitum hostibus populi Romani tradidit, non qui eum, qui id 2.167. Ex coniunctis sic argumenta ducuntur: "si pietati summa tribuenda laus est, debetis moveri, cum Q. Metellum tam pie lugere videatis." Ex genere autem: "si magistratus in populi Romani esse potestate debent, quid Norbanum accusas, cuius tribunatus 2.197. Quamquam te quidem quid hoc doceam, qui in accusando sodali meo tantum incendium non oratione solum, sed etiam multo magis vi et dolore et ardore animi concitaras, ut ego ad id restinguendum vix conarer accedere? Habueras enim tu omnia in causa superiora: vim, fugam, lapidationem, crudelitatem tribuniciam in Caepionis gravi miserabilique casu in iudicium vocabas; deinde principem et senatus et civitatis, M. Aemilium, lapide percussum esse constabat; vi pulsum e templo L. Cottam et T. Didium, cum intercedere vellent rogationi, nemo poterat negare. 2.198. Accedebat ut haec tu adulescens pro re publica queri summa cum dignitate existimarere; ego, homo censorius, vix satis honeste viderer seditiosum civem et in hominis consularis calamitate crudelem posse defendere. Erant optimi cives iudices, bonorum virorum plenum forum, vix ut mihi tenuis quaedam venia daretur excusationis, quod tamen eum defenderem, qui mihi quaestor fuisset. Hic ego quid dicam me artem aliquam adhibuisse? Quid fecerim, narrabo; si placuerit, vos meam defensionem in aliquo artis loco reponetis. 2.199. Omnium seditionum genera, vitia, pericula conlegi eamque orationem ex omni rei publicae nostrae temporum varietate repetivi conclusique ita, ut dicerem, etsi omnes semper molestae seditiones fuissent, iustas tamen fuisse non nullas et prope necessarias. Tum illa, quae modo Crassus commemorabat, egi: neque reges ex hac civitate exigi neque tribunos plebis creari neque plebiscitis totiens consularem potestatem minui neque provocationem, patronam illam civitatis ac vindicem libertatis, populo Romano dari sine nobilium dissensione potuisse; ac, si illae seditiones saluti huic civitati fuissent, non continuo, si quis motus populi factus esset, id C. Norbano in nefario crimine atque in fraude capitali esse ponendum. Quod si umquam populo Romano concessum esset ut iure incitatus videretur, id quod docebam saepe esse concessum, nullam illa causa iustiorem fuisse. Tum omnem orationem traduxi et converti in increpandam Caepionis fugam, in deplorandum interitum exercitus: sic et eorum dolorem, qui lugebant suos, oratione refricabam et animos equitum Romanorum, apud quos tum iudices causa agebatur, ad Q. Caepionis odium, a quo erant ipsi propter iudicia abalienati, renovabam. 2.200. Quod ubi sensi me in possessionem iudici ac defensionis meae constitisse, quod et populi benevolentiam mihi conciliaram, cuius ius etiam cum seditionis coniunctione defenderam, et iudicum animos totos vel calamitate civitatis vel luctu ac desiderio propinquorum vel odio proprio in Caepionem ad causam nostram converteram, tum admiscere huic generi orationis vehementi atque atroci genus illud alterum, de quo ante disputavi, lenitatis et mansuetudinis coepi: me pro meo sodali, qui mihi in liberum loco more maiorum esse deberet, et pro mea omni fama prope fortunisque decernere; nihil mihi ad existimationem turpius, nihil ad dolorem acerbius accidere posse, quam si is, qui saepe alienissimis a me, sed meis tamen civibus saluti existimarer fuisse, sodali meo auxilium ferre non potuissem. 2.201. Petebam a iudicibus ut illud aetati meae, ut honoribus, ut rebus gestis, si iusto, si pio dolore me esse adfectum viderent, concederent; praesertim si in aliis causis intellexissent omnia me semper pro amicorum periculis, nihil umquam pro me ipso deprecatum. Sic in illa omni defensione atque causa, quod esse in arte positum videbatur, ut de lege Appuleia dicerem, ut quid esset minuere maiestatem explicarem, perquam breviter perstrinxi atque attigi; his duabus partibus orationis, quarum altera commendationem habet, altera concitationem, quae minime praeceptis artium sunt perpolitae, omnis est a me illa causa tractata, ut et acerrimus in Caepionis invidia renovanda et in meis moribus erga meos necessarios declarandis mansuetissimus viderer: ita magis adfectis animis iudicum quam doctis, tua, Sulpici, est a nobis tum accusatio victa.' 2.202. Hic Sulpicius, 'vere hercle,' inquit 'Antoni, ista commemoras; nam ego nihil umquam vidi, quod tam e manibus elaberetur, quam mihi tum est elapsa illa ipsa causa. Cum enim, quem ad modum dixisti, tibi ego non iudicium, sed incendium tradidissem, quod tuum principium, di immortales, fuit! qui timor! quae dubitatio, quanta haesitatio tractusque verborum! Ut tu illud initio, quod tibi unum ad ignoscendum homines dabant, tenuisti, te pro homine pernecessario, quaestore tuo, dicere! Quam tibi primum munisti ad te audiendum viam. 2.203. Ecce autem, cum te nihil aliud profecisse arbitrarer, nisi ut homines tibi civem improbum defendenti ignoscendum propter necessitudinem arbitrarentur, serpere occulte coepisti, nihil dum aliis suspicantibus, me vero iam pertimescente, ut illam non Norbani seditionem, sed populi Romani iracundiam neque eam iniustam, sed meritam ac debitam fuisse defenderes. Deinde qui locus a te praetermissus est in Caepionem? Ut tu illa omnia odio, invidia, misericordia miscuisti! Neque haec solum in defensione, sed etiam in Scauro ceterisque meis testibus, quorum testimonia non refellendo, sed ad eundem impetum populi confugiendo refutasti; 2.248. Nunc exponamus genera ipsa summatim, quae risum maxime moveant. Haec igitur sit prima partitio, quod facete dicatur, id alias in re habere, alias in verbo facetias; maxime autem homines delectari, si quando risus coniuncte re verboque moveatur. Sed hoc mementote, quoscumque locos attingam, unde ridicula ducantur, ex eisdem locis fere etiam gravis sententias posse duci: tantum interest, quod gravitas honestis in rebus severisque, iocus in turpiculis et quasi deformibus ponitur, velut eisdem verbis et laudare frugi servum possimus et, si est nequam, iocari. Ridiculum est illud Neronianum vetus in furaci servo: solum esse, cui domi nihil sit nec obsignatum nec occlusum, quod idem in bono servo dici solet. 2.287. Saepe etiam salse, quae fieri non possunt, optantur; ut M. Lepidus, cum, ceteris se in campo exercentibus, ipse in herba recubuisset, "vellem hoc esset," inquit "laborare." Salsum est etiam quaerentibus et quasi percontantibus lente respondere quod nolint; ut censor Lepidus, cum M. Antistio Pyrgensi equum ademisset amicique cum vociferarentur et quaererent, quid ille patri suo responderet, cur ademptum sibi equum diceret, cum optimus colonus, parcissimus, modestissimus, frugalissimus esset, "me istorum" inquit | |
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| 56. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 1.23, 2.8, 2.93, 3.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeii, cn. pompeius magnus •pompeius magnus, cn. •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), criticized by helvius mancia Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 216; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 68 |
| 57. Cicero, On Laws, 2.31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 58. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 1.5.3, 1.158-1.182, 1.580-1.583, 2.21.3, 2.21.5, 7.67 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus cn. •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 71, 123; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 142, 143; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 132 |
59. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.56.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 10 | 2.56.3. But those who write the more plausible accounts say that he was killed by his own people; and the reason they allege for his murder is that he released without the common consent, contrary to custom, the hostages he had taken from the Veientes, and that he no longer comported himself in the same manner toward the original citizens and toward those who were enrolled later, but showed greater honour to the former and slighted the latter, and also because of his great cruelty in the punishment of delinquents (for instance, he had ordered a group of Romans who were accused of brigandage against the neighbouring peoples to be hurled down the precipice after he had sat alone in judgment upon them, although they were neither of mean birth nor few in number), but chiefly because he now seemed to be harsh and arbitrary and to be exercising his power more like a tyrant than a king. |
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60. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 14.805-14.828 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 10| 14.805. Occiderat Tatius, populisque aequata duobus, 14.806. Romule, iura dabas, posita cum casside Mavors 14.807. talibus adfatur divumque hominumque parentem: 14.808. “Tempus adest, genitor, quoniam fundamine magno 14.809. res Romana valet et praeside pendet ab uno, 14.810. praemia (sunt promissa mihi dignoque nepoti!) 14.811. solvere et ablatum terris imponere caelo. 14.812. Tu mihi concilio quondam praesente deorum 14.813. (nam memoro memorique animo pia verba notavi) 14.814. “unus erit, quem tu tolles in caerula caeli” 14.815. dixisti: rata sit verborum summa tuorum!” 14.816. Adnuit omnipotens et nubibus aera caecis 14.817. occuluit tonitruque et fulgure terruit orbem: 14.818. quae sibi promissae sensit rata signa rapinae 14.819. innixusque hastae pressos temone cruento 14.820. impavidus conscendit equos Gradivus et ictu 14.821. verberis increpuit pronusque per aera lapsus 14.822. constitit in summo nemorosi colle Palati 14.823. reddentemque suo non regia iura Quiriti 14.824. abstulit Iliaden: corpus mortale per auras 14.825. dilapsum tenues, ceu lata plumbea funda 14.826. missa solet medio glans intabescere caelo. 14.827. Pulchra subit facies et pulvinaribus altis 14.828. dignior, est qualis trabeati forma Quirini. | |
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61. Ovid, Fasti, 1.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 19| 1.7. sacra recognosces annalibus eruta priscis, | 1.7. Here you’ll revisit the sacred rites in the ancient texts, |
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| 62. Sallust, Historiae, 1.9-1.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 54 |
| 63. Propertius, Elegies, 4.11 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey the great) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 67 |
64. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 3.1016-3.1017 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), criticized by helvius mancia Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 69| 3.1016. carcer et horribilis de saxo iactus deorsum, 3.1017. verbera carnifices robur pix lammina taedae; | |
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| 65. Livy, Per., 121, 67 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 66. Sallust, Historiarum Frr. Ampliora, 1.9-1.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 54 |
| 67. Sallust, Catiline, 1.2, 2.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as head of state Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14 |
| 68. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.5, 1.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus cn. •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 258 |
| 69. Horace, Sermones, 1.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, sextus pompey (son of magnus) Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 74 |
| 70. Horace, Epodes, 4.1-4.6, 4.17-4.20, 9.7-9.8, 9.37-9.38 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 74, 75, 76, 77, 133, 134 |
| 71. Horace, Odes, 1.2, 1.12, 1.37, 2.1.6-2.1.8, 2.7, 2.19, 3.4.42-3.4.80 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, the ‘pompeius’ of ode 2 •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 133, 134, 135 |
| 72. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 25, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 36 |
| 73. Livy, History, 1.16.1-1.16.6, 45.40 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey the great) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 96; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 10 |
| 74. Juvenal, Satires, 2.117-2.142, 10.48-10.50 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey the great) •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 17; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 47 |
| 75. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 88.6-88.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeii, cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 158 |
76. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 13.254, 13.257-13.258, 13.318, 13.397, 14.41, 14.123-14.125, 14.194, 14.196, 14.302, 14.307, 14.327-14.329, 14.403, 15.169, 15.251-15.252, 15.260, 15.266, 17.92, 17.228-17.239 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 96, 100, 107, 133, 135, 148, 158 | 13.254. 1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. 13.257. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; 13.258. and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews. 13.318. He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws. 13.397. in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed. 14.41. and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly’ government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. 14.123. 4. But some time afterward Caesar, when he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and delivered two legions to him, that he might set matters right, as being a potent man in that country. 14.124. But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power that was given him by Caesar; for those of Pompey’s party prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar’s party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher. 14.125. But Scipio, upon Pompey’s sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his head; and thus did he die at Antioch. 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.302. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power: 14.307. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. 14.327. 2. Yet did not these men continue quiet when they were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there, whither the report was that he would come. But Antony was corrupted by the money which Herod and his brother had given him; and so he gave order to the governor of the place to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were for making innovations, and to settle the government upon Herod; 14.328. but Herod went out hastily to them, and Hyrcanus was with him, (for they stood upon the shore before the city,) and he charged them to go their ways, because great mischief would befall them if they went on with their accusation. 14.329. But they did not acquiesce; whereupon the Romans ran upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more of them, and the rest fled away and went home, and lay still in great consternation. And when the people made a clamor against Herod, Antony was so provoked at it, that he slew the prisoners. 14.403. But Antigonus, by way of reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before the Romans, and before Silo also, said that they would not do justly, if they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more than a private man, and an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, whereas they ought to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their custom was; 15.169. and he did therefore trust Dositheus with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on him, and on Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-will to Herod; for he was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: 15.251. They sent messengers therefore to acquaint him with Alexandra’s design; so he made no longer delay, but gave orders to have her slain; yet was it still with difficulty, and after he had endured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He was still sorely afflicted, both in mind and body, and made very uneasy, and readier than ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that fell under his hand. 15.252. He also slew the most intimate of his friends, Costobarus, and Lysimachus, and Gadias, who was also called Antipater; as also Dositheus, and that upon the following occasion. 15.260. However, Salome chose to follow not the law of her country, but the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him; as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they had been by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years; 15.266. But when the king knew the thing, by his sister’s information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod’s own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws. 17.92. o he found that what misfortunes he now heard of were already upon him, with the greatness of which he went away in confusion; upon which his mother and his wife met him, (which wife was the daughter of Antigonus, who was king of the Jews before Herod,) from whom he learned all circumstances which concerned him, and then prepared himself for his trial. 17.228. 5. Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Caesar, wherein he pleaded his right to the kingdom, and his father’s testament, with the accounts of Herod’s money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod’s seal, he so expected the event; 17.229. but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus’s and Sabinus’s letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them. 17.230. Now Antipater, Salome’s son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake first to this purpose: That it was ridiculous in Archelaus to plead now to have the kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken already the power over it to himself, before Caesar had granted it to him; and appealed to those bold actions of his, in destroying so many at the Jewish festival; 17.231. and if the men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the punishing of them should have been reserved to those that were out of the country, but had the power to punish them, and not been executed by a man that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Caesar, by usurping that authority before it was determined for him by Caesar; but if he owned himself to be a private person, his case was much worse, since he who was putting in for the kingdom could by no means expect to have that power granted him, of which he had already deprived Caesar [by taking it to himself]. 17.232. He also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the commanders in the army, and his sitting in the royal throne beforehand, and his determination of law-suits; all done as if he were no other than a king. He appealed also to his concessions to those that petitioned him on a public account, and indeed doing such things, than which he could devise no greater if he had been already settled in the kingdom by Caesar. 17.233. He also ascribed to him the releasing of the prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and many other things, that either had been certainly done by him, or were believed to be done, and easily might be believed to have been done, because they were of such a nature as to be usually done by young men, and by such as, out of a desire of ruling, seize upon the government too soon. He also charged him with his neglect of the funeral mourning for his father, and with having merry meetings the very night in which he died; 17.234. and that it was thence the multitude took the handle of raising a tumult: and if Archelaus could thus requite his dead father, who had bestowed such benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great things to him, by pretending to shed tears for him in the day time, like an actor on the stage, but every night making mirth for having gotten the government, 17.235. he would appear to be the same Archelaus with regard to Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, which he hath been to his father; since he had then dancing and singing, as though an enemy of his were fallen, and not as though a man were carried to his funeral, that was so nearly related, and had been so great a benefactor to him. 17.236. But he said that the greatest crime of all was this, that he came now before Caesar to obtain the government by his grant, while he had before acted in all things as he could have acted if Caesar himself, who ruled all, had fixed him firmly in the government. 17.237. And what he most aggravated in his pleading was the slaughter of those about the temple, and the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and how they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom were foreigners, and others of their own country, till the temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not by an alien, but by one who pretended to the lawful title of a king, that he might complete the wicked tyranny which his nature prompted him to, and which is hated by all men. 17.238. On which account his father never so much as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, when he was of a sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and in his former and more authentic testament, he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed; but that Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity when he was in a dying condition, both of body and mind; while Antipas was called when he was ripest in his judgment, and of such strength of body as made him capable of managing his own affairs: 17.239. and if his father had the like notion of him formerly that he hath now showed, yet hath he given a sufficient specimen what a king he is likely to be, when he hath [in effect] deprived Caesar of that power of disposing of the kingdom, which he justly hath, and hath not abstained from making a terrible slaughter of his fellow citizens in the temple, while he was but a private person. |
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| 77. Martial, Epigrams, 10.25.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 47 |
| 78. Martial, Epigrams, 10.25.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 47 |
| 79. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 88.6-88.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeii, cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 158 |
| 80. Manetho, Apotelesmatica, 17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), retired to house after attempt on his life Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 59 |
| 81. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.34, 7.39, 7.97, 18.211-18.212 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey the great) •pompeius magnus, cn. •cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 67; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 110; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 76 |
82. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 8.1, 9.5, 11.4, 24.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as head of state •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14| 8.1. μέλλων ποτὲ τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον ὡρμημένον ἀκαίρως ἐπὶ σιτομετρίας καὶ διανομὰς ἀποτρέπειν, ἤρξατο τῶν λόγων οὕτως· χαλεπὸν μέν ἐστιν, ὦ πολῖται, πρὸς γαστέρα λέγειν ὦτα οὐκ ἔχουσαν. Κατηγορῶν δὲ τῆς πολυτελείας ἔφη χαλεπὸν εἶναι σωθῆναι πόλιν, ἐν ᾗ πωλεῖται πλείονος ἰχθὺς ἢ βοῦς. 9.5. τὸν δὲ ὑπέρπαχυν κακίζων ποῦ δʼ ἄν, ἔφη, σῶμα τοιοῦτόν τῇ πόλει γένοιτο χρήσιμον, οὗ τὸ μεταξὺ λαιμοῦ καὶ βουβώνων πᾶν ὑπὸ τῆς γαστρὸς κατέχεται; τῶν δὲ φιληδόνων τινὰ βουλόμενον αὐτῷ συνεῖναι παραιτούμενος, ἔφη μὴ δύνασθαι ζῆν μετʼ ἀνθρώπου τῆς καρδίας τὴν ὑπερῴαν εὐαισθητοτέραν ἔχοντος, Τοῦ δʼ ἐρῶντος ἔλεγε τὴν ψυχὴν ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ σώματι ζῆν. | 8.1. 9.5. |
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| 83. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 196 |
84. Plutarch, Cicero, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54| 4.3. ἐπεὶ δʼ αὐτῷ Σύλλας τε προσηγγέλθη τεθνηκώς, καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῖς γυμνασίοις ἀναρρωννύμενον εἰς ἕξιν ἐβάδιζε νεανικήν, ἥ τε φωνὴ λαμβάνουσα πλάσιν ἡδεῖα μὲν πρὸς ἀκοὴν ἐτέθραπτο, ἐτέθραπτο the words καὶ πολλή ( and full ) which follow this verb in the MSS. are deleted by Gudeman as contradictory to iii. 5 and due to the double πολλὰ below. μετρίως δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἕξιν ἥρμοστο τοῦ σώματος, πολλὰ μὲν τῶν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης φίλων γραφόντων καὶ δεομένων, πολλὰ δʼ Ἀντιόχου παρακελευομένου τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐπιβαλεῖν πράγμασιν, αὖθις ὥσπερ ὄργανον ἐξηρτύετο ἐξηρτύετο Graux, after Madvig: ἐξήρτυε . τὸν ῥητορικὸν λόγον καὶ ἀνεκίνει τὴν πολιτικὴν δύναμιν, αὑτόν τε ταῖς μελέταις διαπονῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐπαινουμένους μετιὼν ῥήτορας. | 4.3. |
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85. Plutarch, Crassus, 16.4-16.8, 18.5, 19.4-19.8, 23.1-23.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288| 16.4. μέγα γὰρ ἦν ἐκείνου τὸ πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον ἀξίωμα· καὶ τότε παρεσκευασμένους πολλοὺς ἐνίστασθαι καὶ καταβοᾶν ὁρώμενος πρὸ αὐτοῦ φαιδρῷ βλέμματι καὶ προσώπῳ κατεπράυνεν ὁ Πομπήιος, ὥσθʼ ὑπείκειν σιωπῇ διʼ αὐτῶν προϊοῦσιν. ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος ἀπαντήσας πρῶτον μὲν ἀπὸ φωνῆς ἐκώλυε καὶ διεμαρτύρετο μὴ βαδίζειν, ἔπειτα τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἐκέλευεν ἁψάμενον τοῦ σώματος κατέχειν. 16.5. ἄλλων δὲ δημάρχων οὐκ ἐώντων, ὁ μὲν ὑπηρέτης ἀφῆκε τὸν Κράσσον, ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος προδραμὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἔθηκεν ἐσχαρίδα καιομένην, καὶ τοῦ Κράσσου γενομένου κατʼ αὐτήν ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ κατασπένδων ἀρὰς ἐπηρᾶτο δεινὰς μὲν αὐτὰς καὶ φρικώδεις, δεινοὺς δέ τινας θεοὺς καὶ ἀλλοκότους ἐπʼ αὐταῖς καλῶν καὶ ὀνομάζων· 16.6. ταύτας φασὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς ἀρὰς ἀποθέτους καὶ παλαιὰς τοιαύτην ἔχειν δύναμιν ὡς περιφυγεῖν μηδένα τῶν ἐνσχεθέντων αὐταῖς, κακῶς δὲ πράσσειν καὶ τὸν χρησάμενον, ὅθεν οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν αὐτὰς οὐδʼ ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀρᾶσθαι. καὶ τότʼ οὖν ἐμέμφοντο τὸν Ἀτήιον, εἰ διʼ ἣν ἐχαλέπαινε τῷ Κράσσῳ πόλιν, εἰς αὐτήν ἀρὰς ἀφῆκε καὶ δεισιδαιμονίαν τοσαύτην. 18.5. ἡσυχῇ δὲ παρεδήλουν καί οἱ μάντεις ὡς ἀεὶ πονηρὰ σημεῖα καί δυσέκθυτα προφαίνοιτο τῷ Κράσσῳ διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν, ἀλλʼ οὔτε τούτοις προσεῖχεν οὔτε τοῖς ἕτερόν τι πλὴν ἐπείγεσθαι παραινοῦσιν. 19.4. ἐβλήθη δὲ καὶ κεραυνοῖς δυσὶν ὁ χῶρος οὗ στρατοπεδεύειν ἔμελλεν. ἵππος δὲ τῶν στρατηγικῶν ἐπιφανῶς κεκοσμημένος βίᾳ συνεπισπάσας τὸν ἡνίοχον εἰς τὸ ῥεῖθρον ὑποβρύχιος ἠφανίσθη. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀετῶν ὁ πρῶτος ἀρθεὶς ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου μεταστραφῆναι. 19.5. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις συνέπεσε μετὰ τὴν διάβασιν μετρουμένοις τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τοῖς στρατιώταις πρῶτα πάντων δοθῆναι φακοὺς καὶ ἃλας, ἃ νομίζουσι Ῥωμαῖοι πένθιμα καὶ προτίθενται τοῖς νέκυσιν, αὐτοῦ τε Κράσσου δημηγοροῦντος ἐξέπεσε φωνή δεινῶς συγχέασα τὸν στρατόν. ἔφη γὰρ τὸ ζεῦγμα τοῦ ποταμοῦ διαλύειν ὅπως μηδεὶς αὐτῶν ἐπανέλθῃ. καὶ δέον, ὡς ᾔσθετο τοῦ ῥήματος τὴν ἀτοπίαν, ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ διασαφῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς ἀποδειλιῶντας τὸ εἰρημένον, ἠμέλησεν ὑπὸ αὐθαδείας. 19.6. τέλος δὲ τὸν εἰθισμένον καθαρμὸν ἐσφαγιάζετο, καὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ μάντεως αὐτῷ προσδόντος ἐξέβαλε τῶν χειρῶν ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα δυσχεραίνοντας ἰδὼν τοὺς παρόντας ἐμειδίασε καὶ τοιοῦτον, ἔφη, τὸ γῆρας· ἀλλὰ τῶν γε ὅπλων οὐδὲν ἂν ἐκφύγοι τὰς χεῖρας. 23.1. λέγεται δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης τὸν Κράσσον οὐχ ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῖς ἐν φοινικίδι προελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἱματίῳ μέλανι, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἀλλάξαι προνήσαντα, τῶν δὲ σημαιῶν ἐνίας μόλις ὥσπερ πεπηγυίας πολλὰ παθόντας ἀνελέσθαι τοὺς φέροντας. 23.2. ὧν ὁ Κράσσος καταγελῶν ἐπετάχυνε τὴν πορείαν, προσβιαζόμενος ἀκολουθεῖν τὴν φάλαγγα τοῖς ἱππεῦσι, πρίν γε δὴ τῶν ἐπὶ κατασκοπὴν ἀποσταλέντων ὀλίγοι προσπελάσαντες ἀπήγγειλαν ἀπολωλέναι τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, αὐτοὺς δὲ μόλις ἐκφυγεῖν, ἐπιέναι δὲ μαχουμένους πλήθει πολλῷ καὶ θάρσει τοὺς ἄνδρας. | 16.4. 16.5. 16.6. 18.5. 19.4. 19.5. 19.6. 23.1. 23.2. |
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| 86. Plutarch, Fragments, 204 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54 |
| 87. Plutarch, Fragments, 151.16-152.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54 |
| 88. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 7.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46 |
| 89. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14 |
| 90. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 25.1, 26.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46, 54 |
| 91. Philippus Thessalonicensis, Epigrams, 5.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), attempts to starve patria Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 104 |
92. Plutarch, Otho, 13.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46| 13.6. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ μετάνοια Τιτιανὸν ἔσχεν ἐκπέμψαντα τοὺς πρέσβεις· καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς θρασυνομένους αὖθις ἀνεβίβαζεν ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους παρεκάλει βοηθεῖν. τοῦ δὲ Κεκίνα προσελάσαντος τῷ ἵππῳ καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν ὀρέγοντος οὐδεὶς ἀντέσχεν, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἠσπάζοντο τοὺς στρατιώτας, οἱ δὲ τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξαντες ἐξῄεσαν καὶ ἀνεμίγνυντο τοῖς προσήκουσιν. | 13.6. But meanwhile Titianus had repented of having sent the embassy, and after ordering the more resolute of the soldiers back again upon the walls, he exhorted the rest to go to their support. However, when Caecina rode up on his horse and stretched out his hand to them, not a man resisted further, but some greeted his soldiers from the walls, while others, throwing open the gates, went forth and mingled with the advancing troops. |
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93. Plutarch, Pompey, 9.2-9.3, 52.3, 70.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey the great) •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 107, 108; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 196; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54| 9.2. συμβουλομένης δὲ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ τῆς Μετέλλης, πείθουσι τὸν Πομπήϊον ἀπαλλαγέντα τῆς Ἀντιστίας λαβεῖν γυναῖκα τὴν Σύλλα πρόγονον Αἰμιλίαν, ἐκ Μετέλλης καὶ Σκαύρου γεγενημένην, ἀνδρὶ δὲ συνοικοῦσαν ἤδη καὶ κύουσαν τότε. ἦν οὖν τυραννικὰ τὰ τὸν γάμου καὶ τοῖς Σύλλα καιροῖς μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς Πομπηΐου τρόποις πρέποντα, τῆς μὲν Αἰμιλίας ἀγομένης ἐγκύμονος παρʼ ἑτέρου πρὸς αὐτόν, 9.3. ἐξελαυνομένης δὲ τῆς Ἀντιστίας ἀτίμως καὶ οἰκτρῶς, ἅτε δὴ καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς ἔναγχος ἐστερημένης διὰ τὸν ἄνδρα· κατεσφάγη γὰρ ὁ Ἀντίστιος ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ δοκῶν τὰ Σύλλα φρονεῖν διὰ Πομπήϊον ἡ δὲ μήτηρ αὐτῆς ἐπιδοῦσα ταῦτα προήκατο τὸν βίον ἑκουσίως, ὥστε καὶ τοῦτο τὸ πάθος τῇ περὶ τὸν γάμον ἐκεῖνον τραγῳδίᾳ προσγενέσθαι καὶ νὴ Δία τὸ τὴν Αἰμιλίαν εὐθὺς διαφθαρῆναι παρὰ τῷ Πομπηΐῳ τίκτουσαν. 52.3. ἔπειτα νόμους διὰ Τρεβωνίου δημαρχοῦντος εἰσέφερον, Καίσαρι μέν, ὥσπερ ὡμολόγητο, δευτέραν ἐπιμετροῦντας πενταετίαν, Κράσσῳ δὲ Συρίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν διδόντας, αὐτῷ δὲ Πομπηΐῳ Λιβύην ἅπασαν καὶ Ἰβηρίαν ἑκατέραν καὶ τέσσαρα τάγματα στρατιωτῶν, ὧν ἐπέχρησε δύο Καίσαρι δεηθέντι πρὸς τὸν ἐν Γαλατίᾳ πόλεμον. | 9.2. 9.3. 52.3. |
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| 94. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 47 |
95. Plutarch, Romulus, 1.1, 35.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54, 80| 1.1. τὸ μέγα τῆς Ῥώμης ὄνομα καὶ δόξῃ διὰ πάντων ἀνθρώπων κεχωρηκὸς ἀφʼ ὅτου καὶ διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν τῇ πόλει γέγονεν, οὐχ ὡμολόγηται παρὰ τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν Πελασγούς, ἐπὶ πλεῖστα τῆς οἰκουμένης πλανηθέντας ἀνθρώπων τε πλείστων κρατήσαντας, αὐτόθι κατοικῆσαι, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ῥώμην οὕτως ὀνομάσαι τὴν πόλιν, | 1.1. From whom, and for what reason the great name of Rome, so famous among mankind, was given to that city, writers are not agreed. Some say that the Pelasgians, after wandering over most of the habitable earth and subduing most of mankind, settled down on that site, and that from their strength in war they called their city Rome. |
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96. Plutarch, Sulla, 6.9, 33.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey the great) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 107; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46| 6.9. ἐν αὐτῷ γε τούτῳ τῷ συμμαχικῷ πολέμῳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ στρατηγικὸν ἄνδρα πρεσβευτήν, Ἀλβῖνον ὄνομα, ξύλοις καὶ λίθοις διαχρησαμένων, παρῆλθε καὶ οὐκ ἐπεξῆλθεν ἀδίκημα τοσοῦτον, ἀλλὰ καὶ σεμνυνόμενος διεδίδου λόγον ὡς προθυμοτέροις διὰ τοῦτο χρήσοιτο πρὸς τόν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς ἰωμένοις τὸ ἁμάρτημα διʼ ἀνδραγαθίας. τῶν δʼ ἐγκαλούντων οὐδὲν ἐφρόντιζεν, ἀλλὰ ἤδη καταλῦσαι Μάριον διανοούμενος καὶ τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους πολέμου τέλος ἔχειν δοκοῦντος ἀποδειχθῆναι στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην, ἐθεράπευε τὴν ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ στρατιάν. 33.3. Πομπήϊον γέ τοι βουλόμενος οἰκειώσασθαι τὸν Μάγνον, ἣν μὲν εἶχε γαμετὴν ἀφεῖναι προσέταξεν, Αἰμιλίαν δέ, Σκαύρου θυγατέρα καὶ Μετέλλης τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικός, ἀποσπάσας Μανίου Γλαβρίωνος ἐγκύμονα, συνῴκισεν αὐτῷ· ἀπέθανε δὲ ἡ κόρη παρὰ τῷ Πομπηΐῳ τίκτουσα. | 6.9. 33.3. |
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97. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 12.2, 23.6, 59.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. •cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 110; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46| 12.2. ἔταξε γὰρ τῶν προσιόντων τοῖς ὀφείλουσι καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν δύο μὲν μέρη τὸν δανειστὴν ἀναιρεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ λοιπῷ χρῆσθαι τὸν δεσπότην, ἄχρι ἂν οὕτως ἐκλυθῇ τὸ δάνειον. ἐπὶ τούτοις εὐδοκιμῶν ἀπηλλάγη Τῆς ἐπαρχίας, αὐτός τε πλούσιος γεγονὼς καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὠφεληκὼς ἀπὸ τῶν στρατειῶν, καὶ προσηγορευμένος αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπʼ αὐτῶν. | 12.2. |
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98. Plutarch, Brutus, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 80| 4.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ πράγματα διέστη Πομπηΐου καί Καίσαρος ἐξενεγκαμένων τὰ ὅπλα καί τῆς ἡγεμονίας ταραχθείσης, ἐπίδοξος μὲν ἦν αἱρήσεσθαι τὰ Καίσαρος· ὁ γὰρ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐτεθνήκει πρότερον· | 4.1. |
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| 99. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 8.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 132 |
| 100. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey the great) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 107 |
101. Plutarch, Pericles, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46| 1.1. ξένους τινὰς ἐν Ῥώμῃ πλουσίους κυνῶν τέκνα καὶ πιθήκων ἐν τοῖς κόλποις περιφέροντας καὶ ἀγαπῶντας ἰδὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἠρώτησεν εἰ παιδία παρʼ αὐτοῖς οὐ τίκτουσιν αἱ γυναῖκες, ἡγεμονικῶς σφόδρα νουθετήσας τοὺς τὸ φύσει φιλητικὸν ἐν ἡμῖν καὶ φιλόστοργον εἰς θηρία καταναλίσκοντας ἀνθρώποις ὀφειλόμενον. | 1.1. On seeing certain wealthy foreigners in Rome carrying puppies and young monkeys about in their bosoms and fondling them, Caesar Caesar Augustus. asked, we are told, if the women in their country did not bear children, thus in right princely fashion rebuking those who squander on animals that proneness to love and loving affection which is ours by nature, and which is due only to our fellow-men. |
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102. Plutarch, Timoleon, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 80| 2.2. οὐ μόνον διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν οὐδʼ ἀφʼ ὧν ἤδη πολλάκις εὐεργέτηντο πιστεύοντες ἐκείνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθόλου τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶντες φιλελεύθερον καὶ μισοτύραννον οὖσαν ἀεί, καὶ τῶν πολέμων τοὺς πλείστους καὶ μεγίστους πεπολεμηκυῖαν οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας καὶ πλεονεξίας, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας. | 2.2. not only because they trusted them on account of their kinship Syracuse was founded by Corinthians in 735 B.C. and in consequence of the many benefits they had already received from them, but also in general because they saw that the city was always a lover of freedom and a hater of tyrants, and had waged the most and greatest of her wars, not for supremacy and aggrandizement, but for the liberty of the Greeks. |
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| 103. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 72 |
| 104. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.98.459, 1.99.461, 2.9, 2.23, 2.25, 2.28, 3.43.176, 3.51, 5.100, 5.132 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as head of state •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as healer of the state •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, sextus pompey (son of magnus) Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 143; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14, 50, 88; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 37, 77 |
| 105. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 37.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
106. Tacitus, Annals, 3.28, 4.34, 15.45.1-15.45.2, 16.23.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as healer of the state •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 76; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 50| 3.28. Tum Cn. Pompeius, tertium consul corrigendis moribus delectus et gravior remediis quam delicta erant suarumque legum auctor idem ac subversor, quae armis tuebatur armis amisit. exim continua per viginti annos discordia, non mos, non ius; deterrima quaeque impune ac multa honesta exitio fuere. sexto demum consulatu Caesar Augustus, potentiae securus, quae triumviratu iusserat abolevit deditque iura quis pace et principe uteremur. acriora ex eo vincla, inditi custodes et lege Papia Poppaea praemiis inducti ut, si a privilegiis parentum cessaretur, velut parens omnium populus vacantia teneret. sed altius penetrabant urbemque et Italiam et quod usquam civium corripuerant, multorumque excisi status. et terror omnibus intentabatur ni Tiberius statuendo remedio quinque consularium, quinque e praetoriis, totidem e cetero senatu sorte duxisset apud quos exsoluti plerique legis nexus modicum in praesens levamentum fuere. 4.34. Cornelio Cosso Asinio Agrippa consulibus Cremutius Cordus postulatur novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset. accusabant Satrius Secundus et Pinarius Natta, Seiani clientes. id perniciabile reo et Caesar truci vultu defensionem accipiens, quam Cremutius relinquendae vitae certus in hunc modum exorsus est: 'verba mea, patres conscripti, arguuntur: adeo factorum innocens sum. sed neque haec in principem aut principis parentem, quos lex maiestatis amplectitur: Brutum et Cassium laudavisse dicor, quorum res gestas cum plurimi composuerint, nemo sine honore memoravit. Titus Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis, Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret; neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Scipionem, Afranium, hunc ipsum Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas, quae nunc vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignis viros nominat. Asinii Pollionis scripta egregiam eorundem memoriam tradunt; Messala Corvinus imperatorem suum Cassium praedicabat: et uterque opibusque atque honoribus perviguere. Marci Ciceronis libro quo Catonem caelo aequavit, quid aliud dictator Caesar quam rescripta oratione velut apud iudices respondit? Antonii epistulae Bruti contiones falsa quidem in Augustum probra set multa cum acerbitate habent; carmina Bibaculi et Catulli referta contumeliis Caesarum leguntur: sed ipse divus Iulius, ipse divus Augustus et tulere ista et reliquere, haud facile dixerim, moderatione magis an sapientia. namque spreta exolescunt: si irascare, adgnita videntur. | 3.28. Then came Pompey's third consulate. But this chosen reformer of society, operating with remedies more disastrous than the abuses, this maker and breaker of his own enactments, lost by the sword what he was holding by the sword. The followed twenty crowded years of discord, during which law and custom ceased to exist: villainy was immune, decency not rarely a sentence of death. At last, in his sixth consulate, Augustus Caesar, feeling his power secure, cancelled the behests of his triumvirate, and presented us with laws to serve our needs in peace and under a prince. Thenceforward the fetters were tightened: sentries were set over us and, under the Papia-Poppaean law, lured on by rewards; so that, if a man shirked the privileges of paternity, the state, as universal parent, might step into the vacant inheritance. But they pressed their activities too far: the capital, Italy, every corner of the Roman world, had suffered from their attacks, and the positions of many had been wholly ruined. Indeed, a reign of terror was threatened, when Tiberius, for the fixing of a remedy, chose by lot five former consuls, five former praetors, and an equal number of ordinary senators: a body which, by untying many of the legal knots, gave for the time a measure of relief. 4.34. The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendant's fate â that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:â "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement â so guiltless am I of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: I am said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him 'the Pompeian': yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus â not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Cicero's book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems â still read â of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and I hesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition. |
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| 107. Suetonius, Tiberius, 61.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43 |
| 108. Suetonius, Iulius, 75.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 175 |
109. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.6, 1.18, 1.23, 1.73-1.75, 2.6, 2.71, 3.6-3.7, 3.36, 3.45, 3.86-3.132, 4.42-4.43, 6.56, 13.19, 17.10, 26.8, 27.4, 31.149, 32.35-32.37, 32.47, 34.17, 34.19-34.20, 34.24, 34.45, 36.21, 36.31, 36.47, 36.55, 38.5-38.6, 38.8, 38.10-38.11, 38.15-38.16, 38.22, 39.3, 39.8, 40.16, 40.36-40.37, 41.8-41.9, 41.12, 44.2, 45.3-45.4, 46.4, 48.2, 48.6-48.8, 48.14, 49.6, 50.3, 62.1, 62.5, 63.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46, 76 | 2.6. The poetry of Homer, however, I look upon as alone truly noble and lofty and suited to a king, worthy of the attention of a real man, particularly if he expects to rule over all the peoples of the earth â or at any rate over most of them, and those the most prominent â if he is to be, in the strict sense of the term, what Homer calls a 'shepherd of the people.' Or would it not be absurd for a king to refuse to use any horse but the best and yet, when it is a question of poets, to read the poorer ones as though he had nothing else to do? 2.71. to teach them that while a king must rule over men, his own kind, because he is manifestly their superior, who justly and by nature's design exercises dominion over them; and while he must save the multitude of his subjects, planning for them and, if need be, fighting for them and protecting them from savage and lawless tyrants, and as regards other kings, if any such there should be, must strive with them in rivalry of goodness, seeking if possible to prevail over them for the benefit of mankind at large; 3.6. For in the case of the generality of men, those either in private station or holding some petty office, the individual's personal fortune is of slight account and concerns himself alone; but let untold cities yield obedience to a man, let countless nations be governed by his judgment, let tribes of men unnumbered and hostile to one another look to his prudence alone, and that man becomes the saviour and protector of men everywhere â that is, if such be his type. 3.7. For when a man governs and holds sway over all mankind, his prudence avails to help even the imprudent, since he takes thought for all alike; his temperance serves to restrain even the intemperate, since his eye is over all alike; his justice gives of itself even to the unjust; and his courage is able, not only to save the less valiant, but even to fire them with greater courage. 3.36. On hearing this, the other exclaimed: "However, I presume you know, Socrates, that of the entire inhabited world the Persian king rules over the largest and best part; for, excluding Greece, Italy, and a few other peoples scattered throughout Europe, he has made all the rest subject to him; 3.45. The three most conspicuous forms of government â governments based on law and justice and enjoying the favour of heaven and fortune â are expressly named. One is the first to come into existence and the most practicable â that which forms the subject of the present address â where we have a city, or a number of peoples, or the whole world, well ordered by one good man's judgment and virtue; second, the soâcalled "aristocracy," 3.86. Friendship, moreover, the good king holds to be the fairest and most sacred of his possessions, believing that the lack of means is not so shameful or perilous for a king as the lack of friends, and that he maintains his happy state, not so much by means of revenues and armies and his other sources of strength, as by the loyalty of his friends. 3.87. For no one, of and by himself, is sufficient for a single one of even his own needs; and the more and greater the responsibilities of a king are, the greater is the number of co-workers that he needs, and the greater the loyalty required of them, since he is forced to entrust his greatest and most important interests to others or else to abandon them. 3.88. Furthermore, the law protects the private individual from being easily wronged by men with whom he enters into business relations, either by entrusting them with money, or by making them agents of an estate, or by entering into partnership with them in some enterprise; and it does so by punishing the offender. A king, however, cannot look to the law for protection against betrayal of a trust, but must depend upon loyalty. 3.89. Naturally, those who stand near the king and help him rule the country are the strongest, and from them he has no other protection than their love. Consequently, it is not a safe policy for him to share his power carelessly with the first men he meets; but the stronger he makes his friends, 3.90. the stronger he becomes himself. 3.91. Once more, necessary and useful possessions do not in all cases afford their owner some pleasure, nor does it follow that because a thing is pleasing it is also profitable. On the contrary, many pleasant things prove to be unprofitable. 3.92. Fortifications, for example, arms, engines, and troops are possessions necessary for a ruler, since without them his authority cannot be maintained, but I do not see what gratification they afford â at least, apart from their utility; 3.93. and on the other hand, beautiful parks, costly residences, statues, paintings in the exquisite early style, golden bowls, inlaid tables, purple robes, ivory, amber, perfumes, everything to delight the eye, delightful music, both vocal and instrumental, and besides these, beautiful maidens and handsome boys â all these evidently subserve no useful purpose whatever, but are obviously the inventions of pleasure. 3.94. To friendship alone has it have been given to be both the most profitable of all and the most pleasurable of all. To illustrate: I presume that our greatest necessities, arms, walls, troops, and cities, without friends to control them, are neither useful nor profitable; nay, they are exceedingly precarious; while friends, even without these, are helpful. Besides, these things are useful in war only, 3.95. while for men who are going to live in unbroken peace â if such a thing be possible â they are a useless burden. Without friendship, however, life is insecure even in peace. 3.96. Once more, the pleasures I have mentioned afford more delight when shared with friends; to enjoy them in solitude is the dreariest thing imaginable, and no one could endure it. But it would be still more disagreeable if you had to share them with people who disliked you. 3.97. Nay, what festivity could please unless the most important thing of all were at hand, what symposium could delight you if you lacked the good-will of the guests? What sacrifice is acceptable to the gods without the participants in the feast? 3.98. Indeed, are not even those love relations the pleasantest and least wanton which are based on the affection of the lovers, and which men whose object is good-will experience in the society of boys or women? 3.99. Many are the names applied to friendship just as its services undoubtedly are many; but where youth and beauty enter in, there friendship is rightly called love and is held to be the fairest of the gods. 3.100. Again, salutary drugs are salutary to the sick, but of no use to the well. of friendship, however, men stand ever in the greatest need, whether in health or in sickness: it helps to defend wealth and relieves poverty; it adds lustre to fame and dims the glare of infamy. 3.101. It is this alone that makes everything unpleasant seem less so and magnifies everything good. For what misfortune is not intolerable without friendship, and what gift of fortune does not lose its charm if friends be lacking? And although solitude is cheerless and of all things the most terrible, it is not the absence of men that we should consider as solitude, but the absence of friends; for often complete solitude is preferable to the presence of persons not well-disposed. 3.102. For my part, I have never regarded even good fortune to be such if attended by no friend to rejoice with me, since the severest strokes of misfortune can more easily be borne with friends than the greatest good fortune without them. For with good right I judge that man most wretched who in misfortune has the largest number to gloat over him but in good fortune no one to rejoice with him. 3.103. When a man has hosts of excellent friends and his foes are very few in number â if he has any foe at all â when he has many who love him, still more who admire him, and no one who can censure him, is he not perfectly happy? For such a man has multitudes to share his joy but not one to gloat over him in misfortune, and for this reason he is fortunate in all things, in that he has hosts of friends but not a single enemy. 3.104. If eyes, ears, tongue, and hands are worth everything to a man that he may be able merely to live, to say nothing of enjoying life, then friends are not less but more useful than these members. 3.105. With his eyes he may barely see what lies before his feet; but through his friends he may behold even that which is at the ends of the earth. With his ears he can hear nothing save that which is very near; but through those who wish him well 3.106. he is without tidings of nothing of importance anywhere. With his tongue he communicates only with those who are in his presence, and with his hands, were he never so strong, he can not do the work of more than two men; but through his friends he can hold converse with all the world and accomplish every undertaking, since those who wish him well are saying and doing everything that is in his interest. 3.107. The most surprising thing of all, however, is that he who is rich in friends is able, although but one man, to do a multiplicity of things at the same time, to deliberate about many matters simultaneously, to see many things, to hear many things, and to be in many places at once â a thing difficult even for the gods â with the result that there is nothing remaining anywhere that is bereft of his solicitude. 3.108. Once more, the happy experiences of his friends are bound to delight a good man no less than some joy of his own. For is that man not most blessed who has many bodies with which to be happy when he experiences a pleasure, many souls with which to rejoice when he is fortunate? 3.109. And if glory be the high goal of the ambitious, he may achieve it many times over through the eulogies of his friends. If wealth naturally gladdens its possessor, he can be rich many times over who shares what he has with his friends. 3.110. Then, too, while it is a pleasure to show favours to good men and true when one's means are ample, it is also a pleasure to receive gifts when they are deserved and for merit. Hence, he who shows his friends a favour rejoices both as giver and as receiver at the same time. Old, in sooth, is the proverb which says that "Common are the possessions of friends." Therefore, when the good have good things, these will certainly be held in common. 3.111. Now, while in any other matter, such as leisure, ease, and relaxation, our good king does not wish to have unvarying advantage over private citizens and, indeed, would often be satisfied with less, in the one matter of friendship he does want to have the larger portion; 3.112. and he doubtless thinks it in no wise peculiar or strange â nay, he actually exults because young people love him more than they do their parents, and older men more than they do their children, because his associates love him more than they do their peers, and those who know him only by hearsay love him more than they do their nearest neighbours. 3.113. Extremely fond of kith and kin though he may be, yet, in a way, he considers friendship a greater good than kinship. For a man's friends are useful even without the family tie, but without friendship not even the most nearly related are of service. So high a value does he set on friendship as to hold that at no time has anyone been wronged by a friend, and that such a thing belongs to the category of the impossible; 3.114. for the moment one is detected doing wrong, he has shown that he was no friend at all. Indeed, all who have suffered any outrage have suffered it at the hands of enemies â friends in name, whom they did not know to be enemies. Such sufferers must blame their own ignorance and not reproach the name of friendship. 3.115. Furthermore, it is not impossible for a father to be unjust to a son and for a child to sin against its parents; brother, too, may wrong brother in some way; but friendship our king esteems as such an altogether sacred thing that he tries to make even the gods his friends. 3.116. Now, while it may be gathered from all that has been said that tyrants suffer all the ills that are the opposites of the blessings we have enumerated, this is especially true as regards the matter we are now discussing. For the tyrant is the most friendless man in the world, since he cannot even make friends. 3.117. Those like himself he suspects, since they are evil, and by those unlike himself, and good, he is hated; and the hated man is an enemy to both the just and the unjust. For some men do justly hate him; while others, because they covet the same things, plot against him. 3.118. And so the Persian king had one special man, called the "king's eye" â not a man of high rank, but just an ordinary one. He did not know that all the friends of a good king are his eyes. 3.119. And should not the ties of blood and kinship be especially dear to a good king? For he regards his kith and kin as a part of his own soul, 3.120. and sees to it that they shall not only have a share of what is called the king's felicity, but much more that they shall be thought worthy to be partners in his authority; and he is especially anxious to be seen preferring them in honour, not because of their kinship, but because of their qualifications. And those kinsmen who live honourable lives he loves beyond all others, but those who do not so live he considers, not friends, but relatives. 3.121. For other friends he may cast off when he has discovered something objectionable in them, but in the case of his kinsmen, he cannot dissolve the tie; but whatever their character, he must allow the title to be used. 3.122. His wife, moreover, he regards not merely as the partner of his bed and affections, but also as his helpmate in his counsel and action, and indeed in his whole life. 3.123. He alone holds that happiness consists, not in flowery ease, but much rather in excellence of character; virtue, not in necessity but in free-will; while patient endurance, he holds, does not mean hardship but safety. His pleasures he increases by toil, and thereby gets more enjoyment out of them, while habit lightens his toil. 3.124. To him "useful" and "pleasurable" are interchangeable terms; for he sees that plain citizens, if they are to keep well and reach old age, never give nourishment to an identical and inactive body, but that a part of them work first at trades, some of which â such as smithing, shipbuilding, the construction of houses â are very laborious; 3.125. while those who own land first toil hard at farming, and those who live in the city have some city employment; 3.126. he sees the leisured class crowd the gymnasia and wrestling-floors â some running on the track, others again wrestling, and others, who are not athletes, taking some form of exercise other than the competitive â in a word, everyone with at least a grain of sense doing something or other and so finding his meat and drink wholesome. 3.127. But the ruler differs from all these in that his toil is not in vain, and that he is not simply developing his body, but has the accomplishment of things as his end and aim. He attends to some matter needing his supervision, he acts promptly where speed is needed, accomplishes something not easy of accomplishment, reviews an army, subdues a province, founds a city, bridges rivers, or builds roads through a country. 3.128. He does not count himself fortunate just because he can have the best horses, the best arms, the best clothing, and so forth, but because he can have the best friends; and he holds that it is far more disgraceful to have fewer friends among the private citizens than any one of them has. 3.129. For when a man can select his most trustworthy friends from among all men â and there is scarcely a man who would not gladly accept his advances â surely it is ridiculous that he does not have the best. Most potentates have an eye only for those who get near them no matter how, and for those who are willing to flatter, while they hold all others at a distance and the best men more especially. 3.130. The true king, however, makes his choice from among all men, esteeming it perverse to import horses from the Nisaean plains because they surpass the Thessalian breed, or hounds from India, and only in the case of men to take those near at hand; 3.131. since all the means for making friends are his. For instance, the ambitious are won over to friendliness by praise, those who have the gift of leadership by participation in the government, the warlike by performing some sort of military service, those having executive ability by the management of affairs, and, assuredly, those with a capacity for love, by intimacy. 3.132. Now, who is more able to appoint governors? Who needs more executives? Who has it in his power to give a part in greater enterprises? Who is in a better position to put a man in charge of military operations? Who can confer more illustrious honours? Whose table lends greater distinction? And if friendship could be bought, who has greater means to forestall every possible rival? 4.42. And in the same way he means that friendship also is nothing else than identity of wish and of purpose, that is, a kind of likemindedness. For this, I presume, is the view of the world too: that friends are most truly likeminded and are at variance in nothing. 4.43. Can anyone, therefore, who is a friend of Zeus and is likeminded with him by any possibility conceive any unrighteous desire or design what is wicked and disgraceful? Homer seems to answer this very question clearly also when in commending some king he calls him a 'shepherd of peoples.' 6.56. "Now for those who have made themselves tyrants of but a single city or a small country it is not impossible to flee from their realm and live in seclusion elsewhere â yet no one has any fondness for a tyrant, but only hatred and suspicion, and everyone is ready to surrender him to his victims â those, however, who rule over many cities and peoples and over a boundless territory, as the Persian king does, cannot escape, even though they come to comprehend their evil plight and some god remove their ignorance from them. 13.19. And so, to take your own case," he continued, "when there is need of any deliberation concerning the welfare of your city and you have come together in the Assembly, do some of you get up and play the cithara, and certain other individuals wrestle, and yet others of you take something of Homer's or Hesiod's and proceed to read it? For these are the things that you know better than the others, and these are the things which you think will make you good men and enable you to conduct your public affairs properly and your private concerns likewise. And now, these are the hopes which inspire you when you direct your city and prepare your sons, working to qualify them to handle both their own and the public's interests if only they can play satisfactorily Pallas, dread destroyer of cities, or 'with eager foot' betake themselves to the lyre. But as to how you are to learn what is to your own advantage and that of your native city, and to live lawfully and justly and harmoniously in your social and political relations without wronging or plotting against one another, this you never learned nor has this problem ever yet given you any concern, nor even at this moment does it trouble you at all. 17.10. I have quoted the iambics in full; for when a thought has been admirably expressed, it marks the man of good sense to use it in that form. In this passage, then, are enumerated all the consequences of greed: that it is of advantage neither to the individual nor to the state; but that, on the contrary, it overthrows and destroys the prosperity of families and of states as well; and, in the second place, that the law of men requires us to honour equality, and that this establishes a common bond of friendship and peace for all toward one another, whereas quarrels, internal strife, and foreign wars are due to nothing else than the desire for more, with the result that each side is deprived even of a sufficiency. 26.8. For it is absurd that while those playing at odd and even show intelligence, and that too when they are guessing and do not see the thing about which they make a guess, yet those who are deliberating about public matters should display neither intelligence, nor knowledge, nor experience, although these matters are sometimes of the greatest importance, such as concord and friendship of families and states, peace and war, colonization and the organization of colonies, the treatment of children and of wives. 27.4. But the man that is gentle and has a properly ordered character, easily endures the rudeness of the others, and acts like a gentleman himself, trying to the best of his ability to bring the ignorant chorus into a proper demeanour by means of fitting rhythm and melody. And he introduces appropriate topics of conversation and by his tact and persuasiveness attempts to get those present to be more harmonious and friendly in their intercourse with one another. 31.149. You remember the notorious Acratus, who visited practically the whole inhabited world in this quest and passed by no village even â you recall how he came here likewise, and when you were, quite naturally, distressed, he said he had come to see the sights, for he had no authority to touch anything here. Therefore, apart from the beautiful sight which all the world may enjoy, the great number of your statues brings you a renown of another sort! For these things are manifestly a proof of your friendship for your rulers and of their respect for you. 32.35. But to take just that topic which I mentioned in the beginning, see how important it is. For how you dine in private, how you sleep, how you manage your household, these are matters in which as individuals you are not at all conspicuous; on the other hand, how you behave as spectators and what you are like in the theatre are matters of common knowledge among Greeks and barbarians alike. For your city is vastly superior in point of size and situation, and it is admittedly ranked second among all cities beneath the sun. 32.36. For not only does the mighty nation, Egypt, constitute the framework of your city â or more accurately its ')" onMouseOut="nd();" appendage â but the peculiar nature of the river, when compared with all others, defies description with regard to both its marvellous habits and its usefulness; and furthermore, not only have you a monopoly of the shipping of the entire Mediterranean by reason of the beauty of your harbours, the magnitude of your fleet, and the abundance and the marketing of the products of every land, but also the outer waters that lie beyond are in your grasp, both the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, whose name was rarely heard in former days. The result is that the trade, not merely of islands, ports, a few straits and isthmuses, but of practically the whole world is yours. For Alexandria is situated, as it were, at the cross-roads of the whole world, of even the most remote nations thereof, as if it were a market serving a single city, a market which brings together into one place all manner of men, displaying them to one another and, as far as possible, making them a kindred people. 32.37. Perhaps these words of mine are pleasing to your ears and you fancy that you are being praised by me, as you are by all the rest who are always flattering you; but I was praising water and soil and harbours and places and everything except yourselves. For where have I said that you are sensible and temperate and just? Was it not quite the opposite? For when we praise human beings, it should be for their good discipline, gentleness, concord, civic order, for heeding those who give good counsel, and for not being always in search of pleasures. But arrivals and departures of vessels, and superiority in size of population, in merchandise, and in ships, are fit subjects for praise in the case of a fair, a harbour, or a market-place, but not of a city; 32.47. And yet how many here have met destruction because of these allurements? Loss of reputation, at any rate, everyone has suffered. And did the Sirens do anything else according to the story? Did they not regularly destroy those who took extravagant delight in them? Yet the Sirens dwelt in a lonely sea and far away, all by themselves, on a lofty cliff, where no one could easily approach; and even there the man of sense escaped in safety and heard them with composure. These entertainers of Alexandria, however, ply their trade in what is practically the centre of the civilized world and in the most populous city of all, not, by Zeus, because of any charm or power of their own, but rather because of your fatuity. For why is it that outside Alexandria they produce an impression quite like that produced by the usual run of performers, nay, frequently have been thought to be unpleasant? Can it be that the ears of the people in those places have been stopped? 34.17. "Oh yes," you may reply, "but now we have reached an agreement and are united in our counsel." Nay, who could regard as safe and sure that sort of concord, a concord achieved in anger and of no more than three or four days' standing? Why, you would not say a man was in assured good health who a short time back was burning with fever. Well then, neither must you say you are in concord until, if possible, you have enjoyed a period of concord many times as long as that â at any rate as long as your discord â and just because perhaps on some occasion you all have voiced the same sentiment and experienced the same impulse, you must not for that reason assume that now at last the disease has been eradicated from the city. 34.19. For not among you alone, I dare say, but also among all other peoples, such a consummation requires a great deal of attentive care â or, shall I say, prayer? For only by getting rid of the vices that excite and disturb men, the vices of envy, greed, contentiousness, the striving in each case to promote one's own welfare at the expense of both one's native land and the common weal â only so, I repeat, is it possible ever to breathe the breath of harmony in full strength and vigour and to unite upon a common policy. Since those in whom these and similar vices are prevalent must necessarily be in a constant state of instability, and liable for paltry reasons to clash and be thrown into confusion, just as happens at sea when contrary winds prevail. 34.20. For, let me tell you, you must not think that there is harmony in the Council itself, nor yet among yourselves, the Assembly. At any rate, if one were to run through the entire list of citizens, I believe he would not discover even two men in Tarsus who think alike, but on the contrary, just as with certain incurable and distressing diseases which are accustomed to pervade the whole body, exempting no member of it from their inroads, so this state of discord, this almost complete estrangement of one from another, has invaded your entire body politic. 34.24. But, speaking generally, it was not, perhaps, with the purpose of treating this special one among the problems of your city nor of pointing out its seriousness that I came before you, but rather that I might make plain to you how you stand with regard to one another, and, by Zeus, to make plain also whether it is expedient that you should rely upon the present system and believe that now you are really united. Take, for example, a house or a ship or other things like that; this is the way in which I expect men to make appraisal. They should not consider merely present conditions, to see if the structure affords shelter now or does not let in the sea, but they should consider how as a whole it has been constructed and put together, to see that there are no open seams or rotten planks. 34.45. No, sand-dunes and swamp-land are of no value â for what revenue is derived from them or what advantage? â yet to show one's self to be honourable and magimous is rightly regarded as inexpressibly valuable. For to vie with the whole world in behalf of justice and virtue, and to take the initiative in friendship and harmony, and in these respects to surpass and prevail over all others, is the noblest of all victories and the safest too. But to seek by any and every means to maintain ascendancy in a conflict befits blooded game-cocks rather than men. 36.21. Perhaps, then, someone might inquire whether, when the rulers and leaders of a community are men of prudence and wisdom, and it is in accordance with their judgement that the rest are governed, lawfully and sanely, such a community may be called sane and law-abiding and really a city because of those who govern it; just as a chorus might possibly be termed musical provided its leader were musical and provided further that the other members followed this lead and uttered no sound contrary to the melody that he set â or only slight sounds and indistinctly uttered. 36.31. "This doctrine, in brief, aims to harmonize the human race with the divine, and to embrace in a single term everything endowed with reason, finding in reason the only sure and indissoluble foundation for fellowship and justice. For in keeping with that concept the term 'city' would be applied, not, of course, to an organization that has chanced to get mean or petty leaders nor to one which through tyranny or democracy or, in fact, through decarchy or oligarchy or any other similar product of imperfection, is being torn to pieces and made the victim of constant party faction. Nay, term would be applied rather to an organization that is governed by the sanest and noblest form of kingship, to one that is actually under royal goverce in accordance with law, in complete friendship and concord. 36.47. And from all sides the other horses press close to him with their bodies and the pair that are his neighbours swerve toward him abreast, falling upon him, as it were, and crowding him, yet the horse that is farthest off is ever first to round that stationary steed as horses round the turn in the hippodrome."Now for the most part the horses continue in peace and friendship, unharmed by one another. But on one occasion in the past, in the course of a long space of time and many revolutions of the universe, a mighty blast from the first horse fell from on high, and, as might have been expected from such a fiery-tempered steed, inflamed the others, and more especially the last in order; and the fire encompassed not alone its mane, which formed its personal pride, but the whole universe as well. 36.55. For indeed, when the mind alone had been left and had filled with itself immeasurable space, since it had poured itself evenly in all directions and nothing in it remained dense but complete porosity prevailed â at which time it becomes most beautiful â having obtained the purest nature of unadulterated light, it immediately longed for the existence that it had at first. Accordingly, becoming enamoured of that control and goverce and concord which it once maintained not only over the three natures of sun and moon and the other stars, but also over absolutely all animals and plants, it became eager to generate and distribute everything and to make the orderly universe then existent once more far better and more resplendent because newer. 38.5. I wish to make this very special request of you, men of Nicomedia â and do me the favour of being patient â that you listen to a speech which is superfluous and untimely and which may not convince you. Moreover, I do not consider it a great favour I am asking either; for if you are persuaded by my words, it is worth your while to have listened to one who tells you what is to your advantage; while, on the other hand, if you reserve your acquiescence, what is there unpleasant in having allowed a friend to take the floor who is willing to speak to no avail?" Very well, what is this subject on which I am about to offer advice, and yet am reluctant to name it? The word, men of Nicomedia, is not distasteful whether in the home or the clan or in friendly circles or cities or nations; 38.6. for concord is what I am going to talk about, a fine word and a fine thing; but if I proceed to add forthwith concord with whom, I fear lest, while you may be convinced that concord of and by itself is fine, you may believe that being concordant with those persons with whom I claim you should be concordant is impossible. For what till now has set you at your present enmity one toward another, and has prevented the establishment of friendship, is the unreasoning conviction that concord is impossible for your cities. Nay, don't raise an outcry when I make a fresh start but bear with me. 38.8. But I want to break up my address, and first of all to speak about concord itself in general, telling both whence it comes and what it achieves, and then over against that to set off strife and hatred in contradistinction to friendship. For when concord has been proved to be beneficial to all mankind, the proof will naturally follow that this particular concord between these particular cities is both quite indispensable for you and quite profitable as well. I shall not, however, refrain from telling also how concord may endure when once achieved; for that problem, indeed, I see is bothering many. 38.10. Well then, concord has been lauded by all men always in both speech and writing. Not only are the works of poets and philosophers alike full of its praises, but also all who have published their histories to provide a pattern for practical application have shown concord to be the greatest of human blessings, and, furthermore, although many of the sophists have in the past ventured to make paradoxical statements, this is the only one it has not occurred to them to publish â that concord is not a fine and salutary thing. Therefore, not only for those who now desire to sing its praises, but also for those who at any time would do so, the material for their use is abundant, and it will ever be possible to say more and finer things about it. 38.11. For example, if a man should wish to delve into its origin, he must trace its very beginning to the greatest of divine things. For the same manifestation is both friendship and reconciliation and kinship, and it embraces all these. Furthermore, what but concord unites the elements? Again, that through which all the greatest things are preserved is concord, while that through which everything is destroyed is its opposite. If, then, we human beings were not by nature a race of mortals, and if the forces which destroy us were not bound to be numerous, there would not be strife even in human affairs, just as also still not in things divine. However, the only respect in which we fall short of the blessedness of the gods and of their indestructible permanence is this â that we are not all sensitive to concord, but, on the contrary, there are those who actually love its opposite, strife, of which wars and battles constitute departments and subsidiary activities, and these things are continually at work in communities and in nations, just like the diseases in our bodies. 38.15. Again, take our households â although their safety depends not only on the like-mindedness of master and mistress but also on the obedience of the servants, yet both the bickering of master and mistress and the wickedness of the servants have wrecked many households. Why, what safety remains for the chariot, if the horses refuse to run as a team? For when they begin to separate and to pull one this way and one that, the driver is inevitably in danger. And the good marriage, what else is it save concord between man and wife? And the bad marriage, what is it save their discord? Moreover, what benefit are children to parents, when through folly they begin to rebel against them? And what is fraternity save concord of brothers? And what is friendship save concord among friends? 38.16. Besides, all these things are not only good and noble but also very pleasant, whereas their opposites are not only evil but also unpleasant; and yet we often prefer them instead of the most pleasant goods. For example, there have been times when people have chosen wars instead of peace, despite the great differences between the two, not under the delusion that fighting is better or more pleasant and more righteous than keeping the peace, but because some were striving for kingly power, some for liberty, some for territory they did not have, and some for control of the sea. And yet, though the prizes await the victor are so rich, many have laid war aside as an evil thing and not fit to be chosen by them in preference to the things of highest value. 38.22. Well now, surely we are not fighting for land or sea; on the contrary, the Nicaeans do not even present counterclaims against you for the sea, but they have gladly withdrawn from competition so as to afford no cause for conflict. And what is more, we are not contending for revenues either, but each side is content with what is its own; moreover, these matters, as it happens, have been clearly delimited â and so indeed is all else besides â just as if in peace and friendship. Furthermore, there is interchange of produce between the two cities, as well as intermarriage, and in consequence already there have come to be many family ties between us; yes, and we have proxenies and ties of personal friendship to unite us. Besides, you worship the same gods as they do, and in most cases you conduct their festivals as they do. In fact you have no quarrel as to your customs either. Yet, though all these things afford no occasion for hostility, but rather for friendship and concord, still we fight. 39.3. Even as I myself rejoice at the present moment to find you wearing the same costume, speaking the same language, and desiring the same things. Indeed what spectacle is more enchanting than a city with singleness of purpose, and what sound is more awe-inspiring than its harmonious voice? What city is wiser in council than that which takes council together? What city acts more smooth than that which acts together? What city is less liable to failure than that which favours the same policies? To whom are blessings sweeter than to those who are of one heart and mind? To whom are afflictions lighter than to those who bear them together, like a heavy load? To whom do difficulties occur more rarely than to those who defend each other? 39.8. Therefore, all that remains for me to do is to make the briefest and most efficacious appeal, I mean the appeal to the gods. For the gods know what men mean to say even when they speak in whispers. After all, possibly this too is typical of one who is especially well-intentioned; for instance, good fathers use admonition with their children where they can, but where persuasion fails they pray the gods on their behalf. Accordingly I pray to Dionysus the progenitor of this city, to Heracles its founder, to Zeus Guardian of Cities, to Athena, to Aphroditê Fosterer of Friendship, to Harmony, and Nemesis, and all the other gods, that from this day forth they may implant in this city a yearning for itself, a passionate love, a singleness of purpose, a unity of wish and thought; and, on the other hand, that they may cast out strife and contentiousness and jealousy, so that this city may be numbered among the most prosperous and the noblest for all time to come. 40.16. Well, why have I made all this harangue, when you were considering other matters? Because previously I not only had touched upon this matter, but had also in this place made many speeches in behalf of concord, believing that this was advantageous for the city, and that it was better not to quarrel with any man at all, but least of all, in my opinion, with those who are so close, yes, real neighbours. However, I did not go to them or speak any word of human kindness in anticipation of the official reconciliation of the city and the establishment of your friendship with them. And yet at the very outset they sent me an official resolution expressing their friendship toward me and inviting me to pay them a visit. Furthermore, I had many obligations toward them, like any other citizen of Prusa; but still I did not undertake to show my goodwill toward them independently, but preferred rather to make friends with them along with you. So they looked upon me with distrust and were displeased. 40.36. For even if the doctrine will seem to some an airy fancy and one possessing no affinity at all with yourselves, you should observe that these things, being by nature indestructible and divine and regulated by the purpose and power of the first and greatest god, are wont to be preserved as a result of their mutual friendship and concord for ever, not only the more powerful and greater, but also those reputed to be the weaker. But were this partnership to be dissolved and to be followed by sedition, their nature is not so indestructible or incorruptible as to escape being thrown into confusion and being subjected to what is termed the inconceivable and incredible destruction, from existence to non-existence. 40.37. For the predomice of the ether of which the wise men speak â the ether wherein the ruling and supreme element of its spiritual power they often do not shrink from calling fire â taking place as it does with limitation and gentleness within certain appointed cycles, occurs no doubt with entire friendship and concord. On the other hand, the greed and strife of all else, manifesting itself in violation of law, contains the utmost risk of ruin, a ruin destined never to engulf the entire universe for the reason that complete peace and righteousness are present in it and all things everywhere serve and attend upon the law of reason, obeying and yielding to it. 41.8. Well then, in spite of these considerations I held off from the affair, not as a traitor to the men of Prusa, but out of consideration for you, and because I believed I should be more serviceable to both sides if I could make the cities friends, not alone by ridding them of their past subjects of dispute, but also by turning them toward friendship and concord for the future. For this is the best course of all and the most expedient, not only in dealings between equals, but also in dealings between superiors and inferiors. 41.9. Now I understand how difficult it is to eradicate strife from human beings, especially when it has been nurtured for a fairly long period of time, just as it is not easy to rid the body of a disease that has long since become a part of it, especially in case one should wish to effect a painless cure. But still I have confidence in the character of your city, believing it to be, not rough and boorish, but in very truth the genuine character of those distinguished men and that blessed city by which you were sent here as friends indeed to dwell with friends. That city, while so superior to the rest of mankind in good fortune and power, has proved to be even more superior in fairness and benevolence, bestowing ungrudgingly both citizenship and legal rights and offices, believing no man of worth to be an alien, and at the same time safeguarding justice for all alike. 41.12. For the fruit of hatred is never, so to speak, sweet or beneficial, but of all things most unpleasant and bitter, nor is any burden so hard to bear or so fatiguing as enmity. For example, while it always interferes with strokes of good fortune, it increases disasters, and while for him who suffers from something else it doubles the pain, it does not permit those who are enjoying good fortune to rejoice in fitting measure. For it is inevitable, I suppose, that the masses should be harmed by one another, and, on the other hand, be despised and held in low esteem by the others, not only as having antagonists to begin with, but also as being themselves foolish and contentious. 44.2. Indeed, you may rest assured that I find all my honours, both those you now propose and any others there may be, contained in your goodwill and friendship, and I need naught else. For it is quite sufficient for a reasonable human being to be loved by his own fellow citizens, and why should the man who has that love need statues too or proclamations or seats of honour? Nay, not even if it be a portrait statue of beaten gold set up in the most distinguished shrines. For one word spoken out of goodwill and friendship is worth all the gold and crowns and everything else deemed splendid that men possess; so take my advice and act accordingly. 45.3. For what we have now obtained we might have had then, and we might have employed the present opportunity toward obtaining further grants. However that may be, when I had experienced at the hands of the present Emperor a benevolence and an interest in me whose magnitude those who were there know full well, though if I speak of it now I shall greatly annoy certain persons â and possibly the statement will not even seem credible, that one who met with such esteem and intimacy and friendship should have neglected all these things and have given them scant attention, having formed a longing for the confusion and bustle here at home, to put it mildly â for all that, I did not employ that opportunity or the goodwill of the Emperor for any selfish purpose, not even to a limited degree, for example toward restoring my ruined fortunes or securing some office or emolument, but anything that it was possible to obtain I turned in your direction and I had eyes only for the welfare of the city. 45.4. But the question whether these concessions are useful and important, or whether they have been granted, not to many other cities, but to one only, and that too, I venture to state, one of the most illustrious in all Asia, a city possessing so great a claim upon the Emperor, inasmuch as the god they worship had prophesied and foretold his leadership to him and had been the first of all openly to proclaim him master of the world â I am not speaking of anything like that. But that you desired these concessions most of all, and that there had been a long period during which you were in a state of expectancy, victims of deception, constantly bestowing extravagant honours upon those private persons who merely gave you promises â for of course none of the proconsuls ever either expected or promised these concessions â inasmuch as you went in a body far from Prusa to meet the men of whom I speak, and waited for them in other cities â this perhaps is a matter worth bearing in mind. 46.4. Moreover, it is plain that he asked for no favour for himself, though held in such great friendship and esteem, but rather that he guarded and husbanded for you the goodwill of the Emperor. But if anyone thinks it foolishness to remind you of goodwill and nobility on the part of your own citizens, I do not know how such a man can wish to be treated well himself. Being descended, then, from such forebears, even if I were an utter knave myself, yet surely on their account I should merit some consideration instead of being stoned or burned to death by you. 48.2. On the present occasion, therefore, it is your duty not to prove false to his conception of you, but rather to show yourselves temperate and well-behaved in assembly, and first and foremost, I believe, to adorn yourselves with mutual friendship and concord, and if he comes in answer to our invitation, to defer the other matters about which you were so vociferous; for he will inquire into the public problems himself, even if you wish to prevent him. But for the present express your appreciation of his goodness, greet him with applause, and welcome him with auspicious words and honour, to the end that he may visit you, not as a physician visits the sick, with apprehension and worry over their treatment, but rather as one visits the well, with joy and eagerness. 48.6. Why, what would be the good of my presence here, if I should fail to lead you to such a policy by persuasion, having constantly engaged with you in discussions conducive to concord and amity, so far as I am able, and trying in every way to eradicate unreasonable and foolish enmity and strife and contention? For truly it is a fine thing and profitable for one and all alike to have a city show itself of one mind, on terms of friendship with itself and one in feeling, united in conferring both censure and praise, bearing for both classes, the good and the bad, a testimony in which each can have confidence. 48.7. Yes, it is a fine thing, just as it is with a well-trained chorus, for men to sing together one and the same tune, and not, like a bad musical instrument, to be discordant, emitting two kinds of notes and sounds as a result of twofold and varied natures, for in such discord, I venture to say, there is found not only contempt and misfortune but also utter impotence both among themselves and in their dealings with the proconsuls. For no one can readily hear what is being said either when choruses are discordant or when cities are at variance. Again, just as it is not possible, I fancy, for persons sailing in one ship each to obtain safety separately, but rather all together, so it is also with men who are members of one state. 48.8. And it becomes you, since you excel in cultivation and in natural gifts and are in fact pure Hellenes, to display your nobility in this very thing. I might go on to say a great deal on these topics, I believe, and things commensurate with the importance of the subject before us, were it not that I am in quite poor health, and also, as I was saying, if I did not observe that your condition is not permanent. For no incident has yet happened, nor does this malady thrive among you, but it is possibly a slight attack of distrust, which, like sore eyes, we have caught from our neighbours. But this is a thing which often befalls the sea too â when the depths have been violently disturbed and there has been a storm at sea, often there are faint signs of the disturbance in the harbours also. 48.14. My concern is partly indeed for you, but partly also for myself. For if, when a philosopher has taken a government in hand, he proves unable to produce a united city, this is indeed a shocking state of affairs, one admitting no escape, just as if a shipwright while sailing in a ship should fail to render the ship seaworthy, or as if a man who claimed to be a pilot should swerve toward the wave itself, or as if a builder should obtain a house and, seeing that it was falling to decay, should disregard this fact but, giving it a coat of stucco and a wash of colour, should imagine that he is achieving something. If my purpose on this occasion were to speak in behalf of concord, I should have had a good deal to say about not only human experiences but celestial also, to the effect that these divine and grand creations, as it happens, require concord and friendship; otherwise there is danger of ruin and destruction for this beautiful work of the creator, the universe. 49.6. However, while one would find that philosophers have rarely become rulers among men â I mean holding positions termed "offices," serving as generals or satraps or kings â on the other hand, those whom they ruled have derived from them most numerous and most important benefits â the Athenians from Solon, from Aristeides, and from Pericles, the disciple of Anaxagoras; the Thebans from Epaminondas; the Romans from Numa, who, as some say, had some acquaintance with the philosophy of Pythagoras; and the Italian Greeks in general from the Pythagoreans, for these Greeks prospered and conducted their municipal affairs with the greatest concord and peace just so long as those Pythagoreans managed their cities. 50.3. However that may be, let this be your evidence of my goodwill toward you, as well as of my trust in you, that I come before you with assurance neither because I rely upon some political club nor because I have among you some familiar friends; moreover, I believe I should stand as high with you as any man, obviously because I have based my confidence upon my friendship toward all and my goodwill toward all, and not upon my being elected to be an influential or formidable person or seeking to be favoured for such a reason. On the other hand, if I did pity the commons at the time when they were subjects for pity, and if I tried my best to ease their burdens, this is no sign that I am on more friendly terms with them than with you. We know that, in the case of the body, it is always the ailing part which we treat, and that we devote more attention to the feet than to the eyes, if the feet are in pain and have been injured while the eyes are in sound condition. 62.1. And indeed, if a person is not competent to govern a single man, and that too a man who is very close to him, in fact his constant companion, and if, again, he cannot guide a single soul, and that his own, how could he be king, as you are, over unnumbered thousands scattered everywhere, many even dwelling at the ends of the earth, most of whom he has not even seen and never could see, and whose speech he will not understand? Why, it is as if one were to say of the man with vision so impaired that he cannot see even what lies at his feet but needs some one to lead him by the hand, that he can reach with his eyes the most distant objects, like those who at sea behold from afar both the mountains and the islands; or as if one were to say of the man who cannot make himself heard even by those who stand beside him, that he is able to speak so as to be heard by whole communities and armies. 62.5. For instance, the famous Sardanapallus, whose name is a byâword, held Nineveh and Babylon as well, the greatest cities that had yet existed, and all the nations which occupy the second continent, as far as what are called the uninhabited parts of the earth, were subject to him; but to kingship he could lay no claim, no more than could some rotting corpse. For the fact is, he neither would nor could take counsel or give judgement or lead troops. 63.2. For instance, when Fortune comes at sea a ship has fair sailing, and when she shows herself in the atmosphere a farmer prospers. Moreover, a man's spirit rejoices when uplifted by Fortune, yet should Fortune fail, it goes about in its body as in a tomb. For neither does a man win approval if he speaks, nor does he succeed if he acts, nor is it any advantage to have been born a man of genius when Fortune fails. For when she is not present learning is not forthcoming, nor any other good thing. Why, even valour gains recognition for its achievements only when Fortune is present; on the other hand, if valour should be left to itself it is just a word, productive of no noble action. In time of war Fortune means victory; in time of peace, concord; at a marriage, goodwill; with lovers, enjoyment â in short, success in each and every undertaking. |
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| 110. Statius, Thebais, 1.56-1.87, 2.102-2.124 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 123 |
| 111. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 1, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-121, 13-19, 2, 20-25, 27-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 123 |
112. Seneca The Younger, Agamemnon, 1, 10-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-55, 6-9, 56 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 123| 56. Phoebum moramur? redde iam mundo diem. Chorus | |
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| 113. Suetonius, Augustus, 16.1-16.2, 35.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 37, 77 |
| 114. Gellius, Attic Nights, 6.22.4, 7.7.5-7.7.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14 |
| 115. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.92-10.93 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn., consul Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 253 |
| 116. Tertullian, On The Apparel of Women, 2.13.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (pompeius magnus, cn.) Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 375 |
| 117. Palestinian Talmud, Yevamot, 2.6 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cn. pompeius magnus Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 3 |
| 118. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 26.7, 26.10-26.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 76 |
119. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 36.45-37.7, 37.27.3, 37.49.3, 39.39.7, 39.39.6, 39.39.5, 39.40, 39.41, 39.42, 39.43, 39.44, 39.45, 39.46, 39.47, 39.48, 39.49, 39.50, 39.51, 39.52, 39.53, 40.12.1-13.4, 40.18.5, 40.18.4, 40.18.3, 40.18.1, 40.18.2, 40.19.1, 40.19.2, 40.19.3, 40.32, 40.33, 40.34, 40.35, 40.36, 40.37, 40.38, 40.39, 40.40, 40.41, 40.42, 40.43, 40.44, 41.36.1, 42.18.2, 42.18.3, 42.18.1, 42.20.4, 42.21.1, 42.30.1, 42.55.4, 43.26.2, 46.18.3, 46.29.2, 46.30.1, 46.51.4, 48.31.5, 48.31.6, 48.48.5, 53.19, 54.31.2, 57.24.2, 57.24.3, 71.22.2, 91.1, 91.2, 91.3, 91.4, 7675.8.2, 7675.8.1, 7675.8.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 77 | 48.31.5. They not only kept up a general talk to foster his interests, but also at the games in the Circus honoured by loud applause the statue of Neptune carried in the procession, thus expressing their great delight in him. And when on certain days it was not brought out, they took stones and drove the magistrates from the Forum, threw down the statues of Caesar and Antony, and finally, when they could not accomplish anything even in this way, they rushed violently upon those men as if to kill them. |
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| 120. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 1.16.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 80 |
| 121. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 2.3.39.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompey (pompeius magnus, cn.) Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 375 |
| 122. Aquila Romanus, De Figuris Sententiarum Et Elocutionis, None (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus cn. Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 258 |
| 123. Eutropius, Breviarium Ab Urbe Condita (Paeanii Translatio), 6.18.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 124. Martianus Capella, On The Marriage of Philology And Mercury, 5.520, 5.523 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus cn. Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 258 |
| 125. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 5.16.1-5.16.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 126. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 7.606, 11.19 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 127. Grillius Grammarian 5Th Cent., Excerpta Ex Grillii Commento, 73.90-74.106, 93.98-94.107 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 258 |
| 128. Demosthenes, Orations, 17.23 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 47 |
| 129. Granius Licinianus., Annales, 33.1-33.17, 33.24 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 130. Epigraphy, Ils, 212 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 31 |
131. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.292-1.293, 2.281-2.286, 2.293-2.295, 4.21, 4.625-4.627, 6.826-6.835, 6.845-6.846, 8.675-8.713 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, the ‘pompeius’ of ode 2 Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 104; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 135 | 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 2.281. Lo! o'er the tranquil deep from Tenedos 2.282. appeared a pair (I shudder as I tell) 2.283. of vastly coiling serpents, side by side, 2.284. tretching along the waves, and to the shore 2.285. taking swift course; their necks were lifted high, 2.286. their gory dragon-crests o'ertopped the waves; 2.293. All terror-pale we fled. Unswerving then 2.294. the monsters to Laocoon made way. 2.295. First round the tender limbs of his two sons 4.21. of war and horror in his tale he told! 4.625. teadfast it ever clings; far as toward heaven 4.626. its giant crest uprears, so deep below 4.627. its roots reach down to Tartarus:—not less 6.826. On that bright land, which sees the cloudless beam 6.827. of suns and planets to our earth unknown. 6.828. On smooth green lawns, contending limb with limb, 6.829. Immortal athletes play, and wrestle long 6.830. 'gainst mate or rival on the tawny sand; 6.831. With sounding footsteps and ecstatic song, 6.832. Some thread the dance divine: among them moves 6.833. The bard of Thrace , in flowing vesture clad, 6.834. Discoursing seven-noted melody, 6.835. Who sweeps the numbered strings with changeful hand, 6.845. To chariots, arms, or glossy-coated steeds, 6.846. The self-same joy, though in their graves, they feel. 8.675. even to me, and prayed I should assume 8.676. the sacred emblems of Etruria's king, 8.677. and lead their host to war. But unto me 8.678. cold, sluggish age, now barren and outworn, 8.679. denies new kingdoms, and my slow-paced powers 8.680. run to brave deeds no more. Nor could I urge 8.681. my son, who by his Sabine mother's line 8.682. is half Italian-born. Thyself art he, 8.683. whose birth illustrious and manly prime 8.684. fate favors and celestial powers approve. 8.685. Therefore go forth, O bravest chief and King 8.686. of Troy and Italy ! To thee I give 8.687. the hope and consolation of our throne, 8.688. pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689. a master and example, while he learns 8.690. the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds 8.691. let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692. with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693. two hundred horsemen of Arcadia , 8.694. our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695. in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696. to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697. With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698. Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699. mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. 8.700. But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen 8.701. gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome 8.702. a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703. tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704. and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705. All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706. crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707. looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708. whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. 8.709. All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son 8.710. knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711. her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712. “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read 8.713. the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me |
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| 132. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 253 |
| 133. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 6.18.1 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 134. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.12.2, 2.46.3, 2.61.3, 2.79.2-2.79.3, 2.86.3 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. •pompey the great, cn. pompeius magnus, sextus pompey (son of magnus) •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus) Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 138; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 37 |
| 135. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.34.8, 1.46.3-1.46.4 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 138. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.6.11, 4.7.3, 6.2.4, 6.2.8-6.2.9, 8.9.1 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. •pompey (cn. pompeius magnus, iii cos. •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), criticized by helvius mancia •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as head of state Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 165; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14, 68 |
| 140. Epigraphy, Cil, 13.1668 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 31 |
| 141. Demosthenes, Digest, 47.9.9 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), removing spears from the body politic •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), retired to house after attempt on his life Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 59, 73 |
| 143. Pomp., Mor., 49.2, 55.3 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), retired to house after attempt on his life •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as healer of the state Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 50, 59 |
| 145. Florus, Epit., 2.1.13 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), retired to house after attempt on his life Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 59 |
| 146. Marc., Mil., 18, 37, 68, 73, 19 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 50 |
| 147. Anonymus Londinensis, [Anonymous], 4.31-4.40 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as head of state Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 14 |
| 150. Asconius, Bciv., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 50 |
| 151. Epigraphy, I. Tralleis Und Nysa, 19, 88, 77 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 103 |
| 152. Galen, Script. Min., 2.79 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 47 |
| 153. Pseudo-Sallustinv. In Cic., Inv. In Cic., 3-4, 6, 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 69, 88 |
| 154. Hortensius, M. Junius Brutus, 158.18-158.21 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), removing spears from the body politic Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 72 |
| 155. Caes., Brut., 28 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), as healer of the state Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 50 |
| 156. Theopompus of Chios, Tog., None Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), retired to house after attempt on his life Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 59 |
| 157. Pseudo-Cicero, Comm. Pet., 12 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), retired to house after attempt on his life Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 59 |
| 160. Phil., Pis., 16, 25, 28-29, 32, 5, 96 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 68 |
| 161. Caesar, B.Afr., 28.2 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 138 |
| 167. Plutarch, Alexandros, 47.8 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54 |
| 168. Iulius Obsequens, Prodigiorum Liber, 54 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 169. Epigraphy, I. Assos, 13 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 28 |
| 170. Martianus Capella, De Nuptiis Philologiae Et Mercurii, 5.520, 5.523 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus cn. Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 258 |
| 171. Helvius Mancia, Oratio, 71.1 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. (pompey), criticized by helvius mancia Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 68 |
| 172. Scholia Bobiensia, Scholia Bobiensia, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 72 |
| 173. Anon., Scholia Bernensia Ad Georg., 4.108 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 174. Plutarch, Synkr., a b c d\n0 5(38).3 5(38).3 5(38) 3 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 175. Caesar, B.Alex., 48.1 Tagged with subjects: •pompeius magnus, cn. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 142, 143 |
| 176. Epigraphy, Igrr, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 76 |
| 177. Pseudo-Sallust, In Ciceronem, 5, 4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 243 |
