1. Homer, Odyssey, 3.1, 11.33, 19.7-19.20, 19.34, 19.179 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (friend of plutarch) •plutarch, relationship with broader intellectual culture in the roman empire •plutarch, on the face in the moon •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) •theon (plutarch’s character) Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 61; Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 208; Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 22; König, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 34, 80| 3.1. Ἠέλιος δʼ ἀνόρουσε, λιπὼν περικαλλέα λίμνην, 11.33. παμμέλανʼ, ὃς μήλοισι μεταπρέπει ἡμετέροισι. 19.34. χρύσεον λύχνον ἔχουσα, φάος περικαλλὲς ἐποίει. 19.179. ἐννέωρος βασίλευε Διὸς μεγάλου ὀαριστής, | 3.1. BOOK 3 Leaving the gorgeous surface of the sea, the sun rose into the coppery sky to shine for immortals and mortal men upon grain-giving farmland. They'd now reached Pylos, the well-built citadel |
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2. Homer, Iliad, 14.216, 20.95 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 208; Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 22| 14.216. ἔνθʼ ἔνι μὲν φιλότης, ἐν δʼ ἵμερος, ἐν δʼ ὀαριστὺς 20.95. ἥ οἱ πρόσθεν ἰοῦσα τίθει φάος ἠδʼ ἐκέλευεν | 14.216. curiously-wrought, wherein are fashioned all manner of allurements; therein is love, therein desire, therein dalliance—beguilement that steals the wits even of the wise. This she laid in her hands, and spake, and addressed her:Take now and lay in thy bosom this zone, 20.95. who ever went before him and set there a light of deliverance, and bade him slay Leleges and Trojans with spear of bronze. Wherefore may it not be that any man face Achilles in fight, for that ever by his side is some god, that wardeth from him ruin. Aye, and of itself his spear flieth straight, and ceaseth not |
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| 3. Aesop, Fables, 63 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 51 |
| 4. Parmenides, Fragments, 8.30-8.31, 10.5-10.7 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 344 |
| 5. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 3.108-3.109 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 23 |
| 6. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, b93, b92 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 59 |
7. Plato, Timaeus, 22, 37d, 38c, 38d, 81d-e, 90a, 90a-c, 90b6-c2, 31a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 159| 31a. αὐτοῦ κατὰ φύσιν συγγενῆ ζῷα ἐντὸς ἔχον ἑαυτοῦ, συνέστησε. πότερον οὖν ὀρθῶς ἕνα οὐρανὸν προσειρήκαμεν, ἢ πολλοὺς καὶ ἀπείρους λέγειν ἦν ὀρθότερον; ἕνα, εἴπερ κατὰ τὸ παράδειγμα δεδημιουργημένος ἔσται. τὸ γὰρ περιέχον πάντα ὁπόσα νοητὰ ζῷα μεθʼ ἑτέρου δεύτερον οὐκ ἄν ποτʼ εἴη· πάλιν γὰρ ἂν ἕτερον εἶναι τὸ περὶ ἐκείνω δέοι ζῷον, οὗ μέρος ἂν εἴτην ἐκείνω, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ἐκείνοιν ἀλλʼ ἐκείνῳ τῷ περιέχοντι τόδʼ ἂν ἀφωμοιωμένον λέγοιτο ὀρθότερον. ἵνα | |
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| 8. Anon., Fragments, 228a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
9. Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.2.39, 6.3.51 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 51 | 6.2.39. Now for my part I not only commend this campaign in particular among all the campaigns of Iphicrates, but I commend, further, his directing the Athenians to choose as his colleagues Callistratus, the popular orator, who was not very favourably inclined toward him, and Chabrias, who was regarded as a very good general. For if he thought them to be able men and hence wished to take them as advisers, he seems to me to have done a wise thing, while on the other hand if he believed them to be his adversaries and wished in so bold a way to prove that he was neither remiss nor neglectful in any point, this seems to me to be the act of a man possessed of great confidence in himself. He, then, was occupied with these things. |
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10. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 524 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 120| 524. εἴπερ γὰρ ἀδικεῖν χρή, τυραννίδος πέρι | 524. Shall I become his slave, when I can rule? Therefore come fire, come sword! Harness your horses, fill the plains with chariots, for I will not give up my tyranny to him. For if we must do wrong, to do so for tyranny |
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| 11. Eupolis, Fragments, 148 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the songs of euripides Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 50 |
| 12. Eupolis, Fragments, 148 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the songs of euripides Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 50 |
| 13. Aristophanes, Women of The Assembly, 397-405, 407, 406 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 230 |
14. Aristophanes, Knights, 986-996, 985 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 74| 985. ἀλλὰ καὶ τόδ' ἔγωγε θαυμάζω | |
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| 15. Isocrates, Orations, 74 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, endorses athenian autochthony Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 129 |
16. Aristophanes, Clouds, 961-962, 964-986, 963 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 74| 963. πρῶτον μὲν ἔδει παιδὸς φωνὴν γρύξαντος μηδὲν ἀκοῦσαι: | |
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17. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 649-700, 702-747, 701 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 185| 701. οὔκ, ἀλλ' ̓Ιασὼ μέν τις ἀκολουθοῦς' ἅμα | |
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18. Empedocles, Fragments, 116, 43, 115 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 123 | 115. There is an oracle of Necessity, an ancient ordice of the gods,[36] eternal and sealed fast by broad oaths, that whenever one of the daemons, whose portion is length of days, has sinfully polluted his hands with blood,[37] or followed strife and forsworn himself, 5he must wander thrice ten thousand seasons from the abodes of the blessed, being born throughout the time in all manners of mortal forms, changing one toilsome path of life for another. For the mighty Air drives him into the Sea, and the Sea spews him forth on the dry Earth; 10Earth tosses him into the beams of the blazing Sun, and he flings him back to the eddies of Air. One takes him from the other, and all reject him. One of these I now am, an exile and a wanderer from the gods, for that I put my trust in insensate strife. |
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19. Aristophanes, Wasps, 989 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, the banquet of the seven wise men, social bonding Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 356| 989. οὐ δῆτα: κιθαρίζειν γὰρ οὐκ ἐπίσταμαι. | |
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| 20. Cratinus, Fragments, fr.xxii de falco (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 51 |
| 21. Isocrates, To Demonicus, 11 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, relationship with broader intellectual culture in the roman empire Found in books: König, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 34 |
| 22. Plato, Theages, 129b, 129a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 24 |
23. Herodotus, Histories, 1.1, 1.4.2, 1.30.2-1.30.4, 1.32, 1.32.1, 1.32.4, 1.32.9, 1.95.1, 1.139, 2.4.1, 2.123.1, 3.9.2, 3.23-3.24, 3.56, 4.173, 4.195.2, 5.18.4, 5.63, 5.90, 6.35, 6.65-6.66, 6.103-6.104, 6.109-6.110, 6.129.4, 6.136, 6.137.1, 7.152.3, 7.189.1-7.189.3, 8.79, 8.106, 8.109.3, 8.111, 8.125, 9.16.4-9.16.5 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the malice of herodotus •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17; Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 123, 124, 132, 137, 138; Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 126, 127, 137| 1.1. Ἡροδότου Ἁλικαρνησσέος ἱστορίης ἀπόδεξις ἥδε, ὡς μήτε τὰ γενόμενα ἐξ ἀνθρώπων τῷ χρόνῳ ἐξίτηλα γένηται, μήτε ἔργα μεγάλα τε καὶ θωμαστά, τὰ μὲν Ἕλλησι τὰ δὲ βαρβάροισι ἀποδεχθέντα, ἀκλεᾶ γένηται, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ διʼ ἣν αἰτίην ἐπολέμησαν ἀλλήλοισι. Περσέων μέν νυν οἱ λόγιοι Φοίνικας αἰτίους φασὶ γενέσθαι τῆς διαφορῆς. τούτους γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐρυθρῆς καλεομένης θαλάσσης ἀπικομένους ἐπὶ τήνδε τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ οἰκήσαντας τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον τὸν καὶ νῦν οἰκέουσι, αὐτίκα ναυτιλίῃσι μακρῇσι ἐπιθέσθαι, ἀπαγινέοντας δὲ φορτία Αἰγύπτιά τε καὶ Ἀσσύρια τῇ τε ἄλλῃ ἐσαπικνέεσθαι καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Ἄργος. τὸ δὲ Ἄργος τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον προεῖχε ἅπασι τῶν ἐν τῇ νῦν Ἑλλάδι καλεομένῃ χωρῇ. ἀπικομένους δὲ τούς Φοίνικας ἐς δὴ τὸ Ἄργος τοῦτο διατίθεσθαι τὸν φόρτον. πέμπτῃ δὲ ἢ ἕκτῃ ἡμέρῃ ἀπʼ ἧς ἀπίκοντο, ἐξεμπολημένων σφι σχεδόν πάντων, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν γυναῖκας ἄλλας τε πολλάς καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέος θυγατέρα· τὸ δέ οἱ οὔνομα εἶναι, κατὰ τὠυτὸ τὸ καὶ Ἕλληνές λέγουσι, Ἰοῦν τὴν Ἰνάχου· ταύτας στάσας κατά πρύμνην τῆς νεὸς ὠνέεσθαι τῶν φορτίων τῶν σφι ἦν θυμός μάλιστα· καὶ τοὺς Φοίνικας διακελευσαμένους ὁρμῆσαι ἐπʼ αὐτάς. τὰς μὲν δὴ πλεῦνας τῶν γυναικῶν ἀποφυγεῖν, τὴν δὲ Ἰοῦν σὺν ἄλλῃσι ἁρπασθῆναι. ἐσβαλομένους δὲ ἐς τὴν νέα οἴχεσθαι ἀποπλέοντας ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου. 1.32. Σόλων μὲν δὴ εὐδαιμονίης δευτερεῖα ἔνεμε τούτοισι, Κροῖσος δὲ σπερχθεὶς εἶπε “ὦ ξεῖνε Ἀθηναῖε, ἡ δʼ ἡμετέρη εὐδαιμονίη οὕτω τοι ἀπέρριπται ἐς τὸ μηδὲν ὥστε οὐδὲ ἰδιωτέων ἀνδρῶν ἀξίους ἡμέας ἐποίησας;” ὁ δὲ εἶπε “ὦ Κροῖσε, ἐπιστάμενόν με τὸ θεῖον πᾶν ἐὸν φθονερόν τε καὶ ταραχῶδες ἐπειρωτᾷς ἀνθρωπηίων πρηγμάτων πέρι. ἐν γὰρ τῷ μακρῷ χρόνῳ πολλὰ μὲν ἐστὶ ἰδεῖν τὰ μή τις ἐθέλει, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ παθεῖν. ἐς γὰρ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτεα οὖρον τῆς ζόης ἀνθρώπῳ προτίθημι. οὗτοι ἐόντες ἐνιαυτοὶ ἑβδομήκοντα παρέχονται ἡμέρας διηκοσίας καὶ πεντακισχιλίας καὶ δισμυρίας, ἐμβολίμου μηνὸς μὴ γινομένου· εἰ δὲ δὴ ἐθελήσει τοὔτερον τῶν ἐτέων μηνὶ μακρότερον γίνεσθαι, ἵνα δὴ αἱ ὧραι συμβαίνωσι παραγινόμεναι ἐς τὸ δέον, μῆνες μὲν παρὰ τὰ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτεα οἱ ἐμβόλιμοι γίνονται τριήκοντα πέντε, ἡμέραι δὲ ἐκ τῶν μηνῶν τούτων χίλιαι πεντήκοντα. τουτέων τῶν ἁπασέων ἡμερέων τῶν ἐς τὰ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτεα, ἐουσέων πεντήκοντα καὶ διηκοσιέων καὶ ἑξακισχιλιέων καὶ δισμυριέων, ἡ ἑτέρη αὐτέων τῇ ἑτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲν ὅμοιον προσάγει πρῆγμα. οὕτω ὦν Κροῖσε πᾶν ἐστὶ ἄνθρωπος συμφορή. ἐμοὶ δὲ σὺ καὶ πλουτέειν μέγα φαίνεαι καὶ βασιλεὺς πολλῶν εἶναι ἀνθρώπων· ἐκεῖνο δὲ τὸ εἴρεό με, οὔκω σε ἐγὼ λέγω, πρὶν τελευτήσαντα καλῶς τὸν αἰῶνα πύθωμαι. οὐ γάρ τι ὁ μέγα πλούσιος μᾶλλον τοῦ ἐπʼ ἡμέρην ἔχοντος ὀλβιώτερος ἐστί, εἰ μή οἱ τύχη ἐπίσποιτο πάντα καλὰ ἔχοντα εὖ τελευτῆσαὶ τὸν βίον. πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ ζάπλουτοι ἀνθρώπων ἀνόλβιοι εἰσί, πολλοὶ δὲ μετρίως ἔχοντες βίου εὐτυχέες. ὁ μὲν δὴ μέγα πλούσιος ἀνόλβιος δὲ δυοῖσι προέχει τοῦ εὐτυχέος μοῦνον, οὗτος δὲ τοῦ πλουσίου καὶ ἀνόλβου πολλοῖσι· ὃ μὲν ἐπιθυμίην ἐκτελέσαι καί ἄτην μεγάλην προσπεσοῦσαν ἐνεῖκαι δυνατώτερος, ὁ δὲ τοῖσιδε προέχει ἐκείνου· ἄτην μὲν καὶ ἐπιθυμίην οὐκ ὁμοίως δυνατὸς ἐκείνῳ ἐνεῖκαι, ταῦτα δὲ ἡ εὐτυχίη οἱ ἀπερύκει, ἄπηρος δὲ ἐστί, ἄνουσος, ἀπαθὴς κακῶν, εὔπαις, εὐειδής. εἰ δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι τελευτήσῃ τὸν βίον εὖ, οὗτος ἐκεῖνος τὸν σὺ ζητέεις, ὁ ὄλβιος κεκλῆσθαι ἄξιος ἐστί· πρὶν δʼ ἂν τελευτήσῃ, ἐπισχεῖν, μηδὲ καλέειν κω ὄλβιον ἀλλʼ εὐτυχέα. τὰ πάντα μέν νυν ταῦτα συλλαβεῖν ἄνθρωπον ἐόντα ἀδύνατον ἐστί, ὥσπερ χωρῇ οὐδεμία καταρκέει πάντα ἑωυτῇ παρέχουσα, ἀλλὰ ἄλλο μὲν ἔχει ἑτέρου δὲ ἐπιδέεται· ἣ δὲ ἂν τὰ πλεῖστα ἔχῃ, αὕτη ἀρίστη. ὣς δὲ καὶ ἀνθρώπου σῶμα ἓν οὐδὲν αὔταρκες ἐστί· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἔχει, ἄλλου δὲ ἐνδεές ἐστι· ὃς δʼ ἂν αὐτῶν πλεῖστα ἔχων διατελέῃ καὶ ἔπειτα τελευτήσῃ εὐχαρίστως τὸν βίον, οὗτος παρʼ ἐμοὶ τὸ οὔνομα τοῦτο ὦ βασιλεῦ δίκαιος ἐστὶ φέρεσθαι. σκοπέειν δὲ χρὴ παντὸς χρήματος τὴν τελευτήν, κῇ ἀποβήσεται· πολλοῖσι γὰρ δὴ ὑποδέξας ὄλβον ὁ θεὸς προρρίζους ἀνέτρεψε.” 1.139. καὶ τόδε ἄλλο σφι ὧδε συμπέπτωκε γίνεσθαι, τὸ Πέρσας μὲν αὐτοὺς λέληθε, ἡμέας μέντοι οὔ· τὰ οὐνόματά σφι ἐόντα ὅμοια τοῖσι σώμασι καὶ τῇ μεγαλοπρεπείῃ τελευτῶσι πάντα ἐς τὠυτὸ γράμμα, τὸ Δωριέες μὲν σὰν καλέουσι, Ἴωνες δὲ σίγμα· ἐς τοῦτο διζήμενος εὑρήσεις τελευτῶντα τῶν Περσέων τὰ οὐνόματα, οὐ τὰ μὲν τὰ δʼ οὔ, ἀλλὰ πάντα ὁμοίως. 3.23. ἀντειρομένων δὲ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Ἰχθυοφάγων τῆς ζόης καὶ διαίτης πέρι, ἔτεα μὲν ἐς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν τοὺς πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀπικνέεσθαι, ὑπερβάλλειν δὲ τινὰς καὶ ταῦτα, σίτησιν δὲ εἶναι κρέα τε ἑφθὰ καὶ πόμα γάλα. θῶμα δὲ ποιευμένων τῶν κατασκόπων περὶ τῶν ἐτέων, ἐπὶ κρήνην σφι ἡγήσασθαι, ἀπʼ ἧς λουόμενοι λιπαρώτεροι ἐγίνοντο, κατά περ εἰ ἐλαίου εἴη· ὄζειν δὲ ἀπʼ αὐτῆς ὡς εἰ ἴων. ἀσθενὲς δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ τῆς κρήνης ταύτης οὕτω δή τι ἔλεγον εἶναι οἱ κατάσκοποι ὥστε μηδὲν οἷόν τʼ εἶναι ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ ἐπιπλέειν, μήτε ξύλον μήτε τῶν ὅσα ξύλου ἐστὶ ἐλαφρότερα, ἀλλὰ πάντα σφέα χωρέειν ἐς βυσσόν. τὸ δὲ ὕδωρ τοῦτο εἴ σφι ἐστὶ ἀληθέως οἷόν τι λέγεται, διὰ τοῦτο ἂν εἶεν, τούτῳ τὰ πάντα χρεώμενοι, μακρόβιοι. ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης δὲ ἀπαλλασσομένων, ἀγαγεῖν σφεας ἐς δεσμωτήριον ἀνδρῶν, ἔνθα τοὺς πάντας ἐν πέδῃσι χρυσέῃσι δεδέσθαι. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τούτοισι τοῖσι Αἰθίοψι πάντων ὁ χαλκὸς σπανιώτατον καὶ τιμιώτατον. θεησάμενοι δὲ καὶ τὸ δεσμωτήριον, ἐθεήσαντο καὶ τὴν τοῦ ἡλίου λεγομένην τράπεζαν. 3.24. μετὰ δὲ ταύτην τελευταίας ἐθεήσαντο τὰς θήκας αὐτῶν, αἳ λέγονται σκευάζεσθαι ἐξ ὑέλου τρόπῳ τοιῷδε· ἐπεὰν τὸν νεκρὸν ἰσχνήνωσι, εἴτε δὴ κατά περ Αἰγύπτιοι εἴτε ἄλλως κως, γυψώσαντες ἅπαντα αὐτὸν γραφῇ κοσμέουσι, ἐξομοιεῦντες τὸ εἶδος ἐς τὸ δυνατόν, ἔπειτα δέ οἱ περιιστᾶσι στήλην ἐξ ὑέλου πεποιημένην κοίλην· ἣ δέ σφι πολλὴ καὶ εὐεργὸς ὀρύσσεται. ἐν μέσῃ δὲ τῇ στήλῃ ἐνεὼν διαφαίνεται ὁ νέκυς, οὔτε ὀδμὴν οὐδεμίαν ἄχαριν παρεχόμενος οὔτε ἄλλο ἀεικὲς οὐδέν, καὶ ἔχει πάντα φανερὰ ὁμοίως αὐτῷ τῷ νέκυϊ. ἐνιαυτὸν μὲν δὴ ἔχουσι τὴν στήλην ἐν τοῖσι οἰκίοισι οἱ μάλιστα προσήκοντες, πάντων ἀπαρχόμενοι καὶ θυσίας οἱ προσάγοντες· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐκκομίσαντες ἱστᾶσι περὶ τὴν πόλιν. 3.56. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δέ, ὥς σφι τεσσεράκοντα ἐγεγόνεσαν ἡμέραι πολιορκέουσι Σάμον ἐς τὸ πρόσω τε οὐδὲν προεκόπτετο τῶν πρηγμάτων, ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς Πελοπόννησον. ὡς δὲ ὁ ματαιότερος λόγος ὅρμηται, λέγεται Πολυκράτεα ἐπιχώριον νόμισμα κόψαντα πολλὸν μολύβδου καταχρυσώσαντα δοῦναί σφι, τοὺς δὲ δεξαμένους οὕτω δὴ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι. ταύτην πρώτην στρατηίην ἐς τὴν Ἀσίην Λακεδαιμόνιοι Δωριέες ἐποιήσαντο. 4.173. Νασαμῶσι δὲ προσόμουροι εἰσὶ Ψύλλοι. οὗτοι ἐξαπολώλασι τρόπῳ τοιῷδε· ὁ νότος σφι πνέων ἄνεμος τὰ ἔλυτρα τῶν ὑδάτων ἐξηύηνε, ἡ δὲ χώρη σφι ἅπασα ἐντὸς ἐοῦσα τῆς Σύρτιος ἦν ἄνυδρος. οἳ δὲ βουλευσάμενοι κοινῷ λόγῳ ἐστρατεύοντο ἐπὶ τὸν νότον ʽλέγω δὲ ταῦτα τὰ λέγουσι Λίβυεσ̓, καὶ ἐπείτε ἐγίνοντο ἐν τῇ ψάμμῳ, πνεύσας ὁ νότος κατέχωσε σφέας. ἐξαπολομένων δὲ τούτων ἔχουσι τὴν χώρην οἱ Νασαμῶνες. 5.63. ὡς ὦν δὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι λέγουσι, οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐν Δελφοῖσι κατήμενοι ἀνέπειθον τὴν Πυθίην χρήμασι, ὅκως ἔλθοιεν Σπαρτιητέων ἄνδρες εἴτε ἰδίῳ στόλῳ εἴτε δημοσίῳ χρησόμενοι, προφέρειν σφι τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐλευθεροῦν. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δέ, ὥς σφι αἰεὶ τὠυτὸ πρόφαντον ἐγίνετο, πέμπουσι Ἀγχιμόλιον τὸν Ἀστέρος, ἐόντα τῶν ἀστῶν ἄνδρα δόκιμον, σὺν στρατῷ ἐξελῶντα Πεισιστρατίδας ἐξ Ἀθηνέων ὅμως καὶ ξεινίους σφι ἐόντας τὰ μάλιστα· τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρεσβύτερα ἐποιεῦντο ἢ τὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν· πέμπουσι δὲ τούτους κατὰ θάλασσαν πλοίοισι. ὃ μὲν δὴ προσσχὼν ἐς Φάληρον τὴν στρατιὴν ἀπέβησε, οἱ δὲ Πεισιστρατίδαι προπυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα ἐπεκαλέοντο ἐκ Θεσσαλίης ἐπικουρίην· ἐπεποίητο γάρ σφι συμμαχίη πρὸς αὐτούς. Θεσσαλοὶ δέ σφι δεομένοισι ἀπέπεμψαν κοινῇ γνώμῃ χρεώμενοι χιλίην τε ἵππον καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τὸν σφέτερον Κινέην ἄνδρα Κονιαῖον· τοὺς ἐπείτε ἔσχον συμμάχους οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι, ἐμηχανῶντο τοιάδε· κείραντες τῶν Φαληρέων τὸ πεδίον καὶ ἱππάσιμον ποιήσαντες τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον ἐπῆκαν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν ἵππον· ἐμπεσοῦσα δὲ διέφθειρε ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν Ἀγχιμόλιον· τοὺς δὲ περιγενομένους αὐτῶν ἐς τὰς νέας κατεῖρξαν. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρῶτος στόλος ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος οὕτω ἀπήλλαξε, καὶ Ἀγχιμολίου εἰσὶ ταφαὶ τῆς Ἀττικῆς Ἀλωπεκῆσι, ἀγχοῦ τοῦ Ἡρακλείου τοῦ ἐν Κυνοσάργεϊ. 5.90. ἐς τιμωρίην δὲ παρασκευαζομένοισι αὐτοῖσι ἐκ Λακεδαιμονίων πρῆγμα ἐγειρόμενον ἐμπόδιον ἐγένετο. πυθόμενοι γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ ἐκ τῶν Ἀλκμεωνιδέων ἐς τὴν Πυθίην μεμηχανημένα καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῆς Πυθίης ἐπὶ σφέας τε καὶ τοὺς Πεισιστρατίδας συμφορὴν ἐποιεῦντο διπλῆν, ὅτι τε ἄνδρας ξείνους σφίσι ἐόντας ἐξεληλάκεσαν ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνων, καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα ποιήσασι χάρις οὐδεμία ἐφαίνετο πρὸς Ἀθηναίων. ἔτι τε πρὸς τούτοισι ἐνῆγον σφέας οἱ χρησμοὶ λέγοντες πολλά τε καὶ ἀνάρσια ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖσι ἐξ Ἀθηναίων, τῶν πρότερον μὲν ἦσαν ἀδαέες, τότε δὲ Κλεομένεος κομίσαντος ἐς Σπάρτην ἐξέμαθον. ἐκτήσατο δὲ ὁ Κλεομένης ἐκ τῆς Ἀθηναίων ἀκροπόλιος τοὺς χρησμούς, τοὺς ἔκτηντο μὲν πρότερον οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι, ἐξελαυνόμενοι δὲ ἔλιπον ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ, καταλειφθέντας δὲ ὁ Κλεομένης ἀνέλαβε. 6.35. ἐν δὲ τῇσι Ἀθήνῃσι τηνικαῦτα εἶχε μὲν τὸ πᾶν κράτος Πεισίστρατος, ἀτὰρ ἐδυνάστευέ γε καὶ Μιλτιάδης ὁ Κυψέλου ἐὼν οἰκίης τεθριπποτρόφου, τὰ μὲν ἀνέκαθεν ἀπʼ Αἰακοῦ τε καὶ Αἰγίνης γεγονώς, τὰ δὲ νεώτερα Ἀθηναῖος, Φιλαίου τοῦ Αἴαντος παιδὸς γενομένου πρώτου τῆς οἰκίης ταύτης Ἀθηναίου. οὗτος ὁ Μιλτιάδης κατήμενος ἐν τοῖσι προθύροισι τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ, ὁρέων τοὺς Δολόγκους παριόντας ἐσθῆτα ἔχοντας οὐκ ἐγχωρίην καὶ αἰχμὰς προσεβώσατο καί σφι προσελθοῦσι ἐπηγγείλατο καταγωγὴν καὶ ξείνια. οἳ δὲ δεξάμενοι καὶ ξεινισθέντες ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ ἐξέφαινον πᾶν τὸ μαντήιον, ἐκφήναντες δὲ ἐδέοντο αὐτοῦ τῷ θεῷ μιν πείθεσθαι. Μιλτιάδεα δὲ ἀκούσαντα παραυτίκα ἔπεισε ὁ λόγος οἷα ἀχθόμενόν τε τῇ Πεισιστράτου ἀρχῇ καὶ βουλόμενον ἐκποδὼν εἶναι. αὐτίκα δὲ ἐστάλη ἐς Δελφούς, ἐπειρησόμενος τὸ χρηστήριον εἰ ποιοίη τά περ αὐτοῦ οἱ Δόλογκοι προσεδέοντο. 6.65. ὁρμηθεὶς ὦν ἀποτίνυσθαι ὁ Κλεομένης συντίθεται Λευτυχίδῃ τῷ Μενάρεος τοῦ Ἄγιος, ἐόντι οἰκίης τῆς αὐτῆς Δημαρήτῳ, ἐπʼ ᾧ τε, ἢν αὐτὸν καταστήσῃ βασιλέα ἀντὶ Δημαρήτου, ἕψεταί οἱ ἐπʼ Αἰγινήτας. ὁ δὲ Λευτυχίδης ἦν ἐχθρὸς τῷ Δημαρήτῳ μάλιστα γεγονὼς διὰ πρῆγμα τοιόνδε· ἁρμοσαμένου Λευτυχίδεω Πέρκαλον τὴν Χίλωνος τοῦ Δημαρμένου θυγατέρα, ὁ Δημάρητος ἐπιβουλεύσας ἀποστερέει Λευτυχίδεα τοῦ γάμου, φθάσας αὐτὸς τὴν Πέρκαλον ἁρπάσας καὶ σχὼν γυναῖκα. κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν τῷ Λευτυχίδῃ ἡ ἔχθρη ἡ ἐς τὸν Δημάρητον ἐγεγόνεε, τότε δὲ ἐκ τῆς Κλεομένεος προθυμίης ὁ Λευτυχίδης κατόμνυται Δημαρήτῳ, φὰς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἱκνεομένως βασιλεύειν Σπαρτιητέων οὐκ ἐόντα παῖδα Ἀρίστωνος· μετὰ δὲ τὴν κατωμοσίην ἐδίωκε, ἀνασώζων ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔπος τὸ εἶπε Ἀρίστων τότε ὅτε οἱ ἐξήγγειλε ὁ οἰκέτης παῖδα γεγονέναι, ὁ δὲ συμβαλόμενος τοὺς μῆνας ἀπώμοσε φὰς οὐκ ἑωυτοῦ μιν εἶναι. τούτου δὴ ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ ῥήματος ὁ Λευτυχίδης ἀπέφαινε τὸν Δημάρητον οὔτε ἐξ Ἀρίστωνος γεγονότα οὔτε ἱκνευμένως βασιλεύοντα Σπάρτης, τοὺς ἐφόρους μάρτυρας παρεχόμενος κείνους οἳ τότε ἐτύγχανον πάρεδροί τε ἐόντες καὶ ἀκούσαντες ταῦτα Ἀρίστωνος. 6.66. τέλος δὲ ἐόντων περὶ αὐτῶν νεικέων, ἔδοξε Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἐπειρέσθαι τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι εἰ Ἀρίστωνος εἴη παῖς ὁ Δημάρητος. ἀνοίστου δὲ γενομένου ἐκ προνοίης τῆς Κλεομένεος ἐς τὴν Πυθίην, ἐνθαῦτα προσποιέεται Κλεομένης Κόβωνα τὸν Ἀριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν Δελφοῖσι δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον, ὁ δὲ Κόβων Περίαλλαν τὴν πρόμαντιν ἀναπείθει τὰ Κλεομένης ἐβούλετο λέγεσθαι λέγειν. οὕτω δὴ ἡ Πυθίη ἐπειρωτώντων τῶν θεοπρόπων ἔκρινε μὴ Ἀρίστωνος εἶναι Δημάρητον παῖδα. ὑστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ ἀνάπυστα ἐγένετο ταῦτα, καὶ Κόβων τε ἔφυγε ἐκ Δελφῶν καὶ Περίαλλα ἡ πρόμαντις ἐπαύσθη τῆς τιμῆς. 6.103. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ὡς ἐπύθοντο ταῦτα, ἐβοήθεον καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐς τὸν Μαραθῶνα. ἦγον δὲ σφέας στρατηγοὶ δέκα, τῶν ὁ δέκατος ἦν Μιλτιάδης· τοῦ τὸν πατέρα Κίμωνα τὸν Στησαγόρεω κατέλαβε φυγεῖν ἐξ Ἀθηνέων Πεισίστρατον τὸν Ἱπποκράτεος. καὶ αὐτῷ φεύγοντι Ὀλυμπιάδα ἀνελέσθαι τεθρίππῳ συνέβη, καὶ ταύτην μὲν τὴν νίκην ἀνελόμενόν μιν τὠυτὸ ἐξενείκασθαι τῷ ὁμομητρίῳ ἀδελφεῷ Μιλτιάδῃ· μετὰ δὲ τῇ ὑστέρῃ Ὀλυμπιάδι τῇσι αὐτῇσι ἵπποισι νικῶν παραδιδοῖ Πεισιστράτῳ ἀνακηρυχθῆναι, καὶ τὴν νίκην παρεὶς τούτῳ κατῆλθε ἐπὶ τὰ ἑωυτοῦ ὑπόσπονδος. καί μιν ἀνελόμενον τῇσι αὐτῇσι ἵπποισι ἄλλην Ὀλυμπιάδα κατέλαβε ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν Πεισιστράτου παίδων, οὐκέτι περιεόντος αὐτοῦ Πεισιστράτου· κτείνουσι δὲ οὗτοί μιν κατὰ τὸ πρυτανήιον νυκτὸς ὑπείσαντες ἄνδρας. τέθαπται δὲ Κίμων πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος, πέρην τῆς διὰ Κοίλης καλεομένης ὁδοῦ· καταντίον δʼ αὐτοῦ αἱ ἵπποι τεθάφαται αὗται αἱ τρεῖς Ὀλυμπιάδας ἀνελόμεναι. ἐποίησαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι ἵπποι ἤδη τὠυτὸ τοῦτο Εὐαγόρεω Λάκωνος, πλέω δὲ τουτέων οὐδαμαί. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρεσβύτερος τῶν παίδων τῷ Κίμωνι Στησαγόρης ἦν τηνικαῦτα παρὰ τῷ πάτρῳ Μιλτιάδῃ τρεφόμενος ἐν τῇ Χερσονήσῳ, ὁ δὲ νεώτερος παρʼ αὐτῷ Κίμωνι ἐν Ἀθήνῃσι, οὔνομα ἔχων ἀπὸ τοῦ οἰκιστέω τῆς Χερσονήσου Μιλτιάδεω Μιλτιάδης. 6.104. οὗτος δὴ ὦν τότε ὁ Μιλτιάδης ἥκων ἐκ τῆς Χερσονήσου καὶ ἐκπεφευγὼς διπλόον θάνατον ἐστρατήγεε Ἀθηναίων. ἅμα μὲν γὰρ οἱ Φοίνικες αὐτὸν οἱ ἐπιδιώξαντες μέχρι Ἴμβρου περὶ πολλοῦ ἐποιεῦντο λαβεῖν τε καὶ ἀναγαγεῖν παρὰ βασιλέα· ἅμα δὲ ἐκφυγόντα τε τούτους καὶ ἀπικόμενον ἐς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ δοκέοντά τε εἶναι ἐν σωτηρίῃ ἤδη, τὸ ἐνθεῦτέν μιν οἱ ἐχθροὶ ὑποδεξάμενοι ὑπὸ δικαστήριον αὐτὸν ἀγαγόντες ἐδίωξαν τυραννίδος τῆς ἐν Χερσονήσῳ. ἀποφυγὼν δὲ καὶ τούτους στρατηγὸς οὕτω Ἀθηναίων ἀπεδέχθη, αἱρεθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου. 6.109. τοῖσι δὲ Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοῖσι ἐγίνοντο δίχα αἱ γνῶμαι, τῶν μὲν οὐκ ἐώντων συμβαλεῖν ʽὀλίγους γὰρ εἶναι στρατιῇ τῇ Μήδων συμβάλλειν’ τῶν δὲ καὶ Μιλτιάδεω κελευόντων. ὡς δὲ δίχα τε ἐγίνοντο καὶ ἐνίκα ἡ χείρων τῶν γνωμέων, ἐνθαῦτα, ἦν γὰρ ἑνδέκατος ψηφιδοφόρος ὁ τῷ κυάμῳ λαχὼν Ἀθηναίων πολεμαρχέειν ʽτὸ Παλαιὸν γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι ὁμόψηφον τὸν πολέμαρχον ἐποιεῦντο τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσἰ, ἦν δὲ τότε πολέμαρχος Καλλίμαχος Ἀφιδναῖος· πρὸς τοῦτον ἐλθὼν Μιλτιάδης ἔλεγε τάδε. “ἐν σοὶ νῦν Καλλίμαχε ἐστὶ ἢ καταδουλῶσαι Ἀθήνας ἢ ἐλευθέρας ποιήσαντα μνημόσυνα λιπέσθαι ἐς τὸν ἅπαντα ἀνθρώπων βίον οἷα οὐδὲ Ἁρμόδιός τε καὶ Ἀριστογείτων λείπουσι. νῦν γὰρ δὴ ἐξ οὗ ἐγένοντο Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς κίνδυνον ἥκουσι μέγιστον, καὶ ἢν μέν γε ὑποκύψωσι τοῖσι Μήδοισι, δέδοκται τὰ πείσονται παραδεδομένοι Ἱππίῃ, ἢν δὲ περιγένηται αὕτη ἡ πόλις, οἵη τε ἐστὶ πρώτη τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πολίων γενέσθαι. κῶς ὦν δὴ ταῦτα οἷά τε ἐστὶ γενέσθαι, καὶ κῶς ἐς σέ τοι τούτων ἀνήκει τῶν πρηγμάτων τὸ κῦρος ἔχειν, νῦν ἔρχομαι φράσων. ἡμέων τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐόντων δέκα δίχα γίνονται αἱ γνῶμαι, τῶν μὲν κελευόντων τῶν δὲ οὒ συμβάλλειν. ἢν μέν νυν μὴ συμβάλωμεν, ἔλπομαι τινὰ στάσιν μεγάλην διασείσειν ἐμπεσοῦσαν τὰ Ἀθηναίων φρονήματα ὥστε μηδίσαι· ἢν δὲ συμβάλωμεν πρίν τι καὶ σαθρὸν Ἀθηναίων μετεξετέροισι ἐγγενέσθαι, θεῶν τὰ ἴσα νεμόντων οἷοί τε εἰμὲν περιγενέσθαι τῇ συμβολῇ. ταῦτα ὦν πάντα ἐς σὲ νῦν τείνει καὶ ἐκ σέο ἤρτηται. ἢν γὰρ σὺ γνώμῃ τῇ ἐμῇ προσθῇ, ἔστι τοι πατρίς τε ἐλευθέρη καὶ πόλις πρώτη τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι· ἢν δὲ τὴν τῶν ἀποσπευδόντων τὴν συμβολὴν ἕλῃ, ὑπάρξει τοι τῶν ἐγὼ κατέλεξα ἀγαθῶν τὰ ἐναντία.” 6.110. ταῦτα λέγων ὁ Μιλτιάδης προσκτᾶται τὸν Καλλίμαχον· προσγενομένης δὲ τοῦ πολεμάρχου τῆς γνώμης ἐκεκύρωτο συμβάλλειν. μετὰ δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν ἡ γνώμη ἔφερε συμβάλλειν, ὡς ἑκάστου αὐτῶν ἐγίνετο πρυτανηίη τῆς ἡμέρης, Μιλτιάδῃ παρεδίδοσαν· ὁ δὲ δεκόμενος οὔτι κω συμβολὴν ἐποιέετο, πρίν γε δὴ αὐτοῦ πρυτανηίη ἐγένετο. 6.136. παρίοισι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἡ Πυθίη ἔχρησε· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἐκ Πάρου Μιλτιάδεα ἀπονοστήσαντα ἔσχον ἐν στόμασι οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ μάλιστα Ξάνθιππος ὁ Ἀρίφρονος, ὃς θανάτου ὑπαγαγὼν ὑπὸ τὸν δῆμον Μιλτιάδεα ἐδίωκε τῆς Ἀθηναίων ἀπάτης εἵνεκεν. Μιλτιάδης δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν παρεὼν οὐκ ἀπελογέετο· ἦν γὰρ ἀδύνατος ὥστε σηπομένου τοῦ μηροῦ· προκειμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν κλίνῃ ὑπεραπελογέοντο οἱ φίλοι, τῆς μάχης τε τῆς ἐν Μαραθῶνι γενομένης πολλὰ ἐπιμεμνημένοι καὶ τὴν Λήμνου αἵρεσιν, ὡς ἑλὼν Λῆμνόν τε καὶ τισάμενος τοὺς Πελασγοὺς παρέδωκε Ἀθηναίοισι. προσγενομένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ἀπόλυσιν τοῦ θανάτου, ζημιώσαντος δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀδικίην πεντήκοντα ταλάντοισι, Μιλτιάδης μὲν μετὰ ταῦτα σφακελίσαντός τε τοῦ μηροῦ καὶ σαπέντος τελευτᾷ, τὰ δὲ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα ἐξέτισε ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ Κίμων. 8.79. συνεστηκότων δὲ τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐξ Αἰγίνης διέβη Ἀριστείδης ὁ Λυσιμάχου, ἀνὴρ Ἀθηναῖος μὲν ἐξωστρακισμένος δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου· τὸν ἐγὼ νενόμικα, πυνθανόμενος αὐτοῦ τὸν τρόπον, ἄριστον ἄνδρα γενέσθαι ἐν Ἀθήνῃσι καὶ δικαιότατον. οὗτος ὡνὴρ στὰς ἐπὶ τὸ συνέδριον ἐξεκαλέετο Θεμιστοκλέα, ἐόντα μὲν ἑωυτῷ οὐ φίλον ἐχθρὸν δὲ τὰ μάλιστα· ὑπὸ δὲ μεγάθεος τῶν παρεόντων κακῶν λήθην ἐκείνων ποιεύμενος ἐξεκαλέετο, θέλων αὐτῷ συμμῖξαι· προακηκόεε δὲ ὅτι σπεύδοιεν οἱ ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου ἀνάγειν τὰς νέας πρὸς τὸν Ἰσθμόν. ὡς δὲ ἐξῆλθέ οἱ Θεμιστοκλέης, ἔλεγε Ἀριστείδης τάδε. “ἡμέας στασιάζειν χρεόν ἐστι ἔν τε τῷ ἄλλῳ καιρῷ καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐν τῷδε περὶ τοῦ ὁκότερος ἡμέων πλέω ἀγαθὰ τὴν πατρίδα ἐργάσεται. λέγω δέ τοι ὅτι ἴσον ἐστὶ πολλά τε καὶ ὀλίγα λέγειν περὶ ἀποπλόου τοῦ ἐνθεῦτεν Πελοποννησίοισι. ἐγὼ γὰρ αὐτόπτης τοι λέγω γενόμενος ὅτι νῦν οὐδʼ ἢν θέλωσι Κορίνθιοί τε καὶ αὐτὸς Εὐρυβιάδης οἷοί τε ἔσονται ἐκπλῶσαι· περιεχόμεθα γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων κύκλῳ. ἀλλʼ ἐσελθών σφι ταῦτα σήμηνον.” ὃ δʼ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. 8.106. ὡς δὲ τὸ στράτευμα τὸ Περσικὸν ὅρμα βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐὼν ἐν Σάρδισι, ἐνθαῦτα καταβὰς κατὰ δή τι πρῆγμα ὁ Ἑρμότιμος ἐς γῆν τὴν Μυσίην, τὴν Χῖοι μὲν νέμονται Ἀταρνεὺς δὲ καλέεται, εὑρίσκει τὸν Πανιώνιον ἐνθαῦτα. ἐπιγνοὺς δὲ ἔλεγε πρὸς αὐτὸν πολλοὺς καὶ φιλίους λόγους, πρῶτα μέν οἱ καταλέγων ὅσα αὐτὸς διʼ ἐκεῖνον ἔχοι ἀγαθά, δεύτερα δέ οἱ ὑπισχνεύμενος ἀντὶ τούτων ὅσα μιν ἀγαθὰ ποιήσει ἢν κομίσας τοὺς οἰκέτας οἰκέῃ ἐκείνῃ, ὥστε ὑποδεξάμενον ἄσμενον τοὺς λόγους τὸν Πανιώνιον κομίσαι τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα. ὡς δὲ ἄρα πανοικίῃ μιν περιέλαβε, ἔλεγε ὁ Ἑρμότιμος τάδε. “ὦ πάντων ἀνδρῶν ἤδη μάλιστα ἀπʼ ἔργων ἀνοσιωτάτων τὸν βίον κτησάμενε, τί σε ἐγὼ κακὸν ἢ αὐτὸς ἢ τῶν ἐμῶν τίς σε προγόνων ἐργάσατο, ἢ σὲ ἢ τῶν σῶν τινα, ὅτι με ἀντʼ ἀνδρὸς ἐποίησας τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι; ἐδόκεές τε θεοὺς λήσειν οἷα ἐμηχανῶ τότε· οἳ σε ποιήσαντα ἀνόσια, νόμῳ δικαίῳ χρεώμενοι, ὑπήγαγον ἐς χεῖρας τὰς ἐμάς, ὥστε σε μὴ μέμψασθαι τὴν ἀπʼ ἐμέο τοι ἐσομένην δίκην.” ὡς δέ οἱ ταῦτα ὠνείδισε, ἀχθέντων τῶν παίδων ἐς ὄψιν ἠναγκάζετο ὁ Πανιώνιος τῶν ἑωυτοῦ παίδων τεσσέρων ἐόντων τὰ αἰδοῖα ἀποτάμνειν, ἀναγκαζόμενος δὲ ἐποίεε ταῦτα· αὐτοῦ τε, ὡς ταῦτα ἐργάσατο, οἱ παῖδες ἀναγκαζόμενοι ἀπέταμνον. Πανιώνιον μέν νυν οὕτω περιῆλθε ἥ τε τίσις καὶ Ἑρμότιμος. 8.111. οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες, ἐπείτε σφι ἀπέδοξε μήτʼ ἐπιδιώκειν ἔτι προσωτέρω τῶν βαρβάρων τὰς νέας μήτε πλέειν ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον λύσοντας τὸν πόρον, τὴν Ἄνδρον περικατέατο ἐξελεῖν ἐθέλοντες. πρῶτοι γὰρ Ἄνδριοι νησιωτέων αἰτηθέντες πρὸς Θεμιστοκλέος χρήματα οὐκ ἔδοσαν, ἀλλὰ προϊσχομένου Θεμιστοκλέος λόγον τόνδε, ὡς ἥκοιεν Ἀθηναῖοι περὶ ἑωυτοὺς ἔχοντες δύο θεοὺς μεγάλους, πειθώ τε καὶ ἀναγκαίην, οὕτω τέ σφι κάρτα δοτέα εἶναι χρήματα, ὑπεκρίναντο πρὸς ταῦτα λέγοντες ὡς κατὰ λόγον ἦσαν ἄρα αἱ Ἀθῆναι μεγάλαι τε καὶ εὐδαίμονες, αἳ καὶ θεῶν χρηστῶν ἥκοιεν εὖ, ἐπεὶ Ἀνδρίους γε εἶναι γεωπείνας ἐς τὰ μέγιστα ἀνήκοντας, καὶ θεοὺς δύο ἀχρήστους οὐκ ἐκλείπειν σφέων τὴν νῆσον ἀλλʼ αἰεὶ φιλοχωρέειν, πενίην τε καὶ ἀμηχανίην, καὶ τούτων τῶν θεῶν ἐπηβόλους ἐόντας Ἀνδρίους οὐ δώσειν χρήματα· οὐδέκοτε γὰρ τῆς ἑωυτῶν ἀδυναμίης τὴν Ἀθηναίων δύναμιν εἶναι κρέσσω. | 1.1. The Persian learned men say that the Phoenicians were the cause of the dispute. These (they say) came to our seas from the sea which is called Red, and having settled in the country which they still occupy, at once began to make long voyages. Among other places to which they carried Egyptian and Assyrian merchandise, they came to Argos, ,which was at that time preeminent in every way among the people of what is now called Hellas . The Phoenicians came to Argos, and set out their cargo. ,On the fifth or sixth day after their arrival, when their wares were almost all sold, many women came to the shore and among them especially the daughter of the king, whose name was Io (according to Persians and Greeks alike), the daughter of Inachus. ,As these stood about the stern of the ship bargaining for the wares they liked, the Phoenicians incited one another to set upon them. Most of the women escaped: Io and others were seized and thrown into the ship, which then sailed away for Egypt . 1.4.2. “We think,” they say, “that it is unjust to carry women off. But to be anxious to avenge rape is foolish: wise men take no notice of such things. For plainly the women would never have been carried away, had they not wanted it themselves. 1.30.2. After Solon had seen everything and had thought about it, Croesus found the opportunity to say, “My Athenian guest, we have heard a lot about you because of your wisdom and of your wanderings, how as one who loves learning you have traveled much of the world for the sake of seeing it, so now I desire to ask you who is the most fortunate man you have seen.” 1.30.3. Croesus asked this question believing that he was the most fortunate of men, but Solon, offering no flattery but keeping to the truth, said, “O King, it is Tellus the Athenian.” 1.30.4. Croesus was amazed at what he had said and replied sharply, “In what way do you judge Tellus to be the most fortunate?” Solon said, “Tellus was from a prosperous city, and his children were good and noble. He saw children born to them all, and all of these survived. His life was prosperous by our standards, and his death was most glorious: 1.32. Thus Solon granted second place in happiness to these men. Croesus was vexed and said, “My Athenian guest, do you so much despise our happiness that you do not even make us worth as much as common men?” Solon replied, “Croesus, you ask me about human affairs, and I know that the divine is entirely grudging and troublesome to us. ,In a long span of time it is possible to see many things that you do not want to, and to suffer them, too. I set the limit of a man's life at seventy years; ,these seventy years have twenty-five thousand, two hundred days, leaving out the intercalary month. But if you make every other year longer by one month, so that the seasons agree opportunely, then there are thirty-five intercalary months during the seventy years, and from these months there are one thousand fifty days. ,Out of all these days in the seventy years, all twenty-six thousand, two hundred and fifty of them, not one brings anything at all like another. So, Croesus, man is entirely chance. ,To me you seem to be very rich and to be king of many people, but I cannot answer your question before I learn that you ended your life well. The very rich man is not more fortunate than the man who has only his daily needs, unless he chances to end his life with all well. Many very rich men are unfortunate, many of moderate means are lucky. ,The man who is very rich but unfortunate surpasses the lucky man in only two ways, while the lucky surpasses the rich but unfortunate in many. The rich man is more capable of fulfilling his appetites and of bearing a great disaster that falls upon him, and it is in these ways that he surpasses the other. The lucky man is not so able to support disaster or appetite as is the rich man, but his luck keeps these things away from him, and he is free from deformity and disease, has no experience of evils, and has fine children and good looks. ,If besides all this he ends his life well, then he is the one whom you seek, the one worthy to be called fortunate. But refrain from calling him fortunate before he dies; call him lucky. ,It is impossible for one who is only human to obtain all these things at the same time, just as no land is self-sufficient in what it produces. Each country has one thing but lacks another; whichever has the most is the best. Just so no human being is self-sufficient; each person has one thing but lacks another. ,Whoever passes through life with the most and then dies agreeably is the one who, in my opinion, O King, deserves to bear this name. It is necessary to see how the end of every affair turns out, for the god promises fortune to many people and then utterly ruins them.” 1.32.1. Thus Solon granted second place in happiness to these men. Croesus was vexed and said, “My Athenian guest, do you so much despise our happiness that you do not even make us worth as much as common men?” Solon replied, “Croesus, you ask me about human affairs, and I know that the divine is entirely grudging and troublesome to us. 1.32.4. Out of all these days in the seventy years, all twenty-six thousand, two hundred and fifty of them, not one brings anything at all like another. So, Croesus, man is entirely chance. 1.32.9. Whoever passes through life with the most and then dies agreeably is the one who, in my opinion, O King, deserves to bear this name. It is necessary to see how the end of every affair turns out, for the god promises fortune to many people and then utterly ruins them.” 1.95.1. But the next business of my history is to inquire who this Cyrus was who took down the power of Croesus, and how the Persians came to be the rulers of Asia . I mean then to be guided in what I write by some of the Persians who desire not to magnify the story of Cyrus but to tell the truth, though there are no less than three other accounts of Cyrus which I could give. 1.139. There is another thing that always happens among them; we have noted it although the Persians have not: their names, which agree with the nature of their persons and their nobility, all end in the same letter, that which the Dorians call san, and the Ionians sigma; you will find, if you search, that not some but all Persian names alike end in this letter. 2.4.1. But as to human affairs, this was the account in which they all agreed: the Egyptians, they said, were the first men who reckoned by years and made the year consist of twelve divisions of the seasons. They discovered this from the stars (so they said). And their reckoning is, to my mind, a juster one than that of the Greeks; for the Greeks add an intercalary month every other year, so that the seasons agree; but the Egyptians, reckoning thirty days to each of the twelve months, add five days in every year over and above the total, and thus the completed circle of seasons is made to agree with the calendar. 2.123.1. These Egyptian stories are for the benefit of whoever believes such tales: my rule in this history is that I record what is said by all as I have heard it. The Egyptians say that Demeter and Dionysus are the rulers of the lower world. 3.23. The Fish-eaters then in turn asking of the Ethiopian length of life and diet, he said that most of them attained to a hundred and twenty years, and some even to more; their food was boiled meat and their drink milk. ,The spies showed wonder at the tale of years; whereupon he led them, it is said, to a spring, by washing in which they grew sleeker, as though it were of oil; and it smelled of violets. ,So light, the spies said, was this water, that nothing would float on it, neither wood nor anything lighter than wood, but all sank to the bottom. If this water is truly such as they say, it is likely that their constant use of it makes the people long-lived. ,When they left the spring, the king led them to a prison where all the men were bound with fetters of gold. Among these Ethiopians there is nothing so scarce and so precious as bronze. Then, having seen the prison, they saw what is called the Table of the Sun. 3.24. Last after this they viewed the Ethiopian coffins; these are said to be made of alabaster, as I shall describe: ,they cause the dead body to shrink, either as the Egyptians do or in some other way, then cover it with gypsum and paint it all as far as possible in the likeness of the living man; ,then they set it within a hollow pillar of alabaster, which they dig in abundance from the ground, and it is easily worked; the body can be seen in the pillar through the alabaster, no evil stench nor anything unpleasant proceeding from it, and showing clearly all its parts, as if it were the man himself. ,The nearest of kin keep the pillar in their house for a year, giving it of the first-fruits and offering it sacrifices; after which they bring the pillars out and set them round about the city. 3.56. So when the Lacedaemonians had besieged Samos for forty days with no success, they went away to the Peloponnesus . ,There is a foolish tale abroad that Polycrates bribed them to depart by making and giving them a great number of gilded lead coins, as a native currency. This was the first expedition to Asia made by Dorians of Lacedaemon . 4.173. On the borders of the Nasamones is the country of the Psylli, who perished in this way: the force of the south wind dried up their water-tanks, and all their country, lying in the region of the Syrtis, was waterless. After deliberating together, they marched south (I tell the story as it is told by the Libyans), and when they came into the sandy desert, a strong south wind buried them. So they perished utterly, and the Nasamones have their country. 5.63. These men, as the Athenians say, established themselves at Delphi and bribed the Pythian priestess to bid any Spartans who should come to inquire of her on a private or a public account to set Athens free. ,Then the Lacedaemonians, when the same command was ever revealed to them, sent Anchimolius the son of Aster, a citizen of repute, to drive out the sons of Pisistratus with an army despite the fact that the Pisistratidae were their close friends, for the god's will weighed with them more than the will of man. ,They sent these men by sea on shipboard. Anchimolius put in at Phalerum and disembarked his army there. The sons of Pisistratus, however, had received word of the plan already, and sent to ask help from the Thessalians with whom they had an alliance. The Thessalians, at their entreaty, joined together and sent their own king, Cineas of Conium, with a thousand horsemen. When the Pisistratidae got these allies, they devised the following plan. ,First they laid waste the plain of Phalerum so that all that land could be ridden over and then launched their cavalry against the enemy's army. Then the horsemen charged and slew Anchimolius and many more of the Lacedaemonians, and drove those that survived to their ships. Accordingly, the first Lacedaemonian army drew off, and Anchimolius' tomb is at Alopecae in Attica, near to the Heracleum in Cynosarges. 5.90. As they were making ready for vengeance, a matter which took its rise in Lacedaemon hindered them, for when the Lacedaemonians learned of the plot of the Alcmaeonids with the Pythian priestess and of her plot against themselves and the Pisistratidae, they were very angry for two reasons, namely that they had driven their own guests and friends from the country they dwelt in, and that the Athenians showed them no gratitude for their doing so. ,Furthermore, they were spurred on by the oracles which foretold that many deeds of enmity would be perpetrated against them by the Athenians. Previously they had had no knowledge of these oracles but now Cleomenes brought them to Sparta, and the Lacedaemonians learned their contents. It was from the Athenian acropolis that Cleomenes took the oracles, which had been in the possession of the Pisistratidae earlier. When they were exiled, they left them in the temple from where they were retrieved by Cleomenes. 6.35. At that time in Athens, Pisistratus held all power, but Miltiades son of Cypselus also had great influence. His household was rich enough to maintain a four-horse chariot, and he traced his earliest descent to Aeacus and Aegina, though his later ancestry was Athenian. Philaeus son of Ajax was the first of that house to be an Athenian. ,Miltiades was sitting on his porch when he saw the Dolonci go by with their foreign clothing and spears, so he called out to them, and when they came over, he invited them in for lodging and hospitality. They accepted, and after he entertained them, they revealed the whole story of the oracle to him and asked him to obey the god. ,He was persuaded as soon as he heard their speech, for he was tired of Pisistratus' rule and wanted to be away from it. He immediately set out for Delphi to ask the oracle if he should do what the Dolonci asked of him. 6.65. Cleomenes wanted revenge, so he made a deal with Leotychides son of Menares son of Agis, of the same family as Demaratus. The deal was that Leotychides would go with Cleomenes against the Aeginetans if he became king. ,Leotychides had already become strongly hostile to Demaratus for the following reason: Leotychides was betrothed to Percalus, daughter of Demarmenus, but Demaratus plotted and robbed him of his marriage, stealing Percalus and marrying her first. ,From this affair Leotychides was hostile toward Demaratus, so at Cleomenes' instigation he took an oath against him, saying that he was not king of the Spartans by right, since he was not Ariston's son. After making this oath, he prosecuted him, recalling that utterance which Ariston had made when the servant told him he had a son, and he counted up the months and swore that it was not his. ,Taking his stand on this remark, Leotychides declared that Demaratus was not Ariston's son and that he was not rightly king of Sparta, bringing as witnesses the ephors who had been sitting beside Ariston and heard him say this. 6.66. Disputes arose over it, so the Spartans resolved to ask the oracle at Delphi if Demaratus was the son of Ariston. ,At Cleomenes' instigation this was revealed to the Pythia. He had won over a man of great influence among the Delphians, Cobon son of Aristophantus, and Cobon persuaded the priestess, Periallus, to say what Cleomenes wanted her to. ,When the ambassadors asked if Demaratus was the son of Ariston, the Pythia gave judgment that he was not. All this came to light later; Cobon was exiled from Delphi, and Periallus was deposed from her position. 6.103. When the Athenians learned this, they too marched out to Marathon, with ten generals leading them. The tenth was Miltiades, and it had befallen his father Cimon son of Stesagoras to be banished from Athens by Pisistratus son of Hippocrates. ,While in exile he happened to take the Olympic prize in the four-horse chariot, and by taking this victory he won the same prize as his half-brother Miltiades. At the next Olympic games he won with the same horses but permitted Pisistratus to be proclaimed victor, and by resigning the victory to him he came back from exile to his own property under truce. ,After taking yet another Olympic prize with the same horses, he happened to be murdered by Pisistratus' sons, since Pisistratus was no longer living. They murdered him by placing men in ambush at night near the town-hall. Cimon was buried in front of the city, across the road called “Through the Hollow”, and buried opposite him are the mares who won the three Olympic prizes. ,The mares of Evagoras the Laconian did the same as these, but none others. Stesagoras, the elder of Cimon's sons, was then being brought up with his uncle Miltiades in the Chersonese. The younger was with Cimon at Athens, and he took the name Miltiades from Miltiades the founder of the Chersonese. 6.104. It was this Miltiades who was now the Athenian general, after coming from the Chersonese and escaping a two-fold death. The Phoenicians pursued him as far as Imbros, considering it of great importance to catch him and bring him to the king. ,He escaped from them, but when he reached his own country and thought he was safe, then his enemies met him. They brought him to court and prosecuted him for tyranny in the Chersonese, but he was acquitted and appointed Athenian general, chosen by the people. 6.109. The Athenian generals were of divided opinion, some advocating not fighting because they were too few to attack the army of the Medes; others, including Miltiades, advocating fighting. ,Thus they were at odds, and the inferior plan prevailed. An eleventh man had a vote, chosen by lot to be polemarch of Athens, and by ancient custom the Athenians had made his vote of equal weight with the generals. Callimachus of Aphidnae was polemarch at this time. Miltiades approached him and said, ,“Callimachus, it is now in your hands to enslave Athens or make her free, and thereby leave behind for all posterity a memorial such as not even Harmodius and Aristogeiton left. Now the Athenians have come to their greatest danger since they first came into being, and, if we surrender, it is clear what we will suffer when handed over to Hippias. But if the city prevails, it will take first place among Hellenic cities. ,I will tell you how this can happen, and how the deciding voice on these matters has devolved upon you. The ten generals are of divided opinion, some urging to attack, others urging not to. ,If we do not attack now, I expect that great strife will fall upon and shake the spirit of the Athenians, leading them to medize. But if we attack now, before anything unsound corrupts the Athenians, we can win the battle, if the gods are fair. ,All this concerns and depends on you in this way: if you vote with me, your country will be free and your city the first in Hellas. But if you side with those eager to avoid battle, you will have the opposite to all the good things I enumerated.” 6.110. By saying this Miltiades won over Callimachus. The polemarch's vote was counted in, and the decision to attack was resolved upon. Thereafter the generals who had voted to fight turned the presidency over to Miltiades as each one's day came in turn. He accepted the office but did not make an attack until it was his own day to preside. 6.129.4. Now Cleisthenes at the first and the second bout of dancing could no more bear to think of Hippocleides as his son-in-law, because of his dancing and his shamelessness, but he had held himself in check, not wanting to explode at Hippocleides; but when he saw him making gestures with his legs, he could no longer keep silence and said, “son of Tisandrus, you have danced away your marriage.” Hippocleides said in answer, “It does not matter to Hippocleides!” Since then this is proverbial. 6.136. Such was the priestess' reply to the Parians. The Athenians had much to say about Miltiades on his return from Paros, especially Xanthippus son of Ariphron, who prosecuted Miltiades before the people for deceiving the Athenians and called for the death penalty. ,Miltiades was present but could not speak in his own defense, since his thigh was festering; he was laid before the court on a couch, and his friends spoke for him, often mentioning the fight at Marathon and the conquest of Lemnos: how Miltiades had punished the Pelasgians and taken Lemnos, delivering it to the Athenians. ,The people took his side as far as not condemning him to death, but they fined him fifty talents for his wrongdoing. Miltiades later died of gangrene and rot in his thigh, and the fifty talents were paid by his son Cimon. 7.152.3. The conduct of the Argives was accordingly not utterly shameful. As for myself, although it is my business to set down that which is told me, to believe it is none at all of my business. This I ask the reader to hold true for the whole of my history, for there is another tale current, according to which it would seem that it was the Argives who invited the Persian into Hellas, because the war with the Lacedaemonians was going badly, and they would prefer anything to their present distresses. 8.79. As the generals disputed, Aristides son of Lysimachus, an Athenian, crossed over from Aegina. Although he had been ostracized by the people, I, learning by inquiry of his character, have come to believe that he was the best and most just man in Athens. ,This man stood at the assembly and called Themistocles out, although he was no friend of his, but his bitter enemy. Because of the magnitude of the present ills, he deliberately forgot all that and called him out, wanting to talk to him. He had already heard that those from the Peloponnese were anxious to set sail for the Isthmus, ,so when Themistocles came out he said, “On all occasions and especially now our contention must be over which of us will do our country more good. ,I say that it is all the same for the Peloponnesians to speak much or little about sailing away from here, for I have seen with my own eyes that even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself wanted to, they would not be able to escape. We are encircled by the enemy. Go in and indicate this to them.” 8.106. Now while the king was at Sardis and preparing to lead his Persian army against Athens, Hermotimus came for some business down to the part of Mysia which is inhabited by Chians and called Atarneus. There he found Panionius. ,Perceiving who he was, he held long and friendly converse with him, telling him that it was to him that he owed all this prosperity and promising that he would make him prosperous in return if he were to bring his household and dwell there. Panionius accepted his offer gladly, and brought his children and his wife. ,When Hermotimus had gotten the man and all his household into his power, he said to him: “Tell me, you who have made a livelihood out of the wickedest trade on earth, what harm had I or any of my forefathers done to you or yours, that you made me to be no man, but a thing of nought? You no doubt thought that the gods would have no knowledge of your former practices, but their just law has brought you for your wicked deeds into my hands. Now you will be well content with the fullness of that justice which I will execute upon you.” ,With these words of reproach, he brought Panionius' sons before him and compelled him to castrate all four of them—his own children; this Panionius was compelled to do. When he had done this, the sons were compelled to castrate their father in turn. This, then, was the way in which Panionius was overtaken by vengeance at the hands of Hermotimus. 8.109.3. for it is not we who have won this victory, but the gods and the heroes, who deemed Asia and Europe too great a realm for one man to rule, and that a wicked man and an impious one who dealt alike with temples and bones, burning and overthrowing the images of the gods,—yes, and one who scourged the sea and threw fetters into it. 8.111. But the Greeks, now that they were no longer minded to pursue the barbarians' ships farther or sail to the Hellespont and break the way of passage, besieged Andros so that they might take it, ,for the men of that place, the first islanders of whom Themistocles demanded money, would not give it. When, however, Themistocles gave them to understand that the Athenians had come with two great gods to aid them, Persuasion and Necessity, and that the Andrians must therefore certainly give money, they said in response, “It is then but reasonable that Athens is great and prosperous, being blessed with serviceable gods. ,As for us Andrians, we are but blessed with a plentiful lack of land, and we have two unserviceable gods who never quit our island but want to dwell there forever, namely Poverty and Helplessness. Since we are in the hands of these gods, we will give no money; the power of Athens can never be stronger than our inability.” 9.16.4. Marvelling at these words, Thersander answered: “Must you not then tell this to Mardonius and those honorable Persians who are with him?” “Sir,” said the Persian, “that which a god wills to send no man can turn aside, for even truth sometimes finds no one to believe it. 9.16.5. What I have said is known to many of us Persians, but we follow, in the bonds of necessity. It is the most hateful thing for a person to have much knowledge and no power.” This tale I heard from Thersander of Orchomenus who told me in addition that he had straightway told this to others before the battle of Plataea. |
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| 24. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, 115 81 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cleitus the black Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128 |
25. Plato, Apology of Socrates, 40b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) •plutarch of chaeronea, the generation of the soul in the timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 21, 22| 40b. οὔτε ἐξιόντι ἕωθεν οἴκοθεν ἠναντιώθη τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ σημεῖον, οὔτε ἡνίκα ἀνέβαινον ἐνταυθοῖ ἐπὶ τὸ δικαστήριον, οὔτε ἐν τῷ λόγῳ οὐδαμοῦ μέλλοντί τι ἐρεῖν. καίτοι ἐν ἄλλοις λόγοις πολλαχοῦ δή με ἐπέσχε λέγοντα μεταξύ· νῦν δὲ οὐδαμοῦ περὶ ταύτην τὴν πρᾶξιν οὔτʼ ἐν ἔργῳ οὐδενὶ οὔτʼ ἐν λόγῳ ἠναντίωταί μοι. τί οὖν αἴτιον εἶναι ὑπολαμβάνω; ἐγὼ ὑμῖν ἐρῶ· κινδυνεύει γάρ μοι τὸ συμβεβηκὸς τοῦτο ἀγαθὸν γεγονέναι, καὶ οὐκ ἔσθʼ ὅπως ἡμεῖς ὀρθῶς ὑπολαμβάνομεν, | 40b. either when I left my home in the morning, or when I came here to the court, or at any point of my speech, when I was going to say anything; and yet on other occasions it stopped me at many points in the midst of a speech; but now, in this affair, it has not opposed me in anything I was doing or saying. What then do I suppose is the reason? I will tell you. This which has happened to me is doubtless a good thing, and those of us who think death is an evil |
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26. Plato, Cratylus, 409a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 159| 409a. ἅλιον γὰρ καλοῦσιν οἱ Δωριῆς— ἅλιος οὖν εἴη μὲν ἂν κατὰ τὸ ἁλίζειν εἰς ταὐτὸν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐπειδὰν ἀνατείλῃ, εἴη δʼ ἂν καὶ τῷ περὶ τὴν γῆν ἀεὶ εἱλεῖν ἰών, ἐοίκοι δʼ ἂν καὶ ὅτι ποικίλλει ἰὼν τὰ γιγνόμενα ἐκ τῆς γῆς· τὸ δὲ ποικίλλειν καὶ αἰολεῖν ταὐτόν. ΕΡΜ. τί δὲ ἡ σελήνη ; ΣΩ. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ὄνομα φαίνεται τὸν Ἀναξαγόραν πιέζειν. ΕΡΜ. τί δή; ΣΩ. ἔοικε δηλοῦντι παλαιότερον ὃ ἐκεῖνος νεωστὶ ἔλεγεν, | 409a. Ἅλιος . Now ἅλιος might be derived from collecting ( ἁλίζειν ) men when he rises, or because he always turns ( ἀεὶ εἱλεῖν ) about the earth in his course, or because he variegates the products of the earth, for variegate is identical with αἰολλεῖν . Hermogenes. And what of the moon, Selene? Socrates. That name appears to put Anaxagoras in an uncomfortable position. Hermogenes. How so? Socrates. Why, it seems to have anticipated by many years the recent doctrine of Anaxagoras, |
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27. Plato, Crito, 50d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on themistocles Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 74| 50d. ἡμῖν καὶ τῇ πόλει ἐπιχειρεῖς ἡμᾶς ἀπολλύναι; οὐ πρῶτον μέν σε ἐγεννήσαμεν ἡμεῖς, καὶ διʼ ἡμῶν ἔλαβε τὴν μητέρα σου ὁ πατὴρ καὶ ἐφύτευσέν σε; φράσον οὖν, τούτοις ἡμῶν, τοῖς νόμοις τοῖς περὶ τοὺς γάμους, μέμφῃ τι ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἔχουσιν; οὐ μέμφομαι, φαίην ἄν. ἀλλὰ τοῖς περὶ τὴν τοῦ γενομένου τροφήν τε καὶ παιδείαν ἐν ᾗ καὶ σὺ ἐπαιδεύθης; ἢ οὐ καλῶς προσέταττον ἡμῶν οἱ ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένοι νόμοι, παραγγέλλοντες τῷ πατρὶ τῷ σῷ σε ἐν | 50d. I find no fault, I should say. Or with those that have to do with the nurture of the child after he is born and with his education which you, like others, received? Did those of us who are assigned to these matters not give good directions when we told your father to educate you in music and gymnastics? |
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28. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.117, 2.21.2, 2.27.1, 2.31.1, 2.40.2-2.40.3, 4.27.5, 6.71, 8.1.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 97, 119, 162; Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 137| 2.21.2. ἐπειδὴ δὲ περὶ Ἀχαρνὰς εἶδον τὸν στρατὸν ἑξήκοντα σταδίους τῆς πόλεως ἀπέχοντα, οὐκέτι ἀνασχετὸν ἐποιοῦντο, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῖς, ὡς εἰκός, γῆς τεμνομένης ἐν τῷ ἐμφανεῖ, ὃ οὔπω ἑοράκεσαν οἵ γε νεώτεροι, οὐδ’ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι πλὴν τὰ Μηδικά, δεινὸν ἐφαίνετο καὶ ἐδόκει τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα τῇ νεότητι ἐπεξιέναι καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν. 2.27.1. ἀνέστησαν δὲ καὶ Αἰγινήτας τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει τούτῳ ἐξ Αἰγίνης Ἀθηναῖοι, αὐτούς τε καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας, ἐπικαλέσαντες οὐχ ἥκιστα τοῦ πολέμου σφίσιν αἰτίους εἶναι: καὶ τὴν Αἴγιναν ἀσφαλέστερον ἐφαίνετο τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἐπικειμένην αὑτῶν πέμψαντας ἐποίκους ἔχειν. καὶ ἐξέπεμψαν ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ ἐς αὐτὴν τοὺς οἰκήτορας. 2.40.2. ἔνι τε τοῖς αὐτοῖς οἰκείων ἅμα καὶ πολιτικῶν ἐπιμέλεια, καὶ ἑτέροις πρὸς ἔργα τετραμμένοις τὰ πολιτικὰ μὴ ἐνδεῶς γνῶναι: μόνοι γὰρ τόν τε μηδὲν τῶνδε μετέχοντα οὐκ ἀπράγμονα, ἀλλ’ ἀχρεῖον νομίζομεν, καὶ οἱ αὐτοὶ ἤτοι κρίνομέν γε ἢ ἐνθυμούμεθα ὀρθῶς τὰ πράγματα, οὐ τοὺς λόγους τοῖς ἔργοις βλάβην ἡγούμενοι, ἀλλὰ μὴ προδιδαχθῆναι μᾶλλον λόγῳ πρότερον ἢ ἐπὶ ἃ δεῖ ἔργῳ ἐλθεῖν. 2.40.3. διαφερόντως γὰρ δὴ καὶ τόδε ἔχομεν ὥστε τολμᾶν τε οἱ αὐτοὶ μάλιστα καὶ περὶ ὧν ἐπιχειρήσομεν ἐκλογίζεσθαι: ὃ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀμαθία μὲν θράσος, λογισμὸς δὲ ὄκνον φέρει. κράτιστοι δ’ ἂν τὴν ψυχὴν δικαίως κριθεῖεν οἱ τά τε δεινὰ καὶ ἡδέα σαφέστατα γιγνώσκοντες καὶ διὰ ταῦτα μὴ ἀποτρεπόμενοι ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων. 4.27.5. καὶ ἐς Νικίαν τὸν Νικηράτου στρατηγὸν ὄντα ἀπεσήμαινεν, ἐχθρὸς ὢν καὶ ἐπιτιμῶν, ῥᾴδιον εἶναι παρασκευῇ, εἰ ἄνδρες εἶεν οἱ στρατηγοί, πλεύσαντας λαβεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, καὶ αὐτός γ’ ἄν, εἰ ἦρχε, ποιῆσαι τοῦτο. 8.1.1. ἐς δὲ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐπειδὴ ἠγγέλθη, ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν ἠπίστουν καὶ τοῖς πάνυ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἔργου διαπεφευγόσι καὶ σαφῶς ἀγγέλλουσι, μὴ οὕτω γε ἄγαν πανσυδὶ διεφθάρθαι: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἔγνωσαν, χαλεποὶ μὲν ἦσαν τοῖς ξυμπροθυμηθεῖσι τῶν ῥητόρων τὸν ἔκπλουν, ὥσπερ οὐκ αὐτοὶ ψηφισάμενοι, ὠργίζοντο δὲ καὶ τοῖς χρησμολόγοις τε καὶ μάντεσι καὶ ὁπόσοι τι τότε αὐτοὺς θειάσαντες ἐπήλπισαν ὡς λήψονται Σικελίαν. | 1.117. But in the meantime the Samians made a sudden sally, and fell on the camp, which they found unfortified. Destroying the look-out vessels, and engaging and defeating such as were being launched to meet them, they remained masters of their own seas for fourteen days, and carried in and carried out what they pleased. 2 But on the arrival of Pericles, they were once more shut up. Fresh reinforcements afterwards arrived — forty ships from Athens with Thucydides, Hagnon, and Phormio; twenty with Tlepolemus and Anticles, and thirty vessels from Chios and Lesbos. 3 After a brief attempt at fighting, the Samians, unable to hold out, were reduced after a nine months' siege, and surrendered on conditions; they razed their walls, gave hostages, delivered up their ships, and arranged to pay the expenses of the war by instalments. The Byzantines also agreed to be subject as before. 1.117. ,But in the meantime the Samians made a sudden sally, and fell on the camp, which they found unfortified. Destroying the look-out vessels, and engaging and defeating such as were being launched to meet them, they remained masters of their own seas for fourteen days, and carried in and carried out what they pleased. ,But on the arrival of Pericles, they were once more shut up. Fresh reinforcements afterwards arrived—forty ships from Athens with Thucydides, Hagnon, and Phormio; twenty with Tlepolemus and Anticles, and thirty vessels from Chios and Lesbos . ,After a brief attempt at fighting, the Samians, unable to hold out, were reduced after a nine months' siege, and surrendered on conditions; they razed their walls, gave hostages, delivered up their ships, and arranged to pay the expenses of the war by instalments. The Byzantines also agreed to be subject as before. 2.21.2. But when they saw the army at Acharnae, barely seven miles from Athens, they lost all patience. The territory of Athens was being ravaged before the very eyes of the Athenians, a sight which the young men had never seen before and the old only in the Median wars; and it was naturally thought a grievous insult, and the determination was universal, especially among the young men, to sally forth and stop it. 2.27.1. During the summer the Athenians also expelled the Aeginetans with their wives and children from Aegina, on the ground of their having been the chief agents in bringing the war upon them. Besides, Aegina lies so near Peloponnese, that it seemed safer to send colonists of their own to hold it, and shortly afterwards the settlers were sent out. 2.40.2. Our public men have, besides politics, their private affairs to attend to, and our ordinary citizens, though occupied with the pursuits of industry, are still fair judges of public matters; for, unlike any other nation, regarding him who takes no part in these duties not as unambitious but as useless, we Athenians are able to judge at all events if we cannot originate, and instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all. 2.40.3. Again, in our enterprises we present the singular spectacle of daring and deliberation, each carried to its highest point, and both united in the same persons; although usually decision is the fruit of ignorance, hesitation of reflection. But the palm of courage will surely be adjudged most justly to those, who best know the difference between hardship and pleasure and yet are never tempted to shrink from danger. 4.27.5. And pointing at Nicias, son of Niceratus, then general, whom he hated, he tauntingly said that it would be easy, if they had men for generals, to sail with a force and take those in the island, and that if he had himself been in command, he would have done it. 6.71. The Athenians, however did not go to the sanctuary, but collected their dead and laid them upon a pyre, and passed the night upon the field. The next day they gave the enemy back their dead under truce, to the number of about two hundred and sixty, Syracusans and allies, and gathered together the bones of their own, some fifty, Athenians and allies, and taking the spoils of the enemy, sailed back to Catana. 2 It was now winter; and it did not seem possible for the moment to carry on the war before Syracuse, until horse should have been sent for from Athens and levied among the allies in Sicily — to do away with their utter inferiority in cavalry — and money should have been collected in the country and received from Athens, and until some of the cities, which they hoped would be now more disposed to listen to them after the battle, should have been brought over, and corn and all other necessaries provided, for a campaign in the spring against Syracuse. 6.71. , The Athenians, however did not go to the temple, but collected their dead and laid them upon a pyre, and passed the night upon the field. The next day they gave the enemy back their dead under truce, to the number of about two hundred and sixty, Syracusans and allies, and gathered together the bones of their own, some fifty, Athenians and allies, and taking the spoils of the enemy, sailed back to Catana . ,It was now winter; and it did not seem possible for the moment to carry on the war before Syracuse, until horse should have been sent for from Athens and levied among the allies in Sicily—to do away with their utter inferiority in cavalry—and money should have been collected in the country and received from Athens, and until some of the cities, which they hoped would be now more disposed to listen to them after the battle, should have been brought over, and corn and all other necessaries provided, for a campaign in the spring against Syracuse . 8.1.1. Such were the events in Sicily . When the news was brought to Athens, for a long while they disbelieved even the most respectable of the soldiers who had themselves escaped from the scene of action and clearly reported the matter, a destruction so complete not being thought credible. When the conviction was forced upon them, they were angry with the orators who had joined in promoting the expedition, just as if they had not themselves voted it, and were enraged also with the reciters of oracles and soothsayers, and all other omenmongers of the time who had encouraged them to hope that they should conquer Sicily . |
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| 29. Sophocles Iunior, Fragments, f771 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (friend of plutarch) Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 66 |
| 30. Plato, Epinomis, 984d-e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
| 31. Plato, Laws, 1.624a, 7.812d-e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 208 |
| 32. Lysias, Against Eratosthenes, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, relationship with broader intellectual culture in the roman empire Found in books: König, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 34 |
| 33. Lysias, On The Property of Aristophenes, 19, 23 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 136 |
| 34. Sophocles, Fragments, f771 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (friend of plutarch) Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 66 |
| 35. Cratinus, Fragments, fr.xxii de falco (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 51 |
36. Plato, Symposium, 202e, 196e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 66| 196e. τὴν αὑτοῦ, ποιητὴς ὁ θεὸς σοφὸς οὕτως ὥστε καὶ ἄλλον ποιῆσαι· πᾶς γοῦν ποιητὴς γίγνεται, κἂν ἄμουσος ᾖ τὸ πρίν, Eur. Sthen. Fr. 663 οὗ ἂν Ἔρως ἅψηται. ᾧ δὴ πρέπει ἡμᾶς μαρτυρίῳ χρῆσθαι, ὅτι ποιητὴς ὁ Ἔρως ἀγαθὸς ἐν κεφαλαίῳ πᾶσαν ποίησιν τὴν κατὰ μουσικήν· ἃ γάρ τις ἢ μὴ ἔχει ἢ μὴ οἶδεν, οὔτʼ ἂν ἑτέρῳ δοίη οὔτʼ ἂν ἄλλον διδάξειεν. καὶ | 196e. the god is a composer so accomplished that he is a cause of composing in others: every one, you know, becomes a poet, though alien to the Muse before, when Love gets hold of him. This we may fitly take for a testimony that Love is a poet well skilled—I speak summarily—in all composing that has to do with music; |
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37. Plato, Phaedo, 118a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 84| 118a. ὁ δ’ οὐκ ἔφη. ΦΑΙΔ. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο αὖθις τὰς κνήμας: καὶ ἐπανιὼν οὕτως ἡμῖν ἐπεδείκνυτο ὅτι ψύχοιτό τε καὶ πήγνυτο. καὶ αὐτὸς ἥπτετο καὶ εἶπεν ὅτι, ἐπειδὰν πρὸς τῇ καρδίᾳ γένηται αὐτῷ, τότε οἰχήσεται. unit="para"/ἤδη οὖν σχεδόν τι αὐτοῦ ἦν τὰ περὶ τὸ ἦτρον ψυχόμενα, καὶ ἐκκαλυψάμενος — ἐνεκεκάλυπτο γάρ — εἶπεν — ὃ δὴ τελευταῖον ἐφθέγξατο — ὦ Κρίτων, ἔφη, τῷ Ἀσκληπιῷ ὀφείλομεν ἀλεκτρυόνα: ἀλλὰ ἀπόδοτε καὶ μὴ ἀμελήσητε. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα, ἔφη, ἔσται, ὁ Κρίτων : ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα εἴ τι ἄλλο λέγεις. ταῦτα ἐρομένου αὐτοῦ οὐδὲν ἔτι ἀπεκρίνατο, ἀλλ’ ὀλίγον χρόνον διαλιπὼν ἐκινήθη τε καὶ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐξεκάλυψεν αὐτόν, καὶ ὃς τὰ ὄμματα ἔστησεν: ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Κρίτων συνέλαβε τὸ στόμα καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς. ἥδε ἡ τελευτή, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, τοῦ ἑταίρου ἡμῖν ἐγένετο, ἀνδρός, ὡς ἡμεῖς φαῖμεν ἄν, τῶν τότε ὧν ἐπειράθημεν ἀρίστου καὶ ἄλλως φρονιμωτάτου καὶ δικαιοτάτου. | 118a. his thighs; and passing upwards in this way he showed us that he was growing cold and rigid. And again he touched him and said that when it reached his heart, he would be gone. The chill had now reached the region about the groin, and uncovering his face, which had been covered, he said—and these were his last words— Crito, we owe a cock to Aesculapius. Pay it and do not neglect it. That, said Crito, shall be done; but see if you have anything else to say. To this question he made no reply, but after a little while he moved; the attendant uncovered him; his eyes were fixed. And Crito when he saw it, closed his mouth and eyes.Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend, who was, as we may say, of all those of his time whom we have known, the best and wisest and most righteous man. |
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38. Plato, Phaedrus, 242b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 22| 242b. λόγων μηδένα πλείους ἢ σὲ πεποιηκέναι γεγενῆσθαι ἤτοι αὐτὸν λέγοντα ἢ ἄλλους ἑνί γέ τῳ τρόπῳ προσαναγκάζοντα —Σιμμίαν Θηβαῖον ἐξαιρῶ λόγου· τῶν δὲ ἄλλων πάμπολυ κρατεῖς—καὶ νῦν αὖ δοκεῖς αἴτιός μοι γεγενῆσθαι λόγῳ τινὶ ῥηθῆναι. ΦΑΙ. οὐ πόλεμόν γε ἀγγέλλεις. ἀλλὰ πῶς δὴ καὶ τίνι τούτῳ; ΣΩ. ἡνίκʼ ἔμελλον, ὠγαθέ, τὸν ποταμὸν διαβαίνειν, τὸ δαιμόνιόν τε καὶ τὸ εἰωθὸς σημεῖόν μοι γίγνεσθαι ἐγένετο | 242b. no one of all those who have been born in your lifetime has produced more discourses than you, either by speaking them yourself or compelling others to do so. I except Simmias the Theban; but you are far ahead of all the rest. And now I think you have become the cause of another, spoken by me. Phaedrus. That is not exactly a declaration of war! But how is this, and what is the discourse? Socrates. My good friend, when I was about to cross the stream, the spirit and the sign |
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| 39. Plato, Philebus, 23c-e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 159 |
| 40. Plato, Protagoras, 325d-6b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on themistocles Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 74 |
41. Plato, Republic, 459a, 459b, 7, 6.510d, 6.510a, 6.511a, 6.509e, 6.510c, 380b, 363c, 414c, 414d, 382c, 382d, 598b, 598c, 598d, 598e, 616e-617a, 617d-e, 621b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 129 | 459a. “By all means.”“How, then, would the greatest benefit result? Tell me this, Glaucon. I see that you have in your house hunting-dogs and a number of pedigree cocks. Have you ever considered something about their unions and procreations?”“What?”89 he said. “In the first place,” I said, “among these themselves, although they are a select breed, do not some prove better than the rest?”“They do.”“Do you then breed from all indiscriminately, or are you careful to breed from the best?” 459a. By all means. How, then, would the greatest benefit result? Tell me this, Glaucon. I see that you have in your house hunting-dogs and a number of pedigree cocks. Have you ever considered something about their unions and procreations? What? he said. In the first place, I said, among these themselves, although they are a select breed, do not some prove better than the rest? They do. Do you then breed from all indiscriminately, or are you careful to breed from the best? |
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42. Plato, Sophist, 254b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 159| 254b. καρτερεῖν πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἀφορῶντα ἀδύνατα. ΘΕΑΙ. καὶ ταῦτα εἰκὸς οὐχ ἧττον ἐκείνων οὕτως ἔχειν. ΞΕ. οὐκοῦν περὶ μὲν τούτου καὶ τάχα ἐπισκεψόμεθα σαφέστερον, ἂν ἔτι βουλομένοις ἡμῖν ᾖ· περὶ δὲ τοῦ σοφιστοῦ που δῆλον ὡς οὐκ ἀνετέον πρὶν ἂν ἱκανῶς αὐτὸν θεασώμεθα. ΘΕΑΙ. καλῶς εἶπες. ΞΕ. ὅτʼ οὖν δὴ τὰ μὲν ἡμῖν τῶν γενῶν ὡμολόγηται κοινωνεῖν ἐθέλειν ἀλλήλοις, τὰ δὲ μή, καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐπʼ ὀλίγον, τὰ δʼ ἐπὶ πολλά, τὰ δὲ καὶ διὰ πάντων οὐδὲν κωλύειν τοῖς | 254b. of the soul of the multitude are not strong enough to endure the sight of the divine. Theaet. This also seems no less true than what you said about the sophist. Str. Now we will make more accurate investigations about the philosopher hereafter, if we still care to do so; but as to the sophist, it is clear that we must not relax our efforts until we have a satisfactory view of him. Theaet. You are right. Str. Since, therefore, we are agreed that some of the classes will mingle with one another, and others will not, and some will mingle with few and others with many, and that |
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| 43. Plato, Lesser Hippias, 365d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the malice of herodotus Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 118 |
| 44. Cratinus Iunior, Fragments, fr.xxii de falco (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 51 |
| 45. Anaxandrides, Fragments, 146 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 51 |
| 46. Demetrius of Phaleron, Fragments, 156 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 333 |
| 47. Demochares, Fragments, t9, f2 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 50 |
| 48. Demosthenes, Against Aristocrates, 196-197, 205, 207, 92, 198 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 138 |
| 49. Demosthenes, Against Leptines, 1, 100, 137, 144, 146-147, 159, 2, 51-53, 67-87, 11 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 243 |
| 50. Demosthenes, Against Meidias, 143-144, 191-192, 147 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 243 |
51. Lycophron, Alexandra, 1047, 1049-1055, 1048 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 322| 1048. δυοῖν ἀδελφοῖν ἅτερος, ψευδηρίων | |
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| 52. Demosthenes, Letters, 1.3, 2.6, 2.11, 2.18, 2.20, 2.24, 3.27, 3.35-3.37, 3.44 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 330, 331, 333 |
| 53. Demosthenes, On The Chersonese, 73 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 333 |
| 54. Demosthenes, On The False Embassy, 137, 174-175, 18, 297, 303, 31-33, 273 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 243 |
| 55. Demosthenes, Prooemia, a b c d\n0 49/50.2 49/50.2 49/50 2\n1 49/50.3 49/50.3 49/50 3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 51 |
| 56. Dinarchus, Against Demosthenes, 100-104, 111, 31-36, 61-63, 7-8, 81-82, 9, 94, 99 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 75 |
57. Hyperides, Pro Euxenippo, 1-2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 64 | 2. Though there were five of them, not one waited to be tried; they left the city of their own accord and went into exile. The same is true of many others who were impeached. In fact it was a rare thing to see anyone subjected to impeachment appearing in court. So serious and so notorious were the crimes which at that time led to an impeachment. But the present practice in the city is utterly absurd. |
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| 58. Hyperides, In Demosthenem, 20-22, 31, 9 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 51 |
| 59. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 42, 93 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 64 |
60. Demosthenes, Against Timocrates, 135, 140, 212, 90, 141 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 243 | 141. The one-eyed man was much perturbed by the threat, and, reflecting that his life would not be worth keeping after such a loss as that, he plucked up courage, as we are told, to introduce a law that whosoever struck out the eye of a man who had only one, should submit to the loss of both his own eyes, in order that both might suffer the same affliction. And that, according to the story, is the only new statute adopted by the Locrians for more than two hundred years. |
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| 61. Demosthenes, On The Crown, 180, 204, 246, 296, 219 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 64, 138 |
| 62. Demosthenes, Prooemia, a b c d\n0 49/50.2 49/50.2 49/50 2\n1 49/50.3 49/50.3 49/50 3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 51 |
| 63. Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, 1214a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 20 |
| 64. Timaeus of Tauromenium, Fragments, f35a-b (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 334 |
| 65. Timaeus of Locri, Fragments, f35a-b (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 334 |
| 66. Theophrastus, Fragments, fr.448(Lumen animae B) (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, but also accuses aristotelians of accepting the cruelty of anger Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 209 |
| 67. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1097a-b (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 20 |
| 68. Aristotle, Physics, 2.4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 383 |
| 69. Aristotle, Poetics, 1451b11, 1455a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 6 |
| 70. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1389b15-21, 1411b 31, fr.383 rose, 1365a28-9, 1367b17-18, 1393b8-22, 1394a22-3, 1397b30-4, 1398a4-7, 1398a17-22, 1405a19-21, 1411b1-4, 1419a2-5, 1407a2-6, 1411a2-4, 1365a31-3, 1411a15-16, 1.11, 1370a30-b30, 1370b1, 1370b2, 1370b3, 1370b4, 1370b5, 1370b6, 1370b7 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 117, 120 |
| 71. Aeschines, False Embassy, 35 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 74 |
| 72. Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 118, 52 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 179 |
73. Polybius, Histories, 3.87.9, 3.88.8, 3.106.2-3.106.9, 6.12.2, 36.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 165; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79, 81, 82, 96 | 36.9. Both about the Carthaginians when they were crushed by the Romans and about the affair of the pseudo-Philip many divergent accounts were current in Greece, at first on the subject of the conduct of Rome to Carthage and next concerning their treatment of the pseudo-Philip. <, As regards the former the judgements formed and the opinions held in Greece were far from uimous. <, There were some who approved the action of the Romans, saying that they had taken wise and statesmanlike measures in defence of their empire. <, For to destroy this source of perpetual menace, this city which had constantly disputed the supremacy with them and was still able to dispute it if it had the opportunity and thus to secure the dominion of their own country, was the act of intelligent and far-seeing men. <, Others took the opposite view, saying that far from maintaining the principles by which they had won their supremacy, they were little by little deserting it for a lust of domination like that of Athens and Sparta, starting indeed later than those states, but sure, as everything indicated, to arrive at the same end. <, For at first they had made war with every nation until they were victorious and until their adversaries had confessed that they must obey them and execute their orders. <, But now they had struck the first note of their new policy by their conduct to Perseus, in utterly exterminating the kingdom of Macedonia, and they had now completely revealed it by their decision concerning Carthage. <, For the Carthaginians had been guilty of no immediate offence to Rome, but the Romans had treated them with irremediable severity, although they had accepted all their conditions and consented to obey all their orders. <, Others said that the Romans were, generally speaking, a civilized people, and that their peculiar merit on which they prided themselves was that they conducted their wars in a simple and noble manner, employing neither night attacks nor ambushes, disapproving of every kind of deceit and fraud, and considering that nothing but direct and open attacks were legitimate for them. <, But in the present case, throughout the whole of their proceedings in regard to Carthage, they had used deceit and fraud, offering certain things one at a time and keeping others secret, until they cut off every hope the city had of help from her allies. <, This, they said, savoured more of a despot's intrigue than of the principles of a civilized state such as Rome, and could only be justly described as something very like impiety and treachery. <, And there were others who differed likewise from these latter critics. For, they said, if before the Carthaginians had committed themselves to the faith of Rome the Romans had proceeded in this manner, offering certain things one at a time and gradually disclosing others, they would of course have appeared to be guilty of the charge brought against them. <, But if, in fact, after the Carthaginians had of their own accord committed themselves to the faith of the Romans and given them liberty to treat them in any way they chose, the Romans, being thus authorized to act as it seemed good to them, gave the orders and imposed the terms on which they had decided, what took place did not bear any resemblance to an act of impiety and scarcely any to an act of treachery; in fact some said it was not even of the nature of an injustice. <, For every crime must naturally fall under one of these three classes, and what the Romans did belongs to neither of the three. <, For impiety is sin against the gods, against parents, or against the dead; treachery is the violation of sworn or written agreements; and injustice is what is done contrary to law and custom. <, of none of these three were the Romans guilty on the present occasion. Neither did they sin against the gods, against their parents, or against the dead, nor did they violate any sworn agreement or treaty; on the contrary they accused the Carthaginians of doing this. <, Nor, again, did they break any laws or customs or their personal faith. For having received from a people who consented willingly full authority to act as they wished, when this people refused to obey their orders they finally resorted to force. < 36.9. 1. Both about the Carthaginians when they were crushed by the Romans and about the affair of the pseudo-Philip many divergent accounts were current in Greece, at first on the subject of the conduct of Rome to Carthage and next concerning their treatment of the pseudo-Philip.,2. As regards the former the judgements formed and the opinions held in Greece were far from uimous.,3. There were some who approved the action of the Romans, saying that they had taken wise and statesmanlike measures in defence of their empire.,4. For to destroy this source of perpetual menace, this city which had constantly disputed the supremacy with them and was still able to dispute it if it had the opportunity and thus to secure the dominion of their own country, was the act of intelligent and far-seeing men.,5. Others took the opposite view, saying that far from maintaining the principles by which they had won their supremacy, they were little by little deserting it for a lust of domination like that of Athens and Sparta, starting indeed later than those states, but sure, as everything indicated, to arrive at the same end.,6. For at first they had made war with every nation until they were victorious and until their adversaries had confessed that they must obey them and execute their orders.,7. But now they had struck the first note of their new policy by their conduct to Perseus, in utterly exterminating the kingdom of Macedonia, and they had now completely revealed it by their decision concerning Carthage.,8. For the Carthaginians had been guilty of no immediate offence to Rome, but the Romans had treated them with irremediable severity, although they had accepted all their conditions and consented to obey all their orders.,9. Others said that the Romans were, generally speaking, a civilized people, and that their peculiar merit on which they prided themselves was that they conducted their wars in a simple and noble manner, employing neither night attacks nor ambushes, disapproving of every kind of deceit and fraud, and considering that nothing but direct and open attacks were legitimate for them.,10. But in the present case, throughout the whole of their proceedings in regard to Carthage, they had used deceit and fraud, offering certain things one at a time and keeping others secret, until they cut off every hope the city had of help from her allies.,11. This, they said, savoured more of a despot's intrigue than of the principles of a civilized state such as Rome, and could only be justly described as something very like impiety and treachery.,12. And there were others who differed likewise from these latter critics. For, they said, if before the Carthaginians had committed themselves to the faith of Rome the Romans had proceeded in this manner, offering certain things one at a time and gradually disclosing others, they would of course have appeared to be guilty of the charge brought against them.,13. But if, in fact, after the Carthaginians had of their own accord committed themselves to the faith of the Romans and given them liberty to treat them in any way they chose, the Romans, being thus authorized to act as it seemed good to them, gave the orders and imposed the terms on which they had decided, what took place did not bear any resemblance to an act of impiety and scarcely any to an act of treachery; in fact some said it was not even of the nature of an injustice.,14. For every crime must naturally fall under one of these three classes, and what the Romans did belongs to neither of the three.,15. For impiety is sin against the gods, against parents, or against the dead; treachery is the violation of sworn or written agreements; and injustice is what is done contrary to law and custom.,16. of none of these three were the Romans guilty on the present occasion. Neither did they sin against the gods, against their parents, or against the dead, nor did they violate any sworn agreement or treaty; on the contrary they accused the Carthaginians of doing this.,17. Nor, again, did they break any laws or customs or their personal faith. For having received from a people who consented willingly full authority to act as they wished, when this people refused to obey their orders they finally resorted to force. |
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| 74. Philodemus of Gadara, De Ira \ , cols.29-33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, but also accuses aristotelians of accepting the cruelty of anger Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 210 |
| 75. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.2.4, 5.32, 2.30, 4.70, 4.72(SVF 3.652), 5.120, 3.33, 3.76, 5.74, 5.88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 74 |
| 76. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.82 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79 |
| 77. Cicero, De Oratore, 38-39, 37 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 108, 109 |
78. Cicero, Republic, 1.63 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79| 1.63. Est vero, inquit Scipio, in pace et otio; licet enim lascivire, dum nihil metuas, ut in navi ac saepe etiam in morbo levi. Sed ut ille, qui navigat, cum subito mare coepit horrescere, et ille aeger ingravescente morbo unius opem inplorat, sic noster populus in pace et domi imperat et ipsis magistratibus minatur, recusat, appellat, provocat, in bello sic paret ut regi; valet enim salus plus quam libido. Gravioribus vero bellis etiam sine collega omne imperium nostri penes singulos esse voluerunt, quorum ipsum nomen vim suae potestatis indicat. Nam dictator quidem ab eo appellatur, quia dicitur, sed in nostris libris vides eum, Laeli, magistrum populi appellari. L. Video, inquit. Et Scipio: Sapienter igitur illi vete res | 1.63. Laelius. What you say is quite true. Scipio. Yes, and it is generally true in times of peace and security, for licence is possible as long as one has nothing to fear ; as, for example, on board a ship, or frequently in the case of an illness that is trivial. But just as the sailor, when the sea suddenly grows rough, and the invalid when his illness becomes severe, both implore the assistance of one man, so our people, that in times of peace and while engaged at home wield authority, threaten even their magistrates, refuse to obey them, and appeal from one to another or to the people, yet in time of war yield obedience to their rulers as to a king , for safety prevails over caprice. Indeed, in wars of more serious import our people have preferred that all the power should be granted to one man without a colleague. And this man's title shows the character of his power, for though he is commonly called "dictator" from the fact that he is "named," yet you know, Laelius, that in our books he is called "master of the people." Laelius. I do. Scipio. Therefore the men of old time acted wisely . . . 1.63. Laelius. What you say is quite true. Scipio. Yes, and it is generally true in times of peace and security, for licence is possible as long as one has nothing to fear ; as, for example, on board a ship, or frequently in the case of an illness that is trivial. But just as the sailor, when the sea suddenly grows rough, and the invalid when his illness becomes severe, both implore the assistance of one man, so our people, that in times of peace and while engaged at home wield authority, threaten even their magistrates, refuse to obey them, and appeal from one to another or to the people, yet in time of war yield obedience to their rulers as to a king , for safety prevails over caprice. Indeed, in wars of more serious import our people have preferred that all the power should be granted to one man without a colleague. And this man's title shows the character of his power, for though he is commonly called "dictator" from the fact that he is "named," ** yet you know, Laelius, that in our books ** he is called "master of the people." Laelius. I do. Scipio. Therefore the men of old time acted wisely . . . |
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| 79. Cicero, De Finibus, 1.18.60, 2.96, 3.41, 4.20, 4.72, 5.16-5.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, similarly for eupatheiai Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 207, 233 |
| 80. Cicero, Orator, 37-39 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 108, 109 |
| 81. Cicero, Letters, 2.1.3, 4.9.1, 7.21.2, 8.14.3, 8.15.1, 8.15.3, 9.1.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes •plutarch, on cato the younger •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 67; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47; Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 75 |
82. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.2.176, 2.4.36, 2.5.127 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cato the younger Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47 | 2.2.176. But see now, how far the zeal of your friends, your own devices, and the inclination of those partners aid you. I will speak a little more openly; for I am not afraid of any one thinking that I am saying this in the spirit of an accuser rather than with proper freedom. If the collectors had not removed those letters according to the resolution of the farmers of the tenths, I could only say against you what I had found in those letters; but now that the resolution has been passed, and the letters have been removed, I may say whatever I can, and the judge may suspect whatever he chooses. I say that you exported from Syracuse an immense weight of gold, of silver, of ivory, of purple; much cloth from Melita, much embroidered stuff, much furniture of Delos, many Corinthian vessels, a great quantity of corn, an immense load of honey; and that on account of these things, because no port dues were paid on them, Lucius Canuleius, who was the agent in the harbour, sent letters to his partners. Does this appear a sufficiently grave charge? 2.5.127. In our most beautiful and highly decorated city what statue, or what painting is there, which has not been taken and brought away from conquered enemies? But the villas of those men are adorned and filled with numerous and most beautiful spoils of our most faithful allies. Where do you think is the wealth of foreign nations, which they are all now deprived of, when you see Athens, Pergamos, Cyzicus, Miletus, Chios, Samos, all Asia in short, and Achaia, and Greece, and Sicily, now all contained in a few villas? But all these things, as I was saying, your allies abandon and are indifferent to now. They took care by their own services and loyalty not to be deprived of their property by the public authority of the Roman people; though they were unable to resist the covetousness of a few individuals, yet they could in some degree satiate it; but now not only as all their power of resisting taken away, but also all their means also of supplying such demands. Therefore they do not care about their property; they do not seek to recover their money, though that is nominally the subject of this prosecution; that they abandon and are indifferent to; — in this dress in which you see them they now fly to you. [49] |
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83. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 1.18.60, 2.96, 3.41, 4.20, 4.72, 5.16-5.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, similarly for eupatheiai Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 207, 233| 2.96. Audi, ne longe abeam, moriens quid dicat Epicurus, ut intellegas intellegas (intellig.) BEA 2 intellegat A 1 intelligat R intelligantur N intelligatur V facta eius cum dictis discrepare: 'Epicurus Hermarcho salutem. Cum ageremus', inquit, vitae beatum et eundem supremum diem, scribebamus haec. tanti autem autem om. A aderant aderant om. BE vesicae et torminum morbi, ut nihil ad eorum magnitudinem posset accedere. Miserum hominem! Si dolor summum malum est, dici aliter non potest. sed audiamus ipsum: 'Compensabatur', inquit, tamen cum his omnibus animi laetitia, quam capiebam memoria rationum inventorumque nostrorum. sed tu, ut dignum est tua erga me et philosophiam me et philosophiam Bai. me (ne R) et philosophia A 1 RN me philosophia BE me et philosophia et A 2 V voluntate ab adolescentulo suscepta, fac ut Metrodori tueare liberos. 3.41. Tum ille: His igitur ita positis, inquit, sequitur magna contentio, quam tractatam qua tractata Guyet. a Peripateticis mollius—est enim eorum consuetudo dicendi non satis acuta propter ignorationem ignorantiam R dialecticae—Carneades tuus egregia quadam exercitatione in dialecticis summaque eloquentia rem in summum discrimen adduxit, propterea quod pugnare non destitit in omni hac quaestione, quae de bonis et malis appelletur, non esse rerum Stoicis cum Peripateticis controversiam, sed nominum. mihi autem nihil tam perspicuum videtur, quam has sententias eorum philosophorum re inter se magis quam verbis dissidere; maiorem multo inter Stoicos et Peripateticos rerum esse aio aio aĩo V animo R oio ( prior o ab alt. m. in ras. ) N discrepantiam quam verborum, quippe cum Peripatetici omnia, quae ipsi bona appellant, pertinere dicant ad beate vivendum, nostri non ex omni, quod non ex omni quod Dav. non quod ex omni ARV noro quod ex omni BE numquam ex omni N aestimatione aliqua dignum sit, compleri vitam beatam putent. 4.20. Alia quaedam dicent, credo, magna antiquorum esse peccata, quae ille veri veri ( corr., ut videtur, ex vere) N vere BEV vero R investigandi cupidus nullo modo ferre potuerit. quid enim perversius, quid intolerabilius, quid stultius quam bonam valitudinem, quam dolorum omnium vacuitatem, quam integritatem oculorum reliquorumque sensuum ponere in bonis potius, quam dicerent nihil omnino inter eas res iisque contrarias interesse? ea enim omnia, quae illi bona dicerent, praeposita esse, non bona, itemque illa, quae in corpore excellerent, stulte antiquos dixisse per se esse expetenda; sumenda potius quam expetenda. ea denique omni vita, quae in una virtute virtute una BE consisteret, illam vitam, quae etiam ceteris rebus, quae essent secundum naturam, abundaret, magis expetendam non esse. sed magis sumendam. cumque ipsa virtus efficiat ita beatam vitam, ut beatior esse non possit, tamen quaedam deesse sapientibus tum, cum sint beatissimi; itaque eos id agere, ut a se dolores, morbos, debilitates repellant. 4.72. Quis istud, quaeso, quaeso Man., Lamb. ; quasi nesciebat? verum audiamus.— Ista, inquit, quae dixisti, valere, locupletem esse, non dolere, bona non dico, sed dicam Graece prohgme/na, Latine autem producta—sed praeposita proposita RNV aut praecipua malo, sit tolerabilius et mollius—; illa autem, morbum, egestatem, dolorem, non appello mala, sed, si libet, si libet BE, N (libet ab alt. m. in ras. ); si lilibet R scilicet V reiectanea. itaque illa non dico me expetere, sed legere, nec optare, sed sumere, contraria autem non fugere, sed quasi secernere. Quid ait Aristoteles reliquique Platonis alumni? Se omnia, quae secundum naturam sint, bona appellare, quae autem contra, mala. Videsne igitur Zenonem tuum cum Aristone verbis concinere, concinere C. F. W. Mue. consistere re re N 2 om. BERN 1 V dissidere, cum Aristotele et illis re consentire, verbis discrepare? discrepare BE disceptare cur igitur, cum de re conveniat, non malumus malimus NV usitate loqui? aut doceat paratiorem me ad contemnendam pecuniam fore, si illam in rebus praepositis quam si in bonis duxero, fortioremque in patiendo dolore, si eum asperum et difficilem perpessu et contra perpessu et contra perpessi contra BE naturam esse quam si malum dixero. 5.16. ex quo, id quod omnes expetunt, beate vivendi ratio inveniri et comparari potest. quod quoniam in quo sit magna dissensio est, Carneadea carneadia BENV nobis adhibenda divisio est, qua noster Antiochus libenter uti solet. ille igitur vidit, non modo quot fuissent adhuc philosophorum de summo bono, sed quot omnino esse possent sententiae. negabat igitur ullam esse artem, quae ipsa a se proficisceretur; etenim semper illud extra est, quod arte comprehenditur. nihil opus est exemplis hoc facere longius. est enim perspicuum nullam artem ipsam in se versari, sed esse aliud artem ipsam, aliud quod propositum sit arti. quoniam igitur, ut medicina valitudinis, navigationis gubernatio, sic vivendi ars est prudentia, necesse est eam quoque ab aliqua re esse constitutam et profectam. 5.17. constitit autem fere inter omnes id, in quo prudentia versaretur et quod assequi vellet, aptum et accommodatum naturae esse oportere et tale, ut ipsum per se invitaret et alliceret appetitum animi, quem o(rmh\n o(rmh/n ] bonū R Graeci vocant. quid autem sit, quod ita moveat itaque a natura in primo ortu appetatur, non constat, deque eo est inter philosophos, cum summum bonum exquiritur, omnis dissensio. totius enim quaestionis eius, quae habetur de finibus bonorum et malorum, cum quaeritur, in his quid sit extremum et ultimum, et quid ultimum BE fons reperiendus est, in quo sint prima invitamenta naturae; quo invento omnis ab eo quasi capite de summo bono et malo disputatio ducitur. Voluptatis alii primum appetitum putant et primam depulsionem doloris. vacuitatem doloris alii censent primum ascitam ascitam cod. Glogav., Mdv. ; ascitum RV as|scitum N assertum BE et primum declinatum dolorem. 5.18. ab iis iis Lamb. 2, Mdv. ; his alii, quae prima secundum naturam nomit, proficiscuntur, in quibus numerant incolumitatem conservationemque omnium partium, valitudinem, sensus integros, doloris vacuitatem, viris, pulchritudinem, cetera generis eiusdem, quorum similia sunt prima prima om. R in animis quasi virtutum igniculi et semina. Ex his tribus cum unum aliquid aliquid Wes. aliquod sit, quo primum primum dett. prima BE primo RNV natura moveatur vel ad appetendum vel ad ad ( prius ) om. BERN repellendum, nec quicquam omnino praeter haec tria possit esse, necesse est omnino officium aut fugiendi aut sequendi ad eorum aliquid aliquod BE referri, ut illa prudentia, quam artem vitae esse diximus, in earum trium rerum aliqua versetur, a qua totius vitae ducat exordium. 5.19. ex eo autem, quod statuerit esse, quo primum natura moveatur, existet recti etiam ratio atque honesti, quae cum uno aliquo aliquo uno BE ex tribus illis congruere possit, possit. u aut non dolendi ita sit ut quanta ( v. 19 ) R rell. om. ut aut id honestum sit, facere omnia aut voluptatis causa, etiam si eam secl. Mdv. non consequare, aut non dolendi, etiam etiam N 2 in ras., aut BEV si id assequi nequeas, aut eorum, quae secundum naturam sunt, adipiscendi, etiam si nihil consequare. ita ita N 2 aut non dolendi ita R ( cf. ad v. 14 ), N 1 V; aut nichil dolendi ita BE fit ut, quanta differentia est in principiis naturalibus, tanta sit in finibus bonorum malorumque dissimilitudo. alii rursum isdem a principiis omne officium referent aut ad voluptatem aut ad non dolendum aut ad prima illa secundum naturam optinenda. 5.20. expositis iam igitur sex de summo bono sententiis trium proximarum hi principes: voluptatis Aristippus, non dolendi Hieronymus, fruendi rebus iis, quas primas secundum naturam esse diximus, Carneades non ille quidem auctor, sed defensor disserendi causa fuit. superiores tres erant, quae esse possent, quarum est una sola defensa, eaque vehementer. nam voluptatis causa facere omnia, cum, etiamsi nihil consequamur, tamen ipsum illud consilium ita faciendi per se expetendum et honestum et solum bonum sit, nemo dixit. ne vitationem quidem doloris ipsam per se quisquam in rebus expetendis putavit, nisi nisi Urs. ne si etiam evitare posset. at vero facere omnia, ut adipiscamur, quae secundum naturam sint, sunt BE etiam si ea non assequamur, id esse et honestum et solum per se expetendum et solum bonum Stoici dicunt. | 2.96. "But I must not digress too far. Let me repeat the dying words of Epicurus, to prove to you the discrepancy between his practice and his principles: 'Epicurus to Hermarchus, greeting. I write these words,' he says, 'on the happiest, and the last, day of my life. I am suffering from diseases of the bladder and intestines, which are of the utmost possible severity.' Unhappy creature! If pain is the Chief Evil, that is the only thing to be said. But let us hear his own words. 'Yet all my sufferings,' he continues, 'are counterbalanced by the joy which I derive from remembering my theories and discoveries. I charge you, by the devotion which from your youth up you have displayed towards myself and towards philosophy, to protect the children of Metrodorus.' < 3.41. "Well, then," resumed Cato, "these principles established there follows a great dispute, which on the side of the Peripatetics was carried on with no great pertinacity (in fact their ignorance of logic renders their habitual style of discourse somewhat deficient in cogency); but your leader Carneades with his exceptional proficiency in logic and his consummate eloquence brought the controversy to a head. Carneades never ceased to contend that on the whole soâcalled 'problem of good and evil,' there was no disagreement as to facts between the Stoics and the Peripatetics, but only as to terms. For my part, however, nothing seems to me more manifest than that there is more of a real than a verbal difference of opinion between those philosophers on these points. I maintain that there is a far greater discrepancy between the Stoics and the Peripatetics as to facts than as to words. The Peripatetics say that all the things which under their system are called goods contribute to happiness; whereas our school does not believe that total happiness comprises everything that deserves to have a certain amount of value attached to it. < 4.20. As I understand, they will accuse the ancients of certain grave errors in other matters, which that ardent seeker after truth found himself quite unable to tolerate. What, he asked, could have been more insufferably foolish and perverse than to take good health, freedom from all pain, or soundness of eyesight and of the other senses, and class them as goods, instead of saying that there was nothing whatever to choose between these things and their opposites? According to him, all these things which the ancients called good, were not good, but 'preferred'; and so also with bodily excellences, it was foolish of the ancients to call them 'desirable for their own sakes'; they were not 'desirable' but 'worth taking'; and in short, speaking generally, a life bountifully supplied with all the other things in accordance with nature, in addition to virtue, was not 'more desirable,' but only 'more worth taking' than a life of virtue and virtue alone; and although virtue of itself can render life as happy as it is possible for it to be, yet there are some things that Wise Men lack at the very moment of supreme happiness; and accordingly they do their best to protect themselves from pain, disease and infirmity. < 4.72. "Who, pray, did not know that? However, let us hear what he has to say. â 'The things you mentioned,' he continues, 'health, affluence, freedom from pain, I do not call goods, but I will call them in Greek proÄgmena, that is in your language "brought forward" (though I will rather use "preferred" or "preâeminent," as these sound smoother and more acceptable) and on the other hand disease, poverty and pain I do not style evils, but, if you please, "things rejected." Accordingly I do not speak of "desiring" but "selecting" these things, not of "wishing" but "adopting" them, and not of "avoiding" their opposites but so to speak "discarding" them.' What say Aristotle and the other pupils of Plato? That they call all things in accordance with nature good and all things contrary to nature bad. Do you see therefore that between your master Zeno and Aristo there is a verbal harmony but a real difference; whereas between him and Aristotle and the rest there is a real agreement and a verbal disagreement? Why, then, as we are agreed to the fact, do we not prefer to employ the usual terminology? Or else let him prove that I shall be readier to despise money if I believe it to be a 'thing preferred' than if I believe it to be a good, and braver to endure pain if I say it is irksome and hard to bear and contrary to nature, than if I call it an evil. < 5.16. and therefore have discovered a standard to which each action may be referred; and from this we can discover and construct that rule of happiness which all desire. "Now there is great difference of opinion as to what constitutes the Chief Good. Let us therefore adopt the classification of Carneades, which our teacher Antiochus is very fond of employing. Carneades passed in review all the opinions as of that Chief Good, not only that actually had been held by philosophers hitherto, but that it was possible to hold. He then pointed out that no science or art can supply its own starting-point; its subject-matter must always lie outside it. There is no need to enlarge upon or illustrate this point; for it is evident that no art is occupied with itself: the art is distinct from the subject with which it deals; since therefore, as medicine is the art of health and navigation the art of sailing the ship, so Prudence or Practical Wisdom is the art of conduct, it follows that Prudence also must have something as its base and point of departure. < 5.17. Now practically all have agreed that the subject with which Prudence is occupied and the end which it desires to attain is bound to be something intimately adapted to our nature; it must be capable of directly arousing and awakening an impulse of desire, what in Greek is called hormÄ. But what it is that at the first moment of our existence excites in our nature this impulse of desire â as to this there is no agreement. It is at this point that all the difference of opinion among students of the ethical problem arises. of the whole inquiry into the Ends of Goods and Evils and the question which among them is ultimate and final, the fountain-head is to be found in the earliest instincts of nature; discover these and you have the source of the stream, the starting-point of the debate as to the Chief Good and Evil. < 5.18. "One school holds that our earliest desire is for pleasure and our earliest repulsion is from pain; another thinks that freedom from pain is the earliest thing welcomed, and pain the earliest thing avoided; others again start from what they term the primary objects in accordance with nature, among which they reckon the soundness and safety of all the parts of the body, health, perfect senses, freedom from pain, strength, beauty and the like, analogous to which are the primary intellectual excellences which are the sparks and seeds of the virtues. Now it must be one or other of these three sets of things which first excites our nature to feel desire or repulsion; nor can it be anything whatsoever beside these three things. It follows therefore that every right act of avoidance or of pursuit is aimed at one of these objects, and that consequently one of these three must form the subject-matter of Prudence, which we spoke of as the art of life; from one of the three Prudence derives the initial motive of the whole of conduct. < 5.19. "Now, from whichever Prudence decides to be the object of the primary natural impulses, will arise a theory of right and of Moral Worth which may correspond with one or other of the three objects aforesaid. Thus Morality will consist either in aiming all our actions at pleasure, even though one may not succeed in attaining it; or at absence of pain, even though one is unable to secure it; or at getting the things in accordance with nature, even though one does not attain any of them. Hence there is a divergence between the different conceptions of the Ends of Goods and Evils, precisely equivalent to the difference of opinion as to the primary natural objects. â Others again starting from the same primary objects will make the sole standard of right action the actual attainment of pleasure, freedom from pain, or the primary things in accordance with nature, respectively. < 5.20. "Thus we have now set forth six views as to the Chief Good. The leading upholders of the latter three are: of pleasure, Aristippus; of freedom from pain, Hieronymus; of the enjoyment of what we have called the primary things in accordance with nature, Carneades, â that is, he did not originate this view but he upheld it for purposes of argument. The three former were possible views, but only one of them has been actually maintained, though that with great vigour. No one has asserted pleasure to be the sole aim of action in the sense that the mere intention of attaining pleasure, although unsuccessful, is in itself desirable and moral and the only good. Nor yet has anyone held that the effort to avoid pain is in itself a thing desirable, without one's being able actually to avoid it. On the other hand, that morality consists in using every endeavour to obtain the things in accordance with nature, and that this endeavour even though unsuccessful is itself the sole thing desirable and the sole good, is actually maintained by the Stoics. < |
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| 84. Philo of Alexandria, De Providentia, 2.70 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
85. Vergil, Aeneis, 7.81-7.106 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), plutarch, on the face appearing on the moons orb Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 617| 7.81. At rex sollicitus monstris oracula Fauni, 7.82. fatidici genitoris, adit lucosque sub alta 7.83. consulit Albunea, nemorum quae maxima sacro 7.84. fonte sonat saevamque exhalat opaca mephitim. 7.85. Hinc Italae gentes omnisque Oenotria tellus 7.86. in dubiis responsa petunt; huc dona sacerdos 7.87. cum tulit et caesarum ovium sub nocte silenti 7.88. pellibus incubuit stratis somnosque petivit, 7.89. multa modis simulacra videt volitantia miris 7.90. et varias audit voces fruiturque deorum 7.91. conloquio atque imis Acheronta adfatur Avernis. 7.92. Hic et tum pater ipse petens responsa Latinus 7.93. centum lanigeras mactabat rite bidentis 7.94. atque harum effultus tergo stratisque iacebat 7.95. velleribus: subita ex alto vox reddita luco est: 7.96. Ne pete conubiis natam sociare Latinis, 7.102. Haec responsa patris Fauni monitusque silenti 7.103. nocte datos non ipse suo premit ore Latinus, 7.104. sed circum late volitans iam Fama per urbes 7.105. Ausonias tulerat, cum Laomedontia pubes 7.106. gramineo ripae religavit ab aggere classem. | 7.81. Laurentian, which his realm and people bear. 7.82. Unto this tree-top, wonderful to tell, 7.83. came hosts of bees, with audible acclaim 7.84. voyaging the stream of air, and seized a place 7.85. on the proud, pointing crest, where the swift swarm, 7.86. with interlacement of close-clinging feet, 7.87. wung from the leafy bough. “Behold, there comes,” 7.88. the prophet cried, “a husband from afar! 7.89. To the same region by the self-same path 7.90. behold an arm'd host taking lordly sway 7.91. upon our city's crown!” Soon after this, 7.92. when, coming to the shrine with torches pure, 7.93. Lavinia kindled at her father's side 7.94. the sacrifice, swift seemed the flame to burn 7.95. along her flowing hair—O sight of woe! 7.96. Over her broidered snood it sparkling flew, 7.97. lighting her queenly tresses and her crown 7.98. of jewels rare: then, wrapt in flaming cloud, 7.99. from hall to hall the fire-god's gift she flung. 7.100. This omen dread and wonder terrible 7.101. was rumored far: for prophet-voices told 7.102. bright honors on the virgin's head to fall 7.104. The King, sore troubled by these portents, sought 7.105. oracular wisdom of his sacred sire, 7.106. Faunus, the fate-revealer, where the groves |
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| 86. Germanicus Caesar, Aratea, 558, 560, 559 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hay, Saeculum: Defining Historical Eras in Ancient Roman Thought (2023) 130 |
| 87. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, De Veterum Censura, 31.3.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 6 |
| 88. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 10.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the malice of herodotus Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 108 |
| 89. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 10.5, 11.19-11.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the malice of herodotus •plutarch, on the songs of euripides Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 51; Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 108 |
90. Vergil, Georgics, 1.32-1.35 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, and varro on the horoscopes of augustus and rome Found in books: Hay, Saeculum: Defining Historical Eras in Ancient Roman Thought (2023) 130| 1.32. anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, 1.33. qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentis 1.34. panditur—ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens 1.35. Scorpius et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit— | 1.32. What mansion of the skies shall hold thee soon, 1.33. Whether to watch o'er cities be thy will, 1.34. Great Caesar, and to take the earth in charge, 1.35. That so the mighty world may welcome thee |
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91. Vergil, Eclogues, 4.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, and varro on the horoscopes of augustus and rome Found in books: Hay, Saeculum: Defining Historical Eras in Ancient Roman Thought (2023) 207 | 4.10. Only do thou, at the boy's birth in whom |
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| 92. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Pompeius Geminus, 3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 135 |
93. Ovid, Fasti, 4.641-4.672 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), plutarch, on the face appearing on the moons orb Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 617| 4.641. rege Numa, fructu non respondente labori, 4.642. inrita decepti vota colentis erant, 4.643. nam modo siccus erat gelidis aquilonibus annus, 4.644. nunc ager assidua luxuriabat aqua: 4.645. saepe Ceres primis dominum fallebat in herbis, 4.646. et levis obsesso stabat avena solo, 4.647. et pecus ante diem partus edebat acerbos, 4.648. agnaque nascendo saepe necabat ovem. 4.649. silva vetus nullaque diu violata securi 4.650. stabat, Maenalio sacra relicta deo: 4.651. ille dabat tacitis animo responsa quieto 4.652. noctibus, hic geminas rex Numa mactat oves. 4.653. prima cadit Fauno, leni cadit altera Somno: 4.654. sternitur in duro vellus utrumque solo. 4.655. bis caput intonsum fontana spargitur unda, 4.656. bis sua faginea tempora fronde tegit, 4.657. usus abest Veneris, nec fas animalia mensis 4.658. ponere, nec digitis anulus ullus inest, 4.659. veste rudi tectus supra nova vellera corpus 4.660. ponit, adorato per sua verba deo. 4.661. interea placidam redimita papavere frontem 4.662. nox venit et secum somnia nigra trahit. 4.663. Faunus adest, oviumque premens pede vellera duro 4.664. edidit a dextro talia verba toro: 4.665. ‘morte boum tibi, rex, Tellus placanda duarum: 4.666. det sacris animas una iuvenca duas.’ 4.667. excutitur terrore quies: Numa visa revolvit 4.668. et secum ambages caecaque iussa refert, 4.669. expedit errantem nemori gratissima coniunx 4.670. et dixit gravidae posceris exta bovis. 4.671. exta bovis gravidae dantur, fecundior annus 4.672. provenit, et fructum terra pecusque ferunt, | 4.641. In Numa’s kingship the harvest failed to reward men’s efforts: 4.642. The farmers, deceived, offered their prayers in vain. 4.643. At one time that year it was dry, with cold northerlies, 4.644. The next, the fields were rank with endless rain: 4.645. often the crop failed the farmer in its first sprouting, 4.646. And meagre wild oats overran choked soil, 4.647. And the cattle dropped their young prematurely, 4.648. And the ewes often died giving birth to lambs. 4.649. There was an ancient wood, long untouched by the axe, 4.650. Still sacred to Pan, the god of Maenalus: 4.651. He gave answers, to calm minds, in night silence. 4.652. Here Numa sacrificed twin ewes. 4.653. The first fell to Faunus, the second to gentle Sleep: 4.654. Both the fleeces were spread on the hard soil. 4.655. Twice the king’s unshorn head was sprinkled with spring water, 4.656. Twice he pressed the beech leaves to his forehead. 4.657. He abstained from sex: no meat might be served 4.658. At table, nor could he wear a ring on any finger. 4.659. Dressed in rough clothes he lay down on fresh fleeces, 4.660. Having worshipped the god with appropriate words. 4.661. Meanwhile Night arrived, her calm brow wreathed 4.662. With poppies: bringing with her shadowy dreams. 4.663. Faunus appeared, and pressing the fleece with a hard hoof, 4.664. From the right side of the bed, he uttered these words: 4.665. ‘King, you must appease Earth, with the death of two cows: 4.666. Let one heifer give two lives, in sacrifice.’ 4.667. Fear banished sleep: Numa pondered the vision, 4.668. And considered the ambiguous and dark command. 4.669. His wife, Egeria, most dear to the grove, eased his doubt, 4.670. Saying: ‘What’s needed are the innards of a pregt cow,’ 4.671. The innards of a pregt cow were offered: the year proved 4.672. More fruitful, and earth and cattle bore their increase. |
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| 94. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 1.91 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 233 |
95. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 12.28, 12.44.2, 12.44.3, 15.35.1, 17.111.4, 17.111.3, 17.111.1, 17.111.2, 18.8-9.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 97 | 12.28. The Samians, believing that because of the departure of Pericles they had a suitable opportunity to attack the ships that had been left behind, sailed against them, and having won the battle they were puffed up with pride., But when Pericles received word of the defeat of his forces, he at once turned back and gathered an imposing fleet, since he desired to destroy once and for all the fleet of the enemy. The Athenians rapidly dispatched sixty triremes and the Chians and Mytilenaeans thirty, and with this great armament Pericles renewed the siege both by land and by sea, making continuous assaults., He built also siege machines, being the first of all men to do so, such as those called "rams" and "tortoises," Artemon of Clazomenae having built them; and by pushing the siege with energy and throwing down the walls by means of the siege machines he gained the mastery of Samos. After punishing the ringleaders of the revolt he exacted of the Samians the expenses incurred in the siege of the city, fixing the penalty at two hundred talents., He also took from them their ships and razed their walls; then he restored the democracy and returned to his country. As for the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, the thirty-year truce between them remained unshaken to this time. These, then, were the events of this year. 12.28. 1. The Samians, believing that because of the departure of Pericles they had a suitable opportunity to attack the ships that had been left behind, sailed against them, and having won the battle they were puffed up with pride.,2. But when Pericles received word of the defeat of his forces, he at once turned back and gathered an imposing fleet, since he desired to destroy once and for all the fleet of the enemy. The Athenians rapidly dispatched sixty triremes and the Chians and Mytilenaeans thirty, and with this great armament Pericles renewed the siege both by land and by sea, making continuous assaults.,3. He built also siege machines, being the first of all men to do so, such as those called "rams" and "tortoises," Artemon of Clazomenae having built them; and by pushing the siege with energy and throwing down the walls by means of the siege machines he gained the mastery of Samos. After punishing the ringleaders of the revolt he exacted of the Samians the expenses incurred in the siege of the city, fixing the penalty at two hundred talents.,4. He also took from them their ships and razed their walls; then he restored the democracy and returned to his country. As for the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, the thirty-year truce between them remained unshaken to this time. These, then, were the events of this year. |
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| 96. Catullus, Poems, 64.327 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 337 |
| 97. Demetrius, Style, 181 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the malice of herodotus Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 108 |
98. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 3.101-3.128 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, and varro on the horoscopes of augustus and rome Found in books: Hay, Saeculum: Defining Historical Eras in Ancient Roman Thought (2023) 207| 3.101. Ordior a cultu; cultis bene Liber ab uvis 3.102. rend= 3.103. Forma dei munus: forma quota quaeque superbit? 3.104. rend= 3.105. Cura dabit faciem; facies neglecta peribit, 3.106. rend= 3.107. Corpora si veteres non sic coluere puellae, 3.108. rend= 3.109. Si fuit Andromache tunicas induta valentes, 3.110. rend= 3.111. Scilicet Aiaci coniunx ornata venires, 3.112. rend= 3.113. Simplicitas rudis ante fuit: nunc aurea Roma est, 3.114. rend= 3.115. Aspice quae nunc sunt Capitolia, quaeque fuerunt: 3.116. rend= 3.117. Curia, concilio quae nunc dignissima tanto, 3.118. rend= 3.119. Quae nunc sub Phoebo ducibusque Palatia fulgent, 3.120. rend= 3.121. Prisca iuvent alios: ego me nunc denique natum 3.122. rend= 3.123. Non quia nunc terrae lentum subducitur aurum, 3.124. rend= 3.125. Nec quia decrescunt effosso marmore montes, 3.126. rend= 3.127. Sed quia cultus adest, nec nostros mansit in annos 3.128. rend= | 3.101. And you, who now the love-sick youth reject, 3.102. Will prove in age, what pains attend neglect. 3.103. None, then will press upon your midnight hours, 3.104. Nor wake to strew your street with morning flow'rs. 3.105. Then nightly knockings at your doors will cease, 3.106. Whose noiseless hammer, then, may rest in peace. 3.107. Alas, how soon a clear complexion fades! 3.108. How soon a wrinkled skin plump flesh invades! 3.109. And what avails it, tho' the fair one swear 3.110. She from her infancy had some grey hairs ? 3.110. what wonder? Her husband was a rough soldier? Do you suppose Ajax’s wife would come to him all smart, when his outer layer was seven hides of an ox? There was crude simplicity before: now Rome is golden, and owns the vast wealth of the conquered world. Look what the Capitol is now, and what it was: you’d say it belonged to a different Jove. The Senate-House, now worthy of such debates, was made of wattle when Tatius held the kingship. Where the Palatine now gleams with Apollo and our leaders, 3.111. She grows all hoary in a few more years, 3.112. And then the venerable truth appears. 3.113. The snake his skin, the deer his horns may cast, 3.114. And both renew their youth and vigor past; 3.115. But no receipt can human-kind relieve, 3.116. Doom'd to decrepit age, without reprieve. 3.117. Then crop the flow'r which yet invites your eye, 3.118. And which, ungather'd, on its stalk must die. 3.119. Besides, the tender sex is form'd to bear, 3.120. And frequent births too soon will youth impair; 3.120. what was that but pasture for ploughmen’s oxen? Others may delight in ancient times: I congratulate myself on having been born just now: this age suits my nature. Not because stubborn gold’s mined now from the earth, or choice shells come to us from farthest shores: nor because mountains shrink as marble’s quarried, or because blue waters retreat from the piers: but because civilisation’s here, and no crudity remains, in our age, that survives from our ancient ancestors. You too shouldn’t weight your ears with costly stones, 3.121. Continual harvest wears the fruitful field, 3.122. And earth itself decays, too often till'd. 3.123. Thou didst not, Cynthia , scorn the Latmian swain; 3.124. Nor thou, Aurora, Cephalus disdain; 3.125. The Paphian Queen, who, for Adonis' fate 3.126. So deeply mourn'd, and who laments him yet, 3.127. Has not been found inexorable since; 3.128. Witness Harmonia, and the Dardan prince. |
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| 99. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, f5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the virtues of women Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 658 |
| 100. Seneca The Younger, Quaestiones Naturales, 6.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the decline of the roman empire Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 431 |
| 101. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 2.32.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 67 |
102. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 26 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 233 | 26. But we must not be ignorant that repentance occupies the second place only, next after perfection, just as the change from sickness to convalescence is inferior to perfect uninterrupted health. Therefore, that which is continuous and perfect in virtues is very near divine power, but that condition which is improvement advancing in process of time is the peculiar blessing of a welldisposed soul, which does not continue in its childish pursuits, but by more vigorous thoughts and inclinations, such as really become a man, seeks a tranquil steadiness of soul, and which attains to it by its conception of what is good. V. |
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103. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 177 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 233 | 177. For absolutely never to do anything wrong at all is a peculiar attribute of God, and perhaps one may also say of a God-like man. But when one has erred, then to change so as to adopt a blameless course of life for the future is the part of a wise man, and of one who is not altogether ignorant of what is expedient. |
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104. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.103 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 233 | 1.103. For it would be mere folly that some men should be excluded from the priesthood by reason of the scars which exist on their bodies from ancient wounds, which are the emblem of misfortune indeed, but not of wickedness; but that those persons who, not at all out of necessity but from their own deliberate choice, have made a market of their beauty, when at last they slowly repent, should at once after leaving their lovers become united to priests, and should come from brothels and be admitted into the sacred precincts. For the scars and impressions of their old offences remain not the less in the souls of those who repent. |
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105. Strabo, Geography, 6.3.9, 8.347, 12.3.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), plutarch, on the decline of oracles •plutarch, on the virtues of women •plutarch, on cato the younger Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 658; Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 322; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47 | 6.3.9. From Barium to the Aufidus River, on which is the Emporium of the Canusitae is four hundred stadia and the voyage inland to Emporium is ninety. Near by is also Salapia, the seaport of the Argyrippini. For not far above the sea (in the plain, at all events) are situated two cities, Canusium and Argyrippa, which in earlier times were the largest of the Italiote cities, as is clear from the circuits of their walls. Now, however, Argyrippa is smaller; it was called Argos Hippium at first, then Argyrippa, and then by the present name Arpi. Both are said to have been founded by Diomedes. And as signs of the dominion of Diomedes in these regions are to be seen the Plain of Diomedes and many other things, among which are the old votive offerings in the sanctuary of Athene at Luceria — a place which likewise was in ancient times a city of the Daunii, but is now reduced — and, in the sea near by, two islands that are called the Islands of Diomedes, of which one is inhabited, while the other, it is said, is desert; on the latter, according to certain narrators of myths, Diomedes was caused to disappear, and his companions were changed to birds, and to this day, in fact, remain tame and live a sort of human life, not only in their orderly ways but also in their tameness towards honorable men and in their flight from wicked and knavish men. But I have already mentioned the stories constantly told among the Heneti about this hero and the rites which are observed in his honor. It is thought that Sipus also was founded by Diomedes, which is about one hundred and forty stadia distant from Salapia; at any rate it was named Sepius in Greek after the sepia that are cast ashore by the waves. Between Salapia and Sipus is a navigable river, and also a large lake that opens into the sea; and the merchandise from Sipus, particularly grain, is brought down on both. In Daunia, on a hill by the name of Drium, are to be seen two hero-temples: one, to Calchas, on the very summit, where those who consult the oracle sacrifice to his shade a black ram and sleep in the hide, and the other, to Podaleirius, down near the base of the hill, this sanctuary being about one hundred stadia distant from the sea; and from it flows a stream which is a cure-all for diseases of animals. In front of this gulf is a promontory, Garganum, which extends towards the east for a distance of three hundred stadia into the high sea; doubling the headland, one comes to a small town, Urium, and off the headland are to be seen the Islands of Diomedes. This whole country produces everything in great quantity, and is excellent for horses and sheep; but though the wool is softer than the Tarantine, it is not so glossy. And the country is well sheltered, because the plains lie in hollows. According to some, Diomedes even tried to cut a canal as far as the sea, but left behind both this and the rest of his undertakings only half-finished, because he was summoned home and there ended his life. This is one account of him; but there is also a second, that he stayed here till the end of his life; and a third, the aforesaid mythical account, which tells of his disappearance in the island; and as a fourth one might set down the account of the Heneti, for they too tell a mythical story of how he in some way came to his end in their country, and they call it his apotheosis. 12.3.11. Then one comes to Sinope itself, which is fifty stadia distant from Armene; it is the most noteworthy of the cities in that part of the world. This city was founded by the Milesians; and, having built a naval station, it reigned over the sea inside the Cyaneae, and shared with the Greeks in many struggles even outside the Cyaneae; and, although it was independent for a long time, it could not eventually preserve its freedom, but was captured by siege, and was first enslaved by Pharnaces and afterwards by his successors down to Eupator and to the Romans who overthrew Eupator. Eupator was both born and reared at Sinope; and he accorded it especial honor and treated it as the metropolis of his kingdom. Sinope is beautifully equipped both by nature and by human foresight, for it is situated on the neck of a peninsula, and has on either side of the isthmus harbors and roadsteads and wonderful pelamydes-fisheries, of which I have already made mention, saying that the Sinopeans get the second catch and the Byzantians the third. Furthermore, the peninsula is protected all round by ridgy shores, which have hollowed-out places in them, rock-cavities, as it were, which the people call choenicides; these are filled with water when the sea rises, and therefore the place is hard to approach, not only because of this, but also because the whole surface of the rock is prickly and impassable for bare feet. Higher up, however, and above the city, the ground is fertile and adorned with diversified market-gardens; and especially the suburbs of the city. The city itself is beautifully walled, and is also splendidly adorned with gymnasium and marked place and colonnades. But although it was such a city, still it was twice captured, first by Pharnaces, who unexpectedly attacked it all of a sudden, and later by Lucullus and by the tyrant who was garrisoned within it, being besieged both inside and outside at the same time; for, since Bacchides, who had been set up by the king as commander of the garrison, was always suspecting treason from the people inside, and was causing many outrages and murders, he made the people, who were unable either nobly to defend themselves or to submit by compromise, lose all heart for either course. At any rate, the city was captured; and though Lucullus kept intact the rest of the city's adornments, he took away the globe of Billarus and the work of Sthenis, the statue of Autolycus, whom they regarded as founder of their city and honored as god. The city had also an oracle of Autolycus. He is thought to have been one of those who went on the voyage with Jason and to have taken possession of this place. Then later the Milesians, seeing the natural advantages of the place and the weakness of its inhabitants, appropriated it to themselves and sent forth colonists to it. But at present it has received also a colony of Romans; and a part of the city and the territory belong to these. It is three thousand five hundred stadia distant from the Hieron, two thousand from Heracleia, and seven hundred from Carambis. It has produced excellent men: among the philosophers, Diogenes the Cynic and Timotheus Patrion; among the poets, Diphilus the comic poet; and, among the historians, Baton, who wrote the work entitled The Persica. |
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106. Livy, History, 5.49.2, 22.9, 22.11.5-22.11.7, 23.14.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 66, 81, 82, 96| 22.11.5. qua iturus Hannibal esset, tectis prius incensis ac frugibus corruptis, ne cuius rei copia esset, ipse via Flaminia profectus obviam consuli exercituique cum ad Tiberim circa Ocriculum prospexisset agmen consulemque cum equitibus ad se progredientem, viatorem misit, qui consuli nuntiaret, ut sine lictoribus ad dictatorer dictatorem veniret. | 22.9. Hannibal marched in a straight course through Umbria as far as Spoletum, and after laying the country round utterly waste, he commenced an attack upon the city which was repulsed with heavy loss. As a single colony was strong enough to defeat his unfortunate attempt he was able to form some conjecture as to the difficulties attending the capture of Rome, and consequently diverted his march into the territory of Picenum, a district which not only abounded in every kind of produce but was richly stored with property which the greedy and needy soldiers seized and plundered without restraint. He remained in camp there for several days during which his soldiers recruited their strength after their winter campaigns and their journey across the marshes, and a battle which though ultimately successful was neither without heavy loss nor easily won. When sufficient time for rest had been allowed to men who delighted much more in plundering and destroying than in ease and idleness, Hannibal resumed his march and devastated the districts of Praetutia and Hadria, then he treated in the same way the country of the Marsi, the Marrucini, and the Peligni and the part of Apulia which was nearest to him, including the cities of Arpi and Luceria. Cn. Servilius had fought some insignificant actions with the Gauls and taken one small town, but when he heard of his colleague's death and the destruction of his army, he was alarmed for the walls of his native City, and marched straight for Rome that he might not be absent at this most critical juncture. Q. Fabius Maximus was now Dictator for the second time. On the very day of his entrance upon office he summoned a meeting of the senate, and commenced by discussing matters of religion. He made it quite clear to the senators that C. Flaminius' fault lay much more in his neglect of the auspices and of his religious duties than in bad generalship and foolhardiness. The gods themselves, he maintained, must be consulted as to the necessary measures to avert their displeasure, and he succeeded in getting a decree passed that the decemvirs should be ordered to consult the Sibylline Books, a course which is only adopted when the most alarming portents have been reported. After inspecting the Books of Fate they informed the senate that the vow which had been made to Mars in view of that war had not been duly discharged, and that it must be discharged afresh and on a much greater scale. The Great Games must be vowed to Jupiter, a temple to Venus Erycina and one to Mens; a lectisternium must be held and solemn intercessions made; a Sacred Spring must also be vowed. All these things must be done if the war was to be a successful one and the republic remain in the same position in which it was at the beginning of the war. As Fabius would be wholly occupied with the necessary arrangements for the war, the senate with the full approval of the pontifical college ordered the praetor, M. Aemilius, to take care that all these orders were carried out in good time. |
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| 107. Plutarch, To An Uneducated Ruler, 782 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 64 |
| 108. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 8.4-8.5, 24.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates •plutarch, on the malice of herodotus Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 139; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79, 80 |
109. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 2.5-2.7, 3.2, 10.2-10.3, 12.1, 19.7, 24.5, 41.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 45, 166; Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 74; Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 128| 10.2. μεγάλας δʼ αὐτῷ κλεισιάδας ἐπὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἀνοίγοντος τοῦ τε γένους καὶ τοῦ πλούτου τῆς τε περὶ τὰς μάχας ἀνδραγαθίας, φίλων τε πολλῶν καὶ οἰκείων ὑπαρχόντων, ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς ἠξίου μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς τοῦ λόγου χάριτος ἰσχύειν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς. καὶ ὅτι μὲν δυνατὸς ἦν εἰπεῖν, οἵ τε κωμικοὶ μαρτυροῦσι καὶ τῶν ῥητόρων ὁ δυνατώτατος ἐν τῷ κατὰ Μειδίου, λέγων τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην καὶ δεινότατον εἰπεῖν γενέσθαι πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις. 24.5. τἆλλʼ οὖν ὢν καὶ μισέλλην ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Περσῶν ὁ Τισαφέρνης, οὕτως ἐνεδίδου τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ κολακευόμενος ὥσθʼ ὑπερβάλλειν αὐτὸν ἀντικολακεύων ἐκεῖνος. ὧν γὰρ ἐκέκτητο παραδείσων τὸν κάλλιστον καὶ ὑδάτων καὶ λειμώνων ὑγιεινῶν ἕνεκεν, διατριβὰς ἔχοντα καὶ καταφυγὰς ἠσκημένας βασιλικῶς καὶ περιττῶς, Ἀλκιβιάδην καλεῖν ἔθετο· καὶ πάντες οὕτω καλοῦντες καὶ προσαγορεύοντες διετέλουν. | 10.2. Though great doors to public service were opened to him by his birth, his wealth, and his personal bravery in battle; and though he had many friends and followers, 196he thought that nothing should give him more influence with the people than the charm of his discourse. And that he was a powerful speaker, not only do the comic poets testify, but also the most powerful of the orators himself, who says, in his speech "Against Meidias," that Alcibiades was a most able speaker in addition to his other gifts. 24.5. And thus it was that Tissaphernes, though otherwise the most ardent of the Persians in his hatred of the Hellenes, so completely surrendered to the flatteries of Alcibiades as to outdo him in reciprocal flatteries. Indeed, the most beautiful park he had, both for its refreshing waters and grateful lawns, with resorts and retreats decked out in regal and extravagant fashion, he named Alcibiades; everyone always called it by that name. 25 |
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110. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 1.1-1.2, 28.1-28.2, 32.8-32.9, 46.2, 50.8-50.11, 57.7-57.8, 60.6, 63.1, 63.7, 66.1, 66.8, 66.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 29, 30, 84, 119, 137; Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128, 129, 130| 1.1. τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ βασιλέως βίον καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὑφʼ οὗ κατελύθη Πομπήϊος, ἐν τούτῳ τῷ βιβλίῳ γράφοντες, διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ὑποκειμένων πράξεων οὐδὲν ἄλλο προεροῦμεν ἢ παραιτησόμεθα τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας, ἐὰν μὴ πάντα μηδὲ καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐξειργασμένως τι τῶν περιβοήτων ἀπαγγέλλωμεν, ἀλλὰ ἐπιτέμνοντες τὰ πλεῖστα, μὴ συκοφαντεῖν. 1.2. οὔτε γὰρ ἱστορίας γράφομεν, ἀλλὰ βίους, οὔτε ταῖς ἐπιφανεστάταις πράξεσι πάντως ἔνεστι δήλωσις ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας, ἀλλὰ πρᾶγμα βραχὺ πολλάκις καὶ ῥῆμα καὶ παιδιά τις ἔμφασιν ἤθους ἐποίησε μᾶλλον ἢ μάχαι μυριόνεκροι καὶ παρατάξεις αἱ μέγισται καὶ πολιορκίαι πόλεων. 28.1. καθόλου δὲ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς βαρβάρους σοβαρὸς ἦν καὶ σφόδρα πεπεισμένῳ περὶ τῆς ἐκ θεοῦ γενέσεως καὶ τεκνώσεως ὅμοιος, τοῖς δὲ Ἕλλησι μετρίως καὶ ὑποφειδομένως ἑαυτὸν ἐξεθείαζε πλὴν περὶ Σάμου γράφων Ἀθηναίοις, ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ ἂν, φησὶν, ὑμῖν ἐλευθέραν πόλιν ἔδωκα καὶ ἔνδοξον ἔχετε δὲ αὐτὴν λαβόντες παρὰ τοῦ τότε κυρίου καὶ πατρὸς ἐμοῦ προσαγορευομένου, λέγων τὸν Φίλιππον. 28.2. ὕστερον δὲ πληγῇ περιπεσὼν ὑπὸ τοξεύματος καὶ περιαλγὴς γενόμενος, τοῦτο μὲν εἶπεν, ὦ φίλοι, τὸ ῥέον αἷμα, καὶ οὐκ ἰχώρ, οἷός πέρ τε ῥέει μακάρεσσι θεοῖσιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ μεγάλης ποτὲ βροντῆς γενομένης καὶ πάντων ἐκπλαγέντων Ἀνάξαρχος ὁ σοφιστὴς παρὼν ἔφη πρὸς αὐτὸν, μή τι σὺ τοιοῦτον ὁ τοῦ Διός; γελάσας ἐκεῖνος, οὐ βούλομαι γὰρ, εἶπε, φοβερὸς εἶναι τοῖς φίλοις, ὥσπερ σύ με κελεύεις ὁ καταφαυλίζων μου τὸ δεῖπνον, ὅτι ταῖς τραπέζαις ἰχθύας ὁρᾷς· ἐπικειμένους, οὐ σατραπῶν κεφαλάς. | 1.1. It is the life of Alexander the king, and of Caesar, who overthrew Pompey, that I am writing in this book, and the multitude of the deeds to be treated is so great that I shall make no other preface than to entreat my readers, in case I do not tell of all the famous actions of these men, nor even speak exhaustively at all in each particular case, but in epitome for the most part, not to complain. 1.2. For it is not Histories that I am writing, but Lives; and in the most illustrious deeds there is not always a manifestation of virtue or vice, nay, a slight thing like a phrase or a jest often makes a greater revelation of character than battles where thousands fall, or the greatest armaments, or sieges of cities. 28.1. In general, he bore himself haughtily towards the Barbarians, and like one fully persuaded of his divine birth and parentage, but with the Greeks it was within limits and somewhat rarely that he assumed his own divinity. However, in writing to the Athenians concerning Samos, he said: I cannot have given you that free and illustrious city; for ye received it from him who was then your master and was called my father, meaning Philip. 28.2. At a later time, however, when he had been hit by an arrow and was suffering great pain, he said: This, my friends, that flows here, is blood, and not Ichor, such as flows from the veins of the blessed gods. Iliad, v. 340 . Once, too, there came a great peal of thunder, and all were terrified at it; whereupon Anaxarchus the sophist who was present said to Alexander: Couldst thou, the son of Zeus, thunder like that? At this, Alexander laughed and said: Nay, I do not wish to cause fear in my friends, as thou wouldst have me do, thou who despisest my suppers because, as thou sayest, thou seest the tables furnished with fish, and not with satraps’ heads. Cf. Athenaeus, pp. 250 f. |
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| 111. Plutarch, Dialogue On Love, 753, 759e, 762b, 24-5 = mor. 770c-771c, 756e- (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 87 |
| 112. Plutarch, Whether An Old Man Should Engage In Public Affairs, 785-786a, 785d, 785e-, 792b, 792c, 785 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 64 |
| 113. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 34.92 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cato the younger Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47 |
| 114. Plutarch, Aristides, 26.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 165, 166 |
115. Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 8.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 6| 8.1. τὴν δὲ μάχην ἐκείνην πολλῶν μὲν ἀπηγγελκότων, Ξενοφῶντος δὲ μονονουχὶ δεικνύοντος ὄψει, καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς οὐ γεγενημένοις, ἀλλὰ γινομένοις, ἐφιστάντος ἀεὶ τὸν ἀκροατὴν ἐμπαθῆ καὶ συγκινδυνεύοντα διὰ Τὴν ἐνάργειαν, οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἐπεξηγεῖσθαι, πλὴν ὅσα τῶν ἀξίων λόγου παρῆλθεν εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον. | 8.1. Now, since many writers have reported to us this battle, and since Xenophon brings it all before our eyes, and by the vigour of his description makes his reader always a participant in the emotions and perils of the struggle, as though it belonged, not to the past, but to the present, it would be folly to describe it again, except so far as he has passed over things worthy of mention. |
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116. Plutarch, Camillus, 5.1, 18.6, 29.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 80| 5.1. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος εἰς τὸ δέκατον ἔτος τοῦ πολέμου καταλύσασα τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς δικτάτορα Κάμιλλον ἀπέδειξεν ἵππαρχον δʼ ἐκεῖνος αὑτῷ προσελόμενος Κορνήλιον Σκηπίωνα, πρῶτον μὲν εὐχὰς ἐποιήσατο τοῖς θεοῖς ἐπὶ τῷ πολέμῳ τέλος εὐκλεὲς λαβόντι τὰς μεγάλας θέας ἄξειν καὶ νεὼν θεᾶς, ἣν Μητέρα Ματοῦταν καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, καθιερώσειν. | 5.1. In the tenth year of the war, 396 B.C. the Senate abolished the other magistracies and appointed Camillus dictator. After choosing Cornelius Scipio as his master of horse, in the first place he made solemn vows to the gods that, in case the war had a glorious ending, he would celebrate the great games in their honour, and dedicate a temple to a goddess whom the Romans call Mater Matuta. |
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| 117. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 2.10-2.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 167 |
| 118. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, 26.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 165, 166 |
| 119. Plutarch, On Moral Virtue, 449A (SVF 3.439) (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, similarly for eupatheiai Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 207 |
| 120. Plutarch, Phocion, 3.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 43, 157 |
| 121. Plutarch, Timoleon, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 39, 43 |
122. Plutarch, Themistocles, 1.1, 2.1-2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on themistocles Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 74| 1.1. ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς γεωγραφίαις, ὦ Σόσσιε Σενεκίων, οἱ ἱστορικοὶ τὰ διαφεύγοντα τὴν γνῶσιν αὐτῶν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις μέρεσι τῶν πινάκων πιεζοῦντες, αἰτίας αἰτίας Amyot, Stephanus, Coraës, Sintenis 2 with C; Bekker and Sintenis 1 have ἐνίοις ( explaining some by saying ). παραγράφουσιν ὅτι τὰ δʼ ἐπέκεινα θῖνες ἄνυδροι καὶ θηριώδεις ἢ πηλὸς ἀϊδνὴς ἢ σκυθικὸν κρύος ἢ πέλαγος πεπηγός, οὕτως ἐμοὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν βίων τῶν παραλλήλων γραφήν, τὸν ἐφικτὸν εἰκότι λόγῳ καὶ βάσιμον ἱστορίᾳ πραγμάτων ἐχομένῃ χρόνον διελθόντι, περὶ τῶν ἀνωτέρω καλῶς εἶχεν εἰπεῖν· τὰ δʼ ἐπέκεινα τερατώδη καὶ τραγικὰ ποιηταὶ καὶ μυθογράφοι νέμονται, καὶ οὐκέτʼ ἔχει πίστιν οὐδὲ σαφήνειαν. | |
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| 123. Plutarch, Sulla, 38.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 108 |
124. Plutarch, Solon, 4.1, 19.1, 27.8, 29.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17, 135| 19.1. συστησάμενος δὲ τὴν ἐν Ἀρείῳ πάγῳ βουλὴν ἐκ τῶν κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀρχόντων, ἧς διὰ τὸ ἄρξαι καὶ αὐτὸς μετεῖχεν, ἔτι δʼ ὁρῶν τὸν δῆμον οἰδοῦντα καὶ θρασυνόμενον τῇ τῶν χρεῶν ἀφέσει, δευτέραν προσκατένειμε βουλήν, ἀπὸ φυλῆς ἑκάστης, τεττάρων οὐσῶν, ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας ἐπιλεξάμενος, οὓς προβουλεύειν ἔταξε τοῦ δήμου καὶ μηδὲν ἐᾶν ἀπροβούλευτον εἰς ἐκκλησίαν εἰσφέρεσθαι. | 19.1. After he had established the council of the Areiopagus, consisting of those who had been archons year by year (and he himself was a member of this body since he had been archon), he observed that the common people were uneasy and bold in consequence of their release from debt, and therefore established another council besides, consisting of four hundred men, one hundred chosen from each of the four tribes. Cf. Aristot. Const. Ath. 8.4 . These were to deliberate on public matters before the people did, and were not to allow any matter to come before the popular assembly without such previous deliberation. |
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| 125. Plutarch, Sertorius, 2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 135 |
| 126. Plutarch, Dinner of The Seven Wise Men, 13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, the banquet of the seven wise men, social bonding Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 356 |
127. Plutarch, Pericles, 1, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4-2.2, 1.4, 2, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 3.5, 5.3, 7, 7.1, 7.3, 7.7, 8, 9, 9.2, 9.5, 10, 10.4, 10.5, 10.7, 11, 11.4, 11.5, 11.6, 12, 12.1, 12.6, 13, 13.15, 13.16, 14, 15, 15.1, 16.1, 20.3, 20.4, 21.1, 22.1, 27.1, 27.2, 28.2, 28.3, 31.1, 31.2-32.6, 32.6, 33.5, 33.6, 33.7, 34.1, 34.2, 34.3, 38.3, 38.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 55; Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 118| 2.2. οὐ γὰρ ἀναγκαῖον, εἰ τέρπει τὸ ἔργον ὡς χάριεν, ἄξιον σπουδῆς εἶναι τὸν εἰργασμένον. ὅθεν οὐδʼ ὠφελεῖ τὰ τοιαῦτα τοὺς θεωμένους, πρὸς ἃ μιμητικὸς οὐ γίνεται ζῆλος οὐδὲ ἀνάδοσις κινοῦσα προθυμίαν καὶ ὁρμὴν ὁρμὴν Fuhr and Blass, after Reiske: ἀφορμήν . ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξομοίωσιν. ἀλλʼ ἥ γε ἀρετὴ ταῖς πράξεσιν εὐθὺς οὕτω διατίθησιν ὥστε ἅμα θαυμάζεσθαι τὰ ἔργα καὶ ζηλοῦσθαι τοὺς εἰργασμένους. | 2.2. For it does not of necessity follow that, if the work delights you with its grace, the one who wrought it is worthy of your esteem. Wherefore the spectator is not advantaged by those things at sight of which no ardor for imitation arises in the breast, nor any uplift of the soul arousing zealous impulses to do the like. But virtuous action straightway so disposes a man that he no sooner admires the works of virtue than he strives to emulate those who wrought them. |
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128. Plutarch, Romulus, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, and varro on the horoscopes of augustus and rome Found in books: Hay, Saeculum: Defining Historical Eras in Ancient Roman Thought (2023) 207 | 12. Now it is agreed that the city was founded on the twenty-first of April, and this day the Romans celebrate with a festival, calling it the birthday of their country. And at first, as it is said, they sacrificed no living creature at that festival, but thought they ought to keep it pure and without stain of blood, since it commemorated the birth of their country. However, even before the founding of the city, they had a pastoral festival on that day, and called it Parilia.,At the present time, indeed, there is no agreement between the Roman and Greek months, but they say that the day on which Romulus founded his city was precisely the thirtieth of the month, and that on that day there was a conjunction of the sun and moon, with an eclipse, which they think was the one seen by Antimachus, the epic poet of Teos, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad. 754 B.C.,And in the times of Varro the philosopher, a Roman who was most deeply versed in history, there lived Tarutius, a companion of his, who, besides being a philosopher and a mathematician, had applied himself to the art of casting nativities, in order to indulge a speculative turn of mind, and was thought to excel in it.,To this man Varro gave the problem of fixing the day and hour of the birth of Romulus, making his deductions from the conjunctions of events reported in the man’s life, just as the solutions of geometrical problems are derived; for the same science, he said, must be capable not only of foretelling a man’s life when the time of his birth is known, but also, from the given facts of his life, of hunting out the time of his birth.,This task, then Tarutius performed, and when he had taken a survey of the man’s experiences and achievements, and had brought together the time of his life, the manner of his death, and all such details, he very courageously and bravely declared that Romulus was conceived in his mother’s womb in the first year of the second Olympiad, 772 B.C. in the month Choeac of the Egyptian calendar, on the twenty-third day, and in the third hour, when the sun was totally eclipsed; and that he was born in the month Thoth, on the twenty-first day, at sunrise;,and that Rome was founded by him on the ninth day of the month Pharmuthi, between the second and third hour: for it is thought that a city’s fortune, as well as that of a man, has a decisive time, which may be known by the position of the stars at its very origin. These and similar speculations will perhaps attract readers by their novelty and extravagance, rather than offend them by their fabulous character. |
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| 129. Plutarch, Table Talk, 1.4.2, 5.5.2, 612c, 620b, 622c, 645e, 657, 659e, 671c, 673c, 678c, 686a, 692b, 693, 694d, 696e, 697, 700c, 702d, 706d-713, 710b, 716d, 724d, 734c, 736c, 744, 725 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 35; Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 356 |
130. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 81 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79, 80 | 81. Why does not the tribune wear a garment with the purple border, The toga praetexta . although the other magistrates wear it? Is it because he is not a magistrate at all? For tribunes have no lictore, nor do they transact business seated on the curule chair, nor do they enter their office at the beginning of the year They entered upon their office December 10th; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, vi. 89. 2; Livy, xxxix. 52. as all the other magistrates do, nor do they cease from their functions when a dictator is chosen: but although he transfers every other office to himself, the tribunes alone remain, as not being officials but as holding some other position. Even as some advocates will not have it that a demurrer is a suit, but hold that its effect is the opposite of that of a suit; for a suit brings a case into court and obtains a judgement, while a demurrer takes it out of court and quashes it; in the same way they believe that the tribuneship is a check on officialdom and a position to offer opposition to magistracy rather than a magistracy. For its authority and power consist in blocking the power of a magistrate and in the abrogation of excessive authority. Or one might expound these matters and others like them, if one were to indulge in the faculty of invention: but since the tribunate derives its origin from the people, the popular element in it is strong: and of much importance is the fact that the tribune does not pride himself above the rest of the people, but conforms in appearance, dress, and manner of life to ordinary citizens. Pomp and circumstance become the consul and the praetor: but the tribune, as Gaius Curio used to say, must allow himself to be trodden upon: he must not be proud of mien, nor difficult of access nor harsh to the multitude, but indefatigable on behalf of others and easy for the multitude to deal with. Wherefore it is the custom that not even the door of his house shall be closed, but it remains open both night and day as a haven of refuge for such as need it. The more humble he is in outward appearance, the more is he increased in power. They think it meet that he shall be available for the common need and be accessible to all, even as an altar: and by the honour paid to him they make his person holy, sacred, and inviolable. Cf. Livy, iii. 55. 6-7; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, vi. 89. 2-3. Wherefore if anything happen to him when he walks abroad in public, it is even customary for him to cleanse and purify his body as if it had been polluted. |
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| 131. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, 801c, 802b, 802c, 802d, 802e, 814a, 814b, 814c, 823e-825, 814ae (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 13 |
132. Plutarch, Pompey, 31.6, 31.8, 31.10-31.13, 36.6-36.7, 39.2, 48.7, 53.8-53.10, 70.3-70.5, 79.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of •plutarch, on cato the younger •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative •plutarch, on the decline of the roman empire Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 64, 84, 91, 119, 137, 161; Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 431; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47| 36.7. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Ἰβήρων κλίνην τε καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ θρόνον, ἅπαντα χρυσᾶ, πέμψαντος αὐτῷ καὶ δεηθέντος λαβεῖν, καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς ταμίαις παρέδωκεν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον. | 36.7. In like manner, too, when the king of the Iberians sent him a couch, a table, and a throne, all of gold, and begged him to accept them, he delivered these also to the quaestors, for the public treasury. 37 |
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| 133. Plutarch, Platonic Questions, 1001e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 156 |
| 134. Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum (874D-911C), 881e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 123 |
| 135. Plutarch, How The Young Man Should Study Poetry, 16, 17-18a, 17b, 33, 18b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 138 |
| 136. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 5.7, 24.11, 39.1-39.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 91, 161, 165; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47 |
137. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.1, 1.5, 7.3, 14.1, 16.7, 29.2-29.5, 30.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 6, 30, 119, 162; Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 51| 1.1. ἐπεὶ δοκοῦμεν οὐκ ἀτόπως τῷ Νικίᾳ τὸν Κράσσον παραβάλλειν, καὶ τὰ Παρθικὰ παθήματα τοῖς Σικελικοῖς, ὥρα παραιτεῖσθαι καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τοῖς συγγράμμασι τούτοις, ὅπως ἐπὶ ταῖς διηγήσεσιν αἷς Θουκυδίδης, αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ περὶ ταῦτα παθητικώτατος, ἐναργέστατος, ποικιλώτατος γενόμενος, ἀμιμήτως ἐξενήνοχε, μηδὲν ἡμᾶς ὑπολάβωσι πεπονθέναι Τιμαίῳ πάθος ὅμοιον, 1.5. ἃς γοῦν Θουκυδίδης ἐξήνεγκε πράξεις καὶ Φίλιστος, ἐπεὶ παρελθεῖν οὐκ ἔστι, μάλιστά γε δὴ τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων παθῶν καλυπτομένην περιεχούσας, ἐπιδραμὼν βραχέως καὶ διὰ τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἵνα μὴ παντάπασιν ἀμελὴς δοκῶ καὶ ἀργὸς εἶναι, τὰ διαφεύγοντα τοὺς πολλούς, ὑφʼ ἑτέρων δʼ εἰρημένα σποράδην ἢ πρὸς ἀναθήμασιν ἢ ψηφίσμασιν εὑρημένα παλαιοῖς πεπείραμαι συναγαγεῖν, οὐ τὴν ἄχρηστον ἀθροίζων ἱστορίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πρὸς κατανόησιν ἤθους καὶ τρόπου παραδιδούς. 29.2. ἐβοήθει δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἥ τʼ αἰδὼς καὶ τὸ κόσμιον· ἢ γὰρ ἠλευθεροῦντο ταχέως ἢ τιμώμενοι παρέμενον τοῖς κεκτημένοις. ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ διʼ Εὐριπίδην ἐσώθησαν. μάλιστα γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, τῶν ἐκτὸς Ἑλλήνων ἐπόθησαν αὐτοῦ τὴν μοῦσαν οἱ περὶ Σικελίαν· καὶ μικρὰ τῶν ἀφικνουμένων ἑκάστοτε δείγματα καὶ γεύματα κομιζόντων ἐκμανθάνοντες ἀγαπητῶς μετεδίδοσαν ἀλλήλοις. 29.3. τότε γοῦν φασι τῶν σωθέντων οἴκαδε συχνοὺς ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν Εὐριπίδην φιλοφρόνως, καὶ διηγεῖσθαι τοὺς μέν, ὅτι δουλεύοντες ἀφείθησαν ἐκδιδάξαντες ὅσα τῶν ἐκείνου ποιημάτων ἐμέμνηντο, τοὺς δʼ, ὅτι πλανώμενοι μετὰ τὴν μάχην τροφῆς καὶ ὕδατος μετέλαβον τῶν μελῶν ᾄσαντες. οὐ δεῖ δὴ θαυμάζειν ὅτι τοὺς Καυνίους φασὶ πλοίου προσφερομένου τοῖς λιμέσιν ὑπὸ λῃστρίδων διωκομένου μὴ δέχεσθαι τὸ πρῶτον, ἀλλʼ ἀπείργειν, εἶτα μέντοι διαπυνθανομένους εἰ γινώσκουσιν ᾄσματα τῶν Εὐριπίδου, φησάντων ἐκείνων, οὕτω παρεῖναι καὶ καταγαγεῖν τὸ πλοῖον. | 1.1. I think that Nicias is a suitable parallel to Crassus, and the Sicilian to the Parthian disaster. I must therefore at once, and in all modesty, entreat my readers not to imagine for an instant that, in my narration of what Thucydides has inimitably set forth, surpassing even himself in pathos, vividness, and variety, I am so disposed as was Timaeus. 1.5. At all events, those deeds which Thucydides and Philistus have set forth, â since I cannot entirely pass them by, indicating as they do the nature of my hero and the disposition which lay hidden beneath his great many sufferings, â I have run over briefly, and with no unnecessary detail, in order to escape the reputation of utter carelessness and sloth; but those details which have escaped most writers, and which others have mentioned casually, or which are found on ancient votive offerings or in public decrees, these I have tried to collect, not massing together useless material of research, but handing on such as furthers the appreciation of character and temperament. 2 29.2. But even these were helped by their restrained and decorous bearing; some were speedily set free, and some remained with their masters in positions of honour. Some also were saved for the sake of Euripides. For the Sicilians, it would seem, more than any other Hellenes outside the home land, had a yearning fondness for his poetry. They were forever learning by heart the little specimens and morsels of it which visitors brought them from time to time, and imparting them to one another with fond delight. 29.3. In the present case, at any rate, they say that many Athenians who reached home in safety greeted Euripides with affectionate hearts, and recounted to him, some that they had been set free from slavery for rehearsing what they remembered of his works; and some that when they were roaming about after the final battle they had received food and drink for singing some of his choral hymns. Surely, then, one need not wonder at the story that the Caunians, when a vessel of theirs would have put in at the harbour of Syracuse to escape pursuit by pirates, were not admitted at first, but kept outside, until, on being asked if they knew any songs of Euripides, they declared that they did indeed, and were for this reason suffered to bring their vessel safely in. 30 |
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| 138. Plutarch, Cicero, 6.5, 24.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 45 |
| 139. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 167 |
| 140. Plutarch, On The Sign of Socrates, 580d, 583d, 584b, 585-586a, 589c3-4, 590b-c, 591, 591b, 591b-c, 591d-592c, 591d-e, 591d1-3, 591e, 592c, 594a, 594bd, 597, 597ad, 598ab, 598cd (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 16 |
| 141. Plutarch, On The Glory of The Athenians, 346-347a, 347a, 348a, 348b, 350a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 121 |
| 142. Plutarch, Marcellus, 4.6, 24.10-24.13, 25.1-25.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 67, 79 |
| 143. Plutarch, Lysander, 1.1, 14.7, 25.5, 26.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 108 |
| 144. Plutarch, On The Malice of Herodotus, 854, 854e, 854e-, 854e-856d, 855-856a, 855a, 855b, 855c, 855d, 855e-, 856c, 856d, 856e-857a, 857-858a, 857a, 857b, 857c, 858b, 861-862a, 861a, 862b, 863b, 863e, 864c, 864d, 867b, 868a, 870b, 870c, 872a, 873, 874b, 874c, 864a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 141 |
145. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, 361b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 123 | 361b. Xenocrates also is of the opinion that such days as are days of ill omen, and such festivals as have associated with them either beatings or lamentations or fastings or scurrilous language or ribald jests have no relation to the honours paid to the gods or to worthy demigods, but he believes that there exist in the space about us certain great and powerful natures, obdurate, however, and morose, which take pleasure in such things as these, and, if they succeed in obtaining them, resort to nothing worse. Then again, Hesiod calls the worthy and good demigods "holy deities" and "guardians of mortals" and Givers of wealth, and having therein a reward that is kingly. |
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| 146. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 843c, 852e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 334 |
147. Plutarch, Lucullus, 1.8, 1.9, 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 8.3, 14.1, 14.2, 14.3, 14.4, 14.5, 14.6, 14.7, 14.8, 17.6, 17.7, 17.8, 19.3, 19.4, 19.5, 19.6, 19.7, 19.8, 19.9, 24.1, 24.2, 27, 28, 28.5, 28.7, 28.9, 30, 30.2, 30.4, 30.5, 32.1, 32.2, 32.3, 32.4, 33, 33.1, 33.2, 33.3, 33.4, 33.5, 33.6, 34, 35.1, 35.2, 35.3, 35.4, 35.5, 35.6, 35.7, 35.8, 35.9-36.4, 35.9, 36.1, 36.4, 36.5, 36.6, 37.1, 37.2, 37.3, 38, 38.2, 38.3, 38.4, 38.5, 39.1, 41.1, 41.7, 42.3, 42.7-43.1, 43.1, 43.2, 43.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 139| 39.1. ἔστι δʼ οὖν τοῦ Λουκούλλου βίου, καθάπερ ἀρχαίας κωμῳδίας, ἀναγνῶναι τὰ μὲν πρῶτα πολιτείας καὶ στρατηγίας, τὰ δʼ ὕστερα πότους καὶ δεῖπνα καὶ μονονουχὶ κώμους καὶ λαμπάδας καὶ παιδιὰν ἅπασαν. | 39.1. And it is true that in the life of Lucullus, as in an ancient comedy, one reads in the first part of political measures and military commands, and in the latter part of drinking bouts, and banquets, and what might pass for revel-routs, and torch-races, and all manner of frivolity. |
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| 148. Plutarch, De Musica (1131B1147A), 3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cleitus the black Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128, 129, 130, 131 |
| 149. Plutarch, On The Principle of Cold, 955c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 165 |
| 150. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, 395, 395-397a, 395b, 395c, 395d, 396bc, 396c, 397-399a, 397b, 399a, 399c, 400b, 401ad, 402ab, 402c, 403-404a, 403a, 403b, 403e, 404a, 404b, 404cd, 404de, 405, 405ab, 405b, 405e, 406, 406-407a, 406a, 406ab, 406b, 406bc, 406c, 406e, 407a, 407b, 407c, 407d, 408, 408-409c, 408a, 408b, 408bc, 409b, 401ab (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 87 |
151. Plutarch, On Praising Oneself Inoffensively, 539, 540, 541e, 542a, 542b, 547e-, 543b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 45 | 543b. to request the other not to mention such points but rather to consider whether one is of worthy character, commits no injuries, and leads a useful life. He that does this does not introduce the praise, but transfers it; and he leaves the impression not of delighting in the encomiasts but of being displeased with them for praise that is unbecoming and bestowed for the wrong reasons, using his better points to draw attention from the worse, not from a desire for praise, but to show how to praise aright. Indeed the words "Not with stone didI encircle Athens nor with brick; survey the wall Ibuilt and you will discover arms, cavalry, and allies" appear to reflect such a procedure. Still more does the saying of Pericles. |
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| 152. Plutarch, Galba, 2.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 30 |
| 153. Plutarch, Fabius, 1.7, 3.6, 3.7, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4-5.1, 9.2, 9.4, 14.1, 16.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 66, 82 |
154. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 3.1, 3.2, 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 844d, 845c, 846cd, 847d, 848c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 29, 45| 2.2. ἡμεῖς δὲ μικρὰν οἰκοῦντες πόλιν, καὶ ἵνα μὴ μικροτέρα γένηται φιλοχωροῦντες, ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ καὶ ταῖς περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν διατριβαῖς οὐ σχολῆς οὔσης γυμνάζεσθαι περὶ τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον ὑπὸ χρειῶν πολιτικῶν καὶ τῶν διὰ φιλοσοφίαν πλησιαζόντων, ὀψέ ποτε καὶ πόρρω τῆς ἡλικίας ἠρξάμεθα Ῥωμαϊκοῖς γράμμασιν ἐντυγχάνειν. 3.1. διὸ καὶ γράφοντες ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ τούτῳ, τῶν παραλλήλων βίων ὄντι πέμπτῳ, περὶ Δημοσθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος, ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων καὶ τῶν πολιτειῶν τὰς φύσεις αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς διαθέσεις πρὸς ἀλλήλας ἐπισκεψόμεθα, τὸ δὲ τοὺς λόγους ἀντεξετάζειν καὶ ἀποφαίνεσθαι πότερος ἡδίων ἢ δεινότερος εἰπεῖν, ἐάσομεν. | 2.2. He will thus be prevented from publishing a work which is deficient in many, and even in essential things. But as for me, I live in a small city, and I prefer to dwell there that it may not become smaller still; and during the time when I was in Rome and various parts of Italy I had no leisure to practise myself in the Roman language, owing to my public duties and the number of my pupils in philosophy. It was therefore late and when I was well on in years that I began to study Roman literature. And here my experience was an astonishing thing, but true. 3.1. Therefore, in this fifth book of my Parallel Lives, where I write about Demosthenes and Cicero, I shall examine their actions and their political careers to see how their natures and dispositions compare with one another, but I shall make no critical comparison of their speeches, nor try to show which was the more agreeable or the more powerful orator. |
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| 155. Plutarch, On The Delays of Divine Vengeance, 567b, 558a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 47 |
| 156. Plutarch, On Stoic Self-Contradictions, 1039a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (friend of plutarch) Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 87 |
| 157. Plutarch, On Tranquility of Mind, 473B-474B, 473a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 66 |
| 158. Plutarch, Advice About Keeping Well, 131a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •timon, plutarch’s brother Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 37 |
| 159. Plutarch, On Virtue And Vice, 131a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •timon, plutarch’s brother Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 37 |
| 160. Plutarch, Marius, 2.4, 34.6-34.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 64 |
| 161. Plutarch, On Talkativeness, -e, 502f3, 503d4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 162. Plutarch, On The Face Which Appears In The Orb of The Moon, 944c, 929e, 944c-d, 944c-e, 943e10, 945c12-945d4, 943d9-10, 943a9-11, 938e, 936, 926-927a, 941f26(=mor. -), 16, 5, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 21 |
| 163. Plutarch, A Philosopher Ought To Converse Especially With Men In Power, 777b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (friend of plutarch) Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 58 |
| 164. Plutarch, It Is Impossible To Live Pleasantly In The Manner of Epicurus, 1086e, 1099E, 1087cd (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 11 |
165. Plutarch, Cimon, 2.3-2.5, 3.3, 4.4-4.10, 5.5-5.6, 6.2-6.3, 6.6, 8.1-8.2, 10.2-10.9, 12.2, 13.3, 14.3-14.4, 15.3-15.5, 16.2-16.3, 17.3-17.9, 18.1, 18.7, 19.3-19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 43, 94, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 160| 2.3. εἰκόνα δὲ πολὺ καλλίονα νομίζοντες εἶναι τῆς τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀπομιμουμένης τὴν τὸ ἦθος καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐμφανίζουσαν, ἀναληψόμεθα τῇ γραφῇ τῶν παραλλήλων βίων τὰς πράξεις τοῦ ἀνδρός, τἀληθῆ διεξιόντες. ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ἡ τῆς μνήμης χάρις· ἀληθοῦς δὲ μαρτυρίας οὐδʼ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος ἠξίωσε μισθὸν λαβεῖν ψευδῆ καὶ πεπλασμένην ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διήγησιν. 2.4. ὥσπερ γὰρ τοὺς τὰ καλὰ καὶ πολλὴν ἔχοντα χάριν εἴδη ζῳγραφοῦντας, ἂν προσῇ τι μικρὸν αὐτοῖς δυσχερές, ἀξιοῦμεν μήτε παραλιπεῖν τοῦτο τελέως μήτε ἐξακριβοῦν· τὸ μὲν γὰρ αἰσχράν, τὸ δʼ ἀνομοίαν παρέχεται τὴν ὄψιν· οὕτως, ἐπεὶ χαλεπόν ἐστι, μᾶλλον δʼ ἴσως ἀμήχανον, ἀμεμφῆ καὶ καθαρὸν ἀνδρὸς ἐπιδεῖξαι βίον, ἐν τοῖς καλοῖς ἀναπληρωτέον ὥσπερ ὁμοιότητα τὴν ἀλήθειαν. 2.5. τὰς δʼ ἐκ πάθους τινὸς ἢ πολιτικῆς ἀνάγκης ἐπιτρεχούσας ταῖς πράξεσιν ἁμαρτίας καὶ κῆρας ἐλλείμματα μᾶλλον ἀρετῆς τινος ἢ κακίας πονηρεύματα νομίζοντας οὐ δεῖ πάνυ προθύμως ἐναποσημαίνειν τῇ ἱστορίᾳ καὶ περιττῶς, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ αἰδουμένους ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης φύσεως, εἰ καλὸν οὐδὲν εἰλικρινὲς οὐδʼ ἀναμφισβήτητον εἰς ἀρετὴν ἦθος γεγονὸς ἀποδίδωσιν. 3.3. κοινὸν δέ πως αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ ἀτελὲς γέγονε τῆς στρατηγίας, ἑκατέρου μὲν συντρίψαντος, οὐδετέρου δὲ καταλύσαντος τὸν ἀνταγωνιστήν. μάλιστα δʼ ἡ περὶ τὰς ὑποδοχὰς καὶ τὰς φιλανθρωπίας ταύτας ὑγρότης καὶ δαψίλεια καὶ τὸ νεαρὸν καὶ ἀνειμένον ἐν τῇ διαίτῃ παραπλήσιον ἐπʼ ἀμφοτέρων ἰδεῖν ὑπάρχει. παραλείπομεν δʼ ἴσως καὶ ἄλλας τινὰς ὁμοιότητας, ἃς οὐ χαλεπὸν ἐκ τῆς διηγήσεως αὐτῆς συναγαγεῖν. 4.4. Στησίμβροτος δʼ ὁ Θάσιος περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ὁμοῦ τι χρόνον τῷ Κίμωνι γεγονώς φησιν αὐτὸν οὔτε μουσικὴν οὔτε ἄλλο τι μάθημα τῶν ἐλευθερίων καὶ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐπιχωριαζόντων ἐκδιδαχθῆναι, δεινότητός τε καὶ στωμυλίας Ἀττικῆς ὅλως ἀπηλλάχθαι, καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ πολὺ τὸ γενναῖον καὶ ἀληθὲς ἐνυπάρχειν, καὶ μᾶλλον εἶναι Πελοποννήσιον τὸ σχῆμα τῆς ψυχῆς τοῦ ἀνδρός, 4.5. ἔτι δὲ νέος ὢν αἰτίαν ἔσχε πλησιάζειν τῇ ἀδελφῇ. καὶ γὰρ οὐδʼ ἄλλως τὴν Ἐλπινίκην εὔτακτόν τινα γεγονέναι λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς Πολύγνωτον ἐξαμαρτεῖν τὸν ζῳγράφον· καὶ διὰ τοῦτό φασιν ἐν τῇ Πεισιανακτείῳ τότε καλουμένῃ, Ποικίλῃ δὲ νῦν στοᾷ, γράφοντα τὰς Τρῳάδας τὸ τῆς Λαοδίκης ποιῆσαι πρόσωπον ἐν εἰκόνι τῆς Ἐλπινίκης. 4.6. ὁ δὲ Πολύγνωτος οὐκ ἦν τῶν βαναύσων οὐδʼ ἀπʼ ἐργολαβίας ἔγραφε τὴν στοάν, ἀλλὰ προῖκα, φιλοτιμούμενος πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, ὡς οἵ τε συγγραφεῖς ἱστοροῦσι καὶ Μελάνθιος ὁ ποιητὴς λέγει τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον· 4.7. εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ τὴν Ἐλπινίκην οὐ κρύφα τῷ Κίμωνι, φανερῶς δὲ γημαμένην συνοικῆσαι λέγουσιν, ἀξίου τῆς εὐγενείας νυμφίου διὰ τὴν πενίαν ἀποροῦσαν· ἐπεὶ δὲ Καλλίας τῶν εὐπόρων τις Ἀθήνησιν ἐρασθεὶς προσῆλθε τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρὸς καταδίκην ἐκτίνειν ἕτοιμος ὢν πρὸς τὸ δημόσιον, αὐτήν τε πεισθῆναι καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα τῷ Καλλίᾳ συνοικίσαι τὴν Ἐλπινίκην. 6.2. ἔπειτα Παυσανίου τοῖς μὲν βαρβάροις διαλεγομένου περὶ προδοσίας καὶ βασιλεῖ γράφοντος ἐπιστολάς, τοῖς δὲ συμμάχοις τραχέως καὶ αὐθαδῶς προσφερομένου καὶ πολλὰ διʼ ἐξουσίαν καὶ ὄγκον ἀνόητον ὑβρίζοντος, ὑπολαμβάνων πράως τοὺς ἀδικουμένους καὶ φιλανθρώπως ἐξομιλῶν ἔλαθεν οὐ διʼ ὅπλων τὴν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἡγεμονίαν, ἀλλὰ λόγῳ καὶ ἤθει παρελόμενος. 6.6. ὁ δʼ ἐκπεσὼν τοῦ Βυζαντίου καὶ τῷ φάσματι ταραττόμενος, ὡς λέγεται, κατέφυγε πρὸς τὸ νεκυομαντεῖον εἰς Ἡράκλειαν, καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀνακαλούμενος τῆς Κλεονίκης παρῃτεῖτο τὴν ὀργήν. ἡ δʼ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθοῦσα ταχέως ἔφη παύσεσθαι τῶν κακῶν αὐτὸν ἐν Σπάρτῃ γενόμενον, αἰνιττομένη, ὡς ἔοικε, τὴν μέλλουσαν αὐτῷ τελευτήν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἱστόρηται. 8.1. ταῦτα καίπερ οὐδαμοῦ τὸ Κίμωνος ὄνομα δηλοῦντα τιμῆς ὑπερβολὴν ἔχειν ἐδόκει τοῖς τότε ἀνθρώποις. οὔτε γὰρ Θεμιστοκλῆς τοιούτου τινὸς οὔτε Μιλτιάδης ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ τούτῳ γε θαλλοῦ στέφανον αἰτοῦντι Σωφάνης ὁ Δεκελεὺς ἐκ μέσου τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀναστὰς ἀντεῖπεν, οὐκ εὐγνώμονα μέν, ἀρέσασαν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ τότε φωνὴν ἀφείς· ὅταν γάρ, ἔφη, μόνος ἀγωνισάμενος, ὦ Μιλτιάδη, νικήσῃς τοὺς βαρβάρους, τότε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι μόνος ἀξίου. 8.2. διὰ τί τοίνυν τὸ Κίμωνος ὑπερηγάπησαν ἔργον; ἢ ὅτι τῶν μὲν ἄλλων στρατηγούντων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ παθεῖν ἠμύνοντο τοὺς πολεμίους, τούτου δὲ καὶ ποιῆσαι κακῶς ἠδυνήθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκείνων αὐτοὶ στρατεύσαντες, καὶ προσεκτήσαντο χώρας αὐτήν τε τὴν Ἠϊόνα καὶ τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν οἰκίσαντες; 10.3. οἱ δʼ αὐτοὶ καὶ νόμισμα κομίζοντες ἄφθονον παριστάμενοι τοῖς κομψοῖς τῶν πενήτων ἐν ἀγορᾷ σιωπῇ τῶν κερματίων ἐνέβαλλον εἰς τὰς χεῖρας. ὧν δὴ καὶ Κρατῖνος ὁ κωμικὸς ἐν Ἀρχιλόχοις ἔοικε μεμνῆσθαι διὰ τούτων· 10.4. 10.5. ἔτι τοίνυν Γοργίας μὲν ὁ Λεοντῖνός φησι τὸν Κίμωνα τὰ χρήματα κτᾶσθαι μὲν ὡς χρῷτο, χρῆσθαι δὲ ὡς τιμῷτο, Κριτίας δὲ τῶν τριάκοντα γενόμενος ἐν ταῖς ἐλεγείαις εὔχεται· 10.6. οἱ μὲν γάρ, ἐφʼ οἷς ἡ πόλις μέγα φρονεῖ δικαίως, τό τε σπέρμα τῆς τροφῆς εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐξέδωκαν ὑδάτων τε πηγαίων The lacuna can only be conjecturally filled. καὶ πυρὸς ἔναυσιν χρῄζουσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐδίδαξαν, ἐδίδαξαν Bekker corrects, with Schafer, to ἔδειξαν . ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν οἰκίαν τοῖς πολίταις πρυτανεῖον ἀποδείξας κοινόν, ἐν δὲ τῇ χώρᾳ καρπῶν ἑτοίμων ἀπαρχὰς καὶ ὅσα ὧραι καλὰ φέρουσι χρῆσθαι καὶ λαμβάνειν ἅπαντα τοῖς ξένοις παρέχων, τρόπον τινὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Κρόνου μυθολογουμένην κοινωνίαν εἰς τὸν βίον αὖθις κατῆγεν. 10.7. οἱ δὲ ταῦτα κολακείαν ὄχλου καὶ δημαγωγίαν εἶναι διαβάλλοντες ὑπὸ τῆς ἄλλης ἐξηλέγχοντο τοῦ ἀνδρὸς προαιρέσεως ἀριστοκρατικῆς καὶ Λακωνικῆς οὔσης, ὅς γε καὶ Θεμιστοκλεῖ πέρα τοῦ δέοντος ἐπαίροντι τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἀντέβαινε μετʼ Ἀριστείδου, καὶ πρὸς Ἐφιάλτην ὕστερον χάριτι τοῦ δήμου καταλύοντα τὴν ἐξ Ἀρείου πάγου βουλὴν διηνέχθη, 14.3. ἀπολογούμενος δὲ πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς οὐκ Ἰώνων ἔφη προξενεῖν οὐδὲ Θεσσαλῶν, πλουσίων ὄντων, ὥσπερ ἑτέρους, ἵνα θεραπεύωνται καὶ λαμβάνωσιν, ἀλλὰ Λακεδαιμονίων, μιμούμενος καὶ ἀγαπῶν τὴν παρʼ αὐτοῖς εὐτέλειαν καὶ σωφροσύνην, ἧς οὐδένα προτιμᾶν πλοῦτον, ἀλλὰ πλουτίζων ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων τὴν πόλιν ἀγάλλεσθαι. 14.4. μνησθεὶς δὲ τῆς κρίσεως ἐκείνης ὁ Στησίμβροτός φησι τὴν Ἐλπινίκην ὑπὲρ τοῦ Κίμωνος δεομένην ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας τοῦ Περικλέους (οὗτος γὰρ ἦν τῶν κατηγόρων ὁ σφοδρότατος), τὸν δὲ μειδιάσαντα γραῦς εἶ, φάναι, γραῦς, ὦ Ἐλπινίκη, ὡς τηλικαῦτα διαπράττεσθαι πράγματα· πλὴν ἔν γε τῇ δίκῃ πρᾳότατον γενέσθαι τῷ Κίμωνι καὶ πρὸς τὴν κατηγορίαν ἅπαξ ἀναστῆναι μόνον, ὥσπερ ἀφοσιούμενον. 15.3. ἐκεῖνά τε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἀνανεούμενοι καὶ Λακωνισμὸν ἐπικαλοῦντες. εἰς ἃ καὶ τὰ Εὐπόλιδος διατεθρύληται περὶ Κίμωνος, ὅτι 16.3. τὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα διʼ ἐκείνου τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν διεπράττετο, πρᾴως μὲν τοῖς συμμάχοις, κεχαρισμένως δὲ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ὁμιλοῦντος. ἔπειτα δυνατώτεροι γενόμενοι καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις οὐκ ἠρέμα προσκείμενον ὁρῶντες ἤχθοντο. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ παντὶ μεγαλύνων τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ μάλιστα ὅτε τύχοι μεμφόμενος αὐτοῖς ἢ παροξύνων, ὥς φησι Στησίμβροτος, εἰώθει λέγειν· ἀλλʼ οὐ Λακεδαιμόνιοί γε τοιοῦτοι. 17.3. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ὡς ἐπανήρχοντο Δελφοὺς ἀπὸ Φωκέων ἐλευθερώσαντες, ἐν Τανάγρᾳ καταστρατοπεδευσάντων Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν ἀπήντων διαμαχούμενοι, Κίμων δὲ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἧκεν εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ φυλὴν τὴν Οἰνηΐδα, πρόθυμος ὢν ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μετὰ τῶν πολιτῶν. 17.4. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τῶν πεντακοσίων πυθομένη καὶ φοβηθεῖσα, τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῦ καταβοώντων ὡς συνταράξαι τὴν φάλαγγα βουλομένου καὶ τῇ πόλει Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπαγαγεῖν, ἀπηγόρευσε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς μὴ δέχεσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ᾤχετο δεηθεὶς Εὐθίππου τοῦ Ἀναφλυστίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑταίρων, ὅσοι μάλιστα τὴν τοῦ λακωνίζειν αἰτίαν ἔσχον, ἐρρωμένως ἀγωνίσασθαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ διʼ ἔργων ἀπολύσασθαι τὴν αἰτίαν πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας. 17.5. οἱ δὲ λαβόντες αὐτοῦ τὴν πανοπλίαν εἰς τὸν λόχον ἔθεντο· καὶ μετʼ ἀλλήλων συστάντες ἐκθύμως ἑκατὸν ὄντες ἔπεσον, πολὺν αὑτῶν πόθον καὶ μεταμέλειαν ἐφʼ οἷς ᾐτιάθησαν ἀδίκως ἀπολιπόντες τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. ὅθεν οὐδὲ τῷ πρὸς Κίμωνα θυμῷ πολὺν χρόνον ἐνέμειναν, τὰ μέν, ὡς εἰκός, ὧν ἔπαθον εὖ μεμνημένοι, τὰ δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ συλλαμβανομένου. 17.6. νενικημένοι γὰρ ἐν Τανάγρᾳ μάχῃ μεγάλῃ καὶ προσδοκῶντες εἰς ὥραν ἔτους στρατιὰν Πελοποννησίων ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἐκάλουν ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς τὸν Κίμωνα· καὶ κατῆλθε τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος αὐτῷ Περικλέους. οὕτω τότε πολιτικαὶ μὲν ἦσαν αἱ διαφοραί, μέτριοι δʼ οἱ θυμοὶ καὶ πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν εὐανάκλητοι συμφέρον, ἡ δὲ φιλοτιμία πάντων ἐπικρατοῦσα τῶν παθῶν τοῖς τῆς πατρίδος ὑπεχώρει καιροῖς. 18.7. οὐδὲ χρησμὸν αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς ἐξήνεγκεν, ἀλλʼ ἅμα τῷ προσελθεῖν ἐκέλευσεν ἀπιέναι τοὺς θεοπρόπους· αὐτὸν γὰρ ἤδη τὸν Κίμωνα παρʼ ἑαυτῷ τυγχάνειν ὄντα. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ θεοπρόποι κατέβαινον ἐπὶ θάλασσαν· γενόμενοι δὲ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὃ τότε περὶ Αἴγυπτον ἦν, ἐπύθοντο τεθνάναι τὸν Κίμωνα· καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας πρὸς τὸ μαντεῖον ἀνάγοντες ἔγνωσαν ᾐνιγμένην τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς ἤδη παρὰ θεοῖς ὄντος. 19.3. ὀψὲ δʼ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀγησίλαον εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξενεγκάμενοι τὰ ὅπλα βραχέος ἥψαντο πολέμου πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ βασιλέως στρατηγούς· καὶ λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ μέγα δράσαντες, αὖθις δὲ ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς στάσεσι καὶ ταραχαῖς ἀφʼ ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς ὑπενεχθέντες, ᾤχοντο τοὺς Περσῶν φορολόγους ἐν μέσαις ταῖς συμμάχοις καὶ φίλαις πόλεσιν ἀπολιπόντες, ὧν οὐδὲ γραμματοφόρος κατέβαινεν οὐδʼ ἵππος πρὸς θαλάσσῃ τετρακοσίων σταδίων ἐντὸς ὤφθη στρατηγοῦντος Κίμωνος. 19.4. ὅτι μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀπεκομίσθη τὰ λείψανα αὐτοῦ, μαρτυρεῖ τῶν μνημάτων τὰ μέχρι νῦν Κιμώνεια προσαγορευόμενα· τιμῶσι δὲ καὶ Κιτιεῖς τάφον τινὰ Κίμωνος, ὡς Ναυσικράτης ὁ ῥήτωρ φησίν, ἐν λοιμῷ καὶ γῆς ἀφορίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ προστάξαντος αὐτοῖς μὴ ἀμελεῖν Κίμωνος, ἀλλʼ ὡς κρείττονα σέβεσθαι καὶ γεραίρειν. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Ἑλληνικὸς ἡγεμών. | 2.3. and since we believe that a portrait which reveals character and disposition is far more beautiful than one which merely copies form and feature, we shall incorporate this man's deeds into our parallel lives, ')" onMouseOut="nd();">and we shall rehearse them truly. The mere mention of them is sufficient favour to show him; and as a return for his truthful testimony he himself surely would not deign to accept a false and garbled narrative of his career. 2.4. We demand of those who would paint fair and graceful features that, in case of any slight imperfection therein, they shall neither wholly omit it nor yet emphasise it, because the one course makes the portrait ugly and the other unlike its original. In like manner, since it is difficult, nay rather perhaps impossible, to represent a man's life as stainless and pure, 480in its fair chapters we must round out the truth into fullest semblance; 2.5. but those transgressions and follies by which, owing to passion, perhaps, or political compulsion, a man's career is sullied, we must regard rather as shortcomings in some particular excellence than as the vile products of positive baseness, and we must not all too zealously delineate them in our history, and superfluously too, but treat them as though we were tenderly defending human nature for producing no character which is absolutely good and indisputably set towards virtue. 3 3.3. Common also in a way to both their careers was the incompleteness of their campaigns. Each crushed, but neither gave the death blow to his antagonist. But more than all else, the lavish ease which marked their entertainments and hospitalities, as well as the ardour and laxity of their way of living, was conspicuous alike in both. Possibly we may omit still other resemblances, but it will not be hard to gather them directly from our story. 4 4.4. And Stesimbrotus the Thracian, who was of about Cimon's time, says that he acquired no literary education, nor any other liberal and distinctively Hellenic accomplishment; that he lacked entirely the Attic cleverness and fluency of speech; that in his outward bearing there was much nobility and truthfulness; that the fashion of the man's spirit was rather Peloponnesian, "Plain, unadorned, in a great crisis brave and true," as Euripides says of Heracles, a citation which we may add to what Stesimbrotus wrote. 4.5. While he was still a youth he was accused of improper intercourse with his sister. And indeed in other cases too they say that Elpinicé was not very decorous, but that she had improper relations also with Polygnotus the painter, and that it was for this reason that, in the Peisianacteum, as it was then called, but now the Painted Colonnade, when he was painting the Trojan women, 481he made the features of Laodicé a portrait of Elpinicé. 4.6. Now Polygnotus was not a mere artisan, and did not paint the stoa for a contract price, but gratis, out of zeal for the welfare of the city, as the historians relate, and as Melanthius the poet testifies after this fashion:â "He at his own lavish outlay the gods' great fanes, and the market Named Cecropia, adorned; demigods' valour his theme." 4.7. Still, there are some who say that Elpinicé did not live with Cimon in secret intercourse, but openly rather, as his wedded wife, because, on account of her poverty, she could not get a husband worthy of her high lineage; but that when Callias, a wealthy Athenian, fell in love with her, and offered to pay into the state treasury the fine which had been imposed upon her father, she consented herself, and Cimon freely gave Elpinicé to Callias to wife. 6.2. and again, while Pausanias was holding treasonable conference with the Barbarians, writing letters to the King, treating the allies with harsh arrogance, and displaying much wantonness of power and silly pretension, Cimon received with mildness those who brought their wrongs to him, treated them humanely, and so, before men were aware of it, secured the leadership of Hellas, not by force of arms, but by virtue of his address and character. 6.6. Driven from Byzantium, and still harassed by the phantom, as the story goes, he had recourse to the ghost-oracle of Heracleia, and summoning up the spirit of Cleonicé, besought her to forgo her wrath. She came into his presence and said that he would soon cease from his troubles and on coming to Sparta, thus darkly intimating, as it seems, his impending death. At any rate, this tale is told by many. 7 8.1. Although these inscriptions nowhere mentioned Cimon by name, his contemporaries held them to be a surpassing honour for him. Neither Themistocles nor Miltiades achieved any such, nay, when the latter asked for a crown of olive merely, Sophanes the Deceleian rose up in the midst of the assembly and protested. His speech was ungracious, but it pleased the people of that day. "When," said he, "thou hast fought out alone a victory over the Barbarians, then demand to be honoured alone." 8.2. Why, then, were the people so excessively pleased with the achievement of Cimon? Perhaps it was because when the others were their generals they were trying to repel their enemies and so avert disaster; but when he led them they were enabled to ravage the land of their enemies with incursions of their own, and acquired fresh territories for settlement, not only Eïon itself, but also Amphipolis. 10.3. These same followers also carried with them a generous sum of money, and going up to poor men of finer quality in the market-place, they would quietly thrust small change into their hands. To such generosity as this Cratinus seems to have referred in his Archilochi, with the words:â 10.4. "Yes, I too hoped, Metrobius, I, the public scribe, Along with man divine, the rarest host that lives, In every way the best of all Hellenic men, With Cimon, feasting out in joy a sleek old age, To while away the remt of my life. But he Has gone before and left me." 10.5. And again, Gorgias',WIDTH,216)" onMouseOut="nd();">º the Leontine says that Cimon made money that he might spend it, and spent it that he might be honoured for it. And Critias, one of the thirty tyrants, prays in his elegies that he may have "the wealth of the Scopadae, the great-mindedness of Cimon, and the victories of Arcesilaus of Lacedaemon." And yet we know that Lichas the Spartan became famous among the Hellenes for no other reason than that he entertained the strangers at the boys' gymnastic festival; 485but the generosity of Cimon surpassed even the hospitality and philanthropy of the Athenians of olden time. 10.6. For they â and their city is justly very proud of it â spread abroad among the Hellenes the sowing of grain and the lustral uses of spring waters, and taught mankind who knew it not the art of kindling fire. But he made his home in the city a general public residence for his fellow citizens, and on his estates in the country allowed even the stranger to take and use the choicest of the ripened fruits, with all the fair things which the seasons bring. Thus, in a certain fashion, he restored to human life the fabled communism of the age of Cronus, â the golden age. 10.7. Those who slanderously said that this was flattery of the rabble and demagogic art in him, were refuted by the man's political policy, which was aristocratic and Laconian. He actually opposed Themistocles when he exalted the democracy unduly, as Aristides also did. Later on he took hostile issue with Ephialtes, who, to please the people, tried to dethrone the Council of the Areiopagus; 14.3. In making his defence before his judges he said he was no proxenus of rich Ionians and Thessalians, as others were, to be courted and paid for their services, but rather of Lacedaemonians, whose temperate simplicity he lovingly imitated, counting no wealth above it, but embellishing the city with the wealth which he got from the enemy. 14.4. In mentioning this famous trial Stesimbrotus says that Elpinicé came with a plea for Cimon to the house of Pericles, since he was the most ardent accuser, and that he smiled and said, "Too old, too old, Elpinicé, to meddle with such business." But at the trial he was very gentle with Cimon, and took the floor only once in accusation of him, as though it were a mere formality. 15 15.3. It was to these calumnies that the famous and popular verses of Eupolis about Cimon had reference:â "He was not base, but fond of wine and full of sloth, And oft he 'ldº sleep in Lacedaemon, far from home, And leave his Elpinicé sleeping all alone." But if, though full of sloth and given to tippling, he yet took so many cities and won so many victories, it is clear that had he been sober and mindful of his business, no Hellene either before or after him would have surpassed his exploits. 16 16.3. While their empire was first growing, and they were busy making alliances, they were not displeased that honour and favour should be shown to Cimon. He was the foremost Hellenic statesman, dealing generally with the allies and acceptably with the Lacedaemonians. But afterwards, when they became more powerful, and saw that Cimon was strongly attached to the Spartans, they were displeased thereat. For on every occasion he was prone to exalt Lacedaemon to the Athenians, especially when he had occasion to chide or incite them. Then, as Stesimbrotus tells us, he would say: "But the Lacedaemonians are not of such a sort." 17.3. It was during this period that the Lacedaemonians, after freeing the Delphians from the Phocians, encamped at Tanagra on their march back home. Here the Athenians confronted them, bent on fighting their issue out, and here Cimon came in arms, to join his own Oeneïd tribe, eager to share with his fellow-citizens in repelling the Lacedaemonians. 17.4. But the Council of the Five Hundred learned of this and was filled with fear, since Cimon's foes accused him of wishing to throw the ranks into confusion, and then lead the Lacedaemonians in an attack upon the city; so they forbade the generals to receive the man. As he went away he besought Euthippus of Anaphlystus and his other comrades, all who were specially charged with laconizing, to fight sturdily against the enemy, and by their deeds of valour to dissipate the charge which their countrymen laid at their door. 17.5. They took his armour and set it in the midst of their company, supported one another ardently in the fight, and fell, to the number of one hundred, leaving behind them among the Athenians a great and yearning sense of their loss, and sorrow for the unjust charges made against them. For this reason the Athenians did not long abide by their displeasure against Cimon, partly because, as was natural, they remembered his benefits, and partly because the turn of events favoured his cause. 490 17.6. For they were defeated at Tanagra in a great battle, and expected that in the following spring-time an armed force of Peloponnesians would come against them, and so they recalled Cimon from his exile. The decree which provided for his return was formally proposed by Pericles. To such a degree in those days were dissensions based on political differences of opinion, while personal feelings were moderate, and easily recalled into conformity with the public weal. Even ambition, that master passion, paid deference to the country's welfare. 18 18.7. No one knows what they were sent to ask, nor did the god vouchsafe them any response, but as soon as the enquirers drew nigh, he bade them depart, saying that Cimon himself was already with him. On hearing this, the enquirers went down to the sea-coast, and when they reached the camp of the Hellenes, which was at that time on the confines of Egypt, they learned that Cimon was dead, and on counting the days back to the utterance of the oracle, they found that it was their commander's death which had been darkly intimated, since he was already with the gods. 491 19 19.3. It was not until long afterwards that Agesilaüs carried his arms into Asia and prosecuted a brief war against the King's generals along the sea-coast. And even he could perform no great and brilliant deeds, but was overwhelmed in his turn by a flood of Hellenic disorders and seditions and swept away from a second empire. So he withdrew, leaving in the midst of allied and friendly cities the tax-gatherers of the Persians, not one of whose scribes, nay, nor so much as a horse, had been seen within four hundred furlongs of the sea, as long as Cimon was general. 19.4. That his remains were brought home to Attica, there is testimony in the funeral monuments to this day called Cimonian. But the people of Citium also pay honours to a certain tomb of Cimon, as Nausicrates the rhetorician says, because in a time of pestilence and famine the god enjoined upon them not to neglect Cimon, but to revere and honour him as a superior being. Such was the Greek leader. |
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| 166. Plutarch, Comparison of Aemilius Paulus And Timoleon, 1.1, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 135, 140 |
| 167. Plutarch, Comparison of Agis And Cleomenes With Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 2.9, 3.3, 5.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 43, 135, 136 |
168. Plutarch, Comparison of Lucullus With Cimon, 1.1-1.8, 2.1-2.7, 3.2-3.4, 3.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 64, 93, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143| 1.2. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος οὔπω συντεταραγμένων τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀκμὴν ἐχόντων ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου μέντοι καὶ στρατηγῶν, οὐκ ἀπειρηκὼς οὐδʼ ἀλύων, οὐδέ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν στρατηγιῶν καὶ τῶν τροπαίων ἔπαθλον ποιούμενος εὐωχίας καὶ πότους, ὥσπερ Πλάτων ἐπισκώπτει τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ὀρφέα, τοῖς εὖ βεβιωκόσι φάσκοντας ἀποκεῖσθαι γέρας ἐν ?δου μέθην αἰώνιον. 1.3. σχολὴ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡσυχία καὶ διατριβὴ περὶ λόγους ἡδονήν τινα καὶ θεωρίαν ἔχοντας εὐπρεπέστατον ἀνδρὶ πρεσβύτῃ καὶ πεπαυμένῳ πολέμων καὶ πολιτείας παραμύθιον τὸ δʼ ἐφʼ ἡδονὴν, ὡς τέλος, καταστρέψαντα τὰς καλὰς πράξεις ἤδη λοιπὸν Ἀφροδίσια τῶν πολέμων καὶ στρατηγιῶν ἄγοντα παίζειν καὶ τρυφᾶν οὐκ ἄξια τῆς καλῆς Ἀκαδημείας, οὐδέ τὸν Ξενοκράτη ζηλοῦντος, ἀλλʼ ἐγκεκλικότος πρὸς τὸν Ἐπίκουρον. 2.3. εἰ τοίνυν μέγιστον ἔργον ἡγεμόνος εὐπείθειαν ἐργάσασθαι διʼ εὐνοίας, εὐνοίας with S: εὔνοιαν. Λούκουλλος μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατεφρονήθη, Κίμων δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων ἐθαυμάσθη· παρʼ οὗ μὲν γὰρ ἀπέστησαν, πρὸς ὃν δὲ μετέστησαν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ὧν ἄρχων ἐξῆλθεν, ὑπὸ τούτων ἀπολειφθεὶς ἐπανῆλθεν, ὁ δὲ μεθʼ ὧν ἑτέροις ποιήσων τὸ προσταττόμενον ἐξεπέμφθη, τούτοις αὐτὸς διδοὺς τὸ παράγγελμα κατέπλευσε, τρία τὰ πάντων δυσκολώτατα διαπεπραγμένος ὁμοῦ τῇ πόλει, πρὸς μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους εἰρήνην, παρὰ δὲ τῶν συμμάχων ἡγεμονίαν, πρὸς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ὁμόνοιαν. 2.5. ἢ τοῦτό γε καὶ πρὸς Κίμωνα κοινόν ἐστι· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνον ὑπήγαγόν τε εἰς δίκας οἱ πολῖται καὶ τελευτῶντες ἐξωστράκισαν, ἵνʼ αὐτοῦ δέκα ἐτῶν, ὥς φησιν ὁ Πλάτων, τῆς φωνῆς μὴ ἀκούσωσιν. αἱ γὰρ ἀριστοκρατικαὶ φύσεις ὀλίγα τοῖς πολλοῖς συνᾴδουσι καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἔχουσι, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ προσβιαζόμεναι τῷ κατευθύνειν διαστρεφομένους ἀνιῶσιν, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν ἰατρῶν δεσμοί, καίπερ εἰς τὰ κατὰ φύσιν ἄγοντες τὰς παραρθρήσεις. ταύτης μὲν οὖν ἴσως ἀπαλλακτέον τῆς αἰτίας ἑκάτερον. | 1.2. 1.3. 2.3. 2.5. |
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| 169. Plutarch, Comparison of Demetrius And Antony, 3.2, 6.3-6.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 63, 167 |
170. Plutarch, Comparison of Demosthenes And Cicero, 2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 45 | 2. ,Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi ( in Pisonem, 29, 72 ff. ). , Steadfast, in heavy armour clad, destructive to foes. The second verse of an elegiac distich attributed to Aeschylus in Morals, p. 334 d . Cf. Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graeci, ii.4 p. 242. , It is necessary, indeed, that a political leader should prevail by reason of his eloquence, but ignoble for him to admire and crave the fame that springs from his eloquence. Wherefore in this regard Demosthenes is more stately and magnificent, since he declares that his ability in speaking was a mere matter of experience, depending greatly upon the goodwill of his hearers, Cf. On the Crown, 277 . and considers illiberal and vulgar, as they are, those who are puffed up at such success. |
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171. Plutarch, Comparison of Numa With Lycurgus, 1.1, 2.2, 3.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 135, 140| 1.1. ἀλλʼ ἐπεὶ τὸν Νομᾶ καὶ Λυκούργου διεληλύθαμεν βίον, ἐκκειμένων ἀμφοῖν, εἰ καὶ χαλεπὸν ἔργον, οὐκ ἀποκνητέον συναγαγεῖν τὰς διαφοράς,αἱ μὲν γὰρ κοινότητες ἐπιφαίνονται ταῖς πράξεσιν, οἷον ἡ σωφροσύνη τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἡ εὐσέβεια, τὸ πολιτικόν, τὸ παιδευτικόν, τὸ μίαν ἀρχὴν παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἀμφοτέρους λαβεῖν τῆς νομοθεσίας· τῶν δὲ ἰδίᾳ ἑκατέρου καλῶν πρῶτόν ἐστι Νομᾷ μὲν ἡ παράληψις τῆς βασιλείας, Λυκούργῳ δὲ ἡ παράδοσις. 3.3. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἡ περὶ τὰς παρθένους φυλακὴ κατέσταλται τῷ Νομᾷ πρὸς τὸ θῆλυ καὶ κόσμιον ἡ δὲ τοῦ Λυκούργου παντάπασιν ἀναπεπταμένη καὶ ἄθηλυς οὖσα τοῖς ποιηταῖς λόγον παρέσχηκε. φαινομηρίδας τε γὰρ αὐτὰς ἀποκαλοῦσιν, ὡςἼβυκος, καὶ ἀνδρομανεῖς λοιδοροῦσιν, ὡς Εὐριπίδης, λέγων· αἳ σὺν νέοισιν ἐξερημοῦσιν ἐξερημοῦσιν adapted from ἐξερημοῦσαι ( leaving their homes ). δόμους γυμνοῖσι μηροῖς καὶ πέπλοις ἀνειμένοις. | 1.1. Now that we have recounted the lives of Numa and Lycurgus, and both lie clearly before us, we must attempt, even though the task be difficult, to assemble and put together their points of difference. For their points of likeness are obvious from their careers: their wise moderation, their piety, their talent for governing and educating, and their both deriving their laws from a divine source. But each also performed noble deeds peculiar to himself. To begin with, Numa accepted, but Lycurgus resigned, a kingdom. 2 One got it without asking for it, the other had it and gave it up. One was made by others their sovereign, though a private person and a stranger; the other made himself a private person, though he was a king. It was a noble thing, of course, to win a kingdom by righteousness; but it was also a noble thing to set righteousness above a kingdom. For it was virtue which rendered the one so famous as to be judged worthy of a kingdom, and virtue, too, which made the other so great as to scorn a kingdom. 1.1. Now that we have recounted the lives of Numa and Lycurgus, and both lie clearly before us, we must attempt, even though the task be difficult, to assemble and put together their points of difference. For their points of likeness are obvious from their careers: their wise moderation, their piety, their talent for governing and educating, and their both deriving their laws from a divine source. But each also performed noble deeds peculiar to himself. To begin with, Numa accepted, but Lycurgus resigned, a kingdom. 1.1. 3.3. Still further, Numa's watchful care of young maidens was more conducive to feminine decorum; but the treatment of them by Lycurgus, being entirely unconfined and unfeminine, has given occasion to the poets. They call them "phainomerides," bare-thighed (so Ibycus), and revile them as mad after men. Thus Euripides says:—"They leave their homes to mingle with the youths; Their thighs are naked, flying free their robes." For in fact the flaps of the tunic worn by their maidens were not sewn together below the waist, but would fly back and lay bare the whole thigh as they walked. Sophocles pictures the thing very clearly in these words:—And that young maid, whose tunic, still unsewn,Lays bare her gleaming thighBetween its folds, Hermione." 3.3. Still further, Numa’s watchful care of young maidens was more conducive to feminine decorum; but the treatment of them by Lycurgus, being entirely unconfined and unfeminine, has given occasion to the poets. They call them phainomerides, bare-thighed (so Ibycus), and revile them as mad after men. Thus Euripides says Andromache, 587f. (Kirchhoff), slightly adapted. :— They leave their homes to mingle with the youths; Their thighs are naked, flying free their robes. 3.3. phainomerides, bare-thighed (so Ibycus), and revile them as mad after men. Thus Euripides says Andromache, 587f. (Kirchhoff), slightly adapted. :— They leave their homes to mingle with the youths; Their thighs are naked, flying free their robes. |
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172. Plutarch, Comparison of Lysander With Sulla, 2.1-2.7, 3.1-3.2, 3.6-3.8, 5.3-5.4, 5.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 108, 135| 2.1. ἐπεχείρησε μὲν οὖν ὁ Λύσανδρος, ὡς εἴρηται, μεταστῆσαι τὰ περὶ τὴν πολιτείαν πρᾳότερον καὶ νομιμώτερον ἢ Σύλλας· πειθοῖ γὰρ, οὐ διʼ ὅπλων οὐδὲ πάντα συλλήβδην ἀναιρῶν, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνος, ἀλλʼ αὐτὴν ἐπανορθούμενος τὴν κατάστασιν τῶν βασιλέων ὃ καὶ φύσει που δίκαιον ἐδόκει, τὸν ἐξ ἀρίστων ἄριστον ἄρχειν ἐν πόλει τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἡγουμένῃ διʼ ἀρετήν, οὐ διʼ εὐγένειαν. 2.2. ὥσπερ γὰρ κυνηγὸς οὐ ζητεῖ τὸ ἐκ κυνός, ἀλλὰ κύνα, καὶ ἱππικὸς ἵππον, οὐ τὸ ἐξ ἵππου· τί γὰρ, ἂν ἐξ ἵππου ἡμίονος γένηται; οὕτως ὁ πολιτικὸς ἁμαρτήσεται τοῦ παντός, ἐὰν μὴ ζητῇ τὸν ἄρχοντα τίς ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ ἐκ τίνος, αὐτοί γέ τοι Σπαρτιᾶται βασιλεύοντας ἐνίους ἀφείλοντο τὴν ἀρχήν, ὡς οὐ βασιλικούς, ἀλλὰ φαύλους καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ὄντας, εἰ δὲ κακία καὶ μετά γένους ἄτιμον, οὐδʼ ἀρετὴ διʼ εὐγένειαν, ἀλλʼ ἀφʼ ἑαυτῆς ἔντιμον. 2.3. αἱ τοίνυν ἀδικίαι τῷ μὲν ὑπὲρ φίλων, τῷ δʼ ἄχρι φίλων ἐπράχθησαν. Λύσανδρος μὲν γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται τὰ πλεῖστα διὰ τοὺς ἑταίρους ἐξαμαρτεῖν καὶ τὰς πλείστας σφαγὰς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνων ἀπεργάσασθαι δυναστείας καὶ τυραννίδος· | 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. |
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173. Plutarch, Demetrius, 1, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 2, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 3, 3.1, 3.2, 7, 8, 16.5, 16.6, 19, 23.4-24.5, 27.3, 41.5, 52.2, 52.3, 52.4, 52.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 139| 1.7. Περιέξει δὴ τοῦτο τὸ βιβλίον τὸν Δημητρίου τοῦ Πολιορκητοῦ βίον καὶ Ἀντωνίου τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος, ἀνδρῶν μάλιστα δὴ τῷ Πλάτωνι μαρτυρησάντων ὅτι καὶ κακίας μεγάλας, ὥσπερ ἀρετάς, αἱ μεγάλαι φύσεις ἐκφέρουσι. γενόμενοι δʼ ὁμοίως ἐρωτικοί, ποτικοί, στρατιωτικοί, μεγαλόδωροι, πολυτελεῖς, ὑβρισταί, καὶ τὰς κατὰ τύχην ὁμοιότητας ἀκολούθους ἔσχον. | 1.7. This book will therefore contain the Lives of Demetrius the City-besieger and Antony the Imperator, men who bore most ample testimony to the truth of Plato's saying that great natures exhibit great vices also, as well as great virtues. Both alike were amorous, bibulous, warlike, munificent, extravagant, and domineering, and they had corresponding resemblances in their fortunes. |
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| 174. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, between plutarch and other authors •plutarch, on cato the younger Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 45; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47 |
| 175. Plutarch, Virtues of Women, 244b, 243c, 20 = mor. 257e-8c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 47 |
176. Plutarch, Comparison of Crassus With Nicias, 2.4-2.6, 3.1-3.6, 3.8, 4.1-4.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 120, 135| 3.1. ἀποθανόντος δὲ καὶ τούτου μετʼ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἔδει βασιλεύειν, ὡς πάντες ᾤοντο, τὸν Λυκοῦργον· καὶ πρίν γε τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ φανερὰν γενέσθαι κύουσαν ἐβασίλευεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο τάχιστα ᾔσθετο, τὴν μὲν βασιλείαν ἀπέφηνε τοῦ παιδὸς οὖσαν, ἄνπερ ἄρρην γένηται, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν αὐτὸς ὡς ἐπίτροπος διεῖπε. τοὺς δὲ τῶν ὀρφανῶν βασιλέων ἐπιτρόπους Λακεδαιμόνιοι προδίκους προδίκους with most MSS. and edd.: προδίκως with A (corrected), the Doric form. ὠνόμαζον. | 3.1. prodikoi by the Lacedaemonians. |
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| 177. Plutarch, Comparison of Pelopidas With Marcellus, 1.6, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 140 |
178. Plutarch, Comparison of Fabius With Pericles, 1.4, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 96, 135, 140| 1.4. καίτοι δόξειεν ἂν οὐχ οὕτω χαλεπὸν εἶναι πόλιν ἐν συμφοραῖς μεταχειρίσασθαι ταπεινὴν καὶ τοῦ φρονοῦντος ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης κατήκοον γενομένην, ὡς διʼ εὐτυχίαν ἐπηρμένῳ καὶ σπαργῶντι τῷ δήμῳ χαλινὸν ἐμβαλεῖν ὕβρεως καὶ θρασύτητος· ᾧ δὴ μάλιστα φαίνεται τρόπῳ Περικλῆς Ἀθηναίων περιγενόμενος. ἀλλὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίοις συμπεσόντων τότε κακῶν τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἰσχυρόν τινα τὴν γνώμην τὴν γνώμην Coraës: γνώμην . καὶ μέγαν ἔδειξεν ἄνδρα τὸν μὴ συγχυθέντα μηδὲ προέμενον τοὺς αὑτοῦ λογισμούς. | 1.4. And yet it would appear to be not so difficult a task to manage a city when she is humbled by adversity and rendered obedient to wisdom by necessity, as it is to bridle a people which is exalted by prosperity and swollen with insolence and boldness, which is precisely the way in which Pericles governed Athens. Still, the magnitude and multitude of evils which afflicted the Romans revealed the steadfast purpose and the greatness of the man who was not confounded by them, and would not abandon his own principles of action. 1.4. And yet it would appear to be not so difficult a task to manage a city when she is humbled by adversity and rendered obedient to wisdom by necessity, as it is to bridle a people which is exalted by prosperity and swollen with insolence and boldness, which is precisely the way in which Pericles governed Athens. Still, the magnitude and multitude of evils which afflicted the Romans revealed the steadfast purpose and the greatness of the man who was not confounded by them, and would not abandon his own principles of action. |
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| 179. Plutarch, Comparison of Philopoemen With Flaminius, 3.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 135 |
180. Plutarch, Crassus, 16.3-16.8, 17.8-17.9, 27.1, 27.4-27.8, 30.3-30.5, 33.2, 33.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 91, 118| 16.3. καίτοι τῷ γραφέντι περὶ τούτων νόμῳ Παρθικὸς πόλεμος οὐ προσῆν. ᾔδεσαν δὲ πάντες ὅτι πρὸς τοῦτο τοῦτο Bekker adopts τοῦτον from Reiske. Κράσσος ἐπτόηται· καὶ Καῖσαρ ἐκ Γαλατίας ἔγραφεν αὐτῷ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπαινῶν καὶ παροξύνων ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον. ἐπεὶ δὲ δημαρχῶν Ἀτήιος ἔμελλε πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον ἐναντιώσεσθαι, καὶ συνίσταντο πολλοὶ χαλεπαίνοντες εἴ τις ἀνθρώποις οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐνσπόνδοις, πολεμήσων ἄπεισι, δείσας ὁ Κράσσος ἐδεήθη Πομπηΐου παραγενέσθαι καὶ συμπροπέμψαι· 16.4. μέγα γὰρ ἦν ἐκείνου τὸ πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον ἀξίωμα· καὶ τότε παρεσκευασμένους πολλοὺς ἐνίστασθαι καὶ καταβοᾶν ὁρώμενος πρὸ αὐτοῦ φαιδρῷ βλέμματι καὶ προσώπῳ κατεπράυνεν ὁ Πομπήιος, ὥσθʼ ὑπείκειν σιωπῇ διʼ αὐτῶν προϊοῦσιν. ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος ἀπαντήσας πρῶτον μὲν ἀπὸ φωνῆς ἐκώλυε καὶ διεμαρτύρετο μὴ βαδίζειν, ἔπειτα τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἐκέλευεν ἁψάμενον τοῦ σώματος κατέχειν. 16.5. ἄλλων δὲ δημάρχων οὐκ ἐώντων, ὁ μὲν ὑπηρέτης ἀφῆκε τὸν Κράσσον, ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος προδραμὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἔθηκεν ἐσχαρίδα καιομένην, καὶ τοῦ Κράσσου γενομένου κατʼ αὐτήν ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ κατασπένδων ἀρὰς ἐπηρᾶτο δεινὰς μὲν αὐτὰς καὶ φρικώδεις, δεινοὺς δέ τινας θεοὺς καὶ ἀλλοκότους ἐπʼ αὐταῖς καλῶν καὶ ὀνομάζων· 16.6. ταύτας φασὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς ἀρὰς ἀποθέτους καὶ παλαιὰς τοιαύτην ἔχειν δύναμιν ὡς περιφυγεῖν μηδένα τῶν ἐνσχεθέντων αὐταῖς, κακῶς δὲ πράσσειν καὶ τὸν χρησάμενον, ὅθεν οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν αὐτὰς οὐδʼ ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀρᾶσθαι. καὶ τότʼ οὖν ἐμέμφοντο τὸν Ἀτήιον, εἰ διʼ ἣν ἐχαλέπαινε τῷ Κράσσῳ πόλιν, εἰς αὐτήν ἀρὰς ἀφῆκε καὶ δεισιδαιμονίαν τοσαύτην. 33.2. ἦν γὰρ οὔτε φωνῆς οὔτε γραμμάτων Ὑρώδης Ἑλληνικῶν ἄπειρος, ὁ δʼ Ἀρταοθάσδης καὶ τραγῳδίας ἐποίει καὶ λόγους ἔγραφε καὶ ἱστορίας, ὧν ἔνιαι διασῴζονται, τῆς δὲ κεφαλῆς τοῦ Κράσσου κομισθείσης ἐπὶ θύρας ἀπηρμέναι μὲν ἦσαν αἱ τράπεζαι, τραγῳδιῶν δὲ ὑποκριτὴς Ἰάσων ὄνομα Τραλλιανὸς ᾖδεν Εὐριπίδου Βακχῶν τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἀγαύην. εὐδοκιμοῦντος δʼ αὐτοῦ Σιλλάκης ἐπιστὰς τῷ ἀνδρῶνι καὶ προσκυνήσας προὔβαλεν εἰς μέσον τοῦ Κράσσου τὴν κεφαλήν. | 16.3. And yet in the decree which was passed regarding his mission there was no mention of a Parthian war. But everybody knew that Crassus was all eagerness for this, and Caesar wrote to him from Gaul approving of his project, and inciting him on to the war. And when Ateius, one of the tribunes of the people, threatened to oppose his leaving the city, and a large party arose which was displeased that anyone should go out to wage war on men who had done the state no wrong, but were in treaty relations with it, then Crassus, in fear, begged Pompey to come to his aid and to join in escorting him out of the city. 16.4. For great was Pompey's reputation with the crowd. And now, when the multitude drawn up to resist the passage of Crassus, and to abuse him, saw Pompey's beaming countece in front of him, they were mollified, and gave way before them in silence. But Ateius, on meeting Crassus, at first tried to stop him with words, and protested against his advance; then he bade his attendant seize the person of Crassus and detain him. 16.5. And when the other tribunes would not permit this, the attendant released Crassus, but Ateius ran on ahead to the city gate, placed there a blazing brazier, and when Crassus came up, cast incense and libations upon it, and invoked curses which were dreadful and terrifying in themselves, and were reinforced by sundry strange and dreadful gods whom he summoned and called by name. The Romans say that these mysterious and ancient curses have such power that no one involved in them ever escapes, and misfortune falls also upon the one who utters them, wherefore they are not employed at random nor by many. And accordingly at this time they found fault with Ateius because it was for the city's sake that he was angered at Crassus, and yet he had involvedº the city in curses which awakened much superstitious terror. 17 33.2. For Hyrodes was well acquainted both with the Greek language and literature, and Artavasdes actually composed tragedies, and wrote orations and histories, some of which are preserved. Now when the head of Crassus was brought to the king's door, the tables had been removed, and a tragic actor, Jason by name, of Tralles, was singing that part of the "Bacchae" of Euripides where Agave is about to appear. While he was receiving his applause, Sillaces stood at the door of the banqueting-hall, and after a low obeisance, cast the head of Crassus into the centre of the company. |
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181. Plutarch, On The Control of Anger, 456F, 458C, 455e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 130; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 130 | 455e. "Noble Athos, whose summit reaches Heaven, do not put in the way of my deeds great stones difficult to work. Else Ishall hew you down and cast you into the sea." For temper can do many terrible things, and likewise many that are ridiculous; therefore it is both the most hated and the most despised of the passions. It will be useful to consider it in both of these aspects. As for me â whether rightly Ido not know â Imade this start in the treatment of my anger: Ibegan to observe the passion in others, just as the Spartans used to observe in the Helots what a thing drunkenness is. And first, as Hippocrates says that the most severe disease |
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| 182. Plutarch, On Common Conceptions Against The Stoics, 1070F-1072F, 1073B, 1083B-C, 1086e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 11 |
| 183. Plutarch, On Being A Busybody, 518c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the malice of herodotus Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 128 |
| 184. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, 419e-420a, 410c, 414-418d, 432c, 419be, 437de, 415b, 421, 420, 410a, 419a, 419b, 419c, 419d, 419e, 417a8-11, 416c-d, 417c, 416c, 416d, 416e, 416, 414d-e, 415a, 417a, 45(=mor. 434de), 18(=mor. 420a), 414e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 30 |
| 185. Plutarch, On The E At Delphi, 386a, 386b, 386c, 386d, 386e, 387, 387a, 387b, 387d, 387e, 388a, 389, 391a, 391b, 391c, 391e, 392C-E, 391 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 153 |
| 186. Plutarch, Moralia, 156d, 186-187b, 3, 621c, 679a, 679b, 855B-856D, 604d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 129 |
| 187. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 2.15.1, 2.3.4, 1.9.3, 1.14.1 (Theophrastus fr.446 FHS&G), 1.12.3 (Theophrastus fr.446 FHS&G) (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 431 |
188. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.4, 1.219-1.222, 1.226 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the malice of herodotus Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 124| 1.4. τἀληθὲς εἰδέναι βούλονται, περὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀρχαιότητος. χρήσομαι δὲ τῶν μὲν ὑπ' ἐμοῦ λεγομένων μάρτυσι τοῖς ἀξιοπιστοτάτοις εἶναι περὶ πάσης ἀρχαιολογίας ὑπὸ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων κεκριμένοις, τοὺς δὲ βλασφήμως περὶ ἡμῶν καὶ ψευδῶς γεγραφότας αὐτοὺς δι' ἑαυτῶν ἐλεγχομένους παρέξω. 1.4. ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Μωυσέως τελευτῆς μέχρι τῆς ̓Αρταξέρξου τοῦ μετὰ Ξέρξην Περσῶν βασιλέως οἱ μετὰ Μωυσῆν προφῆται τὰ κατ' αὐτοὺς πραχθέντα συνέγραψαν ἐν τρισὶ καὶ δέκα βιβλίοις: αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ τέσσαρες ὕμνους εἰς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὑποθήκας τοῦ βίου περιέχουσιν. | 1.4. As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skilful in the knowledge of all antiquity, by the Greeks themselves. I will also show, that those who have written so reproachfully and falsely about us, are to be convicted by what they have written themselves to the contrary. |
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| 189. Anon., Fragments, 228a (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
190. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 4.8.3-4.8.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cleitus the black Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128, 129| 4.8.3. καί τινας τῶν παρόντων κολακείᾳ τῇ Ἀλεξάνδρου, οἷοι δὴ ἄνδρες διέφθειράν τε ἀεὶ καὶ οὔποτε παύσονται ἐπιτρίβοντες τὰ τῶν ἀεὶ βασιλέων πράγματα, κατʼ οὐδὲν ἀξιοῦν συμβάλλειν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τε καὶ τοῖς Ἀλεξάνδρου ἔργοις τὸν Πολυδεύκην καὶ τὸν Κάστορα. οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦ Ἡρακλέους ἀπείχοντο ἐν τῷ πότῳ· ἀλλὰ τὸν φθόνον γὰρ ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι τοῖς ζῶσι τὸ μὴ οὐ τὰς δικαίας τιμὰς αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν ξυνόντων γίγνεσθαι. 4.8.4. Κλεῖτον δὲ δῆλον μὲν εἶναι πάλαι ἤδη ἀχθόμενον τοῦ τε Ἀλεξάνδρου τῇ ἐς τὸ βαρβαρικώτερον μετακινήσει καὶ τῶν κολακευόντων αὐτὸν τοῖς λόγοις τότε δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν πρὸς τοῦ οἴνου παροξυνόμενον οὐκ ἐᾶν οὔτε ἐς τὸ θεῖον ὑβρίζειν, οὔτε [ἐς] τὰ τῶν πάλαι ἡρώων ἔργα ἐκφαυλίζοντας χάριν ταύτην ἄχαριν προστιθέναι Ἀλεξάνδρῳ. 4.8.5. εἶναι γὰρ οὖν οὐδὲ τὰ Ἀλεξάνδρου οὕτω τι μεγάλα καὶ θαυμαστὰ ὡς ἐκεῖνοι ἐπαίρουσιν· οὔκουν μόνον καταπρᾶξαι αὐτὰ, ἀλλὰ τὸ πολὺ γὰρ μέρος Μακεδόνων εἶναι τὰ ἔργα. καὶ τοῦτον τὸν λόγον ἀνιᾶσαι Ἀλέξανδρον λεχθέντα. οὐδὲ ἐγὼ ἐπαινῶ τὸν λόγον, ἀλλὰ ἱκανὸν γὰρ εἶναι τίθεμαι ἐν τοιᾷδε παροινίᾳ τὸ καθʼ αὑτὸν σιγῶντα ἔχειν μηδὲ τὰ αὐτὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐς κολακείαν πλημμελεῖν. 4.8.6. ὡς δὲ καὶ τῶν Φιλίππου τινὲς ἔργων, ὅτι οὐ μεγάλα οὐδὲ θαυμαστὰ Φιλίππῳ κατεπράχθη, οὐδεμιᾷ ξὺν δίκῃ ἐπεμνήσθησαν, χαριζόμενοι καὶ οὗτοι Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, τὸν Κλεῖτον ἤδη οὐκέτι ἐν ἑαυτοῦ ὄντα πρεσβεύειν μὲν τὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου, καταβάλλειν δὲ Ἀλέξανδρόν τε καὶ τὰ τούτου ἔργα, παροινοῦντα ἤδη τὸν Κλεῖτον, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ πολὺν εἶναι ἐξονειδίζοντα Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, ὅτι πρὸς αὑτοῦ ἄρα ἐσώθη, ὁπότε ἡ ἱππομαχία ἡ ἐπὶ Γρανίκῳ ξυνειστήκει πρὸς Πέρσας· | |
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191. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 4.39-4.41, 7.67 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) •plutarch, on the virtues of women Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 662; Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 208 | 4.39. I am not the first man to say this, but Homer said it before me. Or are you not acquainted with the Homeric poems?" Now Alexander prided himself very greatly on knowing by right the whole of the one poem, the Iliad, and much of the Odyssey likewise. And so he said in surprise, "Pray, where has Homer discoursed about these things?" "In the passage," came the reply, "where he calls Minos the consort of Zeus. < 4.40. Or does not 'to consort' mean 'to associate'? Well then, he says that he was an associate of Zeus, which would virtually be calling him his disciple. Now do you imagine that he associated with Zeus as a pupil with any other object than to learn justice and the duties of a king? For mark you, Minos is said to have been the most righteous man in the world. < 4.41. Once more, when he says that kings are 'nurtured of Zeus' and 'dear unto Zeus,' do you think that he means any other nurture than the teaching and instruction which I called divine? Or do you believe that he means that kings are nourished by Zeus as by a nurse, on milk and wine and various foods, and not on knowledge and truth? < 7.67. We were almost already well enough supplied when that other man entered, accompanied by his son, a prepossessing lad who carried a hare. The latter on entering commenced to blush; and while his father was welcoming us, he himself kissed the maiden and gave her the hare. The child then ceased serving and sat down beside her mother while the boy served in her stead. < |
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| 192. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.1.23, 1.4.18, 2.2.19-2.2.20, 2.2.28, 3.1.40, 3.5.7, 4.1.72-4.1.80 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 245 |
| 193. Theon of Smyrna, Aspects of Mathematics Useful For The Reading of Plato, 14.18-16.2, 16.24-18.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 156 |
| 194. Epictetus, Enchiridion, 18, 9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 245 |
| 195. Longinus, On The Sublime, 4.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 126 |
196. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.98-1.111 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119, 137 | 1.103. Made Rome their victim. Oh! Ambition blind, That stirred the leaders so to join their strength In peace that ended ill, their prize the world! For while the Sea on Earth and Earth on Air Lean for support: while Titan runs his course, And night with day divides an equal sphere, No king shall brook his fellow, nor shall power Endure a rival. Search no foreign lands: These walls are proof that in their infant days A hamlet, not the world, was prize enough 1.104. Made Rome their victim. Oh! Ambition blind, That stirred the leaders so to join their strength In peace that ended ill, their prize the world! For while the Sea on Earth and Earth on Air Lean for support: while Titan runs his course, And night with day divides an equal sphere, No king shall brook his fellow, nor shall power Endure a rival. Search no foreign lands: These walls are proof that in their infant days A hamlet, not the world, was prize enough 1.105. Made Rome their victim. Oh! Ambition blind, That stirred the leaders so to join their strength In peace that ended ill, their prize the world! For while the Sea on Earth and Earth on Air Lean for support: while Titan runs his course, And night with day divides an equal sphere, No king shall brook his fellow, nor shall power Endure a rival. Search no foreign lands: These walls are proof that in their infant days A hamlet, not the world, was prize enough 1.106. Made Rome their victim. Oh! Ambition blind, That stirred the leaders so to join their strength In peace that ended ill, their prize the world! For while the Sea on Earth and Earth on Air Lean for support: while Titan runs his course, And night with day divides an equal sphere, No king shall brook his fellow, nor shall power Endure a rival. Search no foreign lands: These walls are proof that in their infant days A hamlet, not the world, was prize enough 1.109. Made Rome their victim. Oh! Ambition blind, That stirred the leaders so to join their strength In peace that ended ill, their prize the world! For while the Sea on Earth and Earth on Air Lean for support: while Titan runs his course, And night with day divides an equal sphere, No king shall brook his fellow, nor shall power Endure a rival. Search no foreign lands: These walls are proof that in their infant days A hamlet, not the world, was prize enough 1.110. To cause the shedding of a brother's blood. Concord, on discord based, brief time endured, Unwelcome to the rivals; and alone Crassus delayed the advent of the war. Like to the slender neck that separates The seas of Graecia: should it be engulfed Then would th' Ionian and Aegean mains Break each on other: thus when Crassus fell, Who held apart the chiefs, in piteous death, And stained Assyria's plains with Latian blood, 1.111. To cause the shedding of a brother's blood. Concord, on discord based, brief time endured, Unwelcome to the rivals; and alone Crassus delayed the advent of the war. Like to the slender neck that separates The seas of Graecia: should it be engulfed Then would th' Ionian and Aegean mains Break each on other: thus when Crassus fell, Who held apart the chiefs, in piteous death, And stained Assyria's plains with Latian blood, |
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| 197. Tacitus, Histories, 4.76.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the decline of the roman empire Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 432 |
| 198. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 14, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 432 |
| 199. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 29.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the decline of the roman empire Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 432 |
200. Tacitus, Annals, 2.55 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, endorses athenian autochthony Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 129| 2.55. At Cn. Piso quo properantius destinata inciperet civitatem Atheniensium turbido incessu exterritam oratione saeva increpat, oblique Germanicum perstringens quod contra decus Romani nominis non Atheniensis tot cladibus extinctos, sed conluviem illam nationum comitate nimia coluisset: hos enim esse Mithridatis adversus Sullam, Antonii adversus divum Augustum socios. etiam vetera obiectabat, quae in Macedones inprospere, violenter in suos fecissent, offensus urbi propria quoque ira quia Theophilum quendam Areo iudicio falsi damnatum precibus suis non concederent. exim navigatione celeri per Cycladas et compendia maris adsequitur Germanicum apud insulam Rhodum, haud nescium quibus insectationibus petitus foret: sed tanta mansuetudine agebat ut, cum orta tempestas raperet in abrupta possetque interitus inimici ad casum referri, miserit triremis quarum subsidio discrimini eximeretur. neque tamen mitigatus Piso, et vix diei moram perpessus linquit Germanicum praevenitque. et postquam Syriam ac legiones attigit, largitione, ambitu, infimos manipularium iuvando, cum veteres centuriones, severos tribunos demoveret locaque eorum clientibus suis vel deterrimo cuique attribueret, desidiam in castris, licentiam in urbibus, vagum ac lascivientem per agros militem sineret, eo usque corruptionis provectus est ut sermone vulgi parens legionum haberetur. nec Plancina se intra decora feminis tenebat, sed exercitio equitum, decursibus cohortium interesse, in Agrippinam, in Germanicum contumelias iacere, quibusdam etiam bonorum militum ad mala obsequia promptis, quod haud invito imperatore ea fieri occultus rumor incedebat. nota haec Germanico, sed praeverti ad Armenios instantior cura fuit. | 2.55. Meanwhile Gnaeus Piso, in haste to embark upon his schemes, first alarmed the community of Athens by a tempestuous entry, then assailed them in a virulent speech, which included an indirect attack on Germanicus for "compromising the dignity of the Roman name by his exaggerated civilities, not to the Athenians (whose repeated disasters had extinguished the breed) but to the present cosmopolitan rabble. For these were the men who had leagued themselves with Mithridates against Sulla, with Antony against the deified Augustus!" He upbraided them even with their ancient history; their ill-starred outbreaks against Macedon and their violence towards their own countrymen. Private resentment, also, embittered him against the town, as the authorities refused to give up at his request a certain Theophilus, whom the verdict of the Areopagus had declared guilty of forgery. After this, quick sailing by a short route through the Cyclades brought him up with Germanicus at Rhodes. The prince was aware of the invectives with which he had been assailed; yet he behaved with such mildness that, when a rising storm swept Piso toward the rock-bound coast, and the destruction of his foe could have been referred to misadventure, he sent warships to help in extricating him from his predicament. Even so, Piso was not mollified; and, after reluctantly submitting to the loss of a single day, he left Germanicus and completed the journey first. Then, the moment he reached Syria and the legions, by bounties and by bribery, by attentions to the humblest private, by dismissals of the veteran centurions and the stricter commanding officers, whom he replaced by dependants of his own or by men of the worst character, by permitting indolence in the camp, licence in the towns, and in the country a vagrant and riotous soldiery, he carried corruption to such a pitch that in the language of the rabble he was known as the Father of the Legions. Nor could Plancina contain herself within the limits of female decorum: she attended cavalry exercises and infantry manoeuvres; she flung her gibes at Agrippina or Germanicus; some even of the loyal troops being ready to yield her a disloyal obedience; for a whispered rumour was gaining ground that these doings were not unacceptable to the emperor. The state of affairs was known to Germanicus, but his more immediate anxiety was to reach Armenia first. < 2.55. Meanwhile Gnaeus Piso, in haste to embark upon his schemes, first alarmed the community of Athens by a tempestuous entry, then assailed them in a virulent speech, which included an indirect attack on Germanicus for "compromising the dignity of the Roman name by his exaggerated civilities, not to the Athenians (whose repeated disasters had extinguished the breed) but to the present cosmopolitan rabble. For these were the men who had leagued themselves with Mithridates against Sulla, with Antony against the deified Augustus!" He upbraided them even with their ancient history; their ill-starred outbreaks against Macedon and their violence towards their own countrymen. Private resentment, also, embittered him against the town, as the authorities refused to give up at his request a certain Theophilus, whom the verdict of the Areopagus had declared guilty of forgery. After this, quick sailing by a short route through the Cyclades brought him up with Germanicus at Rhodes. The prince was aware of the invectives with which he had been assailed; yet he behaved with such mildness that, when a rising storm swept Piso toward the rock-bound coast, and the destruction of his foe could have been referred to misadventure, he sent warships to help in extricating him from his predicament. Even so, Piso was not mollified; and, after reluctantly submitting to the loss of a single day, he left Germanicus and completed the journey first. Then, the moment he reached Syria and the legions, by bounties and by bribery, by attentions to the humblest private, by dismissals of the veteran centurions and the stricter commanding officers, whom he replaced by dependants of his own or by men of the worst character, by permitting indolence in the camp, licence in the towns, and in the country a vagrant and riotous soldiery, he carried corruption to such a pitch that in the language of the rabble he was known as the Father of the Legions. Nor could Plancina contain herself within the limits of female decorum: she attended cavalry exercises and infantry manoeuvres; she flung her gibes at Agrippina or Germanicus; some even of the loyal troops being ready to yield her a disloyal obedience; for a whispered rumour was gaining ground that these doings were not unacceptable to the emperor. The state of affairs was known to Germanicus, but his more immediate anxiety was to reach Armenia first. |
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| 201. Appian, The War Against Hannibal, 12.50 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of khaironeia, on dictator and other magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79 |
| 202. Suetonius, Vitellius, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cato the younger Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47 |
203. Suetonius, Augustus, 7.2, 94.5, 94.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, and varro on the horoscopes of augustus and rome Found in books: Hay, Saeculum: Defining Historical Eras in Ancient Roman Thought (2023) 130, 207 | 7.2. Later he took the name of Gaius Caesar and then the surname Augustus, the former by the will of his great-uncle, the latter on the motion of Munatius Plancus. For when some expressed the opinion that he ought to be called Romulus as a second founder of the city, Plancus carried the proposal that he should rather be named Augustus, on the ground that this was not merely a new title but a more honourable one, inasmuch as sacred places too, and those in which anything is consecrated by augural rites are called "august" (augusta), from the increase (auctus) in dignity, or front movements or feeding of the birds (avium gestus gustuve), as Ennius also shows when he writes: "After by augury august illustrious Rome had been founded." 8 94.5. The day he was born the conspiracy of Catiline was before the House, and Octavius came late because of his wife's confinement; then Publius Nigidius, as everyone knows, learning the reason for his tardiness and being informed also of the hour of the birth, declared that the ruler of the world had been born. Later, when Octavius was leading an army through remote parts of Thrace, and in the grove of Father Liber consulted the priests about his son with barbarian rites, they made the same prediction; since such a pillar of flame sprang forth from the wine that was poured over the altar, that it rose above the temple roof and mounted to the very sky, and such an omen had befallen no one save Alexander the Great, when he offered sacrifice at the same altar. 94.12. While in retirement at Apollonia, Augustus mounted with Agrippa to the studio of the astrologer Theogenes. Agrippa was the first to try his fortune, and when a great and almost incredible career was predicted for him, Augustus persisted in concealing the time of his birth and in refusing to disclose it, through diffidence and fear that he might be found to be less eminent. When he at last gave it unwillingly and hesitatingly, and only after many requests, Theogenes sprang up and threw himself at his feet. From that time on Augustus had such faith in his destiny, that he made his horoscope public and issued a silver coin stamped with the sign of the constellation Capricornus, under which he was born. 95 |
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| 204. New Testament, Luke, ed.Farinator, Lumen animae (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 209 |
| 205. Statius, Siluae, 2.2.54-2.2.59 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the control of anger Found in books: Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 130; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 130 |
206. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 6.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the decline of the roman empire Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 431 | 6.7. SOME, who, like Thales, attribute earthquake to the effects of water, give a different explanation of its operation. There are, they say, many kinds of waters running over the whole earth. In one place there are constant rivers whose size renders them fit for navigation, even without the aid of rains. There is the Nile, rolling down its huge volume all summer long: here are the Danube and the Rhine separating with their streams the peaceful from the hostile, the former checking attacks from the Sarmatians and forming the boundary between Europe and Asia, the latter keeping back the Germans, a nation ever keen for war. 2 Then there are lakes of very wide extent, great pools surrounded by tribes mutually ignorant of each other, marshes that no boat can struggle through, that cannot be passed even by the people that dwell on their borders. Add, then, the multitude of fountains, and of river sources that belch out of their recesses fullgrown streams. Besides, there are many rushing torrents that gather only for a time, whose force is as shortlived as it is sudden. Now there are waters, in all this variety of form and character, within as well as above the earth. 3 Away there below some are borne along in vast bulk, and tumble their whole volume down the steep: others more sluggish are dammed back in shallows, and flow with gentle, quiet stream. And can any one deny that within those vast underground hollows waters are formed, and lie sluggish and inactive in many places? It needs no long proof to show that there must be many waters in the place where all waters are. The earth would not be able to produce so many rivers unless it poured them from a copious reserve. 4 This being so, sometimes below the earth a river must become swollen, and leaving its banks assail with violence all obstacles that meet it. So there will be a movement of some point on which the river has made an onset, and which it will keep lashing until its waters fall. Or it may happen that the constant wear of a stream may eat away some quarter, dragging down thereby some mass above, by whose fall, in turn, the surface which rested on it is shaken. 5 Now surely a man trusts too much to the sight of the eyes and cannot launch out his imagination beyond, if he does not believe that the depths of earth contain a vast sea with winding shores. I see nothing to prevent or oppose the existence of a beach down there in the obscurity, or a sea finding its way through the hidden entrances to its appointed place. There, too, it occupies as much space as here, perhaps more, since the regions up on earth have had to be shared with so many living creatures; but the hidden regions being desert without inhabitant give freer scope to the waves of the nether ocean. 6 And who is there to hinder the sea from swelling there and being tossed by all the winds that every interstice of the earth,; and every species of atmosphere can create? So, then, when a storm greater than ordinary has arisen, it may beat upon some one side of the earth with too great vehemence and move it. For on the surface likewise, many places which had been far from the sea have felt the violence of its sudden approach: villas almost out of sight of it have been invaded by the waves which used only to be heard in the distance. The nether sea, too, can approach and retire; neither of which movements can take place without shock to the earth that stands above it. |
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207. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 78.14-78.15, 116.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, but also accuses aristotelians of accepting the cruelty of anger Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 209, 233 | 78.15. But when set in the very midst of troubles one should say: Perchance some day the memory of this sorrow Will even bring delight. Let such a man fight against them with all his might: if he once gives way, he will be vanquished; but if he strives against his sufferings, he will conquer. As it is, however, what most men do is to drag down upon their own heads a falling ruin which they ought to try to support. If you begin to withdraw your support from that which thrusts toward you and totters and is ready to plunge, it will follow you and lean more heavily upon you; but if you hold your ground and make up your mind to push against it, it will be forced back. |
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| 208. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 39 |
| 209. Lucian, On Mourning, 3.4, 3.2, 8.4, 4.4, 8.1, 7.7, 2.1, pr.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 68 |
| 210. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 2.104.2, 15.24.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) •theon (friend of plutarch) Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 66; Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 208; Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 344 |
| 211. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 7.13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 184, 185 |
212. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 5.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cicero the poet Found in books: Keeline, The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy (2018) 311 | 5.3. To Titius Aristo: While I gratefully acknowledge your many acts of kindness to me, I must especially thank you for not concealing from me the fact that my verses have formed the subject of many long discussions at your house, that such discussions have been lengthened owing to the different views expressed, and that some people, while finding no fault with the writings themselves, blamed me in a perfectly friendly and candid way for having written on such themes and for having read them in public. Well, in order to aggravate my misdeeds, here is my reply to them: "Yes, I do occasionally compose verses which are far from being couched in a serious vein. I don't deny it. I also listen to comedies, and attend the performances of mimes. I read lyrics, and I understand the poems of Sotades. Moreover, I now and then laugh, jest, and amuse myself; in short, to sum up in a word every kind of harmless recreation, I may say 'I am a man.'" 5.3. To Titius Aristo. While I gratefully acknowledge your many acts of kindness to me, I must especially thank you for not concealing from me the fact that my verses have formed the subject of many long discussions at your house, that such discussions have been lengthened owing to the different views expressed, and that some people, while finding no fault with the writings themselves, blamed me in a perfectly friendly and candid way for having written on such themes and for having read them in public. Well, in order to aggravate my misdeeds, here is my reply to them Nor does it annoy me that people should form such opinions about my character, when it is plain that those who are surprised that I should compose such poems are unaware that the most learned of men and the gravest and purest livers have regularly done the same thing. But I feel sure that I shall easily obtain permission from those who know the character and calibre of the authors in whose footsteps I am treading, to stray in company with men whom it is an honour to follow, not only in their serious but in their lightest moods. I will not mention the names of those still living for fear of seeming to flatter, but is a person like myself to be afraid that it will be unbecoming for him to do what well became Marcus Tullius, Caius Calvus, Asinius Pollio, Marcus Messalla, Quintus Hortensius, M. Brutus, Lucius Sulla, Quintus Catulus, Quintus Scaevola, Servius Sulpicius, Varro, Torquatus - or rather the Torquati, - Caius Memmius, Lentulus Gaetulicus, Annaeus Seneca, Lucan, and, last of all, Verginius Rufus? If the names of these private individuals are not enough, I may add those of the divine Julius, Augustus and Nerva, and that of Tiberius Caesar. I pass by the name of Nero, though I am aware that a practice does not become any the worse because it is sometimes followed by men of bad character, while a practice usually followed by men of good character retains its honesty. Among the latter class of men one must give a pre-eminent place to Publius Vergilius, Cornelius Nepos, and to Attius and Ennius, who should perhaps come first. These men were not senators, but purity of character is the same in all ranks. But, you say, I recite my compositions and I cannot be sure that they did. Granted, but they may have been content with their own judgment, whereas I am too modest to think that any composition of mine is sufficiently perfect when it has no other approbation but my own. Consequently, these are the reasons why I recite in public, first, because a man who recites becomes a keener critic of his own writings out of deference to his audience, and, secondly, because, where he is in doubt, he can decide by referring the point to his listeners. Moreover, he constantly meets with criticism from many quarters, and even if it is not openly expressed, he can tell what each person thinks by watching the expression and eyes of his hearers, or by a nod, a motion of the hand, a murmur, or dead silence. All these things are tolerably clear indications which enable one to distinguish judgment from complaisance. And so, if any one who was present at my reading takes the trouble to look through the same compositions, he will find that I have either altered or omitted certain passages, in compliance perhaps with his judgment, though he never uttered a word to me. But I am arguing on this point as though I invited the whole populace to my reading room and not merely a few friends to my private chamber, while the possession of a large circle of friends has been a source of pride to many men and a reproach to none. Farewell. |
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213. Lucian, How To Write History, 52-54 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 29 | 54. Prefaces of this character have been employed by the best historians — by Herodotus, 'to the end that what befell may not grow dim by lapse of time, seeing that it was great and wondrous, and showed forth withal Greeks vanquishing and barbarians vanquished'; and by Thucydides, 'believing that that war would be great and memorable beyond any previous one; for indeed great calamities took place during its course.' |
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| 214. Aelian, Fragments, 102, 104, 103 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 230 |
| 215. Galen, On The Powers of Simple Remedies, 10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 230 |
| 216. Galen, On The Use of Parts, 10.12, 10.14 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 34 |
217. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 5.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cicero the poet Found in books: Keeline, The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy (2018) 311 | 5.3. To Titius Aristo: While I gratefully acknowledge your many acts of kindness to me, I must especially thank you for not concealing from me the fact that my verses have formed the subject of many long discussions at your house, that such discussions have been lengthened owing to the different views expressed, and that some people, while finding no fault with the writings themselves, blamed me in a perfectly friendly and candid way for having written on such themes and for having read them in public. Well, in order to aggravate my misdeeds, here is my reply to them: "Yes, I do occasionally compose verses which are far from being couched in a serious vein. I don't deny it. I also listen to comedies, and attend the performances of mimes. I read lyrics, and I understand the poems of Sotades. Moreover, I now and then laugh, jest, and amuse myself; in short, to sum up in a word every kind of harmless recreation, I may say 'I am a man.'" 5.3. To Titius Aristo. While I gratefully acknowledge your many acts of kindness to me, I must especially thank you for not concealing from me the fact that my verses have formed the subject of many long discussions at your house, that such discussions have been lengthened owing to the different views expressed, and that some people, while finding no fault with the writings themselves, blamed me in a perfectly friendly and candid way for having written on such themes and for having read them in public. Well, in order to aggravate my misdeeds, here is my reply to them Nor does it annoy me that people should form such opinions about my character, when it is plain that those who are surprised that I should compose such poems are unaware that the most learned of men and the gravest and purest livers have regularly done the same thing. But I feel sure that I shall easily obtain permission from those who know the character and calibre of the authors in whose footsteps I am treading, to stray in company with men whom it is an honour to follow, not only in their serious but in their lightest moods. I will not mention the names of those still living for fear of seeming to flatter, but is a person like myself to be afraid that it will be unbecoming for him to do what well became Marcus Tullius, Caius Calvus, Asinius Pollio, Marcus Messalla, Quintus Hortensius, M. Brutus, Lucius Sulla, Quintus Catulus, Quintus Scaevola, Servius Sulpicius, Varro, Torquatus - or rather the Torquati, - Caius Memmius, Lentulus Gaetulicus, Annaeus Seneca, Lucan, and, last of all, Verginius Rufus? If the names of these private individuals are not enough, I may add those of the divine Julius, Augustus and Nerva, and that of Tiberius Caesar. I pass by the name of Nero, though I am aware that a practice does not become any the worse because it is sometimes followed by men of bad character, while a practice usually followed by men of good character retains its honesty. Among the latter class of men one must give a pre-eminent place to Publius Vergilius, Cornelius Nepos, and to Attius and Ennius, who should perhaps come first. These men were not senators, but purity of character is the same in all ranks. But, you say, I recite my compositions and I cannot be sure that they did. Granted, but they may have been content with their own judgment, whereas I am too modest to think that any composition of mine is sufficiently perfect when it has no other approbation but my own. Consequently, these are the reasons why I recite in public, first, because a man who recites becomes a keener critic of his own writings out of deference to his audience, and, secondly, because, where he is in doubt, he can decide by referring the point to his listeners. Moreover, he constantly meets with criticism from many quarters, and even if it is not openly expressed, he can tell what each person thinks by watching the expression and eyes of his hearers, or by a nod, a motion of the hand, a murmur, or dead silence. All these things are tolerably clear indications which enable one to distinguish judgment from complaisance. And so, if any one who was present at my reading takes the trouble to look through the same compositions, he will find that I have either altered or omitted certain passages, in compliance perhaps with his judgment, though he never uttered a word to me. But I am arguing on this point as though I invited the whole populace to my reading room and not merely a few friends to my private chamber, while the possession of a large circle of friends has been a source of pride to many men and a reproach to none. Farewell. |
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| 218. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 112.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 208 |
219. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.8.2-1.8.3, 8.5.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes •plutarch, on the virtues of women Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 658; Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 334| 1.8.2. μετὰ δὲ τὰς εἰκόνας τῶν ἐπωνύμων ἐστὶν ἀγάλματα θεῶν, Ἀμφιάραος καὶ Εἰρήνη φέρουσα Πλοῦτον παῖδα. ἐνταῦθα Λυκοῦργός τε κεῖται χαλκοῦς ὁ Λυκόφρονος καὶ Καλλίας, ὃς πρὸς Ἀρταξέρξην τὸν Ξέρξου τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ὡς Ἀθηναίων οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσιν, ἔπραξε τὴν εἰρήνην· ἔστι δὲ καὶ Δημοσθένης, ὃν ἐς Καλαυρείαν Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν πρὸ Τροιζῆνος νῆσον ἠνάγκασαν ἀποχωρῆσαι, δεξάμενοι δὲ ὕστερον διώκουσιν αὖθις μετὰ τὴν ἐν Λαμίᾳ πληγήν. 1.8.3. Δημοσθένης δέ ὡς τὸ δεύτερον ἔφυγε, περαιοῦται καὶ τότε ἐς τὴν Καλαυρείαν, ἔνθα δὴ πιὼν φάρμακον ἐτελεύτησεν· φυγάδα τε Ἕλληνα μόνον τοῦτον Ἀντιπάτρῳ καὶ Μακεδόσιν οὐκ ἀνήγαγεν Ἀρχίας. ὁ δὲ Ἀρχίας οὗτος Θούριος ὢν ἔργον ἤρατο ἀνόσιον· ὅσοι Μακεδόσιν ἔπραξαν ἐναντία πρὶν ἢ τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὸ πταῖσμα τὸ ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ γενέσθαι, τούτους ἦγεν Ἀρχίας Ἀντιπάτρῳ δώσοντας δίκην. Δημοσθένει μὲν ἡ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ἄγαν εὔνοια ἐς τοῦτο ἐχώρησεν· εὖ δέ μοι λελέχθαι δοκεῖ ἄνδρα ἀφειδῶς ἐκπεσόντα ἐς πολιτείαν καὶ πιστὰ ἡγησάμενον τὰ τοῦ δήμου μήποτε καλῶς τελευτῆσαι. | 1.8.2. After the statues of the eponymoi come statues of gods, Amphiaraus, and Eirene (Peace) carrying the boy Plutus (Wealth). Here stands a bronze figure of Lycurgus, An Athenian orator who did great service to Athens when Demosthenes was trying to stir up his countrymen against Philip of Macedon . son of Lycophron, and of Callias, who, as most of the Athenians say, brought about the peace between the Greeks and Artaxerxes, son of Xerxes. c. 448 B.C. Here also is Demosthenes, whom the Athenians forced to retire to Calauria, the island off Troezen, and then, after receiving him back, banished again after the disaster at Lamia . 1.8.3. Exiled for the second time 323 B.C. Demosthenes crossed once more to Calauria, and committed suicide there by taking poison, being the only Greek exile whom Archias failed to bring back to Antipater and the Macedonians. This Archias was a Thurian who undertook the abominable task of bringing to Antipater for punishment those who had opposed the Macedonians before the Greeks met with their defeat in Thessaly . Such was Demosthenes' reward for his great devotion to Athens . I heartily agree with the remark that no man who has unsparingly thrown himself into politics trusting in the loyalty of the democracy has ever met with a happy death. |
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| 220. Alcinous, Handbook of Platonism, 6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 155 |
| 221. Tertullian, On The Soul, 46.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), plutarch, on the decline of oracles Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 322 |
222. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.25, 2.25 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 230| 1.25. πολέμων δὲ ὁ σοφιστὴς οὔθ', ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ δοκοῦσι, Σμυρναῖος, οὔθ', ὥς τινες, ἐκ Φρυγῶν, ἀλλὰ ἤνεγκεν αὐτὸν Λαοδίκεια ἡ ἐν Καρίᾳ, ποταμῷ πρόσοικος Λύκῳ, μεσογεία μέν, δυνατωτέρα δὲ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ. ἡ μὲν δὴ τοῦ Πολέμωνος οἰκία πολλοὶ ὕπατοι καὶ ἔτι, ἐρασταὶ δὲ αὐτοῦ πολλαὶ μὲν πόλεις, διαφερόντως δὲ ἡ Σμύρνα: οὗτοι γὰρ ἐκ μειρακίου κατιδόντες τι ἐν αὐτῷ μέγα πάντας τοὺς οἴκοι στεφάνους ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Πολέμωνος κεφαλὴν συνήνεγκαν, αὐτῷ τε ψηφισάμενοι καὶ γένει τὰ οἴκοι ζηλωτά, προκαθῆσθαι γὰρ τῶν ̓Αδριανῶν ̓Ολυμπίων ἔδοσαν τῷ ἀνδρὶ καὶ ἐγγόνοις, καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς τριήρους ἐπιβατεύειν. πέμπεται γάρ τις μηνὶ ̓Ανθεστηριῶνι μεταρσία τριήρης ἐς ἀγοράν, ἣν ὁ τοῦ Διονύσου ἱερεύς, οἷον κυβερνήτης, εὐθύνει πείσματα ἐκ θαλάττης λύουσαν. ̓Ενσπουδάζων δὲ τῇ Σμύρνῃ τάδε αὐτὴν ὤνησεν: πρῶτα μὲν τὴν πόλιν πολυανθρωποτάτην αὑτῆς φαίνεσθαι, νεότητος αὐτῇ ἐπιρρεούσης ἐξ ἠπείρων τε καὶ νήσων οὐκ ἀκολάστου καὶ ξυγκλύδος, ἀλλ' ἔξειλεγμένης τε καὶ καθαρᾶς ̔Ελλάδος, ἔπειτα ὁμονοοῦσαν καὶ ἀστασίαστον πολιτεύειν, τὸν γὰρ πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον ἐστασίαζεν ἡ Σμύρνα καὶ διεστήκεσαν οἱ ἄνω πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ. πλείστου δὲ ἄξιος τῇ πόλει καὶ τὰ πρεσβευτικὰ ἐγένετο φοιτῶν παρὰ τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας καὶ προαγωνιζόμενος τῶν ἠθῶν. ̓Αδριανὸν γοῦν προσκείμενον τοῖς ̓Εφεσίοις οὕτω τι μετεποίησε τοῖς Σμυρναίοις, ὡς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ μυριάδας χιλίας ἐπαντλῆσαι αὐτὸν τῇ Σμύρνῃ, ἀφ' ὧν τά τε τοῦ σίτου ἐμπόρια ἐξεποιήθη καὶ γυμνάσιον τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν μεγαλοπρεπέστατον καὶ νεὼς τηλεφανὴς ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς ἄκρας ἀντικεῖσθαι δοκῶν τῷ Μίμαντι. καὶ μὴν καὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτανομένοις δημοσίᾳ ἐπιπλήττων καὶ κατὰ σοφίαν πλεῖστα νουθετῶν ὠφέλει, ὕβριν τε ὁμοίως ἐξῄρει καὶ ἀγερωχίαν πᾶσαν, τοσούτῳ πλέον, ὅσῳ μηδὲ τοῦ ̓Ιωνικοῦ ἀπεθίζειν ὠφέλει δὲ κἀκεῖνα δήπου: τὰς δίκας τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους οὐκ ἄλλοσέ ποι ἐκφοιτᾶν εἴα, ἀλλ' οἴκοι ἔπαυεν. λέγω δὲ τὰς ὑπέρ χρημάτων, τὰς γὰρ ἐπὶ μοιχοὺς καὶ ἱεροσύλους καὶ σφαγέας, ὧν ἀμελουμένων ἄγη φύεται, οὐκ ἐξάγειν παρεκελεύετο μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐξωθεῖν τῆς Σμύρνης, δικαστοῦ γὰρ δεῖσθαι αὐτὰς ξίφος ἔχοντος. καὶ ἡ αἰτία δέ, ἣν ἐκ τῶν πολλῶν εἶχεν, ὡς ὁδοιποροῦντι αὐτῷ πολλὰ μὲν σκευοφόρα ἕποιτο, πολλοὶ δὲ ἵπποι, πολλοὶ δὲ οἰκέται, πολλὰ δὲ ἔθνη κυνῶν ἄλλα ἐς ἄλλην θήραν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ ζεύγους ἀργυροχαλίνου Φρυγίου τινὸς ἢ Κελτικοῦ πορεύοιτο, εὔκλειαν τῇ Σμύρνῃ ἔπραττεν: πόλιν γὰρ δὴ λαμπρύνει μὲν ἀγορὰ καὶ κατασκευὴ μεγαλοπρεπὴς οἰκοδομημάτων, λαμπρύνει δὲ οἰκία εὖ πράττουσα, οὐ γὰρ μόνον δίδωσι πόλις ἀνδρὶ ὄνομα, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὴ ἄρνυται ἐξ ἀνδρός. ἐπεσκοπεῖτο δὲ καὶ τὴν Λαοδίκειαν ὁ Πολέμων θαμίζων ἐς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ οἶκον καὶ δημοσίᾳ ὠφελῶν ὅ τι ἠδύνατο. τὰ δὲ ἐκ βασιλέων αὐτῷ τοιαῦτα: Τραιανὸς μὲν αὐτοκράτωρ ἀτελῆ πορεύεσθαι διὰ γῆς καὶ θαλάττης, ̓Αδριανὸς δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀπ' αὐτοῦ πᾶσιν, ̔ἐγ̓κατέλεξε δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ τῷ τοῦ Μουσείου κύκλῳ ἐς τὴν Αἰγυπτίαν σίτησιν, ἐπί τε τῆς ̔Ρώμης ἀπαιτουμένου πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας ὑπεραπέδωκε ταῦτα τὰ χρήματα οὔτε εἰπόντος, ὡς δέοιτο, οὔτε προειπών, ὡς δώσοι. αἰτιωμένης δὲ αὐτὸν τῆς Σμύρνης, ὡς πολλὰ τῶν ἐπιδοθέντων σφίσιν ἐκ βασιλέως χρημάτων ἐς τὸ ἑαυτοῦ ἡδὺ καταθέμενον ἔπεμψεν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐπιστολὴν ὧδε ξυγκειμένην: “πολέμων τῶν ἐπιδοθέντων ὑμῖν χρημάτων ὑπ' ἐμοῦ ἐμοὶ τοὺς λογισμοὺς ἔδωκεν.” ταῦτα δὲ εἰ καὶ συγγνώμην ἐρεῖ τις, οὐκ ἦν δήπου συγγνώμην αὐτὸν τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς χρήμασι μὴ οὐκ ἐς τὸ προὖχον τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς εὑρέσθαι. τὸ δὲ ̓Αθήνησιν ̓Ολύμπιον δι' ἑξήκοντα καὶ πεντακοσίων ἐτῶν ἀποτελεσθὲν καθιερώσας ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ, ὡς χρόνου μέγα ἀγώνισμα, ἐκέλευσε καὶ τὸν Πολέμωνα ἐφυμνῆσαι τῇ θυσίᾳ. ὁ δέ, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, στήσας τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ἤδη παρισταμένας ἐννοίας ἐπαφῆκεν ἑαυτὸν τῷ λόγῳ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς κρηπῖδος τοῦ νεὼ διελέχθη πολλὰ καὶ θαυμάσια, προοίμιον ποιούμενος τοῦ λόγου τὸ μὴ ἀθεεὶ τὴν περὶ αὐτοῦ ὁρμὴν γενέσθαι οἱ. διήλλαξε δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ παῖδα ̓Αντωνῖνον ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐν τῇ τοῦ σκήπτρου παραδόσει θεὸς ἐκ θνητοῦ γιγνόμενος. τουτὶ δὲ ὁποῖον, ἀνάγκη δηλῶσαι: ἦρξε μὲν γὰρ δὴ πάσης ὁμοῦ ̓Ασίας ὁ ̓Αντωνῖνος, καὶ κατέλυσεν ἐν τῇ τοῦ Πολέμωνος οἰκίᾳ ὡς ἀρίστῃ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν καὶ ἀρίστου ἀνδρός, νύκτωρ δὲ ἐξ ἀποδημίας ἥκων ὁ Πολέμων ἐβόα ἐπὶ θύραις, ὡς δεινὰ πάσχοι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ εἰργόμενος, εἶτα συνηνάγκασε τὸν ̓Αντωνῖνον ἐς ἑτέραν οἰκίαν μετασκευάσασθαι. ταῦτα ἐγίγνωσκε μὲν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ, ἠρώτα δὲ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν οὐδέν, ὡς μὴ ἀναδέροιτο, ἀλλ' ἐνθυμηθεὶς τὰ μετ' αὐτὸν καὶ ὅτι πολλάκις καὶ τὰς ἡμέρους ἐκκαλοῦνται φύσεις οἱ προσκείμενοί τε καὶ παροξύνοντες, ἔδεισε περὶ τῷ Πολέμωνι, ὅθεν ἐν ταῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλείας διαθήκαις “καὶ Πολέμων ὁ σοφιστὴς” ἔφη “ξύμβουλος τῆς διανοίας ἐμοὶ ταύτης ἐγένετο,” τῷ καὶ χάριν ὡς εὐεργέτῃ πράττειν τὴν συγγνώμην ἐκ περιουσίας ἑτοιμάζων. καὶ ὁ ̓Αντωνῖνος ἠστείζετο μὲν πρὸς τὸν Πολέμωνα περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν ἐνδεικνύμενός που τὸ μὴ ἐκλελῆσθαι, ταῖς δὲ ἑκάστοτε τιμαῖς ἐπὶ μέγα ἦρεν ἐγγυώμενός που τὸ μὴ μεμνῆσθαι. ἠστείζετο δὲ τάδε: ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἥκοντος τοῦ Πολέμωνος περιβαλὼν αὐτὸν ̓Αντωνῖνος “δότε” ἔφη “Πολέμωνι καταγωγήν, καὶ μηδεὶς αὐτὸν ἐκβάλῃ.” ὑποκριτοῦ δὲ τραγῳδίας ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ̓Ολυμπίων, οἷς ἐπεστάτει ὁ Πολέμων, ἐφιέναι φήσαντος, ἐξελαθῆναι γὰρ παρ' αὐτοῦ κατ' ἀρχὰς τοῦ δράματος, ἤρετο ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸν ὑποκριτήν, πηνίκα εἴη, ὅτε τῆς σκηνῆς ἠλάθη, τοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος, ὡς μεσημβρία τυγχάνοι οὖσα, μάλα ἀστείως ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ “ἐμὲ δὲ” εἶπεν “ἀμφὶ μέσας νύκτας ἐξήλασε τῆς οἰκίας, καὶ οὐκ ἐφῆκα.” ἐχέτω μοι καὶ ταῦτα δήλωσιν βασιλέως τε πρᾴου καὶ ἀνδρὸς ὑπέρφρονος. ὑπέρφρων γὰρ δὴ οὕτω τι ὁ Πολέμων, ὡς πόλεσι μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ προὔχοντος, δυνασταῖς δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ μὴ ὑφειμένου, θεοῖς δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου διαλέγεσθαι. ̓Αθηναίοις μὲν γὰρ ἐπιδεικνύμενος αὐτοσχεδίους λόγους, ὅτε καὶ πρῶτον ̓Αθήναζε ἀφίκετο, οὐκ ἐς ἐγκώμια κατέστησεν ἑαυτὸν τοῦ ἄστεος, τοσούτων ὄντων, ἅ τις ὑπὲρ ̓Αθηναίων ἂν εἴποι, οὐδ' ὑπὲρ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δόξης ἐμακρηγόρησε, καίτοι καὶ τῆς τοιᾶσδε ἰδέας ὠφελούσης τοὺς σοφιστὰς ἐν ταῖς ἐπιδείξεσιν, ἀλλ' εὖ γιγνώσκων, ὅτι τὰς ̓Αθηναίων φύσεις ἐπικόπτειν χρὴ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπαίρειν διελέχθη ὧδε: “φασὶν ὑμᾶς, ὦ ̓Αθηναῖοι, σοφοὺς εἶναι ἀκροατὰς λόγων: εἴσομαι.” ἀνδρὸς δέ, ὃς ἦρχε μὲν Βοσπόρου, πᾶσαν δὲ ̔Ελληνικὴν παίδευσιν ἥρμοστο, καθ' ἱστορίαν τῆς ̓Ιωνίας ἐς τὴν Σμύρναν ἥκοντος οὐ μόνον οὐκ ἔταξεν ἑαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς θεραπεύουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δεομένου ξυνεῖναί οἱ θαμὰ ἀνεβαλλετο, ἕως ἠνάγκασε τὸν βασιλέα ἐπὶ θύρας ἀφικέσθαι ἀπάγοντα μισθοῦ δέκα τάλαντα. ἥκων δὲ ἐς τὸ Πέργαμον, ὅτε δὴ τὰ ἄρθρα ἐνόσει, κατέδαρθε μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, ἐπιστάντος δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ ̓Ασκληπιοῦ καὶ προειπόντος ἀπέχεσθαι ψυχροῦ ποτοῦ ὁ Πολέμων “βέλτιστε,” εἶπεν “εἰ δὲ βοῦν ἐθεράπευες;” τὸ δὲ μεγαλόγνωμον τοῦτο καὶ φρονηματῶδες ἐκ Τιμοκράτους ἔσπασε τοῦ φιλοσόφου, συγγενόμενος αὐτῷ ἥκοντι ἐς ̓Ιωνίαν ἐτῶν τεττάρων. οὐ χεῖρον δὲ καὶ τὸν Τιμοκράτην δηλῶσαι: ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος καὶ ἦν αὐτῷ πατρὶς ̔Ηράκλεια τὰ ̔Ελλήνων ἐπαινοῦντες, ἐφιλοσόφει δὲ κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν τοὺς ἰατρικοὺς τῶν λόγων, εἰδὼς εὖ τὰς ̔Ιπποκράτους τε καὶ Δημοκρίτου δόξας, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤκουσεν Εὐφράτου τοῦ Τυρίου, πλήρεσιν ἱστίοις ἐς τὴν ἐκείνου φιλοσοφίαν ἀφῆκεν. ἐπιχολώτερος δὲ οὕτω τι ἦν τοῦ ξυμμέτρου, ὡς ὑπανίστασθαι αὐτῷ διαλεγομένῳ τήν τε γενειάδα καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ χαίτας, ὥσπερ τῶν λεόντων ἐν ταῖς ὁρμαῖς. τῆς δὲ γλώττης εὐφόρως εἶχε καὶ σφοδρῶς καὶ ἑτοίμως, διὸ καὶ τῷ Πολέμωνι πλείστου ἦν ἄξιος ἀσπαζομένῳ τὴν τοιάνδε ἐπιφορὰν τοῦ λόγου. διαφορᾶς γοῦν τῷ Τιμοκράτει πρὸς τὸν Σκοπελιανὸν γενομένης ὡς ἐκδεδωκότα ἑαυτὸν πίττῃ καὶ παρατιλτρίαις διέστη μὲν ἡ ἐνομιλοῦσα νεότης τῇ Σμύρνῃ, ὁ δὲ Πολέμων ἀμφοῖν ἀκροώμενος τῶν τοῦ Τιμοκράτους στασιωτῶν ἐγένετο πατέρα καλῶν αὐτὸν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γλώττης. ἀπολογούμενος δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν πρὸς Φαβωρῖνον λόγων εὐλαβῶς ὑπέστειλε καὶ ὑφειμένως, ὥσπερ τῶν παίδων οἱ τὰς ἐκ τῶν διδασκάλων πληγάς, εἴ τι ἀτακτήσειαν, δεδιότες. τῷ δὲ ὑφειμένῳ τούτῳ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Σκοπελιανὸν ἐχρήσατο χρόνῳ ὕστερον, πρεσβεύειν μὲν χειροτονηθεὶς ὑπὲρ τῶν Σμυρναίων, ὡς ὅπλα δὲ ̓Αχίλλεια τὴν ἐκείνου πειθὼ αἰτήσας. ̔Ηρώδῃ δὲ τῷ ̓Αθηναίῳ πὴ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ ὑφειμένου, πὴ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὑπεραίροντος ξυνεγένετο. ὅπως δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἔσχε, δηλῶσαι βούλομαι, καλὰ γὰρ καὶ μεμνῆσθαι ἄξια: ἤρα μὲν γὰρ τοῦ αὐτοσχεδιάζειν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ ὕπατός τε καὶ ἐξ ὑπάτων δοκεῖν, τὸν Πολέμωνα δὲ οὔπω γιγνώσκων ἀφῖκτο μὲν ἐς τὴν σμύρναν ἐπὶ ξυνουσίᾳ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς κατὰ χρόνους, οὓς τὰς ἐλευθέρας τῶν πόλεων αὐτὸς διωρθοῦτο, περιβαλὼν δὲ καὶ ὑπερασπασάμενος ὁμοῦ τῷ τὸ στόμα ἀφελεῖν τοῦ στόματος “πότε,” εἶπεν “ὦ πάτερ, ἀκροασόμεθά σου;” καὶ ὁ μὲν δὴ ᾤετο ἀναβαλεῖσθαι αὐτὸν τὴν ἀκρόασιν ὀκνεῖν φήσαντα ἐπ' ἀνδρὸς τοιούτου ἀποκινδυνεύειν, ὁ δὲ οὐδὲν πλασάμενος “τήμερον” ἔφη “ἀκροῶ, καὶ ἴωμεν.” τοῦτο ἀκούσας ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐκπλαγῆναί φησι τὸν ἄνδρα, ὡς καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν αὐτοσχέδιον καὶ τὴν γνώμην. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν φρόνημα ἐνδείκνυται τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καί, νὴ Δία, σοφίαν, ᾗ ἐς τὴν ἔκπληξιν ἐχρήσατο, ἐκεῖνα δὲ σωφροσύνην τε καὶ κόσμον: ἀφικόμενον γὰρ ἐς τὴν ἐπίδειξιν ἐδέξατο ἐπαίνῳ μακρῷ καὶ ἐπαξίῳ τῶν ̔Ηρώδου λόγων τε καὶ ἔργων. τὴν δὲ σκηνὴν τοῦ ἀνδρός, ᾗ ἐς τὰς μελέτας ἐχρήσατο, ἔστι μὲν καὶ ̔Ηρώδου μαθεῖν ἐν μιᾷ τῶν πρὸς τὸν Βᾶρον ἐπιστολῇ εἰρημένων, δηλώσω δὲ κἀγὼ ἐκεῖθεν: παρῄει μὲν ἐς τὰς ἐπιδείξεις διακεχυμένῳ τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ τεθαρρηκότι, φοράδην δὲ ἐσεφοίτα διεφθορότων αὐτῷ ἤδη τῶν ἄρθρων. καὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις οὐκ ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ἐπεσκοπεῖτο, ἀλλ' ἐξιὼν τοῦ ὁμίλου βραχὺν καιρόν. φθέγμα δὲ ἦν αὐτῷ λαμπρὸν καὶ ἐπίτονον καὶ κρότος θαυμάσιος οἷος ἀπεκτύπει τῆς γλώττης. φησὶ δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης καὶ ἀναπηδᾶν τοῦ θρόνου περὶ τὰς ἀκμὰς τῶν ὑποθέσεων, τοσοῦτον αὐτῷ περιεῖναι ὁρμῆς, καὶ ὅτε ἀποτορνεύοι περίοδον, τὸ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν αὐτῆς κῶλον σὺν μειδιάματι φέρειν, ἐνδεικνύμενον πολὺ τὸ ἀλύπως φράζειν, καὶ κροαίνειν ἐν τοῖς τῶν ὑποθέσεων χωρίοις οὐδὲν μεῖον τοῦ ̔Ομηρικοῦ ἵππου. ἀκροᾶσθαι δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν μὲν πρώτην, ὡς οἱ δικάζοντες, τὴν δὲ ἐφεξῆς, ὡς οἱ ἐρῶντες, τὴν δὲ τρίτην, ὡς οἱ θαυμάζοντες, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ τριῶν ἡμερῶν ξυγγενέσθαι οἱ. ἀναγράφει καὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις ὁ ̔Ηρώδης, ἐφ' αἷς ξυνεγένετο: ἦν τοίνυν ἡ μὲν πρώτη Δημοσθένης ἐξομνύμενος ταλάντων πεντήκοντα δωροδοκίαν, ἣν ἦγεν ἐπ' αὐτὸν Δημάδης, ὡς ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦτο ̓Αθηναίοις ἐκ τῶν Δαρείου λογισμῶν ἐπεσταλκότος, ἡ δὲ ἐφεξῆς τὰ τρόπαια κατέλυε τὰ ̔Ελληνικὰ τοῦ Πελοποννησίου πολέμου ἐς διαλλαγὰς ἥκοντος, ἡ δὲ τρίτη τῶν ὑποθέσεων τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους μετὰ Αἰγὸς ποταμοὺς ἐς τοὺς δήμους ἀνεσκεύαζεν: ὑπὲρ οὗ φησιν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης πέμψαι οἱ πεντεκαίδεκα μυριάδας προσειπὼν αὐτὰς μισθὸν τῆς ἀκροάσεως, μὴ προσεμένου δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπερῶφθαι οἴεσθαι, ξυμπίνοντα δὲ αὐτῷ Μουνάτιον τὸν κριτικόν, ὁ δὲ ἀνὴρ οὗτος ἐκ Τραλλέων, “ὦ ̔Ηρώδη,” φάναι “δοκεῖ μοι Πολέμων ὀνειροπολήσας πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας παρὰ τοῦτ' ἔλαττον ἔχειν ἡγεῖσθαι, παρ' ὃ μὴ τοσαύτας ἔπεμψας.” προσθεῖναί φησιν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης τὰς δέκα καὶ τὸν Πολέμωνα προθύμως λαβεῖν, ὥσπερ ἀπολαμβάνοντα. ἔδωκε τῷ Πολέμωνι ὁ ̔Ηρώδης καὶ τὸ μὴ παρελθεῖν ἐπ' αὐτῷ ἐς λόγων ἐπίδειξιν, μηδ' ἐπαγωνίσασθαί οἱ, νύκτωρ δὲ ἐξελάσαι τῆς Σμύρνης, ὡς μὴ βιασθείη, θρασὺ γὰρ καὶ τὸ βιασθῆναι ᾤετο. διετέλει δὲ καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἐπαινῶν τὸν Πολέμωνα καὶ ὑπὲρ θαῦμα ἄγων: ̓Αθήνησι μὲν γὰρ διαπρεπῶς ἀγωνισάμενος τὸν περὶ τῶν τροπαίων ἀγῶνα καὶ θαυμαζόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ φορᾷ τοῦ λόγου “τὴν Πολέμωνος” ἔφη “μελέτην ἀνάγνωτε καὶ εἴσεσθε ἄνδρα.” ̓Ολυμπίασι δὲ βοησάσης ἐπ' αὐτῷ τῆς ̔Ελλάδος “εἶς ὡς Δημοσθένης,” “εἴθε γὰρ” ἔφη “ὡς ὁ Φρύξ,” τὸν Πολέμωνα ὧδε ἐπονομάζων, ἐπειδὴ τότε ἡ Λαοδικεια τῇ Φρυγίᾳ συνετάττετο. Μάρκου δὲ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος “τί σοι δοκεῖ ὁ Πολέμων;” στήσας τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἵππων μ' ἔφη ὠκυπόδων ἀμφὶ κτύπος οὔατα βάλλει, ἐνδεικνύμενος δὴ τὸ ἐπίκροτον καὶ τὸ ὑψηχὲς τῶν λόγων. ἐρομένου δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ Βάρου τοῦ ὑπάτου, τίσι καὶ διδασκάλοις ἐχρήσατο, “τῷ δεῖνι μὲν καὶ τῷ δεῖνι” ἔφη “παιδευόμενος, Πολέμωνι δὲ ἤδη παιδεύων.” φησὶν ὁ Πολέμων ἠκροᾶσθαι καὶ Δίωνος ἀποδημίαν ὑπὲρ τούτου στείλας ἐς τὸ τῶν Βιθυνῶν ἔθνος. ἔλεγε δὲ ὁ Πολέμων τὰ μὲν τῶν καταλογάδην ὤμοις δεῖν ἐκφέρειν, τὰ δὲ τῶν ποιητῶν ἁμάξαις. κἀκεῖνα τῶν Πολέμωνι τιμὴν ἐχόντων: ἤριζεν ἡ Σμύρνα ὑπὲρ τῶν ναῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς δικαίων, ξύνδικον πεποιημένη τὸν Πολέμωνα ἐς τέρμα ἤδη τοῦ βίου ἥκοντα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐν ὁρμῇ τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων ἀποδημίας ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐγένετο μὲν ἐπ' ἄλλοις ξυνδίκοις ἡ πόλις, πονηρῶς δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ βασιλείῳ δικαστηρίῳ διατιθεμένων τὸν λόγον βλέψας ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐς τοὺς τῶν Σμυρναίων ξυνηγόρους “οὐ Πολέμων” εἶπεν “τουτουὶ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ξύνδικος ὑμῖν ἀπεδέδεικτο;” “ναί,” ἔφασαν “εἴ γε τὸν σοφιστὴν λέγεις.” καὶ ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ “ἴσως οὖν” ἔφη “καὶ λόγον τινὰ ξυνέγραψεν ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων, οἷα δὴ ἐπ' ἐμοῦ τε ἀγωνιούμενος καὶ ὑπὲρ τηλικούτων.” “ἴσως,” ἔφασαν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, “οὐ μὴν ἡμῖν γε εἰδέναι.” καὶ ἔδωκεν ἀναβολὰς ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ τῇ δίκῃ, ἔστ' ἂν διακομισθῇ ὁ λόγος, ἀναγνωσθέντος δὲ ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ κατ' αὐτὸν ἐψηφίσατο ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ ἀπῆλθεν ἡ Σμύρνα τὰ πρωτεῖα νικῶσα καὶ τὸν Πολέμωνα αὐτοῖς ἀναβεβιωκέναι φάσκοντες. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἐλλογίμων ἀξιομνημόνευτα οὐ μόνον τὰ μετὰ σπουδῆς λεχθέντα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐν ταῖς παιδιαῖς, ἀναγράψω καὶ τοὺς ἀστεισμοὺς τοῦ Πολέμωνος, ὡς μηδὲ οὗτοι παραλελειμμένοι φαίνοιντο. μειράκιον ̓Ιωνικὸν ἐτρύφα κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν ὑπὲρ τὰ ̓Ιώνων ἤθη, καὶ ἀπώλλυ αὐτὸ πλοῦτος βαθύς, ὅσπερ ἐστὶ πονηρὸς διδάσκαλος τῶν ἀκολάστων φύσεων. ὄνομα μὲν δὴ τῷ μειρακίῳ Οὔαρος, διεφθορὸς δὲ ὑπὸ κολάκων ἐπεπείκει αὐτὸ ἑαυτό, ὡς καλῶν τε εἴη ὁ κάλλιστος καὶ μέγας ὑπὲρ τοὺς εὐμήκεις καὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ παλαίστραν γενναιότατός τε καὶ τεχνικώτατος καὶ μηδ' ἂν τὰς Μούσας ἀναβάλλεσθαι αὐτοῦ ἥδιον, ὁπότε πρὸς τὸ ᾅδειν τράποιτο. παραπλήσια δὲ τούτοις καὶ περὶ τῶν σοφιστῶν ᾤετο, παριππεῦσαι γὰρ ̔ἂν' καὶ τὰς ἐκείνων γλώττας, ὁπότε μελετῴη, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐμελέτα, καὶ οἱ δανειζόμενοι παρ' αὐτοῦ χρήματα τὸ καὶ μελετῶντος ἀκροάσασθαι προσέγραφον τῷ τόκῳ. ὑπήγετο δὲ καὶ ὁ Πολέμων τῷ δασμῷ τούτῳ νέος ὢν ἔτι καὶ οὔπω νοσῶν, δεδάνειστο γὰρ παρ' αὐτοῦ χρήματα, καὶ ἐπεὶ μὴ ἐθεράπευε, μηδὲ ἐς τὰς ἀκροάσεις ἐφοίτα, χαλεπὸν ἦν τὸ μειράκιον καὶ ἠπείλει τύπους. οἱ δὲ τύποι γράμμα εἰσὶν ἀγορᾶς, ἐρήμην ἐπαγγέλλον τῷ οὐκ ἀποδιδόντι. αἰτιωμένων οὖν τὸν Πολέμωνα τῶν οἰκείων, ὡς ἀηδῆ καὶ δύστροπον, εἰ παρὸν αὐτῷ μὴ ἀπαιτεῖσθαι καὶ τὸ μειράκιον ἐκκαρποῦσθαι παρέχοντα αὐτῷ νεῦμα εὔνουν μὴ ποιεῖ τοῦτο, ἀλλ' ἐκκαλεῖται αὐτὸ καὶ παροξύνει, τοιαῦτα ἀκούων ἀπήντησε μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀκρόασιν, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς δείλην ἤδη ὀψίαν τὰ τῆς μελέτης αὐτῷ προὔβαινε καὶ οὐδεὶς ὅρμος ἐφαίνετο τοῦ λόγου, σολοικισμῶν τε καὶ βαρβαρισμῶν καὶ ἐναντιώσεων πλέα ἦν πάντα, ἀναπηδήσας ὁ Πολέμων καὶ ὑποσχὼν τὼ χεῖρε “Οὔαρε”, εἶπεν “φέρε τοὺς τύπους.” λῃστὴν δὲ πολλαῖς αἰτίαις ἑαλωκότα στρεβλοῦντος ἀνθυπάτου καὶ ἀπορεῖν φάσκοντος, τίς γένοιτ' ἂν ἐπ' αὐτῷ τιμωρία τῶν εἰργασμένων ἀξία, παρατυχὼν ὁ Πολέμων “κέλευσον” ἔφη “αὐτὸν ἀρχαῖα ἐκμανθάνειν.” καίτοι γὰρ πλεῖστα ἐκμαθὼν ὁ σοφιστὴς οὗτος ὅμως ἐπιπονώτατον ἡγεῖτο τῶν ἐν ἀσκήσει τὸ ἐκμανθάνειν. ἰδὼν δὲ μονόμαχον ἱδρῶτι ῥεόμενον καὶ δεδιότα τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀγῶνα “οὕτως” εἶπεν “ἀγωνιᾷς, ὡς μελετᾶν μέλλων.” σοφιστῇ δὲ ἐντυχὼν ἀλλᾶντας ὠνουμένῳ καὶ μαινίδας καὶ τὰ εὐτελῆ ὄψα “ὦ λῷστε,” εἶπεν “οὐκ ἔστι τὸ Δαρείου καὶ Ξέρξου φρόνημα καλῶς ὑποκρίνασθαι ταῦτα σιτουμένῳ.” Τιμοκράτους δὲ τοῦ φιλοσόφου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος, ὡς λάλον χρῆμα ὁ Φαβωρῖνος γένοιτο, ἀστειότατα ὁ Πολέμων “καὶ πᾶσα” ἔφη “γραῦς” τὸ εὐνουχῶδες αὐτοῦ διασκώπτων. ἀγωνιστοῦ δὲ τραγῳδίας ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν ̓Ολυμπίοις τὸ “ὦ Ζεῦ” ἐς τὴν γῆν δείξαντος, τὸ δὲ “καὶ γᾶ” ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνασχόντος, προκαθήμενος τῶν ̓Ολυμπίων ὁ Πολέμων ἐξέωσεν αὐτὸν τῶν ἄθλων εἰπὼν “οὗτος τῇ χειρὶ ἐσολοίκισεν.” μὴ πλείω ὑπὲρ τούτων, ἀπόχρη γὰρ καὶ ταῦτα τὸ ἐπίχαρι τοῦ ἀνδρὸς δηλῶσαι. ἡ δὲ ἰδέα τῶν Πολέμωνος λόγων θερμὴ καὶ ἐναγώνιος καὶ τορὸν ἠχοῦσα, ὥσπερ ἡ ̓Ολυμπιακὴ σάλπιγξ, ἐπιπρέπει δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ τὸ Δημοσθενικὸν τῆς γνώμης, καὶ ἡ σεμνολογία οὐχ ὑπτία, λαμπρὰ δὲ καὶ ἔμπνους, ὥσπερ ἐκ τρίποδος. διαμαρτάνουσι μέν̔τοἰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς φάσκοντες αὐτὸν τὰς μὲν ἐπιφορὰς ἄριστα σοφιστῶν μεταχειρίσασθαι, τὰς δὲ ἀπολογίας ἧττον, ἐλέγχει γὰρ τὸν λόγον τοῦτον ὡς οὐκ ἀληθῆ καὶ ἡ δεῖνα μὲν καὶ ἡ δεῖνα τῶν ὑποθέσεων, ἐν αἷς ἀπολογεῖται, μάλιστα δὲ ὁ Δημοσθένης ὁ τὰ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα ἐξομνύμενος. ἀπολογίαν γὰρ οὕτω χαλεπὴν διαθέμενος ἤρκεσε τῷ λόγῳ ξὺν περιβολῇ καὶ τέχνῃ. τὴν αὐτὴν ὁρῶ διαμαρτίαν καὶ περὶ τοὺς ἡγουμένους αὐτὸν ἐκφέρεσθαι τῶν ἐσχηματισμένων ὑποθέσεων εἰργόμενον τοῦ δρόμου, καθάπερ ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ ἵππον, παραιτούμενόν τε αὐτὰς τὰς ̔Ομηρείους γνώμας εἰπεῖν ἐχθρὸς γάρ μοι κεῖνος ὁμῶς ̓Αίδαο πύλῃσιν, ὅς χ' ἕτερον μὲν κεύθῃ ἐνὶ φρεσίν, ἄλλο δὲ εἴπῃ, ταῦτα γὰρ ἴσως ἔλεγεν αἰνιττόμενος καὶ παραδηλῶν τὸ δύστροπον τῶν τοιούτων ὑποθέσεων, ἄριστα δὲ κἀκεῖνα ἠγωνίσατο, ὡς δηλοῦσιν ὅ τε μοιχὸς ὁ ἐκκεκαλυμμένος καὶ ὁ Ξενοφῶν ὁ ἀξιῶν ἀποθνήσκειν ἐπὶ Σωκράτει καὶ ὁ Σόλων ὁ αἰτῶν ἀπαλείφειν τοὺς νόμους λαβόντος τὴν φρουρὰν τοῦ Πεισιστράτου καὶ οἱ Δημοσθένεις τρεῖς, ὁ μετὰ Χαιρώνειαν προσάγων ἑαυτὸν καὶ ὁ δοκῶν θανάτου ἑαυτῷ τιμᾶσθαυ ἐπὶ τοῖς ̔Αρπαλείοις καὶ ὁ ξυμβουλεύων ἐπὶ τῶν τριήρων φεύγειν ἐπιόντος μὲν Φιλίππου, νόμον δὲ Αἰσχίνου κεκυρωκότος ἀποθνήσκειν τὸν πολέμου μνημονεύσαντα. ἐν γὰρ ταύταις μάλιστα τῶν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κατὰ σχῆμα προηγμένων ἡνία τε ἐμβέβληται τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τὸ ἐπαμφότερον αἱ διάνοιαι σώζουσιν. ἰατροῖς δὲ θαμὰ ὑποκείμενος λιθιώντων αὐτῷ τῶν ἄρθρων παρεκελεύετο αὐτοῖς ὀρύττειν καὶ τέμνειν τὰς Πολέμωνος λιθοτομίας. ̔Ηρώδῃ δὲ ἐπιστέλλων ὑπὲρ τῆς νόσου ταύτης ὧδε ἐπέστειλεν: “δεῖ ἐσθίειν, χεῖρας οὐκ ἔχω: δεῖ βαδίζειν, πόδες οὐκ εἰσί μοι: δεῖ ἀλγεῖν, τότε καὶ πόδες εἰσί μοι καὶ χεῖρες.” ̓Ετελεύτα μὲν περὶ τὰ ἓξ καὶ πεντήκοντα ἔτη, τὸ δὲ μέτρον τῆς ἡλικίας τοῦτο ταῖς μὲν ἄλλαις ἐπιστήμαις γήρως ἀρχή, σοφιστῇ δὲ νεότης ἔτι, γηράσκουσα γὰρ ἥδε ἡ ἐπιστήμη σοφίαν ἀρτύνει. τάφος δὲ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν οὐδείς, εἰ καὶ πλείους λέγονται: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῷ κήπῳ τοῦ τῆς ̓Αρετῆς ἱεροῦ ταφῆναι αὐτόν, οἱ δὲ οὐ πόρρω τούτου ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ, νεὼς δέ τίς ἐστι βραχὺς καὶ ἄγαλμα ἐν αὐτῷ Πολέμωνος ἐσταλμένον, ὡς ἐπὶ τῆς τριήρους ὠργίαζεν, ὑφ' ᾧ κεῖσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα, οἱ δὲ ἐν τῇ τῆς οἰκίας αὐλῇ ὑπὸ τοῖς χαλκοῖς ἀνδριᾶσιν. ἔστι δὲ οὐδὲν τούτων ἀληθές, εἰ γὰρ ἐτελεύτα κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν, οὐδενὸς ἂν τῶν θαυμασίων παρ' αὐτοῖς ἱερῶν ἀπηξιώθη τὸ μὴ οὐκ ἐν αὐτῷ κεῖσθαι. ἀλλ' ἐκεῖνα ἀληθέστερα, κεῖσθαι μὲν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ Λαοδικείᾳ παρὰ τὰς Συρίας πύλας, οὗ δὴ καὶ τῶν προγόνων αὐτοῦ θῆκαι, ταφῆναι δὲ αὐτὸν ζῶντα ἔτι, τουτὶ γὰρ τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἐπισκῆψαι, κείμενόν τε ἐν τῷ σήματι παρακελεύεσθαι τοῖς συγκλείουσι τὸν τάφον “ἔπαγε, ἔπαγε, μὴ γὰρ ἴδοι με σιωπῶντα ἥλιος.” πρὸς δὲ τοὺς οἰκείους ὀλοφυρομένους αὐτὸν ἀνεβόησε: “δότε μοι σῶμα καὶ μελετήσομαι.” μέχρι Πολέμωνος τὰ Πολέμωνος, οἱ γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτῷ γενόμενοι ξυγγενεῖς μέν, οὐ μὴν οἷοι πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνου ἀρετὴν ἐξετάζεσθαι, πλὴν ἑνὸς ἀνδρός, περὶ οὗ μικρὸν ὕστερον λέξω. | 1.25. I FOUND the following to be an account of the sage's stay in Babylon, and of all we need to know about Babylon. The fortifications of Babylon extend 480 stadia and form a complete circle, and its wall is three half plethrons high, but less than a plethron [ 1] in breadth. And it is cut asunder by the river Euphrates, into halves of similar shape; and there passes underneath the river an extraordinary bridge which joins together by an unseen passage the palaces on either bank. For it is said that a woman, Medea, was formerly queen of those parts, who spanned the river underneath in a manner in which no river was ever bridged before; for she got stones, it is said, and copper and pitch and all that men have discovered for use in masonry under water, and she piled these up along the banks of the river. Then she diverted the stream into lakes; and as soon as the river was dry, she dug down two fathoms, and made a hollow tunnel, which she caused to debouch into the palaces on either bank like a subterranean grotto; and she roofed it on a level with the bed of the stream. The foundations were thus made stable, and also the walls of the tunnel; but as the pitch required water in order to set as hard as stone, the Euphrates was let in again on the roof while still soft, and so the junction stood solid. And the palaces are roofed with bronze, and a glitter goes off from them; but the chambers of the women and of the men and the porticos are adorned partly with silver, and partly with golden tapestries or curtains, and partly with solid gold in the form of pictures; but the subjects embroidered on the stuffs are taken by them from Hellenic story, Andromedas being represented, and Amymonae, and you see Perseus frequently. And they delight in Orpheus, perhaps out of regard for his peaked cap and breeches, for it cannot be for his music or the songs with which he charmed and soothed others. And woven into the pattern you perceive Datis tearing up Naxos out of the sea, and Artaphernes beleaguering Eretria, and such battles of Xerxes as he said he won. For there is, of course, the occupation of Athens and Thermopylae, and other pictures still more to the Median taste, such as rivers drained from off the land and a bridge over the sea and the piercing of Athos. But they say that they also visited a man's apartment of which the roof had been carried up in the form of a dome, to resemble in a manner the heavens, and that it was roofed with lapis lazuli, a stone that is very blue and like heaven to the eye; and there were images of the gods, which they worship, fixed aloft, and looking like golden figures shining out of the ether. And it is here that the king gives judgment, and golden wrynecks are hung from the ceiling, to remind him of Adrastea, the goddess of justice, and to engage him not to exalt himself above humanity. These figures the Magi themselves say they arranged; for they have access to the palace, and they call them the tongues of the gods. 1.25. Polemo the sophist was neither a native of Smyrna, as is commonly supposed, nor from Phrygia as some say, but he was born at Laodicea in Caria, a city which lies on the river Lycus and, though far inland, is more important than those on the seacoast. Polemo's family has produced many men of consular rank, and still does, and many cities were in love with him, but especially Smyrna. For the people having from his boyhood observed in him a certain greatness, heaped on the head of Polemo all the wreaths of honour that were theirs to give, decreeing for himself and his family the distinctions most sought after in Smyrna; for they bestowed on him and his descendants the right to preside over the Olympic games founded by Hadrian, and to go on board the sacred trireme. For in the month Anthesterion a trireme in full sail is brought in procession to the agora, and the priest of Dionysus, like a pilot, steers it as it comes from the sea, loosing its cables. By opening his school at Smyrna he benefited the city in the following ways. In the first place he made her appear far more populous than before, since the youth flowed into her from both continents and the islands; nor were they a dissolute and promiscuous rabble, but select and genuinely Hellenic. Secondly, he brought about a harmonious government free from faction. For, before that, Smyrna was rent by factions, and the inhabitants of the higher district were at variance with those on the sea-shore. Also he proved to be of great value to the city by going on embassies to the Emperors and defending the community. Hadrian, at any rate, had hitherto favoured Ephesus, but Polemo so entirely converted him to the cause of Smyrna that in one day he lavished a million drachmae on the city, and with this the corn-market was built, a gymnasium which was the most magnificent of all those in Asia, and a temple that can be seen from afar, the one on the promontory that seems to challenge Mimas. Moreover, when they made mistakes in their public policy, Polemo would rebuke them, and often gave them wise advice; thus he was of great use to them, and at the same time he cured them of arrogance and every kind of insolence, an achievement that has all the greater because it was not like the Ionian to reform his ancient customs. He helped them also in the following manner. The suits which they brought against one another he did not allow to be carried anywhere abroad, but he would settle them at home. I mean the suits about money, for those against adulterers, sacrilegious persons and murderers, the neglect of which breeds pollution, he not only urged them to carry them out of Smyrna but even to drive them out. For he said that they needed a judge with a sword in his hand. Though he excited the disapproval of many, because when he travelled he was followed by a long train of baggage-animals and many horses, many slaves and many different breeds of dogs for various kinds of hunting, while he himself would ride in a chariot from Phrygia or Gaul, with silver-mounted bridles, by all this he acquired glory for. Smyrna. For just as its market-place and a splendid array of buildings reflect lustre on a city, so does an opulent establishment; for not only does a city give a man renown, but itself acquires it from a man. Polemo administered the affairs of Laodicea as well, for he often visited his relatives there, and gave what assistance he could in public affairs., The following privileges were bestowed on him by the Emperors. By the Emperor Trajan the right to travel free of expense by land and sea, and Hadrian extended this to all his descendants, and also enrolled him in the circle of the Museum, with the Egyptian right of free meals. And when he was in Rome and demanded 250,000 drachmae, he gave him that sum and more, though Polemo had not said that he needed it, nor had the Emperor said beforehand that he would give it. When the people of Smyrna accused him of having expended on his own pleasures a great part of the money that had been given by the Emperor for them, the Emperor sent a letter to the following effect: "Polemo has rendered me an account of the money given to you by me." And though one may say that this was an act of clemency, nevertheless it would not have been possible for him to win clemency in the affair of the money, had he not won pre-eminence for virtue of another kind. The temple of Olympian Zeus at Athens had been completed at last after an interval of five hundred and sixty years, and when the Emperor consecrated it as a marvellous triumph of time, he invited Polemo also to make an oration at the sacrifice. He fixed his gaze, as was his custom, on the thoughts that were already taking their place in his mind, and then flung himself into his speech, and delivered a long and admirable discourse from the base of the temple. As the prooemium of his speech he declared that not without a divine impulse was he inspired to speak on that theme., Moreover, the Emperor reconciled his own son Antoninus, with Polemo, at the time when he handed over his sceptre and became a god instead of a mortal. I must relate how this happened. Antoninus was proconsul of the whole of Asia without exception, and once he took up his lodging in Polemo's house because it was the best in Smyrna and belonged to the most notable citizen. However, Polemo arrived home at night from a journey and raised an outcry at the door that he was outrageously treated in being shut out of his own house, and next he compelled Antoninus to move to another house. The Emperor was informed of this, but he held no inquiry into the affair, lest he should reopen the wound. But in considering what would happen after his death, and that even mild natures are often provoked by persons who are too aggressive and irritating, he became anxious about Polemo. Accordingly in his last testament on the affairs of the Empire, he wrote: "And Polemo, the sophist, advised me to make this arrangement." By this means he opened the way for him to win favour as a benefactor, and forgiveness enough and to spare. And in fact Antoninus used to jest with Polemo about what had happened in Smyrna, thus showing that he had by no means forgotten it, though by the honours with which he exalted him on every occasion he seemed to pledge himself not to bear it in mind. This is the sort of jest he would make. When Polemo came to Rome, Antoninus embraced him, and then said: "Give Polemo a lodging and do not let anyone turn him out of it." And once when a tragic actor who had performed at the Olympic games in Asia, over which Polemo presided, declared that he would prosecute him, because Polemo had expelled him at the beginning of the play, the Emperor asked the actor what time it was when he was expelled from the theatre, and when he replied that it happened to be at noon, the Emperor made this witty comment: "But it was midnight when he expelled me from his house, and I did not prosecute him." Let this suffice to show how mild an Emperor could be, and how arrogant a mere man. For in truth Polemo was so arrogant that he conversed with cities as his inferiors, Emperors as not his superiors, and the gods as his equals. For instance, when he gave a display to the Athenians of extempore speeches on first coming to Athens, he did not condescend to utter an encomium on the city, though there were so many things that one might say in honour of the Athenians; nor did he make a long oration about his own renown, although this style of speech is likely to win favour for sophists in their public declamations. But since he well knew that the natural disposition of the Athenians needs to be held in check rather than encouraged to greater pride, this was his introductory speech: "Men say, Athenians, that as an audience you are accomplished judges of oratory. I shall soon find out." And once when the ruler of the Bosporus, a man who had been trained in all the culture of Greece, came to Smyrna in order to learn about Ionia, Polemo not only did not take his place among those who went to salute him, but even when the other begged him to visit him he postponed it again and again, until he compelled the king to come to his door with a fee of ten talents. Again, when he came to Pergamon suffering from a disease of the joints, he slept in the temple, and when Asclepius appeared to him and told him to abstain from drinking anything cold, "My good sir," said Polemo, "but what if you were doctoring a cow?" This proud and haughty temper he contracted from Timocrates' the philosopher, with whom he associated for four years when he came to Ionia. It would do no harm to describe Timocrates also. This man came from the Pontus and his birthplace was Heraclea whose citizens admire Greek culture. At first he devoted himself to the study of writings on medicine and was well versed in the theories of Hippocrates and Democritus. But when he had once heard Euphrates of Tyre, he set full sail for his kind of philosophy., He was irascible beyond measure, so much so that while he was arguing his beard and the hair on his head stood up like a lion's when it springs to the attack. His language was fluent, vigorous and ready, and it was on this account that Polemo, who loved this headlong style of oratory, valued him so highly. At any rate, when a quarrel arose between Timocrates and Scopelian, because the latter had become addicted to the use of pitch-plasters and professional "hair removers"; the youths who were then residing in Smyrna took different sides, but Polemo, who was the pupil of both men, became one of the faction of Timocrates and called him "the father of my eloquence." And when he was defending himself before Timocrates for his speeches against Favorinus, he cowered before him in awe and submission, like boys who fear blows from their teachers when they have been disobedient. This same humility Polemo showed also towards Scopelian somewhat later, when he was elected to go on an embassy on behalf of Smyrna, and begged for Scopelian's power of persuasion as though it were the arms of Achilles. His behaviour to Herodes the Athenian was in one way submissive and in another arrogant. I wish to relate how this came about, for it is a good story and worth remembering.Herodes, you must know, felt a keener desire to succeed in extempore speaking than to be called a consul and the descendant of consuls, and so, before he was acquainted with Polemo, he came to Smyrna in order to study with him. It was at the time when Herodes alone was regulating the status of the free cities. When he had embraced Polemo and saluted him very affectionately by kissing him on the mouth, he asked: "Father, when shall I hear you declaim?" Now Herodes thought that he would put off the declamation and would say that he hesitated to run any risks in the presence of so great a man, but Polemo, without any such pretext, replied: "Hear me declaim today, and let us be going." Herodes says that when he heard this, he was struck with admiration of the man and the ready facility both of his tongue and brain. This incident illustrates Polemo's pride and, by Zeus, the cleverness with which he was wont to dazzle his hearers, but the following shows equally his modesty and sense of propriety. For when the other arrived to hear him declaim, he received him with a long and appropriate panegyric on the words and deeds of Herodes., The scenic effects which he employed in his declamations we may learn from Herodes, since they are described in one of the letters that he wrote to Varus, and I will relate them from that source. He would come forward to declaim with a countece serene and full of confidence, and he always arrived in a litter, because his joints were already diseased. When a theme had been proposed, he did not meditate on it in public but would withdraw from the crowd for a short time. His utterance was clear and incisive, and there was a fine ringing sound in the tones of his voice. Herodes says also that he used to rise to such a pitch of excitement that he would jump up from his chair when he came to the most striking conclusions in his argument, and whenever he rounded off a period he would utter the final clause with a smile, as though to show clearly that he could deliver it without effort, and at certain places in the argument he would stamp the ground just like the horse in Homer. Herodes adds that he listened to his first declamation like an impartial judge, to the second like one who longs for more, to the third as one who can but admire; and that he attended his lectures for three days. Moreover, Herodes has recorded the themes of the declamations at which he was present. The first was: "Demosthenes swears that he did not take the bribe of fifty talents" the charge which Demades brought against him, on the ground that Alexander had communicated this fact to the Athenians, having learned it from the account-books of Darius. In the second, on the conclusion of peace after the Peloponnesian war, he urged: "That the trophies erected by the Greeks should be taken down." The third argument was to persuade the Athenians to return to their demes after the battle of Aegos Potami. Herodes says that in payment for this he sent him 150,000 drachmae, and called this the fee for his lectures. But since he did not accept it, Herodes thought that he had been treated with contempt, but Munatius the critic, when drinking with him (this man came from Tralles), remarked: "Herodes, I think that Polemo dreamed of 250,000 drachmae, and so thinks that he is being stinted because you did not send so large a sum." Herodes says that he added the 100,000 drachmae, and that Polemo took the money without the least hesitation, as though he were receiving only what was his due. Herodes gave Polemo leave not to appear after him to give an exhibition of his oratory, and not to have to maintain a theme after him, and allowed him to depart from Smyrna by night, lest he should be compelled to do this, since Polemo thought it outrageous to be compelled to do anything. And from that time forward he never failed to commend Polemo, and to think him beyond praise. For instance, in Athens, when Herodes had brilliantly maintained the argument about the war trophies, and was being complimented on the fluency and vigour of his speech, he said: "Read Polemo's declamation, and then you will know a great man." And at the Olympic games when all Greece acclaimed him, crying: "You are the equal of Demosthenes!" he replied: "I wish I were the equal of the Phrygian," applying this name to Polemo because in those days Laodicea counted as part of Phrygia., When the Emperor Marcus asked him: "What is your opinion of Polemo?" Herodes gazed fixedly before him and said: The sound of swift-footed horses strikes upon mine ears;" thus indicating how resot and far-echoing was his eloquence. And when Varus the consul asked him what teachers he had had, he replied: "This man and that, while I was being taught, but Polemo, when I was teaching others." Polemo says that he studied also with Dio, and that in order to do so he paid a visit to the people of Bithynia. He used to say that the works of prose writers needed to be brought out by armfuls, but the works of poets by the wagon-load. Among the honours that he received were also the following. Smyrna was contending on behalf of her temples and their rights, and when he had already reached the last stage of his life, appointed Polemo as one of her advocates. But since he died at the very outset of the journey to defend those rights, the city was entrusted to other advocates. Before the imperial tribunal they presented their case very badly, whereupon the Emperor looked towards Smyrna and said: "Had not Polemo been appointed as your public advocate in this suit?" "Yes" they replied, "if you mean the sophist." "Then, perhaps" said the Emperor, "he wrote down some speech in defence of your rights, inasmuch as he was to speak for the defence in my presence and on behalf of such great issues." "Perhaps, O Emperor," they replied, "but not as far as we know." Whereupon the Emperor adjourned the case until the speech could be brought, and when it had been read aloud in court the Emperor gave his decision in accordance with it; and so Smyrna carried off the victory, and the citizens departed declaring that Polemo had come to life to help them., Now inasmuch as, when men have become illustrious, not only what they said in earnest but also what they said in jest is worthy of record, I will write down Polemo's witticisms also, so that I may not seem to have neglected even them. There was an Ionian youth who was indulging in a life of dissipation at Smyrna to a degree not customary with the Ionians, and was being ruined by his great wealth, which is a vicious teacher of ill-regulated natures. Now the youth's name was Varus, and he had been so spoiled by parasites that he had convinced himself that he was the fairest of the fair, the tallest of the tall, and the noblest and most expert of the youths at the wrestling-ground, and that not even the Muses could strike up a prelude more sweetly than he, whenever he had a mind to sing. He had the same notions about the sophists; that is to say, that he could outstrip even their tongues whenever he declaimed — and he actually used to declaim — and those who borrowed money from him used to reckon their attendance at his declamations as part of the interest. Even Polemo, when he was still a young man and not yet an invalid, was induced to pay this tribute, for he had borrowed money from him, and when he did not pay court to him or attend his lectures, the youth resented it and threatened him with a summons to recover the debt. This summons is a writ issued by the law court proclaiming judgement by default against the debtor who fails to pay. Thereupon his friends reproached Polemo with being morose and discourteous, seeing that when he could avoid being sued and could profit by the young man's money by merely giving him an amiable nod of approval, he would not do this, but provoked and irritated him., Hearing this sort of thing said, he did indeed come to the lecture, but when, late in the evening, the youth's declamation was still going on, and no place of anchorage for his speech was in sight, and everything he said was full of solecisms, barbarisms, and inconsistencies, Polemo jumped up, and stretching out his hands, cried: "Varus, bring your summons." On another occasion, when the consul was putting to the torture a bandit who had been convicted on several charges, and declared that he could not think of any penalty for him that would match his crimes, Polemo who was present said: "Order him to learn by heart some antiquated stuff." For though this sophist had learned by heart a great number of passages, he nevertheless considered that this is the most wearisome of all exercises. Again, on seeing a gladiator dripping with sweat out of sheer terror of the life-and-death struggle before him, he remarked: "You are in as great an agony as though you were going to declaim." Again, when he met a sophist who was buying sausages, sprats, and other cheap dainties of that sort, he said: "My good sir, it is impossible for one who lives on this diet to act convincingly the arrogance of Darius and Xerxes." When Timocrates the philosopher remarked to him that Favorinus had become a chatterbox, Polemo said wittily: "And so is every old woman," thus making fun of him for being like a eunuch. Again, when a tragic actor at the Olympic games in Smyrna pointed to the ground as he uttered the words, "O Zeus!" then raised his hands to heaven at the words, "and Earth!" Polemo, who was presiding at the Olympic games, expelled him from the contest, saying: "The fellow has committed a solecism with his hand." I will say no more on this subject, for this is enough to illustrate the charming wit of the man., Polemo's style of eloquence is passionate, combative, and ringing to the echo, like the trumpet at the Olympic games. The Demosthenic cast of his thought lends it distinction and a gravity which is not dull or inert but brilliant and inspired, as though delivered from the tripod. But they fail to understand the man who say that he handles invective more skilfully than any other sophist, but is less skilful in making a defence. Such a criticism is proved to be untrue by this and that declamation in which he speaks for the defence, but especially by the speech in which Demosthenes swears that he did not accept the fifty talents. For in establishing a defence so difficult to make, his ornate rhetoric and technical skill were fully equal to the argument. I observe the same error in the case of those who hold that he was not qualified to sustain simulated arguments, but was forced off the course like a horse for whom the ground is too rough, and that he deprecated the use of these themes when he quoted the maxim of Homer: For hateful to me even as the gates of hell is he that hideth one thing in his heart and uttereth another. Perhaps he used to say this with a double meaning, and to illustrate by this allusion how intractable are such themes; nevertheless, these too he sustained with great skill, as is evident from his Adulterer Unmasked or his Xenophon refuses to survive Socrates; or his Solon demands that his laws be rescinded after Peisistratus has obtained a bodyguard. Then there are the three on Demosthenes, the first where he denounced himself after Chaeronea, the second in which he pretends that he ought to be punished with death for the affair of Harpalus, lastly that in which he advises the Athenians to flee on their triremes at the approach of Philip, though Aeschines had carried a law that anyone who mentioned the war should be put to death. For in these more than any other of the simulated themes that he produced, he has given free reins to the argument, and yet the ideas preserve the effect of presenting both sides. When the doctors were regularly attending him for hardening of the joints, he exhorted them to "dig and carve in the stone-quarries of Polemo." And in writing to Herodes about this disease he sent this bulletin: "I must eat, but I have no hands; I must walk, but I have no feet; I must endure pain, and then I find I have both feet and hands." When he died he was about fifty-six years old, but this age-limit, though for the other learned professions it is the beginning of senility, for a sophist still counts as youthfulness, since in this profession a man's knowledge grows more adaptable with advancing age.He has no tomb in Smyrna, though several there are said to be his. For some say that he was buried in the garden of the temple of Virtue; others, not far from that place near the sea, and there is a small temple thereabouts with a statue of Polemo in it, arrayed as he was when he performed the sacred rites on the trireme, and beneath his statue they say that the man himself lies; while others say that he was buried in the courtyard of his house under the bronze statues. But none of these accounts is true, for if he had died in Smyrna there is not one of the marvellous temples in that city in which he would have been deemed unworthy to lie. But yet another version is nearer the truth, namely that he lies at Laodicea near the Syrian gate, where, in fact, are the sepulchres of his ancestors; that he was buried while still alive, for so he had enjoined on his nearest and dearest; and that, as he lay in the tomb, he thus exhorted those who were shutting up the sepulchre: "Make haste, make haste! Never shall the sun behold me reduced to silence!" And when his friends wailed over him, he cried with a loud voice: "Give me a body and I will declaim!" With Polemo ended the house of Polemo, for his descendants, though they were his kindred, were not the sort of men who could be compared with his surpassing merit, with the exception of one, of whom I shall speak a little later. |
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| 223. Apuleius, On The God of Socrates, 15.151 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 22 |
| 224. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 48.28-48.35, 48.71 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 136, 137, 230 |
| 225. Vettius Valens, Anthologies, 1.1.1-1.1.2, 1.1.4, 2.13.1, 2.18, 2.20.1, 4.4.2, 4.15.1-4.15.2, 6.1.7, 9.1.12, 9.12.19, 9.12.28-9.12.31, 15.2.22 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) •plutarch of chaeronea, the generation of the soul in the timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 34, 39, 41, 305 |
| 226. Alciphron, Letters, 4.13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the courtesan lamia Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 14 |
| 227. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 6.76 (260a), 13.43 (579e), 14.43 (638e), 1, 1a, 1b, 1c (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128 |
| 228. Aelius Aristides, Ecnomium of Rome, 100-101 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 130; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 130 |
229. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 56.25.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, and varro on the horoscopes of augustus and rome Found in books: Hay, Saeculum: Defining Historical Eras in Ancient Roman Thought (2023) 130 | 56.25.5. Besides these events at that time, the seers were forbidden to prophesy to any person alone or to prophesy regarding death even if others should be present. Yet so far was Augustus from caring about such matters in his own case that he set forth to all in an edict the aspect of the stars at the time of his own birth. 56.25.5. Besides these events at that time, the seers were forbidden to prophesy to any person alone or to prophesy regarding death even if others should be present. Yet so far was Augustus from caring about such matters in his own case that he set forth to all in an edict the aspect of the stars at the time of his own birth. 6 Nevertheless, he forbade this practice. He also issued a proclamation to the subject nations forbidding them to bestow any honours upon a person assigned to govern them either during his term of office or within sixty days after his departure; this was because some governors by arranging beforehand for testimonials and eulogies from their subjects were causing much mischief. |
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| 230. Gellius, Attic Nights, 12.1.17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the decline of the roman empire Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 432 |
| 231. Porphyry, Letter To Anebo, 2.14a-d, 2.15a-b (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 236 |
| 232. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.61.1 (Theophrastus fr.548D FHS&G), 2.43.3-4 (Theophrastus fr.548B FHS&G) (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 209 |
233. Origen, Against Celsus, 3.34-3.35, 7.35 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), plutarch, on the decline of oracles Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 322 | 3.34. I am, however, of opinion that these individuals are the only instances with which Celsus was acquainted. And yet, that he might appear voluntarily to pass by other similar cases, he says, And one might name many others of the same kind. Let it be granted, then, that many such persons have existed who conferred no benefit upon the human race: what would each one of their acts be found to amount to in comparison with the work of Jesus, and the miracles related of Him, of which we have already spoken at considerable length? He next imagines that, in worshipping him who, as he says, was taken prisoner and put to death, we are acting like the Get who worship Zamolxis, and the Cilicians who worship Mopsus, and the Acarians who pay divine honours to Amphilochus, and like the Thebans who do the same to Amphiaraus, and the Lebadians to Trophonius. Now in these instances we shall prove that he has compared us to the foregoing without good grounds. For these different tribes erected temples and statues to those individuals above enumerated, whereas we have refrained from offering to the Divinity honour by any such means (seeing they are adapted rather to demons, which are somehow fixed in a certain place which they prefer to any other, or which take up their dwelling, as it were, after being removed (from one place to another) by certain rites and incantations), and are lost in reverential wonder at Jesus, who has recalled our minds from all sensible things, as being not only corruptible, but destined to corruption, and elevated them to honour the God who is over all with prayers and a righteous life, which we offer to Him as being intermediate between the nature of the uncreated and that of all created things, and who bestows upon us the benefits which come from the Father, and who as High Priest conveys our prayers to the supreme God. 3.35. But I should like, in answer to him who for some unknown reason advances such statements as the above, to make in a conversational way some such remarks as the following, which seem not inappropriate to him. Are then those persons whom you have mentioned nonentities, and is there no power in Lebadea connected with Trophonius, nor in Thebes with the temple of Amphiaraus, nor in Acaria with Amphilochus, nor in Cilicia with Mopsus? Or is there in such persons some being, either a demon, or a hero, or even a god, working works which are beyond the reach of man? For if he answer that there is nothing either demoniacal or divine about these individuals more than others, then let him at once make known his own opinion, as being that of an Epicurean, and of one who does not hold the same views with the Greeks, and who neither recognises demons nor worships gods as do the Greeks; and let it be shown that it was to no purpose that he adduced the instances previously enumerated (as if he believed them to be true), together with those which he adds in the following pages. But if he will assert that the persons spoken of are either demons, or heroes, or even gods, let him notice that he will establish by what he has admitted a result which he does not desire, viz., that Jesus also was some such being; for which reason, too, he was able to demonstrate to not a few that He had come down from God to visit the human race. And if he once admit this, see whether he will not be forced to confess that He is mightier than those individuals with whom he classed Him, seeing none of the latter forbids the offering of honour to the others; while He, having confidence in Himself, because He is more powerful than all those others, forbids them to be received as divine because they are wicked demons, who have taken possession of places on earth, through inability to rise to the purer and diviner region, whither the grossnesses of earth and its countless evils cannot reach. 7.35. Seeking God, then, in this way, we have no need to visit the oracles of Trophonius, of Amphiaraus, and of Mopsus, to which Celsus would send us, assuring us that we would there see the gods in human form, appearing to us with all distinctness, and without illusion. For we know that these are demons, feeding on the blood, and smoke, and odour of victims, and shut up by their base desires in prisons, which the Greeks call temples of the gods, but which we know are only the dwellings of deceitful demons. To this Celsus maliciously adds, in regard to these gods which, according to him, are in human form, they do not show themselves for once, or at intervals, like him who has deceived men, but they are ever open to intercourse with those who desire it. From this remark, it would seem that Celsus supposes that the appearance of Christ to His disciples after His resurrection was like that of a spectre flitting before their eyes; whereas these gods, as he calls them, in human shape always present themselves to those who desire it. But how is it possible that a phantom which, as he describes it, flew past to deceive the beholders, could produce such effects after it had passed away, and could so turn the hearts of men as to lead them to regulate their actions according to the will of God, as in view of being hereafter judged by Him? And how could a phantom drive away demons, and show other indisputable evidences of power, and that not in any one place, like these so-called gods in human form, but making its divine power felt through the whole world, in drawing and congregating together all who are found disposed to lead a good and noble life? |
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| 234. Firmicus Maternus Julius., Matheseos, 4.1.6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 305 |
| 235. Plotinus, Enneads, (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 208 |
| 236. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 6.15(SVF 3.437) (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, similarly for eupatheiai Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 207 |
237. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 4.5.24, 7.71, 7.151, 10.22 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch •theon (plutarch’s character) •plutarch, on the disappearance of oracles •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 421; Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 156; Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 184; Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 233 | 7.71. of propositions that are not simple the hypothetical, according to Chrysippus in his Dialectics and Diogenes in his Art of Dialectic, is one that is formed by means of the conditional conjunction If. Now this conjunction promises that the second of two things follows consequentially upon the first, as, for instance, If it is day, it is light. An inferential proposition according to Crinis in his Art of Dialectic is one which is introduced by the conjunction Since and consists of an initial proposition and a conclusion; for example, Since it is day-time, it is light. This conjunction guarantees both that the second thing follows from the first and that the first is really a fact. 7.151. Hence, again, their explanation of the mixture of two substances is, according to Chrysippus in the third book of his Physics, that they permeate each other through and through, and that the particles of the one do not merely surround those of the other or lie beside them. Thus, if a little drop of wine be thrown into the sea, it will be equally diffused over the whole sea for a while and then will be blended with it.Also they hold that there are daemons (δαίμονες) who are in sympathy with mankind and watch over human affairs. They believe too in heroes, that is, the souls of the righteous that have survived their bodies.of the changes which go on in the air, they describe winter as the cooling of the air above the earth due to the sun's departure to a distance from the earth; spring as the right temperature of the air consequent upon his approach to us; 10.22. And when near his end he wrote the following letter to Idomeneus:On this blissful day, which is also the last of my life, I write this to you. My continual sufferings from strangury and dysentery are so great that nothing could augment them; but over against them all I set gladness of mind at the remembrance of our past conversations. But I would have you, as becomes your life-long attitude to me and to philosophy, watch over the children of Metrodorus.Such were the terms of his will.Among his disciples, of whom there were many, the following were eminent: Metrodorus, the son of Athenaeus (or of Timocrates) and of Sande, a citizen of Lampsacus, who from his first acquaintance with Epicurus never left him except once for six months spent on a visit to his native place, from which he returned to him again. |
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| 238. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia, 2.3, 2.5 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cicero the poet Found in books: Keeline, The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy (2018) 311 |
239. Augustine, The City of God, 9.4-9.5, 14.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, similarly for eupatheiai Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 207 | 9.4. Among the philosophers there are two opinions about these mental emotions, which the Greeks call παθη, while some of our own writers, as Cicero, call them perturbations, some affections, and some, to render the Greek word more accurately, passions. Some say that even the wise man is subject to these perturbations, though moderated and controlled by reason, which imposes laws upon them, and so restrains them within necessary bounds. This is the opinion of the Platonists and Aristotelians; for Aristotle was Plato's disciple, and the founder of the Peripatetic school. But others, as the Stoics, are of opinion that the wise man is not subject to these perturbations. But Cicero, in his book De Finibus, shows that the Stoics are here at variance with the Platonists and Peripatetics rather in words than in reality; for the Stoics decline to apply the term goods to external and bodily advantages, because they reckon that the only good is virtue, the art of living well, and this exists only in the mind. The other philosophers, again, use the simple and customary phraseology, and do not scruple to call these things goods, though in comparison of virtue, which guides our life, they are little and of small esteem. And thus it is obvious that, whether these outward things are called goods or advantages, they are held in the same estimation by both parties, and that in this matter the Stoics are pleasing themselves merely with a novel phraseology. It seems, then, to me that in this question, whether the wise man is subject to mental passions, or wholly free from them, the controversy is one of words rather than of things; for I think that, if the reality and not the mere sound of the words is considered, the Stoics hold precisely the same opinion as the Platonists and Peripatetics. For, omitting for brevity's sake other proofs which I might adduce in support of this opinion, I will state but one which I consider conclusive. Aulus Gellius, a man of extensive erudition, and gifted with an eloquent and graceful style, relates, in his work entitled Noctes Attic that he once made a voyage with an eminent Stoic philosopher; and he goes on to relate fully and with gusto what I shall barely state, that when the ship was tossed and in danger from a violent storm, the philosopher grew pale with terror. This was noticed by those on board, who, though themselves threatened with death, were curious to see whether a philosopher would be agitated like other men. When the tempest had passed over, and as soon as their security gave them freedom to resume their talk, one of the passengers, a rich and luxurious Asiatic, begins to banter the philosopher, and rally him because he had even become pale with fear, while he himself had been unmoved by the impending destruction. But the philosopher availed himself of the reply of Aristippus the Socratic, who, on finding himself similarly bantered by a man of the same character, answered, You had no cause for anxiety for the soul of a profligate debauchee, but I had reason to be alarmed for the soul of Aristippus. The rich man being thus disposed of, Aulus Gellius asked the philosopher, in the interests of science and not to annoy him, what was the reason of his fear? And he willing to instruct a man so zealous in the pursuit of knowledge, at once took from his wallet a book of Epictetus the Stoic, in which doctrines were advanced which precisely harmonized with those of Zeno and Chrysippus, the founders of the Stoical school. Aulus Gellius says that he read in this book that the Stoics maintain that there are certain impressions made on the soul by external objects which they call phantasi, and that it is not in the power of the soul to determine whether or when it shall be invaded by these. When these impressions are made by alarming and formidable objects, it must needs be that they move the soul even of the wise man, so that for a little he trembles with fear, or is depressed by sadness, these impressions anticipating the work of reason and self-control; but this does not imply that the mind accepts these evil impressions, or approves or consents to them. For this consent is, they think, in a man's power; there being this difference between the mind of the wise man and that of the fool, that the fool's mind yields to these passions and consents to them, while that of the wise man, though it cannot help being invaded by them, yet retains with unshaken firmness a true and steady persuasion of those things which it ought rationally to desire or avoid. This account of what Aulus Gellius relates that he read in the book of Epictetus about the sentiments and doctrines of the Stoics I have given as well as I could, not, perhaps, with his choice language, but with greater brevity, and, I think, with greater clearness. And if this be true, then there is no difference, or next to none, between the opinion of the Stoics and that of the other philosophers regarding mental passions and perturbations, for both parties agree in maintaining that the mind and reason of the wise man are not subject to these. And perhaps what the Stoics mean by asserting this, is that the wisdom which characterizes the wise man is clouded by no error and sullied by no taint, but, with this reservation that his wisdom remains undisturbed, he is exposed to the impressions which the goods and ills of this life (or, as they prefer to call them, the advantages or disadvantages) make upon them. For we need not say that if that philosopher had thought nothing of those things which he thought he was immediately to lose, life and bodily safety, he would not have been so terrified by his danger as to betray his fear by the pallor of his cheek. Nevertheless, he might suffer this mental disturbance, and yet maintain the fixed persuasion that life and bodily safety, which the violence of the tempest threatened to destroy, are not those good things which make their possessors good, as the possession of righteousness does. But in so far as they persist that we must call them not goods but advantages, they quarrel about words and neglect things. For what difference does it make whether goods or advantages be the better name, while the Stoic no less than the Peripatetic is alarmed at the prospect of losing them, and while, though they name them differently, they hold them in like esteem? Both parties assure us that, if urged to the commission of some immorality or crime by the threatened loss of these goods or advantages, they would prefer to lose such things as preserve bodily comfort and security rather than commit such things as violate righteousness. And thus the mind in which this resolution is well grounded suffers no perturbations to prevail with it in opposition to reason, even though they assail the weaker parts of the soul; and not only so, but it rules over them, and, while it refuses its consent and resists them, administers a reign of virtue. Such a character is ascribed to Æneas by Virgil when he says, He stands immovable by tears, Nor tenderest words with pity hears. 9.5. We need not at present give a careful and copious exposition of the doctrine of Scripture, the sum of Christian knowledge, regarding these passions. It subjects the mind itself to God, that He may rule and aid it, and the passions, again, to the mind, to moderate and bridle them, and turn them to righteous uses. In our ethics, we do not so much inquire whether a pious soul is angry, as why he is angry; not whether he is sad, but what is the cause of his sadness; not whether he fears, but what he fears. For I am not aware that any right thinking person would find fault with anger at a wrongdoer which seeks his amendment, or with sadness which intends relief to the suffering, or with fear lest one in danger be destroyed. The Stoics, indeed, are accustomed to condemn compassion. But how much more honorable had it been in that Stoic we have been telling of, had he been disturbed by compassion prompting him to relieve a fellow-creature, than to be disturbed by the fear of shipwreck! Far better and more humane, and more consot with pious sentiments, are the words of Cicero in praise of C sar, when he says, Among your virtues none is more admirable and agreeable than your compassion. And what is compassion but a fellow-feeling for another's misery, which prompts us to help him if we can? And this emotion is obedient to reason, when compassion is shown without violating right, as when the poor are relieved, or the penitent forgiven. Cicero, who knew how to use language, did not hesitate to call this a virtue, which the Stoics are not ashamed to reckon among the vices, although, as the book of the eminent Stoic, Epictetus, quoting the opinions of Zeno and Chrysippus, the founders of the school, has taught us, they admit that passions of this kind invade the soul of the wise man, whom they would have to be free from all vice. Whence it follows that these very passions are not judged by them to be vices, since they assail the wise man without forcing him to act against reason and virtue; and that, therefore, the opinion of the Peripatetics or Platonists and of the Stoics is one and the same. But, as Cicero says, mere logomachy is the bane of these pitiful Greeks, who thirst for contention rather than for truth. However, it may justly be asked, whether our subjection to these affections, even while we follow virtue, is a part of the infirmity of this life? For the holy angels feel no anger while they punish those whom the eternal law of God consigns to punishment, no fellow-feeling with misery while they relieve the miserable, no fear while they aid those who are in danger; and yet ordinary language ascribes to them also these mental emotions, because, though they have none of our weakness, their acts resemble the actions to which these emotions move us; and thus even God Himself is said in Scripture to be angry, and yet without any perturbation. For this word is used of the effect of His vengeance, not of the disturbing mental affection. 14.9. But so far as regards this question of mental perturbations, we have answered these philosophers in the ninth book of this work, showing that it is rather a verbal than a real dispute, and that they seek contention rather than truth. Among ourselves, according to the sacred Scriptures and sound doctrine, the citizens of the holy city of God, who live according to God in the pilgrimage of this life, both fear and desire, and grieve and rejoice. And because their love is rightly placed, all these affections of theirs are right. They fear eternal punishment, they desire eternal life; they grieve because they themselves groan within themselves, waiting for the adoption, the redemption of their body; Romans 8:23 they rejoice in hope, because there shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is swallowed up in victory. 1 Corinthians 15:54 In like manner they fear to sin, they desire to persevere; they grieve in sin, they rejoice in good works. They fear to sin, because they hear that because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold. Matthew 24:12 They desire to persevere, because they hear that it is written, He that endures to the end shall be saved. Matthew 10:22 They grieve for sin, hearing that If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. 1 John 1:8 They rejoice in good works, because they hear that the Lord loves a cheerful giver. 2 Corinthians 9:7 In like manner, according as they are strong or weak, they fear or desire to be tempted, grieve or rejoice in temptation. They fear to be tempted, because they hear the injunction, If a man be overtaken in a fault, you which are spiritual restore such an one in the spirit of meekness; considering yourself, lest you also be tempted. Galatians 6:l They desire to be tempted, because they hear one of the heroes of the city of God saying, Examine me, O Lord, and tempt me: try my reins and my heart. They grieve in temptations, because they see Peter weeping; Matthew 26:75 they rejoice in temptations, because they hear James saying, My brethren, count it all joy when you fall into various temptations. James 1:2 And not only on their own account do they experience these emotions, but also on account of those whose deliverance they desire and whose perdition they fear, and whose loss or salvation affects them with grief or with joy. For if we who have come into the Church from among the Gentiles may suitably instance that noble and mighty hero who glories in his infirmities, the teacher (doctor) of the nations in faith and truth, who also labored more than all his fellow apostles, and instructed the tribes of God's people by his epistles, which edified not only those of his own time, but all those who were to be gathered in - that hero, I say, and athlete of Christ, instructed by Him, anointed of His Spirit, crucified with Him, glorious in Him, lawfully maintaining a great conflict on the theatre of this world, and being made a spectacle to angels and men, 1 Corinthians 4:9 and pressing onwards for the prize of his high calling, Philippians 3:14 - very joyfully do we with the eyes of faith behold him rejoicing with them that rejoice, and weeping with them that weep; Romans 12:15 though hampered by fightings without and fears within; 2 Corinthians 7:5 desiring to depart and to be with Christ; Philippians 1:23 longing to see the Romans, that he might have some fruit among them as among other Gentiles; Romans 1:11-13 being jealous over the Corinthians, and fearing in that jealousy lest their minds should be corrupted from the chastity that is in Christ; 2 Corinthians 11:1-3 having great heaviness and continual sorrow of heart for the Israelites, Romans 9:2 because they, being ignorant of God's righteousness, and going about to establish their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of God; Romans 10:3 and expressing not only his sorrow, but bitter lamentation over some who had formally sinned and had not repented of their uncleanness and fornications. 2 Corinthians 12:21 If these emotions and affections, arising as they do from the love of what is good and from a holy charity, are to be called vices, then let us allow these emotions which are truly vices to pass under the name of virtues. But since these affections, when they are exercised in a becoming way, follow the guidance of right reason, who will dare to say that they are diseases or vicious passions? Wherefore even the Lord Himself, when He condescended to lead a human life in the form of a slave, had no sin whatever, and yet exercised these emotions where He judged they should be exercised. For as there was in Him a true human body and a true human soul, so was there also a true human emotion. When, therefore, we read in the Gospel that the hard-heartedness of the Jews moved Him to sorrowful indignation, Mark 3:5 that He said, I am glad for your sakes, to the intent you may believe, John 11:15 that when about to raise Lazarus He even shed tears, John 11:35 that He earnestly desired to eat the passover with His disciples, Luke 22:15 that as His passion drew near His soul was sorrowful, Matthew 26:38 these emotions are certainly not falsely ascribed to Him. But as He became man when it pleased Him, so, in the grace of His definite purpose, when it pleased Him He experienced those emotions in His human soul. But we must further make the admission, that even when these affections are well regulated, and according to God's will, they are peculiar to this life, not to that future life we look for, and that often we yield to them against our will. And thus sometimes we weep in spite of ourselves, being carried beyond ourselves, not indeed by culpable desire; but by praiseworthy charity. In us, therefore, these affections arise from human infirmity; but it was not so with the Lord Jesus, for even His infirmity was the consequence of His power. But so long as we wear the infirmity of this life, we are rather worse men than better if we have none of these emotions at all. For the apostle vituperated and abominated some who, as he said, were without natural affection. Romans 1:31 The sacred Psalmist also found fault with those of whom he said, I looked for some to lament with me, and there was none. For to be quite free from pain while we are in this place of misery is only purchased, as one of this world's literati perceived and remarked, at the price of blunted sensibilities both of mind and body. And therefore that which the Greeks call ἀπαθεια, and what the Latins would call, if their language would allow them, impassibilitas, if it be taken to mean an impassibility of spirit and not of body, or, in other words, a freedom from those emotions which are contrary to reason and disturb the mind, then it is obviously a good and most desirable quality, but it is not one which is attainable in this life. For the words of the apostle are the confession, not of the common herd, but of the eminently pious, just, and holy men: If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. 1 John 1:8 When there shall be no sin in a man, then there shall be this απάθεια . At present it is enough if we live without crime; and he who thinks he lives without sin puts aside not sin, but pardon. And if that is to be called apathy, where the mind is the subject of no emotion, then who would not consider this insensibility to be worse than all vices? It may, indeed, reasonably be maintained that the perfect blessedness we hope for shall be free from all sting of fear or sadness; but who that is not quite lost to truth would say that neither love nor joy shall be experienced there? But if by apathy a condition be meant in which no fear terrifies nor any pain annoys, we must in this life renounce such a state if we would live according to God's will, but may hope to enjoy it in that blessedness which is promised as our eternal condition. For that fear of which the Apostle John says, There is no fear in love; but perfect love casts out fear, because fear has torment. He that fears is not made perfect in love, 1 John 4:18 - that fear is not of the same kind as the Apostle Paul felt lest the Corinthians should be seduced by the subtlety of the serpent; for love is susceptible of this fear, yea, love alone is capable of it. But the fear which is not in love is of that kind of which Paul himself says, For you have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear. Romans 8:15 But as for that clean fear which endures for ever, if it is to exist in the world to come (and how else can it be said to endure for ever?), it is not a fear deterring us from evil which may happen, but preserving us in the good which cannot be lost. For where the love of acquired good is unchangeable, there certainly the fear that avoids evil is, if I may say so, free from anxiety. For under the name of clean fear David signifies that will by which we shall necessarily shrink from sin, and guard against it, not with the anxiety of weakness, which fears that we may strongly sin, but with the tranquillity of perfect love. Or if no kind of fear at all shall exist in that most imperturbable security of perpetual and blissful delights, then the expression, The fear of the Lord is clean, enduring for ever, must be taken in the same sense as that other, The patience of the poor shall not perish forever. For patience, which is necessary only where ills are to be borne, shall not be eternal, but that which patience leads us to will be eternal. So perhaps this clean fear is said to endure for ever, because that to which fear leads shall endure. And since this is so - since we must live a good life in order to attain to a blessed life, a good life has all these affections right, a bad life has them wrong. But in the blessed life eternal there will be love and joy, not only right, but also assured; but fear and grief there will be none. Whence it already appears in some sort what manner of persons the citizens of the city of God must be in this their pilgrimage, who live after the spirit, not after the flesh - that is to say, according to God, not according to man - and what manner of persons they shall be also in that immortality whither they are journeying. And the city or society of the wicked, who live not according to God, but according to man, and who accept the doctrines of men or devils in the worship of a false and contempt of the true divinity, is shaken with those wicked emotions as by diseases and disturbances. And if there be some of its citizens who seem to restrain and, as it were, temper those passions, they are so elated with ungodly pride, that their disease is as much greater as their pain is less. And if some, with a vanity monstrous in proportion to its rarity, have become enamored of themselves because they can be stimulated and excited by no emotion, moved or bent by no affection, such persons rather lose all humanity than obtain true tranquillity. For a thing is not necessarily right because it is inflexible, nor healthy because it is insensible. |
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240. Augustine, Confessions, 4.4, 10.14, 10.21.30 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, weaving life together autobiographically Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 233 | 10.14. 21. This same memory contains also the affections of my mind; not in the manner in which the mind itself contains them when it suffers them, but very differently according to a power peculiar to memory. For without being joyous, I remember myself to have had joy; and without being sad, I call to mind my past sadness; and that of which I was once afraid, I remember without fear; and without desire recall a former desire. Again, on the contrary, I at times remember when joyous my past sadness, and when sad my joy. Which is not to be wondered at as regards the body; for the mind is one thing, the body another. If I, therefore, when happy, recall some past bodily pain, it is not so strange a thing. But now, as this very memory itself is mind (for when we give orders to have a thing kept in memory, we say, See that you bear this in mind; and when we forget a thing, we say, It did not enter my mind, and, It slipped from my mind, thus calling the memory itself mind), as this is so, how comes it to pass that when being joyful I remember my past sorrow, the mind has joy, the memory sorrow - the mind, from the joy than is in it, is joyful, yet the memory, from the sadness that is in it, is not sad? Does not the memory perchance belong unto the mind? Who will say so? The memory doubtless is, so to say, the belly of the mind, and joy and sadness like sweet and bitter food, which, when entrusted to the memory, are, as it were, passed into the belly, where they can be reposited, but cannot taste. It is ridiculous to imagine these to be alike; and yet they are not utterly unlike. 22. But behold, out of my memory I educe it, when I affirm that there be four perturbations of the mind - desire, joy, fear, sorrow; and whatsoever I shall be able to dispute on these, by dividing each into its peculiar species, and by defining it, there I find what I may say, and thence I educe it; yet am I not disturbed by any of these perturbations when by remembering them I call them to mind; and before I recollected and reviewed them, they were there; wherefore by remembrance could they be brought thence. Perchance, then, even as meat is in ruminating brought up out of the belly, so by calling to mind are these educed from the memory. Why, then, does not the disputant, thus recollecting, perceive in the mouth of his meditation the sweetness of joy or the bitterness of sorrow? Is the comparison unlike in this because not like in all points? For who would willingly discourse on these subjects, if, as often as we name sorrow or fear, we should be compelled to be sorrowful or fearful? And yet we could never speak of them, did we not find in our memory not merely the sounds of the names, according to the images imprinted on it by the senses of the body, but the notions of the things themselves, which we never received by any door of the flesh, but which the mind itself, recognising by the experience of its own passions, entrusted to the memory, or else which the memory itself retained without their being entrusted to it. |
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| 241. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.8.14-14.8.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cato the younger Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47 |
| 242. Damaskios, Vita Isidori (Ap. Photium, Bibl. Codd. 181, 242), 89a (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 136, 137, 184, 185, 230 |
| 243. Damaskios, Vita Isidori, 89a (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 136, 137, 184, 185, 230 |
| 244. Boethius, De Consolatione, 2.4 prose, lines 1-6 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 233 |
| 245. Proclus, Theologia Platonica ( ), 1.10 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theon (plutarch’s character) Found in books: Erler et al., Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition (2021) 208 |
| 246. Anon., Fragments, 228a Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
| 247. Demosthenes, Third Olynthiac, 21 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 136 |
| 248. Aeschines, 185, 205 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 72 |
| 249. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 375 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 329 |
| 250. Bacchylides, Odes, 3.35-3.38 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
| 251. Stobaeus, Eclogues, 2.140.7-142.13 (Theophrastus fr.449A FHS&G) Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeroneia, middle platonist, but also accuses aristotelians of accepting the cruelty of anger Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 209 |
| 252. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Arm Xxvi/1, 236, 238 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 617 |
| 253. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.45.5, 2.109, 2.120 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cato the younger •plutarch, on the decline of the roman empire Found in books: Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 431; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 47 |
| 254. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Brit.Mus., 104727, 55498+55499 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 617 |
| 255. Artifact, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, 1377 Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 137 |
| 256. Epigraphy, Fouilles De Delphes, 3.3 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the songs of euripides Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 51 |
| 257. Aeschines, 70-3, 124, 144, 180, 74-78, 125 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 243 |
| 258. Philip, Antidosis, 93 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 136 |
| 259. Philip, On The Peace, 41, 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 64 |
| 260. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, First Letter To Ammaeus, 1.10 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 224 |
| 261. Artifact, Amph.-Orop. 2), 201 Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 137 |
| 262. Demosthenes, First Philippic, 24 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on callistratus and demosthenes Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 107 |
| 263. Tzetzes John, Ad Lycophronem, 1050 Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), plutarch, on the decline of oracles Found in books: Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 322 |
| 264. Vitae, Agesilaus, 15, 42 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 63 |
| 265. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 228a Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
| 266. Plutarch, Cor.-Alc., 1.2, 2.9 Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 140 |
| 267. Plutarch, Bellone An Pace 6, 347a Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 6 |
| 268. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Epictetum Commentaria, 38, line 724, p.391, line 679, p.389 (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 233 |
| 269. Plutarch, Arist.-Cato Maj., 1.1 Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 135 |
| 270. Stesichorus, Fragments, 278 pmg = 327 inglass Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the virtues of women Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 658 |
| 272. Euripides, Phoinissae, 958 Tagged with subjects: •theon (friend of plutarch) Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 67 |
| 273. Anon., Corpus Hermeticum, 16.16.4-16.16.10 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 123 |
| 274. Porphyry, On Abstinence From Killing Animals, 2.37.4-2.37.5 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 122 |
| 275. Anon., Stobaei Hermetica, 8.1-8.7 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 382 |
| 276. Platonic Questions, Platonic Questions, 1007c-e Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) •plutarch of chaeronea, the generation of the soul in the timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 21 |
| 277. Ficino, Marsilio, Liber De Vita Coelitus Comparanda, 23.27-23.29 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 236 |
| 278. Plutarch, Generation of The Soul In Timaeus, 1014b Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de defectu oraculorum (on the decline of oracles) •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) •plutarch of chaeronea, the generation of the soul in the timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 21 |
| 279. Paulus Alexandrinus, Introduction, 23 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 22, 27 |
| 280. Anon., Fragments, 228a Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
| 281. Hyperides, Funeral Oration, 10-16, 24, 3, 34-35, 37-39, 6-9, 36 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 329 |
| 282. Tzetzes, Joannes, 1.5 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cleitus the black Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 131 |
| 283. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 4514, 4538, 350 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 330 |
| 284. Epigraphy, Ig Iv ,1, 121, ll. 72-78 (= Test. No. 9) 10, 177, 218, 122, ll. 119-122 (= Test. No. 40) 10, 217, ll. 122-128 (= Test. No. 41) 10 , 176, 121, ll. 122-125 (= Test. No. 19) 10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 285. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q244, 3.2-3.3 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, comparison of cicero and demosthenes Found in books: Keeline, The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy (2018) 93, 94 |
| 286. Athenaeus, Sophists At Dinner, 13.14, 562 E (Theophrastus fr.559 FHS&G) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 209 |
| 287. Epigraphy, Seg, 23.124, 30.159 Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, incubation by plutarch •plutarch, on the virtues of women Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 658; Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 184 |
| 288. Epigraphy, Syll. , 829a Tagged with subjects: •timon, plutarch’s brother Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 47 |
| 289. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 37; Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128, 129, 130, 131 |
| 290. Firmicus Maternus, Matheseos, 4.1.6 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 305 |
| 291. Papyri, P.Oxy., 5203 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the songs of euripides Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 51 |
| 294. Anon., Fragments, 228a Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
| 295. Anon., Fragments, 228a Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
| 296. Anon., Fragments, 228a Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (on the face in the moon) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 26 |
| 297. Galen, On The Diagnosis And Therapy of The Distinctive Passions of The Individual'S Soul, 2, p.5), lines 12-14 (Corpus Medicorum Graecorum 5.4.1.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 209 |
| 298. Anon., Hypothesis 2 To D. 20, 4, 3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 83 |
| 300. Barlaam of Seminaria, Ethics According To The Stoics, cols.1362-1363D = Theophrastus fr.447 FHS&G), 2.13-14 (PG vol.151 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 209 |
| 301. Manilius, Astronomica, 2.507-2.509, 4.546-4.551, 4.773-4.777 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, and varro on the horoscopes of augustus and rome Found in books: Hay, Saeculum: Defining Historical Eras in Ancient Roman Thought (2023) 130 |
| 302. Plutarch, De Am. Et Ad., 52b Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on the malice of herodotus Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 141 |
| 303. Plato, Sixth Letter, 344b7 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch of chaeronea, de genio socratis (on the daimonion of socrates) Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 22 |
| 304. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 12.6.1-12.6.3 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cleitus the black Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128 |
305. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 8.1.22-8.1.37 Tagged with subjects: •plutarch, on cleitus the black Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128, 129| 8.1.23. Silentium tamen habuere seniores, donec Philippi res orsus obterere nobilem apud Chaeroneam victoriam sui operis fuisse iactavit ademptamque sibi malignitate et invidia patris tantae rei gloriam. 8.1.24. Illum quidem seditione inter Macedones milites et Graecos mercennarios orla debilitatum vulnere, quod in ea consternation e acceperat, iacuisse, non alia re quam simulatione mortis tutiorem: se corpus eius protexisse clipeo suo, ruentesque in illum sua manu occisos. 8.1.27. cum Asiam uri vastarique oporteret, sed eos, qui magnitudine rerum fidem antecessissent. Haec et bis similia laeti audiere iuvenes, ingrata senioribus erant, maxime propter Philippum, sub quo diutius vixerant, 8.1.30. Et illis ad silendum obstinatis Clitus paulatim maiore voce Philippi acta bellaque in Graecia gesta commemorat omnia praesentibus praeferens. 8.1.31. Hinc inter iuniores senesque orta contentio est. Et rex, velut patienter audiret, quis Clitus obterebat laudes eius, ingentem iram conceperat. 8.1.36. Philippi milites spernis, oblitus, nisi hic Atarrhias senex iuniores pugnam detrectantes revocasset, adhuc nos circa Halicarnasum haesuros fuisse. 8.1.37. Quomodo igitur Asiam totam cum istis iunioribus subegisti? Verum est, ut opinor, quod avunculum tuum in Italia dixisse constat, ipsum in viros incidisse, | |
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| 306. Epigraphy, Fdd Iii, 1 466 Tagged with subjects: •timon, plutarch’s brother Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 36 |
| 314. Heraclitus Lesbius, Fragments, b93, b92 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta, Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians (2023) 59 |
| 316. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.13.13 Tagged with subjects: •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the generalship of •lucullus, plutarch’s evaluation of the retirement of •contrasts, as theme in plutarch’s narrative Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119, 137 |
