1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, a b c d\n0 3.13 3.13 3 13\n1 3.14 3.14 3 14\n2 20.11 20.11 20 11\n3 "3.14" "3.14" "3 14" (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 234| 3.13. וַיֹּאמֶר מֹשֶׁה אֶל־הָאֱלֹהִים הִנֵּה אָנֹכִי בָא אֶל־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאָמַרְתִּי לָהֶם אֱלֹהֵי אֲבוֹתֵיכֶם שְׁלָחַנִי אֲלֵיכֶם וְאָמְרוּ־לִי מַה־שְּׁמוֹ מָה אֹמַר אֲלֵהֶם׃ | 3.13. And Moses said unto God: ‘Behold, when I come unto the children of Israel, and shall say unto them: The God of your fathers hath sent me unto you; and they shall say to me: What is His name? what shall I say unto them?’ |
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| 2. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 105.16 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 238 |
3. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 2.4b, 2.4b-25, 1.1-1.2a, 1.1-2.4a, 2.2, 1.9, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 1.10, 1.17, 1.12, 1.4, 1.5, 1.11, "1.1-3.24", "1.1-2.4", 1.19, 1.18, 1.16, "1.1-5.1", 1.15, 1.14, 1.13, 9.20, 2.7, 7.21, 7.22, 1.27, 1.26 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 235, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243; Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 90| 1.1. וַיִּקְרָא אֱלֹהִים לַיַּבָּשָׁה אֶרֶץ וּלְמִקְוֵה הַמַּיִם קָרָא יַמִּים וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים כִּי־טוֹב׃ 1.1. בְּרֵאשִׁית בָּרָא אֱלֹהִים אֵת הַשָּׁמַיִם וְאֵת הָאָרֶץ׃ | 1.1. In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. |
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4. Hesiod, Works And Days, 111 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gee, Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition (2013) 44| 111. οἳ μὲν ἐπὶ Κρόνου ἦσαν, ὅτʼ οὐρανῷ ἐμβασίλευεν· | 111. As well, in silence, for Zeus took away |
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5. Homer, Iliad, 2.24, 8.64-8.65, 18.478-18.608 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus •demiurge, in plato’s timaeus Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 105; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 233| 2.24. οὐ χρὴ παννύχιον εὕδειν βουληφόρον ἄνδρα 8.64. ἔνθα δʼ ἅμʼ οἰμωγή τε καὶ εὐχωλὴ πέλεν ἀνδρῶν 18.478. ποίει δὲ πρώτιστα σάκος μέγα τε στιβαρόν τε 18.479. πάντοσε δαιδάλλων, περὶ δʼ ἄντυγα βάλλε φαεινὴν 18.480. τρίπλακα μαρμαρέην, ἐκ δʼ ἀργύρεον τελαμῶνα. 18.481. πέντε δʼ ἄρʼ αὐτοῦ ἔσαν σάκεος πτύχες· αὐτὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ 18.482. ποίει δαίδαλα πολλὰ ἰδυίῃσι πραπίδεσσιν. 18.483. ἐν μὲν γαῖαν ἔτευξʼ, ἐν δʼ οὐρανόν, ἐν δὲ θάλασσαν, 18.484. ἠέλιόν τʼ ἀκάμαντα σελήνην τε πλήθουσαν, 18.485. ἐν δὲ τὰ τείρεα πάντα, τά τʼ οὐρανὸς ἐστεφάνωται, 18.486. Πληϊάδας θʼ Ὑάδας τε τό τε σθένος Ὠρίωνος 18.487. Ἄρκτόν θʼ, ἣν καὶ Ἄμαξαν ἐπίκλησιν καλέουσιν, 18.488. ἥ τʼ αὐτοῦ στρέφεται καί τʼ Ὠρίωνα δοκεύει, 18.489. οἴη δʼ ἄμμορός ἐστι λοετρῶν Ὠκεανοῖο. 18.490. ἐν δὲ δύω ποίησε πόλεις μερόπων ἀνθρώπων 18.491. καλάς. ἐν τῇ μέν ῥα γάμοι τʼ ἔσαν εἰλαπίναι τε, 18.492. νύμφας δʼ ἐκ θαλάμων δαΐδων ὕπο λαμπομενάων 18.493. ἠγίνεον ἀνὰ ἄστυ, πολὺς δʼ ὑμέναιος ὀρώρει· 18.494. κοῦροι δʼ ὀρχηστῆρες ἐδίνεον, ἐν δʼ ἄρα τοῖσιν 18.495. αὐλοὶ φόρμιγγές τε βοὴν ἔχον· αἳ δὲ γυναῖκες 18.496. ἱστάμεναι θαύμαζον ἐπὶ προθύροισιν ἑκάστη. 18.497. λαοὶ δʼ εἰν ἀγορῇ ἔσαν ἀθρόοι· ἔνθα δὲ νεῖκος 18.498. ὠρώρει, δύο δʼ ἄνδρες ἐνείκεον εἵνεκα ποινῆς 18.499. ἀνδρὸς ἀποφθιμένου· ὃ μὲν εὔχετο πάντʼ ἀποδοῦναι 18.500. δήμῳ πιφαύσκων, ὃ δʼ ἀναίνετο μηδὲν ἑλέσθαι· 18.501. ἄμφω δʼ ἱέσθην ἐπὶ ἴστορι πεῖραρ ἑλέσθαι. 18.502. λαοὶ δʼ ἀμφοτέροισιν ἐπήπυον ἀμφὶς ἀρωγοί· 18.503. κήρυκες δʼ ἄρα λαὸν ἐρήτυον· οἳ δὲ γέροντες 18.504. εἵατʼ ἐπὶ ξεστοῖσι λίθοις ἱερῷ ἐνὶ κύκλῳ, 18.505. σκῆπτρα δὲ κηρύκων ἐν χέρσʼ ἔχον ἠεροφώνων· 18.506. τοῖσιν ἔπειτʼ ἤϊσσον, ἀμοιβηδὶς δὲ δίκαζον. 18.507. κεῖτο δʼ ἄρʼ ἐν μέσσοισι δύω χρυσοῖο τάλαντα, 18.508. τῷ δόμεν ὃς μετὰ τοῖσι δίκην ἰθύντατα εἴποι. 18.509. τὴν δʼ ἑτέρην πόλιν ἀμφὶ δύω στρατοὶ ἥατο λαῶν 18.510. τεύχεσι λαμπόμενοι· δίχα δέ σφισιν ἥνδανε βουλή, 18.511. ἠὲ διαπραθέειν ἢ ἄνδιχα πάντα δάσασθαι 18.512. κτῆσιν ὅσην πτολίεθρον ἐπήρατον ἐντὸς ἔεργεν· 18.513. οἳ δʼ οὔ πω πείθοντο, λόχῳ δʼ ὑπεθωρήσσοντο. 18.514. τεῖχος μέν ῥʼ ἄλοχοί τε φίλαι καὶ νήπια τέκνα 18.515. ῥύατʼ ἐφεσταότες, μετὰ δʼ ἀνέρες οὓς ἔχε γῆρας· 18.516. οἳ δʼ ἴσαν· ἦρχε δʼ ἄρά σφιν Ἄρης καὶ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη 18.517. ἄμφω χρυσείω, χρύσεια δὲ εἵματα ἕσθην, 18.518. καλὼ καὶ μεγάλω σὺν τεύχεσιν, ὥς τε θεώ περ 18.519. ἀμφὶς ἀριζήλω· λαοὶ δʼ ὑπολίζονες ἦσαν. 18.520. οἳ δʼ ὅτε δή ῥʼ ἵκανον ὅθι σφίσιν εἶκε λοχῆσαι 18.521. ἐν ποταμῷ, ὅθι τʼ ἀρδμὸς ἔην πάντεσσι βοτοῖσιν, 18.522. ἔνθʼ ἄρα τοί γʼ ἵζοντʼ εἰλυμένοι αἴθοπι χαλκῷ. 18.523. τοῖσι δʼ ἔπειτʼ ἀπάνευθε δύω σκοποὶ εἵατο λαῶν 18.524. δέγμενοι ὁππότε μῆλα ἰδοίατο καὶ ἕλικας βοῦς. 18.525. οἳ δὲ τάχα προγένοντο, δύω δʼ ἅμʼ ἕποντο νομῆες 18.526. τερπόμενοι σύριγξι· δόλον δʼ οὔ τι προνόησαν. 18.527. οἳ μὲν τὰ προϊδόντες ἐπέδραμον, ὦκα δʼ ἔπειτα 18.528. τάμνοντʼ ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλας καὶ πώεα καλὰ 18.529. ἀργεννέων οἰῶν, κτεῖνον δʼ ἐπὶ μηλοβοτῆρας. 18.530. οἳ δʼ ὡς οὖν ἐπύθοντο πολὺν κέλαδον παρὰ βουσὶν 18.531. εἰράων προπάροιθε καθήμενοι, αὐτίκʼ ἐφʼ ἵππων 18.532. βάντες ἀερσιπόδων μετεκίαθον, αἶψα δʼ ἵκοντο. 18.533. στησάμενοι δʼ ἐμάχοντο μάχην ποταμοῖο παρʼ ὄχθας, 18.534. βάλλον δʼ ἀλλήλους χαλκήρεσιν ἐγχείῃσιν. 18.535. ἐν δʼ Ἔρις ἐν δὲ Κυδοιμὸς ὁμίλεον, ἐν δʼ ὀλοὴ Κήρ, 18.536. ἄλλον ζωὸν ἔχουσα νεούτατον, ἄλλον ἄουτον, 18.537. ἄλλον τεθνηῶτα κατὰ μόθον ἕλκε ποδοῖιν· 18.538. εἷμα δʼ ἔχʼ ἀμφʼ ὤμοισι δαφοινεὸν αἵματι φωτῶν. 18.539. ὡμίλευν δʼ ὥς τε ζωοὶ βροτοὶ ἠδʼ ἐμάχοντο, 18.540. νεκρούς τʼ ἀλλήλων ἔρυον κατατεθνηῶτας. 18.541. ἐν δʼ ἐτίθει νειὸν μαλακὴν πίειραν ἄρουραν 18.542. εὐρεῖαν τρίπολον· πολλοὶ δʼ ἀροτῆρες ἐν αὐτῇ 18.543. ζεύγεα δινεύοντες ἐλάστρεον ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα. 18.544. οἳ δʼ ὁπότε στρέψαντες ἱκοίατο τέλσον ἀρούρης, 18.545. τοῖσι δʼ ἔπειτʼ ἐν χερσὶ δέπας μελιηδέος οἴνου 18.546. δόσκεν ἀνὴρ ἐπιών· τοὶ δὲ στρέψασκον ἀνʼ ὄγμους, 18.547. ἱέμενοι νειοῖο βαθείης τέλσον ἱκέσθαι. 18.548. ἣ δὲ μελαίνετʼ ὄπισθεν, ἀρηρομένῃ δὲ ἐῴκει, 18.549. χρυσείη περ ἐοῦσα· τὸ δὴ περὶ θαῦμα τέτυκτο. 18.550. ἐν δʼ ἐτίθει τέμενος βασιλήϊον· ἔνθα δʼ ἔριθοι 18.551. ἤμων ὀξείας δρεπάνας ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες. 18.552. δράγματα δʼ ἄλλα μετʼ ὄγμον ἐπήτριμα πῖπτον ἔραζε, 18.553. ἄλλα δʼ ἀμαλλοδετῆρες ἐν ἐλλεδανοῖσι δέοντο. 18.554. τρεῖς δʼ ἄρʼ ἀμαλλοδετῆρες ἐφέστασαν· αὐτὰρ ὄπισθε 18.555. παῖδες δραγμεύοντες ἐν ἀγκαλίδεσσι φέροντες 18.556. ἀσπερχὲς πάρεχον· βασιλεὺς δʼ ἐν τοῖσι σιωπῇ 18.557. σκῆπτρον ἔχων ἑστήκει ἐπʼ ὄγμου γηθόσυνος κῆρ. 18.558. κήρυκες δʼ ἀπάνευθεν ὑπὸ δρυῒ δαῖτα πένοντο, 18.559. βοῦν δʼ ἱερεύσαντες μέγαν ἄμφεπον· αἳ δὲ γυναῖκες 18.560. δεῖπνον ἐρίθοισιν λεύκʼ ἄλφιτα πολλὰ πάλυνον. 18.561. ἐν δʼ ἐτίθει σταφυλῇσι μέγα βρίθουσαν ἀλωὴν 18.562. καλὴν χρυσείην· μέλανες δʼ ἀνὰ βότρυες ἦσαν, 18.563. ἑστήκει δὲ κάμαξι διαμπερὲς ἀργυρέῃσιν. 18.564. ἀμφὶ δὲ κυανέην κάπετον, περὶ δʼ ἕρκος ἔλασσε 18.565. κασσιτέρου· μία δʼ οἴη ἀταρπιτὸς ἦεν ἐπʼ αὐτήν, 18.566. τῇ νίσοντο φορῆες ὅτε τρυγόῳεν ἀλωήν. 18.567. παρθενικαὶ δὲ καὶ ἠΐθεοι ἀταλὰ φρονέοντες 18.568. πλεκτοῖς ἐν ταλάροισι φέρον μελιηδέα καρπόν. 18.569. τοῖσιν δʼ ἐν μέσσοισι πάϊς φόρμιγγι λιγείῃ 18.570. ἱμερόεν κιθάριζε, λίνον δʼ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄειδε 18.571. λεπταλέῃ φωνῇ· τοὶ δὲ ῥήσσοντες ἁμαρτῇ 18.572. μολπῇ τʼ ἰυγμῷ τε ποσὶ σκαίροντες ἕποντο. 18.573. ἐν δʼ ἀγέλην ποίησε βοῶν ὀρθοκραιράων· 18.574. αἳ δὲ βόες χρυσοῖο τετεύχατο κασσιτέρου τε, 18.575. μυκηθμῷ δʼ ἀπὸ κόπρου ἐπεσσεύοντο νομὸν δὲ 18.576. πὰρ ποταμὸν κελάδοντα, παρὰ ῥοδανὸν δονακῆα. 18.577. χρύσειοι δὲ νομῆες ἅμʼ ἐστιχόωντο βόεσσι 18.578. τέσσαρες, ἐννέα δέ σφι κύνες πόδας ἀργοὶ ἕποντο. 18.579. σμερδαλέω δὲ λέοντε δύʼ ἐν πρώτῃσι βόεσσι 18.580. ταῦρον ἐρύγμηλον ἐχέτην· ὃ δὲ μακρὰ μεμυκὼς 18.581. ἕλκετο· τὸν δὲ κύνες μετεκίαθον ἠδʼ αἰζηοί. 18.582. τὼ μὲν ἀναρρήξαντε βοὸς μεγάλοιο βοείην 18.583. ἔγκατα καὶ μέλαν αἷμα λαφύσσετον· οἳ δὲ νομῆες 18.584. αὔτως ἐνδίεσαν ταχέας κύνας ὀτρύνοντες. 18.585. οἳ δʼ ἤτοι δακέειν μὲν ἀπετρωπῶντο λεόντων, 18.586. ἱστάμενοι δὲ μάλʼ ἐγγὺς ὑλάκτεον ἔκ τʼ ἀλέοντο. 18.587. ἐν δὲ νομὸν ποίησε περικλυτὸς ἀμφιγυήεις 18.588. ἐν καλῇ βήσσῃ μέγαν οἰῶν ἀργεννάων, 18.589. σταθμούς τε κλισίας τε κατηρεφέας ἰδὲ σηκούς. 18.590. ἐν δὲ χορὸν ποίκιλλε περικλυτὸς ἀμφιγυήεις, 18.591. τῷ ἴκελον οἷόν ποτʼ ἐνὶ Κνωσῷ εὐρείῃ 18.592. Δαίδαλος ἤσκησεν καλλιπλοκάμῳ Ἀριάδνῃ. 18.593. ἔνθα μὲν ἠΐθεοι καὶ παρθένοι ἀλφεσίβοιαι 18.594. ὀρχεῦντʼ ἀλλήλων ἐπὶ καρπῷ χεῖρας ἔχοντες. 18.595. τῶν δʼ αἳ μὲν λεπτὰς ὀθόνας ἔχον, οἳ δὲ χιτῶνας 18.596. εἵατʼ ἐϋννήτους, ἦκα στίλβοντας ἐλαίῳ· 18.597. καί ῥʼ αἳ μὲν καλὰς στεφάνας ἔχον, οἳ δὲ μαχαίρας 18.598. εἶχον χρυσείας ἐξ ἀργυρέων τελαμώνων. 18.599. οἳ δʼ ὁτὲ μὲν θρέξασκον ἐπισταμένοισι πόδεσσι 18.600. ῥεῖα μάλʼ, ὡς ὅτε τις τροχὸν ἄρμενον ἐν παλάμῃσιν 18.601. ἑζόμενος κεραμεὺς πειρήσεται, αἴ κε θέῃσιν· 18.602. ἄλλοτε δʼ αὖ θρέξασκον ἐπὶ στίχας ἀλλήλοισι. 18.603. πολλὸς δʼ ἱμερόεντα χορὸν περιίσταθʼ ὅμιλος 18.604. τερπόμενοι· δοιὼ δὲ κυβιστητῆρε κατʼ αὐτοὺς 18.605. μολπῆς ἐξάρχοντες ἐδίνευον κατὰ μέσσους. 18.606. ἐν δʼ ἐτίθει ποταμοῖο μέγα σθένος Ὠκεανοῖο 18.607. ἄντυγα πὰρ πυμάτην σάκεος πύκα ποιητοῖο. 18.608. αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δὴ τεῦξε σάκος μέγα τε στιβαρόν τε, | 2.24. So he took his stand above his head, in the likeness of the son of Neleus, even Nestor, whom above all the elders Agamemnon held in honour; likening himself to him, the Dream from heaven spake, saying:Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, 8.64. But when they were met together and come into one place, then clashed they their shields and spears, and the fury of bronze-mailed warriors; and the bossed shields closed each with each, and a great din arose. Then were heard alike the sound of groaning and the cry of triumph 18.478. and precious gold and silver; and thereafter he set on the anvil-block a great anvil, and took in one hand a massive hammer, and in the other took he the tongs.First fashioned he a shield, great and sturdy, adorning it cunningly in every part, and round about it set a bright rim, 18.479. and precious gold and silver; and thereafter he set on the anvil-block a great anvil, and took in one hand a massive hammer, and in the other took he the tongs.First fashioned he a shield, great and sturdy, adorning it cunningly in every part, and round about it set a bright rim, 18.480. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.481. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.482. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.483. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.484. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.485. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.486. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.487. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.488. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.489. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.490. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.491. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.492. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.493. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.494. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.495. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.496. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.497. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.498. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.499. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.500. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.501. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.502. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.503. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.504. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.505. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.506. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.507. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.508. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.509. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.510. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.511. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.512. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.513. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.514. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.515. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.516. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.517. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.518. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.519. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.520. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.521. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.522. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.523. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.524. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.525. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. 18.526. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. 18.527. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. 18.528. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. 18.529. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. But the liers-in-wait, when they saw these coming on, rushed forth against them and speedily cut off the herds of cattle and fair flocks of white-fleeced sheep, and slew the herdsmen withal. 18.530. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.531. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.532. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.533. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.534. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.535. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.536. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.537. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.538. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.539. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.540. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.541. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.542. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.543. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.544. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.545. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.546. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.547. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.548. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.549. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.550. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.551. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.552. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.553. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.554. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.555. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.556. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.557. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.558. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.559. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.560. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. 18.561. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. 18.562. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. 18.563. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. 18.564. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. Therein he set also a vineyard heavily laden with clusters, a vineyard fair and wrought of gold; black were the grapes, and the vines were set up throughout on silver poles. And around it he drave a trench of cyanus, and about that a fence of tin; 18.565. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.566. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.567. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.568. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.569. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.570. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.571. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.572. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.573. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.574. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.575. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.576. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.577. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.578. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.579. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.580. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.581. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.582. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.583. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.584. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.585. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.586. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.587. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.588. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.589. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.590. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.591. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.592. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.593. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.594. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.595. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.596. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.597. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.598. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.599. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.600. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.601. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.602. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.603. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.604. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.605. and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, 18.606. and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, 18.607. and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, 18.608. and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, |
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6. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 11.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus •timaeus (plato) Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 766| 11.4. וַיְהִי לְעֵת זִקְנַת שְׁלֹמֹה נָשָׁיו הִטּוּ אֶת־לְבָבוֹ אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים וְלֹא־הָיָה לְבָבוֹ שָׁלֵם עִם־יְהוָה אֱלֹהָיו כִּלְבַב דָּוִיד אָבִיו׃ 11.4. וַיְבַקֵּשׁ שְׁלֹמֹה לְהָמִית אֶת־יָרָבְעָם וַיָּקָם יָרָבְעָם וַיִּבְרַח מִצְרַיִם אֶל־שִׁישַׁק מֶלֶךְ־מִצְרַיִם וַיְהִי בְמִצְרַיִם עַד־מוֹת שְׁלֹמֹה׃ | 11.4. For it came to pass, when Solomon was old, that his wives turned away his heart after other gods; and his heart was not whole with the LORD his God, as was the heart of David his father. |
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| 7. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, b36 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 359 |
| 8. Parmenides, Fragments, 142a, 3, b1 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 364 |
| 9. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 1.7.33, 2.32.4 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 261, 271, 272 |
10. Xenophanes, Fragments, b25 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 42 | b25. But without toil he swayeth all things by the thought of his mind. |
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| 11. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 3.108-3.109 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 23 |
12. Plato, Parmenides, 142a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 195| 142a. τοιῷδε λόγῳ πιστεύειν. κινδυνεύει. ὃ δὲ μὴ ἔστι, τούτῳ τῷ μὴ ὄντι εἴη ἄν τι αὐτῷ ἢ αὐτοῦ; καὶ πῶς; οὐδʼ ἄρα ὄνομα ἔστιν αὐτῷ οὐδὲ λόγος οὐδέ τις ἐπιστήμη οὐδὲ αἴσθησις οὐδὲ δόξα. οὐ φαίνεται. οὐδʼ ὀνομάζεται ἄρα οὐδὲ λέγεται οὐδὲ δοξάζεται οὐδὲ γιγνώσκεται, οὐδέ τι τῶν ὄντων αὐτοῦ αἰσθάνεται. οὐκ ἔοικεν. ἦ δυνατὸν οὖν περὶ τὸ ἓν ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχειν; οὔκουν ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ. | 142a. “That seems to be true.” “But can that which does not exist have anything pertaining or belonging to it?” “of course not.” “Then the one has no name, nor is there any description or knowledge or perception or opinion of it.” “Evidently not.” “And it is neither named nor described nor thought of nor known, nor does any existing thing perceive it.” “Apparently not.” “Is it possible that all this is true about the one ?” “I do not think so.” “Shall we then return to our hypothesis and see [142b] if a review of our argument discloses any new point of view?” “By all means.” “We say, then, that if the one exists, we must come to an agreement about the consequences, whatever they may be, do we not?” “Yes.” “Now consider the first point. If one is, can it be and not partake of being?” “No, it cannot.” “Then the being of one will exist, but will not be identical with one; for if it were identical with one, it would not be the being of one, nor would one partake of it, [142c] but the statement that one is would be equivalent to the statement that one is one but our hypothesis is not if one is one, what will follow, but if one is. Do you agree?” “Certainly.” “In the belief that one and being differ in meaning?” “Most assuredly.” “Then if we say concisely 'one is,' it is equivalent to saying that one partakes of being?” “Certainly.” “Let us again say what will follow if one is and consider whether this hypothesis must not necessarily show that one is of such a nature as to have parts.” “How does that come about ?” “In this way: 142a. That seems to be true. But can that which does not exist have anything pertaining or belonging to it? of course not. Then the one has no name, nor is there any description or knowledge or perception or opinion of it. Evidently not. And it is neither named nor described nor thought of nor known, nor does any existing thing perceive it. Apparently not. Is it possible that all this is true about the one ? I do not think so. |
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| 13. Plato, Sophist, 236d, 236e, 248a, 248b, 248c, 248d, 254d, 263e, 248e-249a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 210, 276 |
14. Plato, Symposium, 190c-191b, 192e, 203b, 207d1-4, 209e-212a, 212a, 219a1, 219c, 219c-220b, 219d, 221a, 221b, 202e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 121| 202e. μεταξύ ἐστι θεοῦ τε καὶ θνητοῦ. | 202e. Through it are conveyed all divination and priestcraft concerning sacrifice and ritual |
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| 15. Plato, Theaetetus, 173b2, 173b3, 173b4, 173c, 173c177c, 176a, 176ab, 176b, 176c, 177c3, 177c4, 177c5, 189e, 177b8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 216 |
| 16. Plato, Statesman, "271e-6c", 270, 271, 272, 272b2-3, 272e, 273, 274, 274a1-2, 296e, 274d6-7 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gee, Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition (2013) 44 |
| 17. Plato, Phaedrus, 235c, 235d, 235d1, 244a, 245c-0d, 245c5-9, 245c6-e2, 245c9-d1, 246a, 246b, 246c, 247c7, 248c, 253a, 253a6, 254b, 264c, 264d, 265b, 270c1, 270c2, 278b9, 245c9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 24 |
18. Plato, Phaedo, 105d3-4, 62c, 74d, 74e, 81a, 86b5-86c1, 86c2-c4, 62b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 86| 62b. καὶ γὰρ ἂν δόξειεν, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, οὕτω γ’ εἶναι ἄλογον: οὐ μέντοι ἀλλ’ ἴσως γ’ ἔχει τινὰ λόγον. ὁ μὲν οὖν ἐν ἀπορρήτοις λεγόμενος περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος, ὡς ἔν τινι φρουρᾷ ἐσμεν οἱ ἄνθρωποι καὶ οὐ δεῖ δὴ ἑαυτὸν ἐκ ταύτης λύειν οὐδ’ ἀποδιδράσκειν, μέγας τέ τίς μοι φαίνεται καὶ οὐ ῥᾴδιος διιδεῖν: οὐ μέντοι ἀλλὰ τόδε γέ μοι δοκεῖ, ὦ Κέβης, εὖ λέγεσθαι, τὸ θεοὺς εἶναι ἡμῶν τοὺς ἐπιμελουμένους καὶ ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἓν τῶν κτημάτων τοῖς θεοῖς εἶναι. ἢ σοὶ οὐ δοκεῖ οὕτως; ἔμοιγε, φησὶν ὁ Κέβης . | 62b. but perhaps there is some reason in it. Now the doctrine that is taught in secret about this matter, that we men are in a kind of prison and must not set ourselves free or run away, seems to me to be weighty and not easy to understand. But this at least, Cebes, I do believe is sound, that the gods are our guardians and that we men are one of the chattels of the gods. Do you not believe this? Yes, said Cebes, |
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| 19. Plato, Alcibiades I, 1.122a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 257 |
| 20. Plato, Theages, 128d-e, 129 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 19 |
| 21. Plato, Republic, 617d-e, 427b, 427c, 10.617d8, 498d3, 498d4, 498d5, 613a, 613b, 4.435a-441c, 5.477a, 6.509b, 6.510, 6.511, 4.420c-d, 6.510c, 546, 6, 598b, 598c, 437c, 437d, 507b, 507c, 516a, 516b, 616c-d, 616e, 620d-e, 619e, 616c, 488a, 3.39, 2.376e, 398c, 530e, 510b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 87 |
22. Plato, Laws, 902e, 899e, 895c, 892d3, 890d, 900c, 894e, 898e, 904a, 904b, 892a10.2-c7, 899c, 896a, 715e, 10, 968a7, 909a3-4, 962d8-9, 961e1-962a9, 961d1-963a5, 962d7-8, 962d3, 10.896, "678e-9b" (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 91| 902e. γὰρ ἄνευ σμικρῶν τοὺς μεγάλους φασὶν λιθολόγοι λίθους εὖ κεῖσθαι. ΚΛ. πῶς γὰρ ἄν; ΑΘ. μὴ τοίνυν τόν γε θεὸν ἀξιώσωμέν ποτε θνητῶν δημιουργῶν φαυλότερον, οἳ τὰ προσήκοντα αὑτοῖς ἔργα, ὅσῳπερ ἂν ἀμείνους ὦσιν, τόσῳ ἀκριβέστερα καὶ τελεώτερα μιᾷ τέχνῃ σμικρὰ καὶ μεγάλα ἀπεργάζονται· τὸν δὲ θεὸν ὄντα τε σοφώτατον βουλόμενόν τʼ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι καὶ δυνάμενον, | 902e. and small; for even masons say that big stones are not well laid without little stones. Clin. They cannot be. Ath. Let us never suppose that God is inferior to mortal craftsmen who, the better they are, the more accurately and perfectly do they execute their proper tasks, small and great, by one single art,—or that God, who is most wise, and both willing and able to care, |
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23. Plato, Gorgias, 508a, 486d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harte, Rereading Ancient Philosophy: Old Chestnuts and Sacred Cows (2017) 98| 486d. ταῦτα, ἀλλʼ οἷς ἔστιν καὶ βίος καὶ δόξα καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ ἀγαθά. ΣΩ. εἰ χρυσῆν ἔχων ἐτύγχανον τὴν ψυχήν, ὦ Καλλίκλεις, οὐκ ἂν οἴει με ἅσμενον εὑρεῖν τούτων τινὰ τῶν λίθων ᾗ βασανίζουσιν τὸν χρυσόν, τὴν ἀρίστην, πρὸς ἥντινα ἔμελλον προσαγαγὼν αὐτήν, εἴ μοι ὁμολογήσειεν ἐκείνη καλῶς τεθεραπεῦσθαι τὴν ψυχήν, εὖ εἴσεσθαι ὅτι ἱκανῶς ἔχω καὶ οὐδέν με δεῖ ἄλλης βασάνου; | 486d. “which will bring you to inhabit empty halls”; and emulate, not men who probe these trifles, but who have means and repute and other good things in plenty. SOCRATES: If my soul had happened to be made of gold, Callicles, do you not think I should have been delighted to find one of those stones with which they test gold, and the best one; which, if I applied it, and it confirmed to me that my soul had been properly tended, would give me full assurance that I am in a satisfactory state and 486d. which will bring you to inhabit empty halls ; and emulate, not men who probe these trifles, but who have means and repute and other good things in plenty. Soc. If my soul had happened to be made of gold, Callicles, do you not think I should have been delighted to find one of those stones with which they test gold, and the best one; which, if I applied it, and it confirmed to me that my soul had been properly tended, would give me full assurance that I am in a satisfactory state and |
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| 24. Plato, Definitions, 411 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Zachhuber, Time and Soul: From Aristotle to St. Augustine (2022) 12 |
| 25. Plato, Critias, "108d", "109d", "110a-b", "110e-1b", "111b-d", "111c", "112d", "121b-c" (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 33 |
26. Plato, Cratylus, 407, 400c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 13| 400c. σῆμά τινές φασιν αὐτὸ εἶναι τῆς ψυχῆς, ὡς τεθαμμένης ἐν τῷ νῦν παρόντι· καὶ διότι αὖ τούτῳ σημαίνει ἃ ἂν σημαίνῃ ἡ ψυχή, καὶ ταύτῃ σῆμα ὀρθῶς καλεῖσθαι. δοκοῦσι μέντοι μοι μάλιστα θέσθαι οἱ ἀμφὶ Ὀρφέα τοῦτο τὸ ὄνομα, ὡς δίκην διδούσης τῆς ψυχῆς ὧν δὴ ἕνεκα δίδωσιν, τοῦτον δὲ περίβολον ἔχειν, ἵνα σῴζηται, δεσμωτηρίου εἰκόνα· εἶναι οὖν τῆς ψυχῆς τοῦτο, ὥσπερ αὐτὸ ὀνομάζεται, ἕως ἂν ἐκτείσῃ τὰ ὀφειλόμενα, τὸ σῶμα, καὶ οὐδὲν δεῖν παράγειν οὐδʼ ἓν γράμμα. | 400c. ign ( σῆμα ). But I think it most likely that the Orphic poets gave this name, with the idea that the soul is undergoing punishment for something; they think it has the body as an enclosure to keep it safe, like a prison, and this is, as the name itself denotes, the safe ( σῶμα ) for the soul, until the penalty is paid, and not even a letter needs to be changed. |
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| 27. Speusippus, Fragments, 61b, 61a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 162 |
28. Herodotus, Histories, 1.147, 2.81 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus •proclus, commentary on platos timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 92; d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 214| 1.147. ταῦτα δὲ ἦν γινόμενα ἐν Μιλήτῳ. βασιλέας δὲ ἐστήσαντο οἳ μὲν αὐτῶν Λυκίους ἀπὸ Γλαύκου τοῦ Ἱππολόχου γεγονότας, οἳ δὲ Καύκωνας Πυλίους ἀπὸ Κόδρου τοῦ Μελάνθου, οἳ δὲ καὶ συναμφοτέρους. ἀλλὰ γὰρ περιέχονται τοῦ οὐνόματος μᾶλλόν τι τῶν ἄλλων Ἰώνων, ἔστωσαν δὴ καὶ οἱ καθαρῶς γεγονότες Ἴωνες. εἰσὶ δὲ πάντες Ἴωνες ὅσοι ἀπʼ Ἀθηνέων γεγόνασι καὶ Ἀπατούρια ἄγουσι ὁρτήν. ἄγουσι δὲ πάντες πλὴν Ἐφεσίων καὶ Κολοφωνίων· οὗτοι γὰρ μοῦνοι Ἰώνων οὐκ ἄγουσι Ἀπατούρια, καὶ οὗτοι κατὰ φόνου τινὰ σκῆψιν. 2.81. ἐνδεδύκασι δὲ κιθῶνας λινέους περὶ τὰ σκέλεα θυσανωτούς, τοὺς καλέουσι καλασίρις· ἐπὶ τούτοισι δὲ εἰρίνεα εἵματα λευκὰ ἐπαναβληδὸν φορέουσι. οὐ μέντοι ἔς γε τὰ ἱρὰ ἐσφέρεται εἰρίνεα οὐδὲ συγκαταθάπτεταί σφι· οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον. ὁμολογέουσι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι Ὀρφικοῖσι καλεομένοισι καὶ Βακχικοῖσι, ἐοῦσι δὲ Αἰγυπτίοισι καὶ Πυθαγορείοισι· οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτων τῶν ὀργίων μετέχοντα ὅσιον ἐστὶ ἐν εἰρινέοισι εἵμασι θαφθῆναι. ἔστι δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν ἱρὸς λόγος λεγόμενος. | 1.147. And as kings, some of them chose Lycian descendants of Glaucus son of Hippolochus, and some Caucones of Pylus, descendants of Codrus son of Melanthus, and some both. Yet since they set more store by the name than the rest of the Ionians, let it be granted that those of pure birth are Ionians; ,and all are Ionians who are of Athenian descent and keep the feast |
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| 29. Plato, Apology of Socrates, 270, 271, 272, 272e, 274, 31d, 40a-c, 40b, 273 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck, Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points (2022) 31 |
30. Plato, Timaeus, "19a-d", "20c", "20d", "21e", "22a-b", "22b", "22b-d", "22c", "22d-3a", "23a", "23a-b", "25c", "25d", "26b", "26c", "26c-e", "26e", "39d", 17a, 17c, 17c1, 18a, 21b, 23E, 26e, 27b, 27c, 27c-28a, 27c4, 27c5, 27d, 27d5, 27d6, 28a, 28a2, 28a4, 28a5, 28a6, 28b, 28b6, 28b7-c2, 28c, 28c1, 28c2, 28c3, 28c4, 28c5, 29a2, 29a3, 29b, 29b2-c2, 29b2-d3, 29b3, 29b4, 29b5, 29c3, 29d, 29d7, 29d7-32c6, 29e, 29e4, 29e5, 30a, 30b, 30c, 30c1, 31, 31b, 31b-32b, 31b4, 31c, 31c1, 31c2, 31c3, 31c4, 31c5, 31c6, 31c7, 32a7-c4, 32c, 32c5-6, 34a, 34b, 34c, 35a, 36d8-e1, 36e-37c, 37a, 37a1, 37a2, 37b, 37b6-8, 37c, 37c1-3, 37d, 37d1, 37d3, 37d3-38a5, 37d5, 37e, 37e-38a, 37e5, 38b6-c3, 38c, 38c3-4, 38d, 39d, 39d87, 39e, 39e10, 39e11, 39e12, 39e13, 39e14, 39e15, 40a, 40c, 40d, 40d6, 40d7, 40d8-e2, 41A, 41B, 41a, 41d, 41d-e, 41d8-42b5, 41d8-e1, 41e, 41e2, 42b, 42c, 42e, 43A-44C, 43b, 44b, 44c, 44d, 44e, 45d-46a, 45d3-46a2, 47b, 47b2, 47c, 47e-48a, 48, 48a1, 48b, 48c2, 48c3, 48c4, 49, 49d, 49d-50a, 50, 50a, 50b, 50b5-6, 50c, 50d3, 50d7-51a3, 51, 51a4-7, 51a7, 51b4, 51b5, 51b6, 52b1-2, 52d, 52d2, 52d3, 52d4, 52d5, 52e, 53a, 53b, 53c, 53c1, 53c2, 53c3, 54a, 69c, 69c-d, 69c7-8, 69d, 71a, 71c, 71d, 71e, 71e3-5, 77b1-6, 81d-e, 81e-82b, 81e-89d, 82a, 82b, 82c, 82d, 82e, 84c, 87a3-6, 90a, 90a-c, 90ab, 90b, 90b6-c2, 90c, 90d, 42d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 87; Frey and Levison, The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives (2014) 281; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 134| 42d. καὶ γῆς, θορυβώδη καὶ ἄλογον ὄντα, λόγῳ κρατήσας εἰς τὸ τῆς πρώτης καὶ ἀρίστης ἀφίκοιτο εἶδος ἕξεως. διαθεσμοθετήσας δὲ πάντα αὐτοῖς ταῦτα, ἵνα τῆς ἔπειτα εἴη κακίας ἑκάστων ἀναίτιος, ἔσπειρεν τοὺς μὲν εἰς γῆν, τοὺς δʼ εἰς σελήνην, τοὺς δʼ εἰς τἆλλα ὅσα ὄργανα χρόνου· τὸ δὲ μετὰ τὸν σπόρον τοῖς νέοις παρέδωκεν θεοῖς σώματα πλάττειν θνητά, τό τʼ ἐπίλοιπον, ὅσον ἔτι ἦν ψυχῆς ἀνθρωπίνης δέον | 42d. and earth and air, a mass tumultuous and irrational, returns again to the semblance of his first and best state. |
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| 31. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 8.11.1161b4, 3.3.1112b13-1113a14, 9.4.1066a16-17, 1178b, 6.1149b9f (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 235 |
| 32. Aristotle, Generation And Corruption, 2.2-2.8 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 133 |
| 33. Aristotle, Heavens, 284a, 279b, 280a, 1.10 279b16-17, b1, 1.1, 1.10, 280a29, 1, 10, 280a1, 280a11, 280a12, 280a13, 280a14, 280a15, 280a16, 280a17, 280a18, 280a19, 280a20, 280a21, 280a22, 280a23 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 89 |
| 34. Aristotle, On The Universe, 399a18-30, 400b10-25 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 129 |
| 35. Aristotle, Fragments, 19c, 19a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 271 |
| 36. Aristotle, Metaphysics, 1074b, 1072a, 1.6.988a8-14, 14.4.1091b13-14, 12, 7.701a31ff. (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 86 |
| 37. Aristotle, Meteorology, "353b6" (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato,, timaeus-critias Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 25 |
| 38. Aristotle, Physics, 4.10.218a33-b1, 4.10.218b9-18, 4.11.219a9-10, 1.9.193a3-6, 1.9.192a13-16, 1.9, 4, 4.10, 1.9.192a11-12, 1.9.192a7, 4.14, 4.11, 2.4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 279 |
| 39. Aristoxenus, Elements of Harmony, 2.30-2.31 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 36 |
| 40. Crantor, Fragments, 4 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •proclus, commentary on platos timaeus Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 162 |
| 41. Demosthenes, Against Boeotus 1, 1.4-1.5 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 92 |
| 42. Aristotle, Generation of Animals, 736b27-29 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 203 |
| 43. Aristotle, Soul, 2.4.415b13-14, 3.4.430a2-4, 3.7.431a1-2, 1.2, 408b18-26, 413b24-28, 429a24-429b6, 430a17-25, a3, 434a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 235 |
| 44. Aristotle, Parts of Animals, 2.15.658b14-21 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 406 |
| 45. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 76baa 10.24-25 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato/platonic/platonism, timaeus Found in books: Frey and Levison, The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives (2014) 52 |
| 46. Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, 2.19.100b5-17 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 210 |
47. Aratus Solensis, Phaenomena, 458-459 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gee, Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition (2013) 44| 459. μακρὰ δὲ σήματα κεῖται ἀπόπροθεν εἰς ἓν ἰόντων. | |
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| 48. Theophrastus, Physicorum Opiniones, 11.3 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, didaskalias charin and •plato, timaeus, interpretive controversies in •plato, timaeus, literal interpretation of Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 26 |
| 49. Theophrastus, Fragments, 227c, 230, 23 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 42 |
| 50. Aristotle, Categories, 6.6a17-18, 8, 10a11 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 359 |
| 51. Chrysippus, Fragments, 2.1170 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 135 |
| 52. Cicero, Academica, 2.20-2.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 211 |
| 53. Cicero, Arati Phaenomena, 232, 242-243, 287-288, 381, 233 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gee, Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition (2013) 44 |
54. Cicero, On Divination, 2.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 260| 2.4. Cumque Aristoteles itemque Theophrastus, excellentes viri cum subtilitate, tum copia, cum philosophia dicendi etiam praecepta coniunxerint, nostri quoque oratorii libri in eundem librorum numerum referendi videntur. Ita tres erunt de oratore, quartus Brutus, quintus orator. Adhuc haec erant; ad reliqua alacri tendebamus animo sic parati, ut, nisi quae causa gravior obstitisset, nullum philosophiae locum esse pateremur, qui non Latinis litteris inlustratus pateret. Quod enim munus rei publicae adferre maius meliusve possumus, quam si docemus atque erudimus iuventutem? his praesertim moribus atque temporibus, quibus ita prolapsa est, ut omnium opibus refreda atque coe+rcenda sit. | 2.4. Inasmuch as Aristotle and Theophrastus, too, both of whom were celebrated for their keenness of intellect and particularly for their copiousness of speech, have joined rhetoric with philosophy, it seems proper also to put my rhetorical books in the same category; hence we shall include the three volumes On Oratory, the fourth entitled Brutus, and the fifth called The Orator.[2] I have named the philosophic works so far written: to the completion of the remaining books of this series I was hastening with so much ardour that if some most grievous cause had not intervened there would not now be any phase of philosophy which I had failed to elucidate and make easily accessible in the Latin tongue. For what greater or better service can I render to the commonwealth than to instruct and train the youth — especially in view of the fact that our young men have gone so far astray because of the present moral laxity that the utmost effort will be needed to hold them in check and direct them in the right way? 2.4. And they can laugh with the better grace because Epicurus, to make the gods ridiculous, represents them as transparent, with the winds blowing through them, and living between two worlds (as if between our two groves) from fear of the downfall. He further says that the gods have limbs just as we have, but make no use of them. Hence, while he takes a roundabout way to destroy the gods, he does not hesitate to take a short road to destroy divination. At any rate Epicurus is consistent, but the Stoics are not; for his god, who has no concern for himself or for anybody else, cannot impart divination to men. And neither can your Stoic god impart divination, although he rules the world and plans for the good of mankind. |
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| 55. Cicero, De Finibus, 2.15, 5.87 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, inaccessibility of •plato, timaeus, cicero translates Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 44, 47 |
56. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.15, 5.87 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, inaccessibility of •plato, timaeus, cicero translates Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 44, 47| 2.15. Satisne igitur videor vim verborum tenere, an sum etiam nunc vel Graece loqui vel Latine docendus? et tamen vide, ne, si ego non intellegam quid Epicurus loquatur, cum Graece, ut videor, luculenter sciam, sit aliqua culpa eius, qui ita loquatur, ut non intellegatur. quod duobus modis sine reprehensione fit, si aut de industria facias, ut Heraclitus, 'cognomento qui skoteino/s perhibetur, quia de natura nimis obscure memoravit', aut cum rerum obscuritas, non verborum, facit ut non intellegatur oratio, qualis est in Timaeo Platonis. Epicurus autem, ut opinor, nec non vult, si possit, plane et aperte loqui, nec de re obscura, ut physici, aut artificiosa, ut mathematici, sed de illustri et facili et iam et iam P. Man. etiam (eciam V) in vulgus pervagata loquitur. loquitur (i in ras. ) N loquatur ( etiam A) Quamquam non negatis nos intellegere quid sit voluptas, sed quid ille dicat. e quo efficitur, non ut nos non intellegamus quae vis sit istius verbi, sed ut ille suo more loquatur, nostrum neglegat. 5.87. quare hoc hoc atque hoc Non. videndum est, possitne nobis hoc ratio philosophorum dare. pollicetur certe. nisi enim id faceret, cur Plato Aegyptum peragravit, ut a sacerdotibus barbaris numeros et caelestia acciperet? cur post Tarentum ad Archytam? cur ad reliquos Pythagoreos, Echecratem, Timaeum, Arionem, Locros, ut, cum Socratem expressisset, adiungeret Pythagoreorum disciplinam eaque, quae Socrates repudiabat, addisceret? cur ipse Pythagoras et Aegyptum lustravit et Persarum magos adiit? cur tantas regiones barbarorum pedibus obiit, tot maria transmisit? cur haec eadem Democritus? qui —vere falsone, quaerere mittimus quaerere mittimus Se. quereremus BER queremus V quae- rere nolumus C.F.W. Mue. —dicitur oculis se se oculis BE privasse; privavisse R certe, ut quam minime animus a cogitationibus abduceretur, patrimonium neglexit, agros deseruit incultos, quid quaerens aliud nisi vitam beatam? beatam vitam R quam si etiam in rerum cognitione ponebat, tamen ex illa investigatione naturae consequi volebat, bono ut esset animo. id enim ille id enim ille R ideo enim ille BE id ille V id est enim illi summum bonum; eu)qumi/an cet. coni. Mdv. summum bonum eu)qumi/an et saepe a)qambi/an appellat, id est animum terrore liberum. | 2.15. "Well, do you think I have properly grasped the meaning of the terms, or do I still require lessons in the use of either Greek or Latin? And even supposing that I do not understand what Epicurus says, still I believe I really have a very clear knowledge of Greek, so that perhaps it is partly his fault for using such unintelligible language. Obscurity is excusable on two grounds: it may be deliberately adopted, as in the case of Heraclitus, The surname of the Obscure who bore, So dark his philosophic lore; or the obscurity may be due to the abstruseness of the subject and not of the style â an instance of this is Plato's Timaeus. But Epicurus, in my opinion, has no intention of not speaking plainly and clearly if he can, nor is he discussing a recondite subject like natural philosophy, nor a technical subject such as mathematics, but a lucid and easy topic, and one that is generally familiar already. And yet you Epicureans do not deny that we understand what pleasure is, but what he means by it; which proves not that we do not understand the real meaning of the word, but that Epicurus is speaking an idiom of his own and ignoring our accepted terminology. < 5.87. On this your cousin and I are agreed. Hence what we have to consider is this, can the systems of the philosophers give us happiness? They certainly profess to do so. Whether it not so, why did Plato travel through Egypt to learn arithmetic and astronomy from barbarian priests? Why did he later visit Archytas at Tarentum, or the other Pythagoreans, Echecrates, Timaeus and Arion, at Locri, intending to append to his picture of Socrates an account of the Pythagorean system and to extend his studies into those branches which Socrates repudiated? Why did Pythagoras himself scour Egypt and visit the Persian magi? why did he travel on foot through those vast barbarian lands and sail across those many seas? Why did Democritus do the same? It is related of Democritus (whether truly or falsely we are not concerned to inquire) that he deprived himself of eyesight; and it is certain that in order that his mind should be distracted as little as possible from reflection, he neglected his paternal estate and left his land uncultivated, engrossed in the search for what else but happiness? Even if he supposed happiness to consist in knowledge, still he designed that his study of natural philosophy should bring him cheerfulness of mind; since that is his conception of the Chief Good, which he entitles euthumia, or often athambia, that is freedom from alarm. < |
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57. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.18-1.24, 1.20.55, 1.30-1.32, 1.36, 1.45-1.51, 1.53, 2.13-2.15, 2.18-2.19, 2.118-2.119, 2.140, 2.145-2.146, 2.149, 2.153, 2.155, 3.27, 7.88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 86; Frey and Levison, The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives (2014) 52; Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 381; Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 88, 89; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 271; Marmodoro and Prince, Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity (2015) 37; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 207, 209, 211 | 1.18. After this, Velleius, with the confidence peculiar to his sect, dreading nothing so much as to seem to doubt of anything, began as if he had just then descended from the council of the Gods, and Epicurus's intervals of worlds. Do not attend, says he, to these idle and imaginary tales; nor to the operator and builder of the World, the God of Plato's Timaeus; nor to the old prophetic dame, the Πρόνοια of the Stoics, which the Latins call Providence; nor to that round, that burning, revolving deity, the World, endowed with sense and understanding; the prodigies and wonders, not of inquisitive philosophers, but of dreamers! For with what eyes of the mind was your Plato able to see that workhouse of such stupendous toil, in which he makes the world to be modelled and built by God? What materials, what tools, what bars, what machines, what servants, were employed in so vast a work? How could the air, fire, water, and earth pay obedience and submit to the will of the architect? From whence arose those five forms, of which the rest were composed, so aptly contributing to frame the mind and produce the senses? It is tedious to go through all, as they are of such a sort that they look more like things to be desired than to be discovered. But, what is more remarkable, he gives us a world which has been not only created, but, if I may so say, in a manner formed with hands, and yet he says it is eternal. Do you conceive him to have the least skill in natural philosophy who is capable of thinking anything to be everlasting that had a beginning? For what can possibly ever have been put together which cannot be dissolved again? Or what is there that had a beginning which will not have an end? If your Providence, Lucilius, is the same as Plato's God, I ask you, as before, who were the assistants, what were the engines, what was the plan and preparation of the whole work? If it is not the same, then why did she make the world mortal, and not everlasting, like Plato's God? 1.18. Hereupon Velleius began, in the confident manner (I need not say) that is customary with Epicureans, afraid of nothing so much as lest he should appear to have doubts about anything. One would have supposed he had just come down from the assembly of the gods in the intermundane spaces of Epicurus! "I am not going to expound to you doctrines that are mere baseless figments of the imagination, such as the artisan deity and world-builder of Plato's Timaeus, or that old hag of a fortune-teller, the Pronoia (which we may render 'Providence') of the Stoics; nor yet a world endowed with a mind and senses of its own, a spherical, rotatory god of burning fire; these are the marvels and monstrosities of philosophers who do not reason but dream. 1.19. What power of mental vision enabled your master Plato to descry the vast and elaborate architectural process which, as he makes out, the deity adopted in building the structure of the universe? What method of engineering was employed? What tools and levers and derricks? What agents carried out so vast an undertaking? And how were air, fire, water and earth enabled to obey and execute the will of the architect? How did the five regular solids, which are the basis of all other forms of matter, come into existence so nicely adapted to make impressions on our minds and produce sensations? It would be a lengthy task to advert upon every detail of a system that is such as to seem the result of idle theorizing rather than of real research; 1.20. but the prize example is that the thinker who represented the world not merely as having had an origin but even as almost made by hand, also declared that it will exist for ever. Can you suppose that a man can have even dipped into natural philosophy if he imagines that anything that has come into being can be eternal? What composite whole is not capable of dissolution? What thing is there that has a beginning but not an end? While as for your Stoic Providence, Lucilius, if it is the same thing as Plato's creator, I repeat my previous questions, what were its agents and instruments, and how was the entire undertaking planned out and carried though? If on the contrary it is something different, I ask why it made the world mortal, and not everlasting as did Plato's divine creator? 1.21. But I would demand of you both, why these world-builders started up so suddenly, and lay dormant for so many ages? For we are not to conclude that, if there was no world, there were therefore no ages. I do not now speak of such ages as are finished by a certain number of days and nights in annual courses; for I acknowledge that those could not be without the revolution of the world; but there was a certain eternity from infinite time, not measured by any circumscription of seasons; but how that was in space we cannot understand, because we cannot possibly have even the slightest idea of time before time was. I desire, therefore, to know, Balbus, why this Providence of yours was idle for such an immense space of time? Did she avoid labor? But that could have no effect on the Deity; nor could there be any labor, since all nature, air, fire, earth, and water would obey the divine essence. What was it that incited the Deity to act the part of an aedile, to illuminate and decorate the world? If it was in order that God might be the better accommodated in his habitation, then he must have been dwelling an infinite length of time before in darkness as in a dungeon. But do we imagine that he was afterward delighted with that variety with which we see the heaven and earth adorned? What entertainment could that be to the Deity? If it was any, he would not have been without it so long. Or were these things made, as you almost assert, by God for the sake of men? Was it for the wise? If so, then this great design was adopted for the sake of a very small number. Or for the sake of fools? First of all, there was no reason why God should consult the advantage of the wicked; and, further, what could be his object in doing so, since all fools are, without doubt, the most miserable of men, chiefly because they are fools? For what can we pronounce more deplorable than folly? Besides, there are many inconveniences in life which the wise can learn to think lightly of by dwelling rather on the advantages which they receive; but which fools are unable to avoid when they are coming, or to bear when they are come. They who affirm the world to be an animated and intelligent being have by no means discovered the nature of the mind, nor are able to conceive in what form that essence can exist; but of that I shall speak more hereafter. 1.21. Moreover I would put to both of you the question, why did these deities suddenly awake into activity as world-builders after countless ages of slumber? for though the world did not exist, it does not follow that ages did not exist — meaning by ages, not periods made up of a number of days and nights in annual courses, for ages in this sense I admit could not have been produced without the circular motion of the firmament; but from the infinite past there has existed an eternity not measured by limited divisions of time, but of a nature intelligible in terms of extension; since it is inconceivable that there was ever a time when time did not exist. 1.22. Well then, Balbus, what I ask is, why did your Providence remain idle all through that extent of time of which you speak? Was it in order to avoid fatigue? But god cannot know fatigue; and also there was no fatigue in question, since all the elements, sky, fire, earth and sea, were obedient to the divine will. Also, why should god take a fancy to decorate the firmament with figures and illuminations, like an aedile? If it was to embellish his own abode, then it seems that he had previously between dwelling for an infinite time in a dark and gloomy hovel! And are we to suppose that thenceforward the varied beauties which we see adorning earth and sky have afforded him pleasure? How can a god take pleasure in things of this sort? And if he did, he could not have dispensed with it so long. 1.23. Or were these beauties designed for the sake of men, as your school usually maintains? For the sake of wise men? If so, all this vast effort of construction took place on account of a handful of people. For the sake of fools then? But in the first place there was no reason for god to do a service to the wicked and secondly, what good did he do? inasmuch as all fools are beyond question extremely miserable, precisely because they are fools (for what can be mentioned more miserable than folly?), and in the second place because there are so many troubles in life that, though wise men can assuage them by balancing against them life's advantages, fools can neither avoid their approach nor endure their presence. Those on the other hand who said that the world is itself endowed with life and with wisdom, failed entirely to discern what shape the nature of an intelligent living being could conceivably possess. I will touch on this a little later; 1.24. At present I must express my surprise at the weakness of those who endeavor to make it out to be not only animated and immortal, but likewise happy, and round, because Plato says that is the most beautiful form; whereas I think a cylinder, a square, a cone, or a pyramid more beautiful. But what life do they attribute to that round Deity? Truly it is a being whirled about with a celerity to which nothing can be even conceived by the imagination as equal; nor can I imagine how a settled mind and happy life can consist in such motion, the least degree of which would be troublesome to us. Why, therefore, should it not be considered troublesome also to the Deity? For the earth itself, as it is part of the world, is part also of the Deity. We see vast tracts of land barren and uninhabitable; some, because they are scorched by the too near approach of the sun; others, because they are bound up with frost and snow, through the great distance which the sun is from them. Therefore, if the world is a Deity, as these are parts of the world, some of the Deity's limbs must be said to be scorched, and some frozen. These are your doctrines, Lucilius; but what those of others are I will endeavor to ascertain by tracing them back from the earliest of ancient philosophers. Thales the Milesian, who first inquired after such subjects, asserted water to be the origin of things, and that God was that mind which formed all things from water. If the Gods can exist without corporeal sense, and if there can be a mind without a body, why did he annex a mind to water? It was Anaximander's opinion that the Gods were born; that after a great length of time they died; and that they are innumerable worlds. But what conception can we possibly have of a Deity who is not eternal? 1.24. for the present I will confine myself to expressing my surprise at their stupidity in holding that a being who is immortal and also blessed is of a spherical shape, merely on the ground that Plato pronounces a sphere to be the most beautiful of all figures. For my own part, on the score of appearance I prefer either a cylinder or a cube or a cone or a pyramid. Then, what mode of existence is assigned to their spherical deity? Why, he is in a state of rotation, spinning round with a velocity that surpasses all powers of conception. But what room there can be in such an existence for steadfastness of mind and for happiness, I cannot see. Also, why should a condition that is painful in the human body, if even the smallest part of it is affected, be supposed to be painless in the deity? Now clearly the earth, being a part of the world, is also a part of god. Yet we see that vast portions of the earth's surface are uninhabitable deserts, being either scorched by the sun's proximity, or frost-bound and covered with snow owing to its extreme remoteness. But if the world is god, these, being parts of the world, must be regarded as limbs of god, undergoing the extremes of heat and cold respectively. 1.30. It would be tedious to show the uncertainty of Plato's opinion; for, in his Timaeus, he denies the propriety of asserting that there is one great father or creator of the world; and, in his book of Laws, he thinks we ought not to make too strict an inquiry into the nature of the Deity. And as for his statement when he asserts that God is a being without any body — what the Greeks call ἀσώματος — it is certainly quite unintelligible how that theory can possibly be true; for such a God must then necessarily be destitute of sense, prudence, and pleasure; all which things are comprehended in our notion of the Gods. He likewise asserts in his Timaeus, and in his Laws, that the world, the heavens, the stars, the mind, and those Gods which are delivered down to us from our ancestors, constitute the Deity. These opinions, taken separately, are apparently false; and, together, are directly inconsistent with each other. Xenophon has committed almost the same mistakes, but in fewer words. In those sayings which he has related of Socrates, he introduces him disputing the lawfulness of inquiring into the form of the Deity, and makes him assert the sun and the mind to be Deities: he represents him likewise as affirming the being of one God only, and at another time of many; which are errors of almost the same kind which I before took notice of in Plato. Antisthenes, in his book called the Natural Philosopher, says that there are many national and one natural Deity; but by this saying he destroys the power and nature of the Gods. Speusippus is not much less in the wrong; who, following his uncle Plato, says that a certain incorporeal power governs everything; by which he endeavors to root out of our minds the knowledge of the Gods. 1.30. The inconsistencies of Plato are a long story. In the Timaeus he says that it is impossible to name the father of this universe; and in the Laws he deprecates all inquiry into the nature of the deity. Again, he holds that god is entirely incorporeal (in Greek, asomatos); but divine incorporeity is inconceivable, for an incorporeal deity would necessarily be incapable of sensation, and also of practical wisdom, and of pleasure, all of which are attributes essential to our conception of deity. Yet both in the Timaeus and the Laws he says that the world, the sky, the stars, the earth and our souls are gods, in addition to those in whom we have been taught to believe; but it is obvious that these propositions are both inherently false and mutually destructive. 1.31. Xenophon also commits almost the same errors, though in fewer words; for in his memoir of the sayings of Socrates he represents Socrates as arguing that it is wrong to inquire about the form of god, but also as saying that both the sun and the soul are god, and as speaking at one moment of a single god and at another of several: utterances that involve almost the same mistakes as do those which we quoted from Plato. 1.32. Antisthenes also, in his book entitled The Natural Philosopher, says that while there are many gods of popular belief, there is one god in nature, so depriving divinity of all meaning or substance. Very similarly Speusippus, following his uncle Plato, and speaking of a certain force that governs all things and is endowed with life, does his best to root out the notion of deity from our minds altogether. 1.36. Zeno (to come to your sect, Balbus) thinks the law of nature to be the divinity, and that it has the power to force us to what is right, and to restrain us from what is wrong. How this law can be an animated being I cannot conceive; but that God is so we would certainly maintain. The same person says, in another place, that the sky is God; but can we possibly conceive that God is a being insensible, deaf to our prayers, our wishes, and our vows, and wholly unconnected with us? In other books he thinks there is a certain rational essence pervading all nature, indued with divine efficacy. He attributes the same power to the stars, to the years, to the months, and to the seasons. In his interpretation of Hesiod's Theogony, he entirely destroys the established notions of the Gods; for he excludes Jupiter, Juno, and Vesta, and those esteemed divine, from the number of them; but his doctrine is that these are names which by some kind of allusion are given to mute and iimate beings. The sentiments of his disciple Aristo are not less erroneous. He thought it impossible to conceive the form of the Deity, and asserts that the Gods are destitute of sense; and he is entirely dubious whether the Deity is an animated being or not. Cleanthes, who next comes under my notice, a disciple of Zeno at the same time with Aristo, in one place says that the world is God; in another, he attributes divinity to the mind and spirit of universal nature; then he asserts that the most remote, the highest, the all-surrounding, the all-enclosing and embracing heat, which is called the sky, is most certainly the Deity. In the books he wrote against pleasure, in which he seems to be raving, he imagines the Gods to have a certain form and shape; then he ascribes all divinity to the stars; and, lastly, he thinks nothing more divine than reason. So that this God, whom we know mentally and in the speculations of our minds, from which traces we receive our impression, has at last actually no visible form at all. Persaeus, another disciple of Zeno, says that they who have made discoveries advantageous to the life of man should be esteemed as Gods; and the very things, he says, which are healthful and beneficial have derived their names from those of the Gods; so that he thinks it not sufficient to call them the discoveries of Gods, but he urges that they themselves should be deemed divine. 1.36. "Lastly, Balbus, I come to your Stoic school. Zeno's view is that the law of nature is divine, and that its function is to command what is right and to forbid the opposite. How he makes out this law to be alive passes our comprehension; yet we undoubtedly expect god to be a living being. In another passage however Zeno declares that the aether is god — if there is any meaning in a god without sensation, a form of deity that never presents itself to us when we offer up our prayers and supplications and make our vows. And in other books again he holds the view that a 'reason' which pervades all nature is possessed of divine power. He likewise attributes the same powers to the stars, or at another time to the years, the months and the seasons. Again, in his interpretation of Hesiod's Theogony (or Origin of the Gods) he does away with the customary and received ideas of the gods altogether, for he does not reckon either Jupiter, Juno or Vesta as gods, or any being that bears a personal name, but teaches that these names have been assigned allegorically to dumb and lifeless things. 1.45. We have then a preconception of such a nature that we believe the gods to be blessed and immortal. For nature, which bestowed upon us an idea of the gods themselves, also engraved on our minds the belief that they are eternal and blessed. If this is so, the famous maxim of Epicurus truthfully enunciates that 'that which is blessed and eternal can neither know trouble itself nor cause trouble to another, and accordingly cannot feel either anger or favour, since all such things belong only to the weak.' "If we sought to attain nothing else beside piety in worshipping the gods and freedom from superstition, what has been said had sufficed; since the exalted nature of the gods, being both eternal and supremely blessed, would receive man's pious worship (for what is highest commands the reverence that is its due); and furthermore all fear of the divine power or divine anger would have been banished (since it is understood that anger and favour alike are excluded from the nature of a being at once blessed and immortal, and that these being eliminated we are menaced by no fears in regard to the powers above). But the mind strives to strengthen this belief by trying to discover the form of god, the mode of his activity, and the operation of his intelligence. 1.46. "For the divine form we have the hints of nature supplemented by the teachings of reason. From nature all men of all races derive the notion of gods as having human shape and none other; for in what other shape do they ever appear to anyone, awake or asleep? But not to make primary concepts the sole test of all things, reason itself delivers the same pronouncement. 1.47. With regard to his form, we are directed partly by nature and partly by reason. All men are told by nature that none but a human form can be ascribed to the Gods; for under what other image did it ever appear to any one either sleeping or waking? and, without having recourse to our first notions, reason itself declares the same; for as it is easy to conceive that the most excellent nature, either because of its happiness or immortality, should be the most beautiful, what composition of limbs, what conformation of lineaments, what form, what aspect, can be more beautiful than the human? Your sect, Lucilius (not like my friend Cotta, who sometimes says one thing and sometimes another), when they represent the divine art and workmanship in the human body, are used to describe how very completely each member is formed, not only for convenience, but also for beauty. Therefore, if the human form excels that of all other animal beings, as God himself is an animated being, he must surely be of that form which is the most beautiful. Besides, the Gods are granted to be perfectly happy; and nobody can be happy without virtue, nor can virtue exist where reason is not; and reason can reside in none but the human form; the Gods, therefore, must be acknowledged to be of human form; yet that form is not body, but something like body; nor does it contain any blood, but something like blood. Though these distinctions were more acutely devised and more artfully expressed by Epicurus than any common capacity can comprehend; yet, depending on your understanding, I shall be more brief on the subject than otherwise I should be. Epicurus, who not only discovered and understood the occult and almost hidden secrets of nature, but explained them with ease, teaches that the power and nature of the Gods is not to be discerned by the senses, but by the mind; nor are they to be considered as bodies of any solidity, or reducible to number, like those things which, because of their firmness, he calls Στερέμνια; but as images, perceived by similitude and transition. As infinite kinds of those images result from innumerable individuals, and centre in the Gods, our minds and understanding are directed towards and fixed with the greatest delight on them, in order to comprehend what that happy and eternal essence is. 1.47. For it seems appropriate that the being who is the most exalted, whether by reason of his happiness or his eternity, should also be the most beautiful; but what disposition of the limbs, what cast of features, what shape or outline can be more beautiful than the human form? You Stoics at least, Lucilius, (for my friend Cotta says one thing at one time and another at another) are wont to portray the skill of the divine creator by enlarging on the beauty as well as the utility of design displayed in all parts of the human figure. 1.48. But if the human figure surpasses the form of all other living beings, and god is a living being, god must possess the shape which is the most beautiful of all; and since it is agreed that the gods are supremely happy, and no one can be happy without virtue, and virtue cannot exist without reason, and reason is only found in the human shape, it follows that the gods possess the form of man. 1.49. Yet their form is not corporeal, but only resembles bodily substance; it does not contain blood, but the semblance of blood. "These discoveries of Epicurus are so acute in themselves and so subtly expressed that not everyone would be capable of appreciating them. Still I may rely on your intelligence, and make my exposition briefer than the subject demands. Epicurus then, as he not merely discerns abstruse and recondite things with his mind's eye, but handles them as tangible realities, teaches that the substance and nature of the gods is such that, in the first place, it is perceived not by the senses but by the mind, and not materially or individually, like the solid objects which Epicurus in virtue of their substantiality entitles steremnia; but by our perceiving images owing to their similarity and succession, because an endless train of precisely similar images arises from the innumerable atoms and streams towards the gods, our minds with the keenest feelings of pleasure fixes its gaze on these images, and so attains an understanding of the nature of a being both blessed and eternal. 1.50. Surely the mighty power of the Infinite Being is most worthy our great and earnest contemplation; the nature of which we must necessarily understand to be such that everything in it is made to correspond completely to some other answering part. This is called by Epicurus ἰσονομία; that is to say, an equal distribution or even disposition of things. From hence he draws this inference, that, as there is such a vast multitude of mortals, there cannot be a less number of immortals; and if those which perish are innumerable, those which are preserved ought also to be countless. Your sect, Balbus, frequently ask us how the Gods live, and how they pass their time? Their life is the most happy, and the most abounding with all kinds of blessings, which can be conceived. They do nothing. They are embarrassed with no business; nor do they perform any work. They rejoice in the possession of their own wisdom and virtue. They are satisfied that they shall ever enjoy the fulness of eternal pleasures. 1.50. Moreover there is the supremely potent principle of infinity, which claims the closest and most careful study; we must understand that it has the following property, that in the sum of things everything has its exact match and counterpart. This property is termed by Epicurus isonomia, or the principle of uniform distribution. From this principle it follows that if the whole number of mortals be so many, there must exist no less a number of immortals, and if the causes of destruction are beyond count, the causes of conservation also are bound to be infinite. "You Stoics are also fond of asking us, Balbus, what is the mode of life of the gods and how they pass their days. 1.51. The answer is, their life is the happiest conceivable, and the one most bountifully furnished with all good things. God is entirely inactive and free from all ties of occupation; he toils not neither does he labour, but he takes delight in his own wisdom and virtue, and knows with absolute certainty that he will always enjoy pleasures at once consummate and everlasting. 1.53. We for our part deem happiness to consist in tranquillity of mind and entire exemption from all duties. For he who taught us all the rest has also taught us that the world was made by nature, without needing an artificer to construct it, and that the act of creation, which according to you cannot be performed without divine skill, is so easy, that nature will create, is creating and has created worlds without number. You on the contrary cannot see how nature can achieve all this without the aid of some intelligence, and so, like the tragic poets, being unable to bring the plot of your drama to a dénouement, you have recourse to a god; 2.13. Their existence no one denies. Cleanthes, one of our sect, imputes the way in which the idea of the Gods is implanted in the minds of men to four causes. The first is that which I just now mentioned — the foreknowledge of future things. The second is the great advantages which we enjoy from the temperature of the air, the fertility of the earth, and the abundance of various benefits of other kinds. The third cause is deduced from the terror with which the mind is affected by thunder, tempests, storms, snow, hail, devastation, pestilence, earthquakes often attended with hideous noises, showers of stones, and rain like drops of blood; by rocks and sudden openings of the earth; by monstrous births of men and beasts; by meteors in the air, and blazing stars, by the Greeks called cometae, by us crinitae, the appearance of which, in the late Octavian war, were foreboders of great calamities; by two suns, which, as I have heard my father say, happened in the consulate of Tuditanus and Aquillius, and in which year also another sun (P. Africanus) was extinguished. These things terrified mankind, and raised in them a firm belief of the existence of some celestial and divine power. His fourth cause, and that the strongest, is drawn from the regularity of the motion and revolution of the heavens, the distinctness, variety, beauty, and order of the sun, moon, and all the stars, the appearance only of which is sufficient to convince us they are not the effects of chance; as when we enter into a house, or school, or court, and observe the exact order, discipline, and method of it, we cannot suppose that it is so regulated without a cause, but must conclude that there is some one who commands, and to whom obedience is paid. It is quite impossible for us to avoid thinking that the wonderful motions, revolutions, and order of those many and great bodies, no part of which is impaired by the countless and infinite succession of ages, must be governed and directed by some supreme intelligent being. 2.13. As to their nature there are various opinions, but their existence nobody denies. Indeed our master Cleanthes gave four reasons to account for the formation in men's minds of their ideas of the gods. He put first the argument of which I spoke just now, the one arising from our foreknowledge of future events; second, the one drawn from the magnitude of the benefits which we derive from our temperate climate, from the earth's fertility, and from a vast abundance of other blessings; 2.14. third, the awe inspired by lightning, storms, rain, snow, hail, floods, pestilences, earthquakes and occasionally subterranean rumblings, showers of stones and raindrops the colour of blood, also landslips and chasms suddenly opening in the ground, also unnatural monstrosities human and animal, and also the appearance of meteoric lights and what are called by the Greeks 'comets,' and in our language 'long-haired stars,' such as recently during the Octavian War appeared as harbingers of dire disasters, and the doubling of the sun, which my father told me had happened in the consulship of Tuditanus and Aquilius, the year in which the light was quenched of Publius Africanus, that second sun of Rome: all of which alarming portents have suggested to mankind the idea of the existence of some celestial and divine power. 2.15. And the fourth and most potent cause of the belief he said was the uniform motion and revolution of the heavens, and the varied groupings and ordered beauty of the sun, moon and stars, the very sight of which was in itself enough to prove that these things are not the mere effect of chance. When a man goes into a house, a wrestling-school or a public assembly and observes in all that goes on arrangement, regularity and system, he cannot possibly suppose that these things come about without a cause: he realizes that there is someone who presides and controls. Far more therefore with the vast movements and phases of the heavenly bodies, and these ordered processes of a multitude of enormous masses of matter, which throughout the countless ages of the infinite past have never in the smallest degree played false, is he compelled to infer that these mighty world-motions are regulated by some Mind. 2.18. Yet even from this inferior intelligence of man we may discover the existence of some intelligent agent that is divine, and wiser than ourselves; for, as Socrates says in Xenophon, from whence had man his portion of understanding? And, indeed, if any one were to push his inquiries about the moisture and heat which is diffused through the human body, and the earthy kind of solidity existing in our entrails, and that soul by which we breathe, and to ask whence we derived them, it would be plain that we have received one thing from the earth, another from liquid, another from fire, and another from that air which we inhale every time that we breathe. But where did we find that which excels all these things — I mean reason, or (if you please, in other terms) the mind, understanding, thought, prudence; and from whence did we receive it? Shall the world be possessed of every other perfection, and be destitute of this one, which is the most important and valuable of all? But certainly there is nothing better, or more excellent, or more beautiful than the world; and not only there is nothing better, but we cannot even conceive anything superior to it; and if reason and wisdom are the greatest of all perfections, they must necessarily be a part of what we all allow to be the most excellent. 2.18. Yet even man's intelligence must lead us to infer the existence of a mind in the universe, and that a mind of surpassing ability, and in fact divine. Otherwise, whence did man 'pick up' (as Socrates says in Xenophon) the intelligence that he possesses? If anyone asks the question, whence do we get the moisture and the heat diffused throughout the body, and the actual earthy substance of the flesh, and lastly the breath of life within us, it is manifest that we have derived the one from earth, the other from water, and the other from the air which we inhale in breathing. But where did we find, whence did we abstract, that other part of us which surpasses all of these, I mean our reason, or, if you like to employ several terms to denote it, our intelligence, deliberation, thought, wisdom? Is the world to contain each of the other elements but not this one, the most precious of them all? Yet beyond question nothing exists among all things that is superior to the world, nothing that is more excellent or more beautiful; and not merely does nothing superior to it exist, but nothing superior can even be conceived. And if there be nothing superior to reason and wisdom, these faculties must necessarily be possessed by that being which we admit to be superior to all others. 2.19. Who is not compelled to admit the truth of what I assert by that agreeable, uniform, and continued agreement of things in the universe? Could the earth at one season be adorned with flowers, at another be covered with snow? Or, if such a number of things regulated their own changes, could the approach and retreat of the sun in the summer and winter solstices be so regularly known and calculated? Could the flux and reflux of the sea and the height of the tides be affected by the increase or wane of the moon? Could the different courses of the stars be preserved by the uniform movement of the whole heaven? Could these things subsist, I say, in such a harmony of all the parts of the universe without the continued influence of a divine spirit? If these points are handled in a free and copious manner, as I purpose to do, they will be less liable to the cavils of the Academics; but the narrow, confined way in which Zeno reasoned upon them laid them more open to objection; for as running streams are seldom or never tainted, while standing waters easily grow corrupt, so a fluency of expression washes away the censures of the caviller, while the narrow limits of a discourse which is too concise is almost defenceless; for the arguments which I am enlarging upon are thus briefly laid down by Zeno: 2.19. Again, consider the sympathetic agreement, interconnexion and affinity of things: whom will this not compel to approve the truth of what I say? Would it be possible for the earth at one definite time to be gay with flowers and then in turn all bare and stark, or for the spontaneous transformation of so many things about us to signal the approach and the retirement of the sun at the summer and the winter solstices, or for the tides to flow and ebb in the seas and straits with the rising and setting of the moon, or for the different courses of the stars to be maintained by the one revolution of the entire sky? These processes and this musical harmony of all the parts of the world assuredly would not go on were they not maintained in unison by a single divine and all‑pervading spirit. 2.118. But the stars are of a fiery substance, and for this reason they are nourished by the vapours of the earth, the sea and the waters, which are raised up by the sun out of the fields which it warms and out of the waters; and when nourished and renewed by these vapours the stars and the whole aether shed them back again, and then once more draw them up from the same source, with the loss of none of their matter, or only of an extremely small part which is consumed by the fire of the stars and the flame of the aether. As a consequence of this, so our school believe, though it used to be said that Panaetius questioned the doctrine, there will ultimately occur a conflagration of the whole while, because when the moisture has been used up neither can the earth be nourished nor will the air continue to flow, being unable to rise upward after it has drunk up all the water; thus nothing will remain but fire, by which, as a living being and a god, once again a new world may be created and the ordered universe be restored as before. 2.119. I would not have you think that I with too long upon astronomy, and particularly upon the system of the stars called planets; these with the most diverse movements work in such mutual harmony that the uppermost, that of Saturn, has a cooling influence, the middle planet, that of Mars, imparts heat, the one between them, that of Jove, gives light and a moderate warmth, while two beneath Mars obey the sun, and the sun itself fills all the world with light, and also illuminates the moon, which is the source of conception and birth and of growth and maturity. If any man is not impressed by this co‑ordination of things and this harmonious combination of nature to secure the preservation of the world, I know for certain that he has never given any consideration to these matters. 2.140. To this skill of nature, and this care of providence, so diligent and so ingenious, many reflections may be added, which show what valuable things the Deity has bestowed on man. He has made us of a stature tall and upright, in order that we might behold the heavens, and so arrive at the knowledge of the Gods; for men are not simply to dwell here as inhabitants of the earth, but to be, as it were, spectators of the heavens and the stars, which is a privilege not granted to any other kind of animated beings. The senses, which are the interpreters and messengers of things, are placed in the head, as in a tower, and wonderfully situated for their proper uses; for the eyes, being in the highest part, have the office of sentinels, in discovering to us objects; and the ears are conveniently placed in a high part of the person, being appointed to receive sound, which naturally ascends. The nostrils have the like situation, because all scent likewise ascends; and they have, with great reason, a near vicinity to the mouth, because they assist us in judging of meat and drink. The taste, which is to distinguish the quality of what we take; is in that part of the mouth where nature has laid open a passage for what we eat and drink. But the touch is equally diffused through the whole body, that we may not receive any blows, or the too rigid attacks of cold and heat, without feeling them. And as in building the architect averts from the eyes and nose of the master those things which must necessarily be offensive, so has nature removed far from our senses what is of the same kind in the human body. 2.140. "Many further illustrations could be given of this wise and careful providence of nature, to illustrate the lavishness and splendour of the gifts bestowed by the gods on men. First, she has raised them from the ground to stand tall and upright, so that they might be able to behold the sky and so gain a knowledge of the gods. For men are sprung from the earth not as its inhabitants and denizens, but to be as it were the spectators of things supernal and heavenly, in the contemplation whereof no other species of animal participates. Next, the senses, posted in the citadel of the head as the reporters and messengers of the outer world, both in structure and position are marvellously adapted to their necessary services. The eyes as the watchmen have the highest station, to give them the widest outlook for the performance of their function. 2.145. The nostrils, in like manner, are ever open, because we have a continual use for them; and their entrances also are rather narrow, lest anything noxious should enter them; and they have always a humidity necessary for the repelling dust and many other extraneous bodies. The taste, having the mouth for an enclosure, is admirably situated, both in regard to the use we make of it and to its security. Besides, every human sense is much more exquisite than those of brutes; for our eyes, in those arts which come under their judgment, distinguish with great nicety; as in painting, sculpture, engraving, and in the gesture and motion of bodies. They understand the beauty, proportion, and, as I may so term it, the becomingness of colors and figures; they distinguish things of greater importance, even virtues and vices; they know whether a man is angry or calm, cheerful or sad, courageous or cowardly, bold or timorous. The judgment of the ears is not less admirably and scientifically contrived with regard to vocal and instrumental music. They distinguish the variety of sounds, the measure, the stops, the different sorts of voices, the treble and the base, the soft and the harsh, the sharp and the flat, of which human ears only are capable to judge. There is likewise great judgment in the smell, the taste, and the touch; to indulge and gratify which senses more arts have been invented than I could wish: it is apparent to what excess we have arrived in the composition of our perfumes, the preparation of our food, and the enjoyment of corporeal pleasures. 2.145. Similarly the nostrils, which to serve the purposes required of them have to be always open, have narrower apertures, to prevent the entrance of anything that may harm them; and they are always moist, which is useful to guard them against dust and many other things. The sense of taste is admirably shielded, being enclosed in the mouth in a manner well suited for the performance of its function and for its protection against harm. "And all the senses of man far excel those of the lower animals. In the first place our eyes have a finer perception of many things in the arts which appeal to the sense of sight, painting, modelling and sculpture, and also in bodily movements and gestures; since the eyes judge beauty and arrangement and so to speak propriety of colour and shape; and also other more important matters, for they also recognize virtues and vices, the angry and the friendly, the joyful and the sad, the brave man and the coward, the bold and the craven. 2.146. The ears are likewise marvellously skilful organs of discrimination; they judge differences of tone, of pitch and of key in the music of the voice and of wind and stringed instruments, and many different qualities of voice, sonorous and dull, smooth and rough, bass and treble, flexible and hard, distinctions discriminated by the human ear alone. Likewise the nostrils, the taste and in some measure the touch have highly sensitive faculties of discrimination. And the arts invented to appeal to and indulge these senses are even more numerous than I could wish. The developments of perfumery and of the meretricious adornment of the person are obvious examples. 2.149. Now careful consideration will show that the mechanism of speech displays a skill on nature's part that surpasses belief. In the first place there is an artery passing from the lugns to the back of the mouth, which is the channel by which the voice, originating from the mind, is caught and uttered. Next, the tongue is placed in the mouth and confined by the teeth; it modulates and defines the inarticulate flow of the voice and renders its sounds district and clear by striking the teeth and other parts of the mouth. Accordingly my school is fond of comparing the tongue to the quill of a lyre, the teeth to the strings, and the nostrils to the horns which echo the notes of the strings when the instrument is played. 2.153. But what shall I say of human reason? Has it not even entered the heavens? Man alone of all animals has observed the courses of the stars, their risings and settings. By man the day, the month, the year, is determined. He foresees the eclipses of the sun and moon, and foretells them to futurity, marking their greatness, duration, and precise time. From the contemplation of these things the mind extracts the knowledge of the Gods — a knowledge which produces piety, with which is connected justice, and all the other virtues; from which arises a life of felicity, inferior to that of the Gods in no single particular, except in immortality, which is not absolutely necessary to happy living. In explaining these things, I think that I have sufficiently demonstrated the superiority of man to other animated beings; from whence we should infer that neither the form and position of his limbs nor that strength of mind and understanding could possibly be the effect of chance. 2.153. "Then moreover hasn't man's reason penetrated even to the sky? We alone of living creatures know the risings and settings and the courses of the stars, the human race has set limits to the day, the month and the year, and has learnt the eclipses of the sun and moon and foretold for all future time their occurrence, their extent and their dates. And contemplating the heavenly bodies the mind arrives at a knowledge of the gods, from which arises piety, with its comrades justice and the rest of the virtues, the sources of a life of happiness that vies with and resembles the divine existence and leaves us inferior to the celestial beings in nothing else save immortality, which is immaterial for happiness. I think that my exposition of these matters has been sufficient to prove how widely man's nature surpasses all other living creatures; and this should make it clear that neither such a conformation and arrangement of the members nor such power of mind and intellect can possibly have been created by chance. 2.155. Again the revolutions of the sun and moon no other heavenly bodies, although also contributing to the maintece of the structure of the world, nevertheless also afford a spectacle for man to behold; for there is no sight of which it is more impossible to grow weary, none more beautiful nor displaying a more surpassing wisdom and skill; for by measuring the courses of the stars we know when the seasons will come round, and when their variations and changes will occur; and if these things are known to men alone, they must be judged to have been created for the sake of men. 3.27. Socrates, in Xenophon, asks, "Whence had man his understanding, if there was none in the world?" And I ask, Whence had we speech, harmony, singing; unless we think it is the sun conversing with the moon when she approaches near it, or that the world forms an harmonious concert, as Pythagoras imagines? This, Balbus, is the effect of nature; not of that nature which proceeds artificially, as Zeno says, and the character of which I shall presently examine into, but a nature which, by its own proper motions and mutations, modifies everything. For I readily agree to what you said about the harmony and general agreement of nature, which you pronounced to be firmly bound and united together, as it were, by ties of blood; but I do not approve of what you added, that "it could not possibly be so, unless it were so united by one divine spirit." On the contrary, the whole subsists by the power of nature, independently of the Gods, and there is a kind of sympathy (as the Greeks call it) which joins together all the parts of the universe; and the greater that is in its own power, the less is it necessary to have recourse to a divine intelligence. 3.27. "But then you tell me that Socrates in Xenophon asks the question, if the world contains no rational soul, where did we pick up ours? And I too ask the question, where did we get the faculty of speech, the knowledge of numbers, the art of music? unless indeed we suppose that the sun holds conversation with the moon when their courses approximate, or that the world makes a harmonious music, as Pythagoras believes. These faculties, Balbus, the gifts of nature — not nature 'walking in craftsmanlike manner' as Zeno says (and what this means we will consider in a moment), but nature by its own motions and mutations imparting motion and activity to all things. |
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| 58. Philodemus of Gadara, De Musica \ , 60, 77, 9, 142 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 207 |
| 59. Cicero, Hortensius, "35 m" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato,, timaeus-critias Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 72 |
| 60. Cicero, Partitiones Oratoriae, 40, 34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 66 |
61. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 4.6-4.7, 5.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus •plato, timaeus, apuleius and Found in books: Gee, Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition (2013) 13; Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 142| 4.6. itaque illius verae elegantisque philosophiae, quae ducta a Socrate in Peripateticis adhuc permansit et idem alio modo dicentibus Stoicis, cum Academici eorum controversias disceptarent, disceptare R 1 nulla fere sunt aut aut s ac X pauca admodum Latina monumenta sive propter magnitudinem rerum occupationemque hominum, hominum s omnium X sive etiam quod imperitis ea probari posse non arbitrabantur, arbitr antur G 1 cum interim illis silentibus C. Amafinius amifinius X ( corr. R 1? ) extitit dicens, cuius libris editis commota multitudo contulit se ad eam eam ex eandem K 2 eadem R 1 ( add. 2 ) potissimum disciplinam, sive quod erat cognitu perfacilis, sive quod invitabantur invitabantur s invitabatur X cf. fin. 1, 25 inlecebris blandis voluptatis, sive etiam, quia nihil erat prolatum melius, illud quod erat erat R 1 tenebant. tenebant V 1 4.7. post Amafinium ammafinius K 1 ( alt. m eras. ) autem multi eiusdem aemuli rationis multa cum scripsissent, Italiam totam occupaverunt, quodque maxumum argumentum est non dici illa subtiliter, sumtiliter GV 1 quod et tam et tam Dav. etiam X facile ediscantur et ab indoctis probentur, id illi firmamentum esse disciplinae putant. Sed defendat, quod quod s V rec quo X quisque sentit; sunt enim iudicia libera: nos institutum tenebimus nullisque nulliusque Bentl. sed cf. 441, 25 unius disciplinae legibus adstricti, quibus in philosophia necessario pareamus, quid sit in quaque re maxime probabile, semper requiremus. requiremus cf. nat. deor. 2, 96 quod cum saepe alias, tum nuper in Tusculano studiose egimus. itaque expositis tridui disputationibus discipulationibus G 1 quartus dies hoc libro concluditur. ut enim in inferiorem ambulationem descendimus, quod feceramus idem superioribus diebus, acta res est sic: Dicat, si quis volt, qua de re disputari velit. 5.10. Nec vero Pythagoras nominis solum inventor, sed rerum etiam ipsarum amplificator amplicator G fuit. qui cum post cum post ( eras. q) K hunc Phliasium sermonem in Italiam venisset, exornavit eam Graeciam, quae magna dicta est, et privatim et publice praestantissumis et institutis et artibus. cuius de disciplina aliud tempus fuerit fortasse dicendi. sed ab antiqua philosophia usque ad Socratem, qui Archelaum, Anaxagorae discipulum, audierat, numeri motusque tractabantur, et unde omnia orerentur orarentur K quove reciderent, recederent X corr. V 1 aut c s studioseque ab is siderum magnitudines intervalla cursus currus G 1 antiquirebantur G ( alt. i e corr. 2 ) anquirebantur et cuncta caelestia. Socrates autem primus philosophiam devocavit e caelo et in urbibus conlocavit et in domus domos s ac fort. V 1 (u e corr. c ) domibus Gr. etiam introduxit et coëgit de vita et moribus rebusque bonis et malis quaerere. | |
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| 62. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 8.275-8.276 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato/platonic/platonism, timaeus Found in books: Frey and Levison, The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives (2014) 52 |
| 63. Cicero, Republic, a b c d\n0 "6.28=6.24" "6.28=6.24" "6 28=6\n1 "5.1" "5.1" "5 1"\n2 2.52 2.52 2 52\n3 "3.34" "3.34" "3 34"\n4 2.51 2.51 2 51\n5 "3.33" "3.33" "3 33" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 72 |
| 64. Anon., Testament of Solomon, 8.2, 8.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 133 |
65. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 3.288-3.315, 5.330-5.331 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •proclus, neoplatonist, as plato timaeus agrees (paideusis) •plato,, timaeus-critias Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 265; Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 63| 3.288. est etiam calor ille animo, quem sumit, in ira 3.289. cum fervescit et ex oculis micat acrius ardor; 3.290. est et frigida multa, comes formidinis, aura, 3.291. quae ciet horrorem membris et concitat artus; 3.292. est etiam quoque pacati status aeris aëris ille, 3.293. pectore tranquillo fit qui voltuque sereno. 3.294. sed calidi plus est illis quibus acria corda 3.295. iracundaque mens facile effervescit in ira, 3.296. quo genere in primis vis est violenta leonum, 3.297. pectora qui fremitu rumpunt plerumque gementes 3.298. nec capere irarum fluctus in pectore possunt. 3.299. at ventosa magis cervorum frigida mens est 3.300. et gelidas citius per viscera concitat auras, 3.301. quae tremulum faciunt membris existere motum. 3.302. at natura boum placido magis aere aëre vivit 3.303. nec nimis irai fax umquam subdita percit 3.304. fumida, suffundens caecae caliginis umbra, 3.305. nec gelidis torpet telis perfixa pavoris; 3.306. interutrasque sitast cervos saevosque leones. 3.307. sic hominum genus est: quamvis doctrina politos 3.308. constituat pariter quosdam, tamen illa relinquit 3.309. naturae cuiusque animi vestigia prima. 3.310. nec radicitus evelli mala posse putandumst, 3.311. quin proclivius hic iras decurrat ad acris, 3.312. ille metu citius paulo temptetur, at ille 3.313. tertius accipiat quaedam clementius aequo. 3.314. inque aliis rebus multis differre necessest 3.315. naturas hominum varias moresque sequacis; 5.330. verum, ut opinor, habet novitatem summa recensque 5.331. naturast mundi neque pridem exordia cepit. | 3.288. There is indeed in mind that heat it gets When seething in rage, and flashes from the eyes More swiftly fire; there is, again, that wind, Much, and so cold, companion of all dread, Which rouses the shudder in the shaken frame; There is no less that state of air composed, Making the tranquil breast, the serene face. But more of hot have they whose restive hearts, Whose minds of passion quickly seethe in rage- of which kind chief are fierce abounding lions, Who often with roaring burst the breast o'erwrought, Unable to hold the surging wrath within; But the cold mind of stags has more of wind, And speedier through their inwards rouses up The icy currents which make their members quake. But more the oxen live by tranquil air, Nor e'er doth smoky torch of wrath applied, O'erspreading with shadows of a darkling murk, Rouse them too far; nor will they stiffen stark, Pierced through by icy javelins of fear; But have their place half-way between the two- Stags and fierce lions. Thus the race of men: Though training make them equally refined, It leaves those pristine vestiges behind of each mind's nature. Nor may we suppose Evil can e'er be rooted up so far That one man's not more given to fits of wrath, Another's not more quickly touched by fear, A third not more long-suffering than he should. And needs must differ in many things besides The varied natures and resulting habits of humankind- of which not now can I Expound the hidden causes, nor find names Enough for all the divers shapes of those Primordials whence this variation springs. But this meseems I'm able to declare: Those vestiges of natures left behind Which reason cannot quite expel from us Are still so slight that naught prevents a man From living a life even worthy of the gods. So then this soul is kept by all the body, Itself the body's guard, and source of weal: For they with common roots cleave each to each, Nor can be torn asunder without death. Not easy 'tis from lumps of frankincense To tear their fragrance forth, without its nature Perishing likewise: so, not easy 'tis From all the body nature of mind and soul To draw away, without the whole dissolved. With seeds so intertwined even from birth, They're dowered conjointly with a partner-life; No energy of body or mind, apart, Each of itself without the other's power, Can have sensation; but our sense, enkindled Along the vitals, to flame is blown by both With mutual motions. Besides the body alone Is nor begot nor grows, nor after death Seen to endure. For not as water at times Gives off the alien heat, nor is thereby Itself destroyed, but unimpaired remains- Not thus, I say, can the deserted frame Bear the dissevering of its joined soul, But, rent and ruined, moulders all away. Thus the joint contact of the body and soul Learns from their earliest age the vital motions, Even when still buried in the mother's womb; So no dissevering can hap to them, Without their bane and ill. And thence mayst see That, as conjoined is their source of weal, Conjoined also must their nature be. |
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| 66. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 36 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 102 |
| 67. Hyginus, Astronomica, 2.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 381 |
| 68. Sallust, Iugurtha, 19.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, apuleius and Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 143 |
| 69. Catullus, Poems, 347 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 381 |
70. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.200-1.203 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato,, timaeus-critias Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 202| 1.200. talia deposcunt. Sic, cum manus inpia saevit 1.201. sanguine Caesareo Romanum exstinguere nomen, 1.202. attonitum tanto subitae terrore ruinae 1.203. humanum genus est totusque perhorruit orbis: | 1.200. was threatened by the Giants; and they piled 1.201. mountain on mountain to the lofty stars. 1.202. But Jove, omnipotent, shot thunderbolt 1.203. through Mount Olympus , and he overturned |
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| 71. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 1.32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato/platonic/platonism, timaeus Found in books: Frey and Levison, The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives (2014) 281 |
| 72. Philo of Alexandria, On The Eternity of The World, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 20-Apr, 40, 41, 42, 43, 39 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 271 |
73. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.724-6.726, 6.730-6.731, 8.347-8.350, 8.355-8.356 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus •plato,, timaeus-critias Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 262, 263; Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 178| 6.724. Principio caelum ac terras camposque liquentis 6.725. lucentemque globum Lunae Titaniaque astra 6.726. spiritus intus alit, totamque infusa per artus 6.730. Igneus est ollis vigor et caelestis origo 6.731. seminibus, quantum non noxia corpora tardant, 8.347. Hinc ad Tarpeiam sedem et Capitolia ducit, 8.348. aurea nunc, olim silvestribus horrida dumis. 8.349. Iam tum religio pavidos terrebat agrestis 8.350. dira loci, iam tum silvam saxumque tremebant. 8.355. Haec duo praeterea disiectis oppida muris, 8.356. reliquias veterumque vides monimenta virorum. | 6.724. Harries them thus? What wailing smites the air?” 6.725. To whom the Sibyl, “Far-famed prince of Troy, 6.726. The feet of innocence may never pass 6.730. And showed me all. There Cretan Rhadamanth 6.731. His kingdom keeps, and from unpitying throne 8.347. and strangled him, till o'er the bloodless throat 8.348. the starting eyeballs stared. Then Hercules 8.349. burst wide the doorway of the sooty den, 8.350. and unto Heaven and all the people showed 8.355. of bristling shag, the face both beast and man, 8.356. and that fire-blasted throat whence breathed no more |
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74. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 24.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 134, 240, 241 | 46. "Let them run over in their minds the first creation of the universe, when, before the sun or the moon existed, the earth brought forth all kinds of plants and all kinds of fruits: and seeing this in their minds let them hope that it will again also bring forth such, according to the appointment of the Father, when it shall seem good to him, without his having need of the aid of any of the sons of men beneath the heavens, to whom he has given powers, though not absolute ones." For as a charioteer holding the reigns or a helmsman with his hand upon the rudder, he guides everything as he pleases, in accordance with law and justice, needing no one else as his assistant; for all things are possible to God. XV. |
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| 75. Philo of Alexandria, De Providentia, 2.42 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 135 |
76. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 4.100-4.115 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 221 | 4.100. Moreover, Moses has not granted an unlimited possession and use of all other animals to those who partake in his sacred constitution, but he has forbidden with all his might all animals, whether of the land, or of the water, or that fly through the air, which are most fleshy and fat, and calculated to excite treacherous pleasure, well knowing that such, attracting as with a bait that most slavish of all the outward senses, namely, taste, produce insatiability, an incurable evil to both souls and bodies, for insatiability produces indigestion, which is the origin and source of all diseases and weaknesses. 4.101. Now of land animals, the swine is confessed to be the nicest of all meats by those who eat it, and of all aquatic animals the most delicate are the fish which have no scales; and Moses is above all other men skilful in training and inuring persons of a good natural disposition to the practice of virtue by frugality and abstinence, endeavouring to remove costly luxury from their characters, 4.102. at the same time not approving of unnecessary rigour, like the lawgiver of Lacedaemon, nor undue effeminacy, like the man who taught the Ionians and the Sybarites lessons of luxury and license, but keeping a middle path between the two courses, so that he has relaxed what was over strict, and tightened what was too loose, mingling the excesses which are found at each extremity with moderation, which lies between the two, so as to produce an irreproachable harmony and consistency of life, on which account he has laid down not carelessly, but with minute particularity, what we are to use and what to avoid. 4.103. One might very likely suppose it to be just that those beasts which feed upon human flesh should receive at the hands of men similar treatment to that which they inflict on men, but Moses has ordained that we should abstain from the enjoyment of all such things, and with a due consideration of what is becoming to the gentle soul, he proposes a most gentle and most pleasant banquet; for though it is proper that those who inflict evils should suffer similar calamities themselves, yet it may not be becoming to those whom they ill treated to retaliate, lest without being aware of it they become brutalized by anger, which is a savage passion; 4.104. and he takes such care to guard against this, that being desirous to banish as far as possible all desire for those animals abovementioned, he forbids with all his energy the eating of any carnivorous animal at all, selecting the herbivorous animals out of those kinds which are domesticated, since they are tame by nature, feeding on that gentle food which is supplied by the earth, and having no disposition to plot evil against anything.WHAT QUADRUPEDS ARE CLEANXVIII. 4.105. The animals which are clean and lawful to be used as food are ten in number; the heifer, the lamb, the goat, the stag, the antelope, the buffalo, the roebuck, the pygarga, the wildox, and the chamois, {19}{#de 14:4.} for he always adheres to that arithmetical subtilty which, as he originally devised it with the minutest accuracy possible, he extends to all existing things, so that he establishes no ordices, whether important or unimportant, without taking and as it were adapting this number to it as closely connected with the regulations which he is ordaining. Now of all the numbers beginning from the unit, the most perfect is the number ten, and as Moses says, it is the most sacred of all and a holy number, and by it he now limits the races of animals that are clean, wishing to assign the use of them to all those who partake of the constitution which he is establishing. 4.106. And he gives two tests and criteria of the ten animals thus Enumerated{20}{#le 11:3.} by two signs, first, that they must part the hoof, secondly, that they must chew the cud; for those which do neither, or only one of these things, are unclean. And these signs are both of them symbols of instruction and of the most scientific learning, by which the better is separated from the worse, so that all confusion between them is prevented; 4.107. for as the animal which chews the cud, while it is masticating its food draws it down its throat, and then by slow degrees kneads and softens it, and then after this process again sends it down into the belly, in the same manner the man who is being instructed, having received the doctrines and speculations of wisdom in at his ears from his instructor, derives a considerable amount of learning from him, but still is not able to hold it firmly and to embrace it all at once, until he has resolved over in his mind everything which he has heard by the continued exercise of his memory (and this exercise of memory is the cement which connects idea 4.108. But as it seems the firm conception of such ideas is of no advantage to him unless he is able to discriminate between and to distinguish which of contrary things it is right to choose and which to avoid, of which the parting of the hoof is the symbol; since the course of life is twofold, the one road leading to wickedness and the other to virtue, and since we ought to renounce the one and never to forsake the other.WHAT BEASTS ARE NOT CLEANXIX. 4.109. For this reason all animals with solid hoofs, and all with many toes are spoken of by implication as unclean; the one because, being so, they imply that the nature of good and evil is one and the same; which is just as if one were to say that the nature of a concave and a convex surface, or of a road up hill and down hill, was the same. And the other, because it shows that there are many roads, though, indeed, they have no right to be called roads at all, which lead the life of man to deceit; for it is not easy among a variety of paths to choose that which is the most desirable and the most excellent.WHAT AQUATIC ANIMALS ARE CLEANXX. 4.110. Having laid down these definitions with respect to land animals, he proceeds to describe what aquatic creatures are clean and lawful to be used for food; distinguishing them also by two characteristics as having fins or Scales.{21}{#le 11:9.} For those which have neither one nor the other, and those which have only one of the two, he rejects and Prohibits.{22}{#de 14:10.} And he must state the cause, which is not destitute of sense and propriety; 4.111. for all those creatures which are destitute of both, or even of one of the two, are sucked down by the current, not being able to resist the force of the stream; but those which have both these characteristics can stem the water, and oppose it in front, and strive against it as against an adversary, and struggle with invincible good will and courage, so that if they are pushed they push in their turn; and if they are pursued they turn upon their foe and pursue it in their turn, making themselves broad roads in a pathless district, so as to have an easy passage to and fro. 4.112. Now both these things are symbols; the former of a soul devoted to pleasure, and the latter of one which loves perseverance and temperance. For the road which leads to pleasure is a down-hill one and very easy, being rather an absorbing gulf than a path. But the path which leads to temperance is up hill and laborious, but above all other roads advantageous. And the one leads men downwards, and prevents those who travel by it from retracing their steps until they have arrived at the very lowest bottom, but the other leads to heaven; making those who do not weary before they reach it immortal, if they are only able to endure its rugged and difficult ascent.ABOUT Reptile 4.113. And adhering to the same general idea the lawgiver asserts that those reptiles which have no feet, and which crawl onwards, dragging themselves along the ground on their bellies, or those which have four legs, or many feet, are all unclean as far as regards their being eaten. And here, again, when he mentions reptiles he intimates under a figurative form of expression those who are devoted to their bellies, gorging themselves like cormorants, and who are continually offering up tribute to their miserable belly, tribute, that is, of strong wine, and confections, and fish, and, in short, all the superfluous delicacies which the skill and labour of bakers and confectioners are able to devise, inventing all sorts of rare viands, to stimulate and set on fire the insatiable and unappeasable appetites of man. And when he speaks of animals with four legs and many feet, he intends to designate the miserable slaves not of one single passion, appetite, but of all the passions; the genera of which were four in number; but in their subordinate species they are innumerable. Therefore, the despotism of one is very grievous, but that of many is most terrible, and as it seems intolerable. 4.114. Again, in the case of those reptiles who have legs above their feet, so that they are able to take leaps from the ground, those Moses speaks of as clean; as, for instance, the different kinds of locusts, and that animal called the serpentfighter, here again intimating by figurative expressions the manners and habits of the rational soul. For the weight of the body being naturally heavy, drags down with it those who are but of small wisdom, strangling it and pressing it down by the weight of the flesh. 4.115. But blessed are they to whose lot it has fallen, inasmuch as they have been well and solidly instructed in the rules of sound education, to resist successfully the power of mere strength, so as to be able, by reason of what they have learnt, to spring up from the earth and all low things, to the air and the periodical revolutions of the heaven, the very sight of which is to be admired and earnestly striven for by those who come to it of their own accord with no indolence or indifference.CONCERNING FLYING Creature |
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77. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 117 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 221 | 117. Also the law proceeds to say, If you see the beast of one who is thy Enemy wandering about, leave the excitements to quarrelling to more perverse dispositions, and lead the animal back and restore him to his owner; for so you will not be benefiting him more than yourself; since he will by this means save only an irrational beast which is perhaps of no value, but you will get the greatest and most valuable of all things in nature, namely, excellence. |
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78. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 243, 34-35, 238 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 126 | 238. For it is from the things which we see, or hear, or smell, or taste, or touch, that pleasures, and pains, and fears, and desires arise; as there is no one of the passions which has any power to exist of itself, if it were not supplied by the materials furnished by the outward senses. |
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| 79. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 2.50 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 126 |
80. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 131 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 221 | 131. and this is a matter within the knowledge of almost every one from his daily experience. For, when we thoroughly understand what we are saying, then our speech rejoices and exults, and is rich in most emphatic and appropriate expressions, with which, using great copiousness and fluency of unhesitating diction, it sets before the hearer what it desires to exhibit to him in a most evident and efficient manner. But when the comprehension of the conceptions is doubtful, then the speech stumbles and exhibits a great deficiency of suitable and felicitous expressions, and speaks very inappropriately; on which account it is tedious and wearisome and wanders about, and instead of persuading its hearers it pains their ears. XXXVI. |
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| 81. Plutarch, How The Young Man Should Study Poetry, 17a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 211 |
82. Plutarch, Theseus, 28.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 211| 28.1. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἄξια μνήμης περὶ τῶν Ἀμαζόνων. ἣν γὰρ ὁ τῆς Θησηΐδος ποιητὴς Ἀμαζόνων ἐπανάστασιν γέγραφε, Θησεῖ γαμοῦντι Φαίδραν τῆς Ἀντιόπης ἐπιτιθεμένης καὶ τῶν μετʼ αὐτῆς Ἀμαζόνων ἀμυνομένων καὶ κτείνοντος αὐτὰς Ἡρακλέους, περιφανῶς ἔοικε μύθῳ καὶ πλάσματι. | |
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| 83. Plutarch, On The Sign of Socrates, 588e, 589, 590b-c, 591, 591b, 591b-c, 591e, 592c, 594a, 588de (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 203 |
| 84. Plutarch, On Stoic Self-Contradictions, 1052c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 261 |
| 85. Plutarch, Table Talk, 641b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 211 |
| 86. Plutarch, On Superstition, 168c10-11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 19 |
| 87. Plutarch, On The Delays of Divine Vengeance, 557 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 211 |
| 88. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, 358, 358f, 374e, 374cd (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 184 |
| 89. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, 416, 416e, 435d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 211 |
| 90. Plutarch, Moralia, 1077b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 209 |
| 91. Plutarch, On The Birth of The Spirit In Timaeus, 1025b, 1025d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 203 |
| 92. Plutarch, On Common Conceptions Against The Stoics, 1067a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 272 |
93. New Testament, Hebrews, 11.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 76| 11.10. ἐξεδέχετο γὰρ τὴν τοὺς θεμελίους ἔχουσαν πόλιν, ἧς τεχνίτης καὶ δημιουργὸς ὁ θεός. | 11.10. For he looked for the city which has the foundations, whose builder and maker is God. |
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94. Plutarch, On The Eating of Flesh I, 993c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 211 | 993c. The skins shivered; and upon the spits the flesh bellowed, Both cooked and raw; the voice of kine was heard. Though this is an invention and a myth, yet that sort of dinner is really portentous â when a man craves the meat that is still bellowing, giving instructions which tell us on what animals we are to feed while they are still alive uttering their cries, and organizing various methods of seasoning and roasting and serving. It is the man who first began these practices that one should seek out, not him who all too late desisted. Or would everyone declare that the reason for those who first instituted flesh-eating was the necessity of their poverty? It was not while they passed their time in lawful desire |
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| 95. Plutarch, On The Face Which Appears In The Orb of The Moon, 944c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 21 |
| 96. Plutarch, On Fate, 569a, 569b-c, 570b-d, 568e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 30 |
| 97. Nicomachus of Gerasa, Introduction To Arithmetic, 1.7.1-1.7.2, 2.18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 139 |
98. Plutarch, Camillus, 22.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 211| 22.3. οὐκ ἂν οὖν θαυμάσαιμι μυθώδη καὶ πλασματίαν ὄντα τὸν Ἡρακλείδην ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ τῷ περὶ τῆς ἁλώσεως ἐπικομπάσαι τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους καὶ τὴν μεγάλην θάλατταν. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ ὁ φιλόσοφος τὸ μὲν ἁλῶναι τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ Κελτῶν ἀκριβῶς δῆλός ἐστιν ἀκηκοώς, τὸν δὲ σώσαντα Λεύκιον εἶναί φησιν ἦν δὲ Μᾶρκος, οὐ Λεύκιος, ὁ Κάμιλλος. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰκασμῷ λέλεκται. | 22.3. Now I cannot wonder that so fabulous and fictitious a writer as Heracleides should deck out the true story of the capture of Rome with his Hyperboreans and his Great Sea. But Aristotle the philosopher clearly had accurate tidings of the capture of the city by the Gauls, and yet he says that its saviour was Lucius, although the forename of Camillus was not Lucius, but Marcus. However, these details were matters of conjecture. |
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| 99. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 32.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 211 |
| 100. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 4.3.14, 9.1.35-9.1.36, 9.2.55, 10.1.33 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, and the timaeus Found in books: Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (1995) 55 |
| 101. Seneca The Younger, De Vita Beata (Dialogorum Liber Vii), 8.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 131 |
| 102. Appian, The Punic Wars, a b c d\n0 "27.132" "27.132" "27 132" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato,, timaeus-critias Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 71 |
103. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 9.16-9.17, 65.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 42; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 131 | 9.16. People may say: "But what sort of existence will the wise man have, if he be left friendless when thrown into prison, or when stranded in some foreign nation, or when delayed on a long voyage, or when cast upon a lonely shore?" His life will be like that of Jupiter, who, amid the dissolution of the world, when the gods are confounded together and Nature rests for a space from her work, can retire into himself and give himself over to his own thoughts.[10] In some such way as this the sage will act; he will retreat into himself, and live with himself. 9.17. As long as he is allowed to order his affairs according to his judgment, he is self-sufficient – and marries a wife; he is self-sufficient – and brings up children; he is self-sufficient – and yet could not live if he had to live without the society of man. Natural promptings, and not his own selfish needs, draw him into friendships. For just as other things have for us an inherent attractiveness, so has friendship. As we hate solitude and crave society, as nature draws men to each other, so in this matter also there is an attraction which makes us desirous of friendship. 65.2. So conversation was substituted for writing; and from this conversation I shall communicate to you the topic which is still the subject of debate; for we have appointed you referee. You have more of a task on your hands than you suppose, for the argument is threefold. Our Stoic philosophers, as you know, declare that there are two things in the universe which are the source of everything, – namely, cause and matter. Matter lies sluggish, a substance ready for any use, but sure to remain unemployed if no one sets it in motion. Cause, however, by which we mean reason, moulds matter and turns it in whatever direction it will, producing thereby various concrete results. Accordingly, there must be, in the case of each thing, that from which it is made, and, next, an agent by which it is made. The former is its material, the latter its cause. 65.2. So conversation was substituted for writing; and from this conversation I shall communicate to you the topic which is still the subject of debate; for we have appointed you referee.[2] You have more of a task on your hands than you suppose, for the argument is threefold. Our Stoic philosophers, as you know, declare that there are two things in the universe which are the source of everything, – namely, cause and matter.[3] Matter lies sluggish, a substance ready for any use, but sure to remain unemployed if no one sets it in motion. Cause, however, by which we mean reason, moulds matter and turns it in whatever direction it will, producing thereby various concrete results. Accordingly, there must be, in the case of each thing, that from which it is made, and, next, an agent by which it is made. The former is its material, the latter its cause. |
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| 104. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 3.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 128 |
| 105. Diogenes of Oenoanda, Fragments, 37 smith (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 235 |
| 106. Theon Aelius, Exercises, 118.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 141 |
107. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 36.55 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 272 | 36.55. For indeed, when the mind alone had been left and had filled with itself immeasurable space, since it had poured itself evenly in all directions and nothing in it remained dense but complete porosity prevailed â at which time it becomes most beautiful â having obtained the purest nature of unadulterated light, it immediately longed for the existence that it had at first. Accordingly, becoming enamoured of that control and goverce and concord which it once maintained not only over the three natures of sun and moon and the other stars, but also over absolutely all animals and plants, it became eager to generate and distribute everything and to make the orderly universe then existent once more far better and more resplendent because newer. < |
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| 108. Epictetus, Discourses, 3.13.2-3.13.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 131 |
| 109. Atticus, Fragments, 8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Zachhuber, Time and Soul: From Aristotle to St. Augustine (2022) 38 |
| 110. Maximus of Tyre, Dialexeis, 2.5, 4.8, 6.5, 11.5, 11.8-11.9, 11.12, 13.8, 36.7, 41.4-41.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 127, 130, 131, 134 |
| 111. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 3.2, 4.13, 6.16.141.7b-142.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 64 |
| 112. Alexander of Aphrodisias, On The Soul, 24.11-24.13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 235 |
| 113. Tertullian, Apology, 7.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, and the timaeus Found in books: Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (1995) 55 |
114. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.22.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 381| 1.22.3. Ἀφροδίτην δὲ τὴν Πάνδημον, ἐπεί τε Ἀθηναίους Θησεὺς ἐς μίαν ἤγαγεν ἀπὸ τῶν δήμων πόλιν, αὐτήν τε σέβεσθαι καὶ Πειθὼ κατέστησε· τὰ μὲν δὴ παλαιὰ ἀγάλματα οὐκ ἦν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ, τὰ δὲ ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ τεχνιτῶν ἦν οὐ τῶν ἀφανεστάτων. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Γῆς Κουροτρόφου καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερὸν Χλόης· τὰ δὲ ἐς τὰς ἐπωνυμίας ἔστιν αὐτῶν διδαχθῆναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐλθόντα ἐς λόγους. | 1.22.3. When Theseus had united into one state the many Athenian parishes, he established the cults of Aphrodite Pandemos (Common) and of Persuasion. The old statues no longer existed in my time, but those I saw were the work of no inferior artists. There is also a sanctuary of Earth, Nurse of Youth, and of Demeter Chloe (Green). You can learn all about their names by conversing with the priests. |
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| 115. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 7.247-7.252 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 213 |
| 116. Apuleius, Apology, 48-49, 51, 50 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 114 |
117. Clement of Alexandria, Excerpts From Theodotus, 48 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 64 | 48. Now the Creator divided the refined element from the coarse, since he perceived the nature of each, and made light, that is, he revealed and brought it to light and form, for he made the light of sun and heaven much later. And of the material elements he made one out of grief, which gives substance to the 'spiritual things of evil with whom is our contest' (and therefore the Apostle says, 'And do not grieve the Holy Spirit of God, by whom ye were sealed'), and another he made from fear, the wild beasts, and another from terror and need, the elements of the world. And in the three elements fire drifts about and is disseminated and lurks, and is kindled by them and dies with them, for it has no appointed place of its own like the other elements from which the compound substances are fashioned. |
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| 118. Apuleius, On The God of Socrates, 13-14, 3, 6, 16 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 128, 155, 202 |
| 119. Apuleius, On Plato, 1.1, 1.5-1.12, 1.17, 2.1, 2.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •timaeus methodology passage, and commentary on plato, timaeus •plato, timaeus, apuleius and •plato, timaeus •plato, timaeus, apuleius interprets •plato, timaeus, didaskalias charin and •plato, timaeus, augustine and Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 210; Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 117, 121, 123, 125, 126, 127, 129, 134, 135, 136, 139, 140, 145, 146, 148, 151, 153, 156, 181, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 196, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 204, 205, 206, 231 |
| 120. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 11, 15-16 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 200 |
| 121. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 15-16, 11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 200 |
| 122. Vettius Valens, Anthologies, 1.1.1, 1.1.4, 2.13.1, 6.1.7, 9.16.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 21, 25, 34, 133 |
| 123. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 45.17, 45.27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 80, 81 |
| 124. Galen, On The Natural Faculties, 1.7, 113, 18 h. (i.17-18 k.) (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 125. Apuleius, De Mundo, 1, 21, 24, 30, 35, 22 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 138 |
| 126. Galen, On Temperaments, 2.3, 1.9, 36, 23 h. (i.567 k.), 35, 3 h. (i.564 k.), 34, 24 h. (i.564 k.), 14 h. (i.563 k.), 2.6, 79, 21-25 h. (i.635-636 k.), 1.9, 1-3 h. (i.564 k.), 33, 25-34, 1 h. (i.562 k.) (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Singer and van Eijk, Galen: Works on Human Nature: Volume 1, Mixtures (De Temperamentis) (2018) 89 |
| 127. Galen, That The Qualities of The Mind Depend On The Temperament of The Body, 42.11-43.19, 64.19-65.1, 64.19, 64.20, 64.21, 64.22, 64.23, 64.24, 64.25, 64.26, 64.27, 64.28, 64.29, 64.30, 64.31, 64.32, 64.33, 64.34, 64.35, 64.36, 64.37, 64.38, 64.39, 64.40, 64.41, 64.42, 64.43, 64.44, 64.45, 64.46, 64.47, 64.48, 64.49, 64.50, 64.51, 64.52, 64.53, 64.54, 64.55, 64.56, 64.57, 64.58, 64.59, 64.60, 64.61, 64.62, 64.63, 64.64, 64.65, 67.2, 67.3, 67.4, 67.5, 67.6, 67.7, 67.8, 67.9, 67.10, 67.11, 67.12, 67.13, 67.14, 67.15, 67.16, 70.11, 70.12, 70.13, 70.14, 71.19-72.18, 73.13-74.21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation (2000) 265 |
128. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 135 | 1.7. In these words of Cicero, from his fifth oration Against Verres, hanc sibi rem praesidio sperant futurum, there is no error in writing or grammar but those are wrong who do violence to good copies by writing futuram; and in connection mention is also made of another word of Cicero's which, though correct, is wrongly changed; with a few incidental remarks on the melody and cadence of periods for which Cicero earnestly strove. In the fifth oration of Cicero Against Verres, in a copy of unimpeachable fidelity, since it was the result of Tiro's careful scholarship, is this passage. "Men of low degree and humble birth sail the seas; they come to places which they had never before visited. They are neither known to those to whom they have come nor can they always find acquaintances to vouch for them, yet because of this mere faith in their citizenship they believe that they will be safe, not only before our magistrates, who are constrained by fear of the laws and public opinion, and not only among Roman citizens, who are united by the common bond of language, rights, and many interests, but wherever they may come, they hope that this possession will protect them." It seemed to many that there was an error in the last word. For they thought that futuram should be written instead of futurum, and they were sure that the book ought to be corrected, lest like the adulterer in the comedy of Plautus — for so they jested about the error which they thought they had found — this solecism in an oration of Cicero's should be "caught in the act." There chanced to be present there a friend of mine, who had become an expert from wide reading and to whom almost all the older literature had been the object of study, meditation and wakeful nights. He, on examining the book, declared that there was no mistake in writing or grammar in that word, but that Cicero had written correctly and in accordance with early usage. "For futurum is not," said he, "to be taken with rem, as hasty and careless readers think, nor is it used as a participle. It is an infinitive, the kind of word which the Greeks call ἀπαρέμφατος or 'indeterminate,' affected neither by number nor gender. but altogether free and independent, such a word as Gaius Gracchus used in the speech entitled On Publius Popilius, delivered in the places of assembly, in which we read: 'I suppose that my enemies will say this.' He said dicturum, not dicturos; and is it not clear that dicturum in Gracchus is use. according to the same principle as futurum in Cicero? Just as in the Greek language, without any suspicion of error, words such as ἐρεῖν, ποιήσειν, ἔσεσθαι, and the like, are used in all genders and all numbers without distinction." He added that in the third book of the Annals of Claudius Quadrigarius are these words: "While they were being cut to pieces, the forces of the enemy would be busy there (copias . . . futurum)"; and at the beginning of the eighteenth book of the same Quadrigarius: "If you enjoy health proportionate to your own merit and our good-will, we have reason to hope that the gods will bless the good (deos . . . facturum)". that similarly Valerius Antias also in his twenty-fourth book wrote: "If those religious rites should be performed, and the omens should be wholly favourable, the soothsayers declared that everything would proceed as they desired (omnia . . . processurum esse)." "Plautus also in the Casina, speaking of a girl, used occisurum, not occisuram in the following passage: Has Casina a sword? — Yes, two of them. — Why two? — With one she'd fain the bailiff slay, With t'other you. So too Laberius in The Twins wrote: I thought not she would do (facturum) it. Now, all those men were not unaware of the nature of a solecism, but Gracchus used dicturum, Quadrigarius futurum and facturum, Antias processurum, Plautus occisurum and Laberius facturum, in the infinitive mood. a mood which is not inflected for mood or number or person or tense or gender, but expresses them all by one and the same form. just as Marcus Cicero did not use futurum in the masculine or neuter gender — for that would clearly be a solecism — but employed a form which is independent of any influence of gender." Furthermore, that same friend of mine used to say that in the oration of that same Marcus Tullius On Pompey's Military Command Cicero wrote the following, and so my friend always read it: "Since you know that your harbours, and those harbours from which you draw the breath of life, were in the power of the pirates." And he declared that in potestatem fuisse was not a solecism, as the half-educated vulgar think, but he maintained that it was used in accordance with a definite and correct principle, one which the Greeks also followed; and Plautus, who is most choice in his Latinity, said in the Amphitruo: Numero mihi in mentem fuit, not in mente, as we commonly say. But besides Plautus, whom my friend used as an example in this instance, I myself have come upon a great abundance of such expressions in the early writers, and I have jotted them down here and there in these notes of mine. But quite apart from that rule and those authorities, the very sound and order of the words make it quite clear that it is more in accordance with the careful attention to diction and the rhythmical style of Marcus Tullius that, either being good Latin, he should prefer to say potestatem rather than potestate. For the former construction is more agreeable to the ear and better rounded, the latter harsher and less finished, provided always that a man has an ear attuned to such distinctions, not one that is dull and sluggish; it is for the same reason indeed that he preferred to say explicavit rather than explicuit, which was already coming to be the commoner form. These are his own words from the speech which he delivered On Pompey's Military Command: "Sicily is a witness, which, begirt on all sides by many dangers, he freed (explicavit), not by the threat of war, but by his promptness in decision." But if he had said explicuit, the sentence would halt with weak and imperfect rhythm. |
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129. Theophilus, To Autolycus, 2.10.32-2.10.34, 2.11-2.18 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 250 | 2.12. of this six days' work no man can give a worthy explanation and description of all its parts, not though he had ten thousand tongues and ten thousand mouths; nay, though he were to live ten thousand years, sojourning in this life, not even so could he utter anything worthy of these things, on account of the exceeding greatness and riches of the wisdom of God which there is in the six days' work above narrated. Many writers indeed have imitated [the narration], and essayed to give an explanation of these things; yet, though they thence derived some suggestions, both concerning the creation of the world and the nature of man, they have emitted no slightest spark of truth. And the utterances of the philosophers, and writers, and poets have an appearance of trustworthiness, on account of the beauty of their diction; but their discourse is proved to be foolish and idle, because the multitude of their nonsensical frivolities is very great; and not a stray morsel of truth is found in them. For even if any truth seems to have been uttered by them, it has a mixture of error. And as a deleterious drug, when mixed with honey or wine, or some other thing, makes the whole [mixture] hurtful and profitless; so also eloquence is in their case found to be labour in vain; yea, rather an injurious thing to those who credit it. Moreover, [they spoke] concerning the seventh day, which all men acknowledge; but the most know not that what among the Hebrews is called the Sabbath, is translated into Greek the Seventh (ἑβδομάς), a name which is adopted by every nation, although they know not the reason of the appellation. And as for what the poet Hesiod says of Erebus being produced from chaos, as well as the earth and love which lords it over his [Hesiod's] gods and men, his dictum is shown to be idle and frigid, and quite foreign to the truth. For it is not meet that God be conquered by pleasure; since even men of temperance abstain from all base pleasure and wicked lust. 2.13. Moreover, his [Hesiod's] human, and mean, and very weak conception, so far as regards God, is discovered in his beginning to relate the creation of all things from the earthly things here below. For man, being below, begins to build from the earth, and cannot in order make the roof, unless he has first laid the foundation. But the power of God is shown in this, that, first of all, He creates out of nothing, according to His will, the things that are made. For the things which are impossible with men are possible with God. Luke 18:27 Wherefore, also, the prophet mentioned that the creation of the heavens first of all took place, as a kind of roof, saying: At the first God created the heavens - that is, that by means of the first principle the heavens were made, as we have already shown. And by earth he means the ground and foundation, as by the deep he means the multitude of waters; and darkness he speaks of, on account of the heaven which God made covering the waters and the earth like a lid. And by the Spirit which is borne above the waters, he means that which God gave for animating the creation, as he gave life to man, mixing what is fine with what is fine. For the Spirit is fine, and the water is fine, that the Spirit may nourish the water, and the water penetrating everywhere along with the Spirit, may nourish creation. For the Spirit being one, and holding the place of light, was between the water and the heaven, in order that the darkness might not in any way communicate with the heaven, which was nearer God, before God said, Let there be light. The heaven, therefore, being like a dome-shaped covering, comprehended matter which was like a clod. And so another prophet, Isaiah by name, spoke in these words: It is God who made the heavens as a vault, and stretched them as a tent to dwell in. Isaiah 40:22 The command, then, of God, that is, His Word, shining as a lamp in an enclosed chamber, lit up all that was under heaven, when He had made light apart from the world. And the light God called Day, and the darkness Night. Since man would not have been able to call the light Day, or the darkness Night, nor, indeed, to have given names to the other things, had not he received the nomenclature from God, who made the things themselves. In the very beginning, therefore, of the history and genesis of the world, the holy Scripture spoke not concerning this firmament [which we see], but concerning another heaven, which is to us invisible, after which this heaven which we see has been called firmament, and to which half the water was taken up that it might serve for rains, and showers, and dews to mankind. And half the water was left on earth for rivers, and fountains, and seas. The water, then, covering all the earth, and specially its hollow places, God, through His Word, next caused the waters to be collected into one collection, and the dry land to become visible, which formerly had been invisible. The earth thus becoming visible, was yet without form. God therefore formed and adorned it with all kinds of herbs, and seeds and plants. 2.14. Consider, further, their variety, and diverse beauty, and multitude, and how through them resurrection is exhibited, for a pattern of the resurrection of all men which is to be. For who that considers it will not marvel that a fig-tree is produced from a fig-seed, or that very huge trees grow from the other very little seeds? And we say that the world resembles the sea. For as the sea, if it had not had the influx and supply of the rivers and fountains to nourish it, would long since have been parched by reason of its saltness; so also the world, if it had not had the law of God and the prophets flowing and welling up sweetness, and compassion, and righteousness, and the doctrine of the holy commandments of God, would long before now have come to ruin, by reason of the wickedness and sin which abound in it. And as in the sea there are islands, some of them habitable, and well-watered, and fruitful, with havens and harbours in which the storm-tossed may find refuge - so God has given to the world which is driven and tempest-tossed by sins, assemblies - we mean holy churches - in which survive the doctrines of the truth, as in the island-harbours of good anchorage; and into these run those who desire to be saved, being lovers of the truth, and wishing to escape the wrath and judgment of God. And as, again, there are other islands, rocky and without water, and barren, and infested by wild beasts, and uninhabitable, and serving only to injure navigators and the storm-tossed, on which ships are wrecked, and those driven among them perish - so there are doctrines of error- I mean heresies - which destroy those who approach them. For they are not guided by the word of truth; but as pirates, when they have filled their vessels, drive them on the fore-mentioned places, that they may spoil them: so also it happens in the case of those who err from the truth, that they are all totally ruined by their error. 2.15. On the fourth day the luminaries were made; because God, who possesses foreknowledge, knew the follies of the vain philosophers, that they were going to say, that the things which grow on the earth are produced from the heavenly bodies, so as to exclude God. In order, therefore, that the truth might be obvious, the plants and seeds were produced prior to the heavenly bodies, for what is posterior cannot produce that which is prior. And these contain the pattern and type of a great mystery. For the sun is a type of God, and the moon of man. And as the sun far surpasses the moon in power and glory, so far does God surpass man. And as the sun remains ever full, never becoming less, so does God always abide perfect, being full of all power, and understanding, and wisdom, and immortality, and all good. But the moon wanes monthly, and in a manner dies, being a type of man; then it is born again, and is crescent, for a pattern of the future resurrection. In like manner also the three days which were before the luminaries, are types of the Trinity, of God, and His Word, and His wisdom. And the fourth is the type of man, who needs light, that so there may be God, the Word, wisdom, man. Wherefore also on the fourth day the lights were made. The disposition of the stars, too, contains a type of the arrangement and order of the righteous and pious, and of those who keep the law and commandments of God. For the brilliant and bright stars are an imitation of the prophets, and therefore they remain fixed, not declining, nor passing from place to place. And those which hold the second place in brightness, are types of the people of the righteous. And those, again, which change their position, and flee from place to place, which also are called planets, they too are a type of the men who have wandered from God, abandoning His law and commandments. 2.16. On the fifth day the living creatures which proceed from the waters were produced, through which also is revealed the manifold wisdom of God in these things; for who could count their multitude and very various kinds? Moreover, the things proceeding from the waters were blessed by God, that this also might be a sign of men's being destined to receive repentance and remission of sins, through the water and laver of regeneration - as many as come to the truth, and are born again, and receive blessing from God. But the monsters of the deep and the birds of prey are a similitude of covetous men and transgressors. For as the fish and the fowls are of one nature, - some indeed abide in their natural state, and do no harm to those weaker than themselves, but keep the law of God, and eat of the seeds of the earth; others of them, again, transgress the law of God, and eat flesh, and injure those weaker than themselves: thus, too, the righteous, keeping the law of God, bite and injure none, but live holily and righteously. But robbers, and murderers, and godless persons are like monsters of the deep, and wild beasts, and birds of prey; for they virtually devour those weaker than themselves. The race, then, of fishes and of creeping things, though partaking of God's blessing, received no very distinguishing property. 2.17. And on the sixth day, God having made the quadrupeds, and wild beasts, and the land reptiles, pronounced no blessing upon them, reserving His blessing for man, whom He was about to create on the sixth day. The quadrupeds, too, and wild beasts, were made for a type of some men, who neither know nor worship God, but mind earthly things, and repent not. For those who turn from their iniquities and live righteously, in spirit fly upwards like birds, and mind the things that are above, and are well-pleasing to the will of God. But those who do not know nor worship God, are like birds which have wings, but cannot fly nor soar to the high things of God. Thus, too, though such persons are called men, yet being pressed down with sins, they mind grovelling and earthly things. And the animals are named wild beasts [θηρία], from their being hunted [θηρεύεσθαι], not as if they had been made evil or venomous from the first - for nothing was made evil by God, but all things good, yea, very good - but the sin in which man was concerned brought evil upon them. For when man transgressed, they also transgressed with him. For as, if the master of the house himself acts rightly, the domestics also of necessity conduct themselves well; but if the master sins, the servants also sin with him; so in like manner it came to pass, that in the case of man's sin, he being master, all that was subject to him sinned with him. When, therefore, man again shall have made his way back to his natural condition, and no longer does evil, those also shall be restored to their original gentleness. 2.18. But as to what relates to the creation of man, his own creation cannot be explained by man, though it is a succinct account of it which holy Scripture gives. For when God said, Let Us make man in Our image, after Our likeness, He first intimates the dignity of man. For God having made all things by His Word, and having reckoned them all mere bye-works, reckons the creation of man to be the only work worthy of His own hands. Moreover, God is found, as if needing help, to say, Let Us make man in Our image, after Our likeness. But to no one else than to His own Word and wisdom did He say, Let Us make. And when He had made and blessed him, that he might increase and replenish the earth, He put all things under his dominion, and at his service; and He appointed from the first that he should find nutriment from the fruits of the earth, and from seeds, and herbs, and acorns, having at the same time appointed that the animals be of habits similar to man's, that they also might eat of the seeds of the earth. |
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| 130. Alcinous, Handbook of Platonism, 10.3.18, 10.5.1, 10.5.4, 10.6.2, 14.3, 14.169.18-14.169.22, 25.4, 164.27-164.31 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 120 |
| 131. Galen, On The Use of Parts, 10.12, 10.14, 1i.14, ii.158-159 h. (iii.906 k.) (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 34 |
132. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.5.4, 1.7.1, 1.25.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 64 | 1.5.4. As, then, they represent all material substance to be formed from three passions, viz., fear, grief, and perplexity, the account they give is as follows: Animal substances originated from fear and from conversion; the Demiurge they also describe as owing his origin to conversion; but the existence of all the other animal substances they ascribe to fear, such as the souls of irrational animals, and of wild beasts, and men. And on this account, he (the Demiurge), being incapable of recognising any spiritual essences, imagined himself to be God alone, and declared through the prophets, "I am God, and besides me there is none else." They further teach that the spirits of wickedness derived their origin from grief. Hence the devil, whom they also call Cosmocrator (the ruler of the world), and the demons, and the angels, and every wicked spiritual being that exists, found the source of their existence. They represent the Demiurge as being the son of that mother of theirs (Achamoth), and Cosmocrator as the creature of the Demiurge. Cosmocrator has knowledge of what is above himself, because he is a spirit of wickedness; but the Demiurge is ignorant of such things, inasmuch as he is merely animal. Their mother dwells in that place which is above the heavens, that is, in the intermediate abode; the Demiurge in the heavenly place, that is, in the hebdomad; but the Cosmocrator in this our world. The corporeal elements of the world, again, sprang, as we before remarked, from bewilderment and perplexity, as from a more ignoble source. Thus the earth arose from her state of stupor; water from the agitation caused by her fear; air from the consolidation of her grief; while fire, producing death and corruption, was inherent in all these elements, even as they teach that ignorance also lay concealed in these three passions. 1.7.1. When all the seed shall have come to perfection, they state that then their mother Achamoth shall pass from the intermediate place, and enter in within the Pleroma, and shall receive as her spouse the Saviour, who sprang from all the AEons, that thus a conjunction may be formed between the Saviour and Sophia, that is, Achamoth. These, then, are the bridegroom and bride, while the nuptial chamber is the full extent of the Pleroma. The spiritual seed, again, being divested of their animal souls, and becoming intelligent spirits, shall in an irresistible and invisible manner enter in within the Pleroma, and be bestowed as brides on those angels who wait upon the Saviour. The Demiurge himself will pass into the place of his mother Sophia; that is, the intermediate habitation. In this intermediate place, also, shall the souls of the righteous repose; but nothing of an animal nature shall find admittance to the Pleroma. When these things have taken place as described, then shall that fire which lies hidden in the world blaze forth and bum; and while destroying all matter, shall also be extinguished along with it, and have no further existence. They affirm that the Demiurge was acquainted with none of these things before the advent of the Saviour. 1.25.3. They practise also magical arts and incantations; philters, also, and love-potions; and have recourse to familiar spirits, dream-sending demons, and other abominations, declaring that they possess power to rule over, even now, the princes and formers of this world; and not only them, but also all things that are in it. These men, even as the Gentiles, have been sent forth by Satan to bring dishonour upon the Church, so that, in one way or another, men hearing the things which they speak, and imagining that we all are such as they, may turn away their ears from the preaching of the truth; or, again, seeing the things they practise, may speak evil of us all, who have in fact no fellowship with them, either in doctrine or in morals, or in our daily conduct. But they lead a licentious life, and, to conceal their impious doctrines, they abuse the name [of Christ], as a means of hiding their wickedness; so that "their condemnation is just," when they receive from God a recompense suited to their works. |
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| 133. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 27, 26, 25, 24, 23, 15.399, 3.135, 4.1599, 17b.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 30 |
| 134. Lactantius, Deaths of The Persecutors, 2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, and the timaeus Found in books: Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (1995) 55 |
| 135. Calcidius (Chalcidius), Platonis Timaeus Commentaria, 101, 119-120, 127-129, 131, 134-137, 143-146, 149-151, 176-177, 187, 201, 225, 23, 26, 269-270, 276-278, 286, 288, 304, 330, 339, 374, 7, 272 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 176, 178 |
| 136. Nag Hammadi, Zostrianos, 9.2-9.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 64 |
137. Origen, Against Celsus, 4.48, 7.42 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 210; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 261 | 4.48. In the next place, as if he had devoted himself solely to the manifestation of his hatred and dislike of the Jewish and Christian doctrine, he says: The more modest of Jewish and Christian writers give all these things an allegorical meaning; and, Because they are ashamed of these things, they take refuge in allegory. Now one might say to him, that if we must admit fables and fictions, whether written with a concealed meaning or with any other object, to be shameful narratives when taken in their literal acceptation, of what histories can this be said more truly than of the Grecian? In these histories, gods who are sons castrate the gods who are their fathers, and gods who are parents devour their own children, and a goddess-mother gives to the father of gods and men a stone to swallow instead of his own son, and a father has intercourse with his daughter, and a wife binds her own husband, having as her allies in the work the brother of the fettered god and his own daughter! But why should I enumerate these absurd stories of the Greeks regarding their gods, which are most shameful in themselves, even though invested with an allegorical meaning? (Take the instance) where Chrysippus of Soli, who is considered to be an ornament of the Stoic sect, on account of his numerous and learned treatises, explains a picture at Samos, in which Juno was represented as committing unspeakable abominations with Jupiter. This reverend philosopher says in his treatises, that matter receives the spermatic words of the god, and retains them within herself, in order to ornament the universe. For in the picture at Samos Juno represents matter, and Jupiter god. Now it is on account of these, and of countless other similar fables, that we would not even in word call the God of all things Jupiter, or the sun Apollo, or the moon Diana. But we offer to the Creator a worship which is pure, and speak with religious respect of His noble works of creation, not contaminating even in word the things of God; approving of the language of Plato in the Philebus, who would not admit that pleasure was a goddess, so great is my reverence, Protarchus, he says, for the very names of the gods. We verily entertain such reverence for the name of God, and for His noble works of creation, that we would not, even under pretext of an allegorical meaning, admit any fable which might do injury to the young. 7.42. Celsus next refers us to Plato as to a more effective teacher of theological truth, and quotes the following passage from the Tim us: It is a hard matter to find out the Maker and Father of this universe; and after having found Him, it is impossible to make Him known to all. To which he himself adds this remark: You perceive, then, how divine men seek after the way of truth, and how well Plato knew that it was impossible for all men to walk in it. But as wise men have found it for the express purpose of being able to convey to us some notion of Him who is the first, the unspeakable Being - a notion, namely; which may represent Him to us through the medium of other objects - they endeavour either by synthesis, which is the combining of various qualities, or by analysis, which is the separation and setting aside of some qualities, or finally by analogy - in these ways, I say, they endeavour to set before us that which it is impossible to express in words. I should therefore be surprised if you could follow in that course, since you are so completely wedded to the flesh as to be incapable of seeing ought but what is impure. These words of Plato are noble and admirable; but see if Scripture does not give us an example of a regard for mankind still greater in God the Word, who was in the beginning with God, and who was made flesh, in order that He might reveal to all men truths which, according to Plato, it would be impossible to make known to all men, even after he had found them himself. Plato may say that it is a hard thing to find out the Creator and Father of this universe; by which language he implies that it is not wholly beyond the power of human nature to attain to such a knowledge as is either worthy of God, or if not, is far beyond that which is commonly attained (although if it were true that Plato or any other of the Greeks had found God, they would never have given homage and worship, or ascribed the name of God, to any other than to Him: they would have abandoned all others, and would not have associated with this great God objects which can have nothing in common with Him). For ourselves, we maintain that human nature is in no way able to seek after God, or to attain a clear knowledge of Him without the help of Him whom it seeks. He makes Himself known to those who, after doing all that their powers will allow, confess that they need help from Him, who discovers Himself to those whom He approves, in so far as it is possible for man and the soul still dwelling in the body to know God. |
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| 138. Porphyry, On The Cave of The Nymphs, 10, 3-4, 1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (1995) 161 |
| 139. Porphyry, Aids To The Study of The Intelligibles, 14 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •timaeus methodology passage, and commentary on plato, timaeus Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 180 |
| 140. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 14.6-14.7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 36 |
| 141. Eusebius of Caesarea, Demonstration of The Gospel, 3.7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, and the timaeus Found in books: Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (1995) 288 |
| 142. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 1.5.1, 6.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, and the timaeus •plato, timaeus Found in books: Osborne, Eros Unveiled: Plato and the God of Love (1996) 53; Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (1995) 55 |
| 143. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 6.4, 14.5, 15.14.2, 15.18.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, and the timaeus •plato, timaeus Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 263, 272; Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (1995) 161, 288 |
| 144. Plotinus, Enneads, a b c d\n0 2.3.15.4 2.3.15.4 2 3\n1 2.3.15.2 2.3.15.2 2 3\n2 4.3.8.10 4.3.8.10 4 3\n3 4.3.8.9 4.3.8.9 4 3\n4 3.4.6.17 3.4.6.17 3 4\n.. ... ... .. ..\n873 2.3.10 2.3.10 2 3\n874 1.1.12 1.1.12 1 1\n875 4.8.1 4.8.1 4 8\n876 4.8.4 4.8.4 4 8\n877 4.8.5 4.8.5 4 8\n\n[878 rows x 4 columns] (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harte, Rereading Ancient Philosophy: Old Chestnuts and Sacred Cows (2017) 272 |
145. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 3.62, 7.14, 7.51, 7.156-7.157 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus •plato, timaeus •timaeus (plato) Found in books: Harte, Rereading Ancient Philosophy: Old Chestnuts and Sacred Cows (2017) 237; Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 216; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 260; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 211 | 3.62. In the first trilogy they place the Republic, Timaeus and Critias; in the second the Sophist, the Statesman and Cratylus; in the third the Laws, Minos and Epinomis; in the fourth Theaetetus, Euthyphro and the Apology; in the fifth Crito, Phaedo and the Epistles. The rest follow as separate compositions in no regular order. Some critics, as has already been stated, put the Republic first, while others start with the greater Alcibiades, and others again with the Theages; some begin with the Euthyphro, others with the Clitophon; some with the Timaeus, others with the Phaedrus; others again with the Theaetetus, while many begin with the Apology. The following dialogues are acknowledged to be spurious: the Midon or Horse-breeder, the Eryxias or Erasistratus, the Alcyon, the Acephali or Sisyphus, the Axiochus, the Phaeacians, the Demodocus, the Chelidon, the Seventh Day, the Epimenides. of these the Alcyon is thought to be the work of a certain Leon, according to Favorinus in the fifth book of his Memorabilia. 7.14. He disliked, they say, to be brought too near to people, so that he would take the end seat of a couch, thus saving himself at any rate from one half of such inconvenience. Nor indeed would he walk about with more than two or three. He would occasionally ask the bystanders for coppers, in order that, for fear of being asked to give, people might desist from mobbing him, as Cleanthes says in his work On Bronze. When several persons stood about him in the Colonnade he pointed to the wooden railing at the top round the altar and said, This was once open to all, but because it was found to be a hindrance it was railed off. If you then will take yourselves off out of the way you will be the less annoyance to us.When Demochares, the son of Laches, greeted him and told him he had only to speak or write for anything he wanted to Antigonus, who would be sure to grant all his requests, Zeno after hearing this would have nothing more to do with him. 7.51. According to them some presentations are data of sense and others are not: the former are the impressions conveyed through one or more sense-organs; while the latter, which are not data of sense, are those received through the mind itself, as is the case with incorporeal things and all the other presentations which are received by reason. of sensuous impressions some are from real objects and are accompanied by yielding and assent on our part. But there are also presentations that are appearances and no more, purporting, as it were, to come from real objects.Another division of presentations is into rational and irrational, the former being those of rational creatures, the latter those of the irrational. Those which are rational are processes of thought, while those which are irrational have no name. Again, some of our impressions are scientific, others unscientific: at all events a statue is viewed in a totally different way by the trained eye of a sculptor and by an ordinary man. 7.156. And there are five terrestrial zones: first, the northern zone which is beyond the arctic circle, uninhabitable because of the cold; second, a temperate zone; a third, uninhabitable because of great heats, called the torrid zone; fourth, a counter-temperate zone; fifth, the southern zone, uninhabitable because of its cold.Nature in their view is an artistically working fire, going on its way to create; which is equivalent to a fiery, creative, or fashioning breath. And the soul is a nature capable of perception. And they regard it as the breath of life, congenital with us; from which they infer first that it is a body and secondly that it survives death. Yet it is perishable, though the soul of the universe, of which the individual souls of animals are parts, is indestructible. 7.157. Zeno of Citium and Antipater, in their treatises De anima, and Posidonius define the soul as a warm breath; for by this we become animate and this enables us to move. Cleanthes indeed holds that all souls continue to exist until the general conflagration; but Chrysippus says that only the souls of the wise do so.They count eight parts of the soul: the five senses, the generative power in us, our power of speech, and that of reasoning. They hold that we see when the light between the visual organ and the object stretches in the form of a cone: so Chrysippus in the second book of his Physics and Apollodorus. The apex of the cone in the air is at the eye, the base at the object seen. Thus the thing seen is reported to us by the medium of the air stretching out towards it, as if by a stick. |
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| 146. Iamblichus, Concerning The Mysteries, 3.26, 9.6, 9.9, 177.7-177.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus •plato, and the timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 133, 242, 269; Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (1995) 161 |
| 147. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Genesis, 13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 83 |
| 148. Themistius, Orations, 33.367a5, 26.313b1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 83 |
| 149. Basil of Caesarea, Homiliae In Hexaemeron, 9.1.1, 9.5.1, 9.6.104-9.6.107 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 81, 82, 83 |
| 150. Augustine, Reply To Faustus, 12.39 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and •metaphysics, plato’s, in timaeus Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 251 |
| 151. Augustine, De Consensu Evangelistarum Libri Quatuor, 1.35.53 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and •plato, timaeus, discrepancies in •plato, timaeus, interpretive controversies in •plato, timaeus, literal interpretation of Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 25, 253, 260, 261, 266, 268 |
| 152. Augustine, Retractiones, 2.16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 252 |
| 153. Augustine, Commentary On Genesis, 1.1.1, 1.9.15, 5.2.4, 5.3.6, 5.4.10-5.4.11, 5.5.13-5.5.16, 5.12.28, 5.23.45 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and •plato, timaeus, cicero translates Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 237, 238, 239, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247 |
| 154. Augustine, De Spiritu Et Littera, 11.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 268 |
155. Augustine, The City of God, a b c d\n0 8 8 8 None\n1 12.15.1 12.15.1 12 15\n2 12.17 12.17 12 17\n3 11.6 11.6 11 6\n4 8.4 8.4 8 4\n5 8.15.2 8.15.2 8 15\n6 9 9 9 None\n7 8.5 8.5 8 5\n8 12.18 12.18 12 18\n9 8.11 8.11 8 11\n10 9.16.2 9.16.2 9 16\n11 9.15.2 9.15.2 9 15\n12 9.15.1 9.15.1 9 15\n13 9.18 9.18 9 18\n14 9.13.3 9.13.3 9 13\n15 9.9 9.9 9 9\n16 9.19 9.19 9 19\n17 8.21.2 8.21.2 8 21\n18 8.16 8.16 8 16\n19 8.14.1 8.14.1 8 14\n20 8.13 8.13 8 13\n21 8.22 8.22 8 22\n22 8.25 8.25 8 25\n23 9.6 9.6 9 6\n24 11.4.2 11.4.2 11 4\n25 8.12 8.12 8 12\n26 10.31 10.31 10 31\n27 12.12 12.12 12 12\n28 14 14 14 None\n29 "8" "8" "8" None\n30 12 12 12 None\n31 11 11 11 None\n32 13 13 13 None\n33 "8.10" "8.10" "8 10"\n34 "8.11" "8.11" "8 11"\n35 18.54 18.54 18 54\n36 19.23 19.23 19 23\n37 10.29 10.29 10 29\n38 12.21 12.21 12 21\n39 10.3 10.3 10 3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 270 | 8. We shall require to apply our mind with far greater intensity to the present question than was requisite in the solution and unfolding of the questions handled in the preceding books; for it is not with ordinary men, but with philosophers that we must confer concerning the theology which they call natural. For it is not like the fabulous, that is, the theatrical; nor the civil, that is, the urban theology: the one of which displays the crimes of the gods, while the other manifests their criminal desires, which demonstrate them to be rather malign demons than gods. It is, we say, with philosophers we have to confer with respect to this theology, - men whose very name, if rendered into Latin, signifies those who profess the love of wisdom. Now, if wisdom is God, who made all things, as is attested by the divine authority and truth, Wisdom 7:24-27 then the philosopher is a lover of God. But since the thing itself, which is called by this name, exists not in all who glory in the name - for it does not follow, of course, that all who are called philosophers are lovers of true wisdom - we must needs select from the number of those with whose opinions we have been able to acquaint ourselves by reading, some with whom we may not unworthily engage in the treatment of this question. For I have not in this work undertaken to refute all the vain opinions of the philosophers, but only such as pertain to theology, which Greek word we understand to mean an account or explanation of the divine nature. Nor, again, have I undertaken to refute all the vain theological opinions of all the philosophers, but only of such of them as, agreeing in the belief that there is a divine nature, and that this divine nature is concerned about human affairs, do nevertheless deny that the worship of the one unchangeable God is sufficient for the obtaining of a blessed life after death, as well as at the present time; and hold that, in order to obtain that life, many gods, created, indeed, and appointed to their several spheres by that one God, are to be worshipped. These approach nearer to the truth than even Varro; for, while he saw no difficulty in extending natural theology in its entirety even to the world and the soul of the world, these acknowledge God as existing above all that is of the nature of soul, and as the Creator not only of this visible world, which is often called heaven and earth, but also of every soul whatsoever, and as Him who gives blessedness to the rational soul - of which kind is the human soul - by participation in His own unchangeable and incorporeal light. There is no one, who has even a slender knowledge of these things, who does not know of the Platonic philosophers, who derive their name from their master Plato. Concerning this Plato, then, I will briefly state such things as I deem necessary to the present question, mentioning beforehand those who preceded him in time in the same department of literature. , As far as concerns the literature of the Greeks, whose language holds a more illustrious place than any of the languages of the other nations, history mentions two schools of philosophers, the one called the Italic school, originating in that part of Italy which was formerly called Magna Gr cia; the other called the Ionic school, having its origin in those regions which are still called by the name of Greece. The Italic school had for its founder Pythagoras of Samos, to whom also the term philosophy is said to owe its origin. For whereas formerly those who seemed to excel others by the laudable manner in which they regulated their lives were called sages, Pythagoras, on being asked what he professed, replied that he was a philosopher, that is, a student or lover of wisdom; for it seemed to him to be the height of arrogance to profess oneself a sage. The founder of the Ionic school, again, was Thales of Miletus, one of those seven who were styled the seven sages, of whom six were distinguished by the kind of life they lived, and by certain maxims which they gave forth for the proper conduct of life. Thales was distinguished as an investigator into the nature of things; and, in order that he might have successors in his school, he committed his dissertations to writing. That, however, which especially rendered him eminent was his ability, by means of astronomical calculations, even to predict eclipses of the sun and moon. He thought, however, that water was the first principle of things, and that of it all the elements of the world, the world itself, and all things which are generated in it, ultimately consist. Over all this work, however, which, when we consider the world, appears so admirable, he set nothing of the nature of divine mind. To him succeeded Anaximander, his pupil, who held a different opinion concerning the nature of things; for he did not hold that all things spring from one principle, as Thales did, who held that principle to be water, but thought that each thing springs from its own proper principle. These principles of things he believed to be infinite in number, and thought that they generated innumerable worlds, and all the things which arise in them. He thought, also, that these worlds are subject to a perpetual process of alternate dissolution and regeneration, each one continuing for a longer or shorter period of time, according to the nature of the case; nor did he, any more than Thales, attribute anything to a divine mind in the production of all this activity of things. Anaximander left as his successor his disciple Anaximenes, who attributed all the causes of things to an infinite air. He neither denied nor ignored the existence of gods, but, so far from believing that the air was made by them, he held, on the contrary, that they sprang from the air. Anaxagoras, however, who was his pupil, perceived that a divine mind was the productive cause of all things which we see, and said that all the various kinds of things, according to their several modes and species, were produced out of an infinite matter consisting of homogeneous particles, but by the efficiency of a divine mind. Diogenes, also, another pupil of Anaximenes, said that a certain air was the original substance of things out of which all things were produced, but that it was possessed of a divine reason, without which nothing could be produced from it. Anaxagoras was succeeded by his disciple Archelaus, who also thought that all things consisted of homogeneous particles, of which each particular thing was made, but that those particles were pervaded by a divine mind, which perpetually energized all the eternal bodies, namely, those particles, so that they are alternately united and separated. Socrates, the master of Plato, is said to have been the disciple of Archelaus; and on Plato's account it is that I have given this brief historical sketch of the whole history of these schools. , Socrates is said to have been the first who directed the entire effort of philosophy to the correction and regulation of manners, all who went before him having expended their greatest efforts in the investigation of physical, that is, natural phenomena. However, it seems to me that it cannot be certainly discovered whether Socrates did this because he was wearied of obscure and uncertain things, and so wished to direct his mind to the discovery of something manifest and certain, which was necessary in order to the obtaining of a blessed life - that one great object toward which the labor, vigilance, and industry of all philosophers seem to have been directed - or whether (as some yet more favorable to him suppose) he did it because he was unwilling that minds defiled with earthly desires should essay to raise themselves upward to divine things. For he saw that the causes of things were sought for by them - which causes he believed to be ultimately reducible to nothing else than the will of the one true and supreme God - and on this account he thought they could only be comprehended by a purified mind; and therefore that all diligence ought to be given to the purification of the life by good morals, in order that the mind, delivered from the depressing weight of lusts, might raise itself upward by its native vigor to eternal things, and might, with purified understanding, contemplate that nature which is incorporeal and unchangeable light, where live the causes of all created natures. It is evident, however, that he hunted out and pursued, with a wonderful pleasantness of style and argument, and with a most pointed and insinuating urbanity, the foolishness of ignorant men, who thought that they knew this or that - sometimes confessing his own ignorance, and sometimes dissimulating his knowledge, even in those very moral questions to which he seems to have directed the whole force of his mind. And hence there arose hostility against him, which ended in his being calumniously impeached, and condemned to death. Afterwards, however, that very city of the Athenians, which had publicly condemned him, did publicly bewail him - the popular indignation having turned with such vehemence on his accusers, that one of them perished by the violence of the multitude, while the other only escaped a like punishment by voluntary and perpetual exile. Illustrious, therefore, both in his life and in his death, Socrates left very many disciples of his philosophy, who vied with one another in desire for proficiency in handling those moral questions which concern the chief good (summum bonum), the possession of which can make a man blessed; and because, in the disputations of Socrates, where he raises all manner of questions, makes assertions, and then demolishes them, it did not evidently appear what he held to be the chief good, every one took from these disputations what pleased him best, and every one placed the final good in whatever it appeared to himself to consist. Now, that which is called the final good is that at which, when one has arrived, he is blessed. But so diverse were the opinions held by those followers of Socrates concerning this final good, that (a thing scarcely to be credited with respect to the followers of one master) some placed the chief good in pleasure, as Aristippus, others in virtue, as Antisthenes. Indeed, it were tedious to recount the various opinions of various disciples. , But, among the disciples of Socrates, Plato was the one who shone with a glory which far excelled that of the others, and who not unjustly eclipsed them all. By birth, an Athenian of honorable parentage, he far surpassed his fellow disciples in natural endowments, of which he was possessed in a wonderful degree. Yet, deeming himself and the Socratic discipline far from sufficient for bringing philosophy to perfection, he travelled as extensively as he was able, going to every place famed for the cultivation of any science of which he could make himself master. Thus he learned from the Egyptians whatever they held and taught as important; and from Egypt, passing into those parts of Italy which were filled with the fame of the Pythagoreans, he mastered, with the greatest facility, and under the most eminent teachers, all the Italic philosophy which was then in vogue. And, as he had a peculiar love for his master Socrates, he made him the speaker in all his dialogues, putting into his mouth whatever he had learned, either from others, or from the efforts of his own powerful intellect, tempering even his moral disputations with the grace and politeness of the Socratic style. And, as the study of wisdom consists in action and contemplation, so that one part of it may be called active, and the other contemplative - the active part having reference to the conduct of life, that is, to the regulation of morals, and the contemplative part to the investigation into the causes of nature and into pure truth - Socrates is said to have excelled in the active part of that study, while Pythagoras gave more attention to its contemplative part, on which he brought to bear all the force of his great intellect. To Plato is given the praise of having perfected philosophy by combining both parts into one. He then divides it into three parts - the first moral, which is chiefly occupied with action; the second natural, of which the object is contemplation; and the third rational, which discriminates between the true and the false. And though this last is necessary both to action and contemplation, it is contemplation, nevertheless, which lays peculiar claim to the office of investigating the nature of truth. Thus this tripartite division is not contrary to that which made the study of wisdom to consist in action and contemplation. Now, as to what Plato thought with respect to each of these parts - that is, what he believed to be the end of all actions, the cause of all natures, and the light of all intelligences - it would be a question too long to discuss, and about which we ought not to make any rash affirmation. For, as Plato liked and constantly affected the well-known method of his master Socrates, namely, that of dissimulating his knowledge or his opinions, it is not easy to discover clearly what he himself thought on various matters, any more than it is to discover what were the real opinions of Socrates. We must, nevertheless, insert into our work certain of those opinions which he expresses in his writings, whether he himself uttered them, or narrates them as expressed by others, and seems himself to approve of - opinions sometimes favorable to the true religion, which our faith takes up and defends, and sometimes contrary to it, as, for example, in the questions concerning the existence of one God or of many, as it relates to the truly blessed life which is to be after death. For those who are praised as having most closely followed Plato, who is justly preferred to all the other philosophers of the Gentiles, and who are said to have manifested the greatest acuteness in understanding him, do perhaps entertain such an idea of God as to admit that in Him are to be found the cause of existence, the ultimate reason for the understanding, and the end in reference to which the whole life is to be regulated. of which three things, the first is understood to pertain to the natural, the second to the rational, and the third to the moral part of philosophy. For if man has been so created as to attain, through that which is most excellent in him, to that which excels all things - that is, to the one true and absolutely good God, without whom no nature exists, no doctrine instructs, no exercise profits - let Him be sought in whom all things are secure to us, let Him be discovered in whom all truth becomes certain to us, let Him be loved in whom all becomes right to us. , If, then, Plato defined the wise man as one who imitates, knows, loves this God, and who is rendered blessed through fellowship with Him in His own blessedness, why discuss with the other philosophers? It is evident that none come nearer to us than the Platonists. To them, therefore, let that fabulous theology give place which delights the minds of men with the crimes of the gods; and that civil theology also, in which impure demons, under the name of gods, have seduced the peoples of the earth given up to earthly pleasures, desiring to be honored by the errors of men, and by filling the minds of their worshippers with impure desires, exciting them to make the representation of their crimes one of the rites of their worship, while they themselves found in the spectators of these exhibitions a most pleasing spectacle - a theology in which, whatever was honorable in the temple, was defiled by its mixture with the obscenity of the theatre, and whatever was base in the theatre was vindicated by the abominations of the temples. To these philosophers also the interpretations of Varro must give place, in which he explains the sacred rites as having reference to heaven and earth, and to the seeds and operations of perishable things; for, in the first place, those rites have not the signification which he would have men believe is attached to them, and therefore truth does not follow him in his attempt so to interpret them; and even if they had this signification, still those things ought not to be worshipped by the rational soul as its god which are placed below it in the scale of nature, nor ought the soul to prefer to itself as gods things to which the true God has given it the preference. The same must be said of those writings pertaining to the sacred rites, which Numa Pompilius took care to conceal by causing them to be buried along with himself, and which, when they were afterwards turned up by the plough, were burned by order of the senate. And, to treat Numa with all honor, let us mention as belonging to the same rank as these writings that which Alexander of Macedon wrote to his mother as communicated to him by Leo, an Egyptian high priest. In this letter not only Picus and Faunus, and Æneas and Romulus or even Hercules, and Æsculapius and Liber, born of Semele, and the twin sons of Tyndareus, or any other mortals who have been deified, but even the principal gods themselves, to whom Cicero, in his Tusculan questions, alludes without mentioning their names, Jupiter, Juno, Saturn, Vulcan, Vesta, and many others whom Varro attempts to identify with the parts or the elements of the world, are shown to have been men. There is, as we have said, a similarity between this case and that of Numa; for the priest being afraid because he had revealed a mystery, earnestly begged of Alexander to command his mother to burn the letter which conveyed these communications to her. Let these two theologies, then, the fabulous and the civil, give place to the Platonic philosophers, who have recognized the true God as the author of all things, the source of the light of truth, and the bountiful bestower of all blessedness. And not these only, but to these great acknowledgers of so great a God, those philosophers must yield who, having their mind enslaved to their body, supposed the principles of all things to be material; as Thales, who held that the first principle of all things was water; Anaximenes, that it was air; the Stoics, that it was fire; Epicurus, who affirmed that it consisted of atoms, that is to say, of minute corpuscules; and many others whom it is needless to enumerate, but who believed that bodies, simple or compound, animate or iimate, but nevertheless bodies, were the cause and principle of all things. For some of them - as, for instance, the Epicureans- believed that living things could originate from things without life; others held that all things living or without life spring from a living principle, but that, nevertheless, all things, being material, spring from a material principle. For the Stoics thought that fire, that is, one of the four material elements of which this visible world is composed, was both living and intelligent, the maker of the world and of all things contained in it - that it was in fact God. These and others like them have only been able to suppose that which their hearts enslaved to sense have vainly suggested to them. And yet they have within themselves something which they could not see: they represented to themselves inwardly things which they had seen without, even when they were not seeing them, but only thinking of them. But this representation in thought is no longer a body, but only the similitude of a body; and that faculty of the mind by which this similitude of a body is seen is neither a body nor the similitude of a body; and the faculty which judges whether the representation is beautiful or ugly is without doubt superior to the object judged of. This principle is the understanding of man, the rational soul; and it is certainly not a body, since that similitude of a body which it beholds and judges of is itself not a body. The soul is neither earth, nor water, nor air, nor fire, of which four bodies, called the four elements, we see that this world is composed. And if the soul is not a body, how should God, its Creator, be a body? Let all those philosophers, then, give place, as we have said, to the Platonists, and those also who have been ashamed to say that God is a body, but yet have thought that our souls are of the same nature as God. They have not been staggered by the great changeableness of the soul - an attribute which it would be impious to ascribe to the divine nature, - but they say it is the body which changes the soul, for in itself it is unchangeable. As well might they say, Flesh is wounded by some body, for in itself it is invulnerable. In a word, that which is unchangeable can be changed by nothing, so that that which can be changed by the body cannot properly be said to be immutable. , These philosophers, then, whom we see not undeservedly exalted above the rest in fame and glory, have seen that no material body is God, and therefore they have transcended all bodies in seeking for God. They have seen that whatever is changeable is not the most high God, and therefore they have transcended every soul and all changeable spirits in seeking the supreme. They have seen also that, in every changeable thing, the form which makes it that which it is, whatever be its mode or nature, can only be through Him who truly is, because He is unchangeable. And therefore, whether we consider the whole body of the world, its figure, qualities, and orderly movement, and also all the bodies which are in it; or whether we consider all life, either that which nourishes and maintains, as the life of trees, or that which, besides this, has also sensation, as the life of beasts; or that which adds to all these intelligence, as the life of man; or that which does not need the support of nutriment, but only maintains, feels, understands, as the life of angels - all can only be through Him who absolutely is. For to Him it is not one thing to be, and another to live, as though He could be, not living; nor is it to Him one thing to live, and another thing to understand, as though He could live, not understanding; nor is it to Him one thing to understand, another thing to be blessed, as though He could understand and not be blessed. But to Him to live, to understand, to be blessed, are to be. They have understood, from this unchangeableness and this simplicity, that all things must have been made by Him, and that He could Himself have been made by none. For they have considered that whatever is is either body or life, and that life is something better than body, and that the nature of body is sensible, and that of life intelligible. Therefore they have preferred the intelligible nature to the sensible. We mean by sensible things such things as can be perceived by the sight and touch of the body; by intelligible things, such as can be understood by the sight of the mind. For there is no corporeal beauty, whether in the condition of a body, as figure, or in its movement, as in music, of which it is not the mind that judges. But this could never have been, had there not existed in the mind itself a superior form of these things, without bulk, without noise of voice, without space and time. But even in respect of these things, had the mind not been mutable, it would not have been possible for one to judge better than another with regard to sensible forms. He who is clever, judges better than he who is slow, he who is skilled than he who is unskillful, he who is practised than he who is unpractised; and the same person judges better after he has gained experience than he did before. But that which is capable of more and less is mutable; whence able men, who have thought deeply on these things, have gathered that the first form is not to be found in those things whose form is changeable. Since, therefore, they saw that body and mind might be more or less beautiful in form, and that, if they wanted form, they could have no existence, they saw that there is some existence in which is the first form, unchangeable, and therefore not admitting of degrees of comparison, and in that they most rightly believed was the first principle of things which was not made, and by which all things were made. Therefore that which is known of God He manifested to them when His invisible things were seen by them, being understood by those things which have been made; also His eternal power and Godhead by whom all visible and temporal things have been created. Romans 1:19-20 We have said enough upon that part of theology which they call physical, that is, natural. , Then, again, as far as regards the doctrine which treats of that which they call logic, that is, rational philosophy, far be it from us to compare them with those who attributed to the bodily senses the faculty of discriminating truth, and thought, that all we learn is to be measured by their untrustworthy and fallacious rules. Such were the Epicureans, and all of the same school. Such also were the Stoics, who ascribed to the bodily senses that expertness in disputation which they so ardently love, called by them dialectic, asserting that from the senses the mind conceives the notions (ἒννοιαι) of those things which they explicate by definition. And hence is developed the whole plan and connection of their learning and teaching. I often wonder, with respect to this, how they can say that none are beautiful but the wise; for by what bodily sense have they perceived that beauty, by what eyes of the flesh have they seen wisdom's comeliness of form? Those, however, whom we justly rank before all others, have distinguished those things which are conceived by the mind from those which are perceived by the senses, neither taking away from the senses anything to which they are competent, nor attributing to them anything beyond their competency. And the light of our understandings, by which all things are learned by us, they have affirmed to be that selfsame God by whom all things were made. , The remaining part of philosophy is morals, or what is called by the Greeks ἠθική, in which is discussed the question concerning the chief good - that which will leave us nothing further to seek in order to be blessed, if only we make all our actions refer to it, and seek it not for the sake of something else, but for its own sake. Therefore it is called the end, because we wish other things on account of it, but itself only for its own sake. This beatific good, therefore, according to some, comes to a man from the body, according to others, from the mind, and, according to others, from both together. For they saw that man himself consists of soul and body; and therefore they believed that from either of these two, or from both together, their well-being must proceed, consisting in a certain final good, which could render them blessed, and to which they might refer all their actions, not requiring anything ulterior to which to refer that good itself. This is why those who have added a third kind of good things, which they call extrinsic - as honor, glory, wealth, and the like - have not regarded them as part of the final good, that is, to be sought after for their own sake, but as things which are to be sought for the sake of something else, affirming that this kind of good is good to the good, and evil to the evil. Wherefore, whether they have sought the good of man from the mind or from the body, or from both together, it is still only from man they have supposed that it must be sought. But they who have sought it from the body have sought it from the inferior part of man; they who have sought it from the mind, from the superior part; and they who have sought it from both, from the whole man. Whether therefore, they have sought it from any part, or from the whole man, still they have only sought it from man; nor have these differences, being three, given rise only to three dissentient sects of philosophers, but to many. For diverse philosophers have held diverse opinions, both concerning the good of the body, and the good of the mind, and the good of both together. Let, therefore, all these give place to those philosophers who have not affirmed that a man is blessed by the enjoyment of the body, or by the enjoyment of the mind, but by the enjoyment of God - enjoying Him, however, not as the mind does the body or itself, or as one friend enjoys another, but as the eye enjoys light, if, indeed, we may draw any comparison between these things. But what the nature of this comparison is, will, if God help me, be shown in another place, to the best of my ability. At present, it is sufficient to mention that Plato determined the final good to be to live according to virtue, and affirmed that he only can attain to virtue who knows and imitates God - which knowledge and imitation are the only cause of blessedness. Therefore he did not doubt that to philosophize is to love God, whose nature is incorporeal. Whence it certainly follows that the student of wisdom, that is, the philosopher, will then become blessed when he shall have begun to enjoy God. For though he is not necessarily blessed who enjoys that which he loves (for many are miserable by loving that which ought not to be loved, and still more miserable when they enjoy it), nevertheless no one is blessed who does not enjoy that which he loves. For even they who love things which ought not to be loved do not count themselves blessed by loving merely, but by enjoying them. Who, then, but the most miserable will deny that he is blessed, who enjoys that which he loves, and loves the true and highest good? But the true and highest good, according to Plato, is God, and therefore he would call him a philosopher who loves God; for philosophy is directed to the obtaining of the blessed life, and he who loves God is blessed in the enjoyment of God. , Whatever philosophers, therefore, thought concerning the supreme God, that He is both the maker of all created things, the light by which things are known, and the good in reference to which things are to be done; that we have in Him the first principle of nature, the truth of doctrine, and the happiness of life - whether these philosophers may be more suitably called Platonists, or whether they may give some other name to their sect; whether, we say, that only the chief men of the Ionic school, such as Plato himself, and they who have well understood him, have thought thus; or whether we also include the Italic school, on account of Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans, and all who may have held like opinions; and, lastly, whether also we include all who have been held wise men and philosophers among all nations who are discovered to have seen and taught this, be they Atlantics, Libyans, Egyptians, Indians, Persians, Chaldeans, Scythians, Gauls, Spaniards, or of other nations - we prefer these to all other philosophers, and confess that they approach nearest to us. , For although a Christian man instructed only in ecclesiastical literature may perhaps be ignorant of the very name of Platonists, and may not even know that there have existed two schools of philosophers speaking the Greek tongue, to wit, the Ionic and Italic, he is nevertheless not so deaf with respect to human affairs, as not to know that philosophers profess the study, and even the possession, of wisdom. He is on his guard, however, with respect to those who philosophize according to the elements of this world, not according to God, by whom the world itself was made; for he is warned by the precept of the apostle, and faithfully hears what has been said, Beware that no one deceive you through philosophy and vain deceit, according to the elements of the world. Colossians 2:8 Then, that he may not suppose that all philosophers are such as do this, he hears the same apostle say concerning certain of them, Because that which is known of God is manifest among them, for God has manifested it to them. For His invisible things from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things which are made, also His eternal power and Godhead. Romans 1:19-20 And, when speaking to the Athenians, after having spoken a mighty thing concerning God, which few are able to understand, In Him we live, and move, and have our being, Acts 17:28 he goes on to say, As certain also of your own have said. He knows well, too, to be on his guard against even these philosophers in their errors. For where it has been said by him, that God has manifested to them by those things which are made His invisible things, that they might be seen by the understanding, there it has also been said that they did not rightly worship God Himself, because they paid divine honors, which are due to Him alone, to other things also to which they ought not to have paid them -because, knowing God, they glorified Him not as God: neither were thankful, but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened. Professing themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the likeness of the image of corruptible man, and of birds, and fourfooted beasts, and creeping things; Romans 1:21-23 - where the apostle would have us understand him as meaning the Romans, and Greeks, and Egyptians, who gloried in the name of wisdom; but concerning this we will dispute with them afterwards. With respect, however, to that wherein they agree with us we prefer them to all others namely, concerning the one God, the author of this universe, who is not only above every body, being incorporeal, but also above all souls, being incorruptible - our principle, our light, our good. And though the Christian man, being ignorant of their writings, does not use in disputation words which he has not learned - not calling that part of philosophy natural (which is the Latin term), or physical (which is the Greek one), which treats of the investigation of nature; or that part rational, or logical, which deals with the question how truth may be discovered; or that part moral, or ethical, which concerns morals, and shows how good is to be sought, and evil to be shunned - he is not, therefore, ignorant that it is from the one true and supremely good God that we have that nature in which we are made in the image of God, and that doctrine by which we know Him and ourselves, and that grace through which, by cleaving to Him, we are blessed. This, therefore, is the cause why we prefer these to all the others, because, while other philosophers have worn out their minds and powers in seeking the causes of things, and endeavoring to discover the right mode of learning and of living, these, by knowing God, have found where resides the cause by which the universe has been constituted, and the light by which truth is to be discovered, and the fountain at which felicity is to be drunk. All philosophers, then, who have had these thoughts concerning God, whether Platonists or others, agree with us. But we have thought it better to plead our cause with the Platonists, because their writings are better known. For the Greeks, whose tongue holds the highest place among the languages of the Gentiles, are loud in their praises of these writings; and the Latins, taken with their excellence, or their renown, have studied them more heartily than other writings, and, by translating them into our tongue, have given them greater celebrity and notoriety. , Certain partakers with us in the grace of Christ, wonder when they hear and read that Plato had conceptions concerning God, in which they recognize considerable agreement with the truth of our religion. Some have concluded from this, that when he went to Egypt he had heard the prophet Jeremiah, or, while travelling in the same country, had read the prophetic scriptures, which opinion I myself have expressed in certain of my writings. But a careful calculation of dates, contained in chronological history, shows that Plato was born about a hundred years after the time in which Jeremiah prophesied, and, as he lived eighty-one years, there are found to have been about seventy years from his death to that time when Ptolemy, king of Egypt, requested the prophetic scriptures of the Hebrew people to be sent to him from Judea, and committed them to seventy Hebrews, who also knew the Greek tongue, to be translated and kept. Therefore, on that voyage of his, Plato could neither have seen Jeremiah, who was dead so long before, nor have read those same scriptures which had not yet been translated into the Greek language, of which he was a master, unless, indeed, we say that, as he was most earnest in the pursuit of knowledge, he also studied those writings through an interpreter, as he did those of the Egyptians, - not, indeed, writing a translation of them (the facilities for doing which were only gained even by Ptolemy in return for munificent acts of kindness, though fear of his kingly authority might have seemed a sufficient motive), but learning as much as he possibly could concerning their contents by means of conversation. What warrants this supposition are the opening verses of Genesis: In the beginning God made the heaven and earth. And the earth was invisible, and without order; and darkness was over the abyss: and the Spirit of God moved over the waters. Genesis 1:1-2 For in the Tim us, when writing on the formation of the world, he says that God first united earth and fire; from which it is evident that he assigns to fire a place in heaven. This opinion bears a certain resemblance to the statement, In the beginning God made heaven and earth. Plato next speaks of those two intermediary elements, water and air, by which the other two extremes, namely, earth and fire, were mutually united; from which circumstance he is thought to have so understood the words, The Spirit of God moved over the waters. For, not paying sufficient attention to the designations given by those scriptures to the Spirit of God, he may have thought that the four elements are spoken of in that place, because the air also is called spirit. Then, as to Plato's saying that the philosopher is a lover of God, nothing shines forth more conspicuously in those sacred writings. But the most striking thing in this connection, and that which most of all inclines me almost to assent to the opinion that Plato was not ignorant of those writings, is the answer which was given to the question elicited from the holy Moses when the words of God were conveyed to him by the angel; for, when he asked what was the name of that God who was commanding him to go and deliver the Hebrew people out of Egypt, this answer was given: I am who am; and you shall say to the children of Israel, He who is sent me unto you; Exodus 3:14 as though compared with Him that truly is, because He is unchangeable, those things which have been created mutable are not - a truth which Plato zealously held, and most diligently commended. And I know not whether this sentiment is anywhere to be found in the books of those who were before Plato, unless in that book where it is said, I am who am; and you shall say to the children of Israel, who is sent me unto you. , But we need not determine from what source he learned these things - whether it was from the books of the ancients who preceded him, or, as is more likely, from the words of the apostle: Because that which is known of God, has been manifested among them, for God has manifested it to them. For His invisible things from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by those things which have been made, also His eternal power and Godhead. Romans 1:20 From whatever source he may have derived this knowledge, then, I think I have made it sufficiently plain that I have not chosen the Platonic philosophers undeservedly as the parties with whom to discuss; because the question we have just taken up concerns the natural theology, - the question, namely, whether sacred rites are to be performed to one God, or to many, for the sake of the happiness which is to be after death. I have specially chosen them because their juster thoughts concerning the one God who made heaven and earth, have made them illustrious among philosophers. This has given them such superiority to all others in the judgment of posterity, that, though Aristotle, the disciple of Plato, a man of eminent abilities, inferior in eloquence to Plato, yet far superior to many in that respect, had founded the Peripatetic sect - so called because they were in the habit of walking about during their disputations - and though he had, through the greatness of his fame, gathered very many disciples into his school, even during the life of his master; and though Plato at his death was succeeded in his school, which was called the Academy, by Speusippus, his sister's son, and Xenocrates, his beloved disciple, who, together with their successors, were called from this name of the school, Academics; nevertheless the most illustrious recent philosophers, who have chosen to follow Plato, have been unwilling to be called Peripatetics, or Academics, but have preferred the name of Platonists. Among these were the renowned Plotinus, Iamblichus, and Porphyry, who were Greeks, and the African Apuleius, who was learned both in the Greek and Latin tongues. All these, however, and the rest who were of the same school, and also Plato himself, thought that sacred rites ought to be performed in honor of many gods. , Therefore, although in many other important respects they differ from us, nevertheless with respect to this particular point of difference, which I have just stated, as it is one of great moment, and the question on hand concerns it, I will first ask them to what gods they think that sacred rites are to be performed - to the good or to the bad, or to both the good and the bad? But we have the opinion of Plato affirming that all the gods are good, and that there is not one of the gods bad. It follows, therefore, that these are to be performed to the good, for then they are performed to gods; for if they are not good, neither are they gods. Now, if this be the case (for what else ought we to believe concerning the gods?), certainly it explodes the opinion that the bad gods are to be propitiated by sacred rites in order that they may not harm us, but the good gods are to be invoked in order that they may assist us. For there are no bad gods, and it is to the good that, as they say, the due honor of such rites is to be paid. of what character, then, are those gods who love scenic displays, even demanding that a place be given them among divine things, and that they be exhibited in their honor? The power of these gods proves that they exist, but their liking such things proves that they are bad. For it is well-known what Plato's opinion was concerning scenic plays. He thinks that the poets themselves, because they have composed songs so unworthy of the majesty and goodness of the gods, ought to be banished from the state. of what character, therefore, are those gods who contend with Plato himself about those scenic plays? He does not suffer the gods to be defamed by false crimes; the gods command those same crimes to be celebrated in their own honor. In fine, when they ordered these plays to be inaugurated, they not only demanded base things, but also did cruel things, taking from Titus Latinius his son, and sending a disease upon him because he had refused to obey them, which they removed when he had fulfilled their commands. Plato, however, bad though they were, did not think they were to be feared; but, holding to his opinion with the utmost firmness and constancy, does not hesitate to remove from a well-ordered state all the sacrilegious follies of the poets, with which these gods are delighted because they themselves are impure. But Labeo places this same Plato (as I have mentioned already in the second book ) among the demi-gods. Now Labeo thinks that the bad deities are to be propitiated with bloody victims, and by fasts accompanied with the same, but the good deities with plays, and all other things which are associated with joyfulness. How comes it, then, that the demi-god Plato so persistently dares to take away those pleasures, because he deems them base, not from the demi-gods but from the gods, and these the good gods? And, moreover, those very gods themselves do certainly refute the opinion of Labeo, for they showed themselves in the case of Latinius to be not only wanton and sportive, but also cruel and terrible. Let the Platonists, therefore, explain these things to us, since, following the opinion of their master, they think that all the gods are good and honorable, and friendly to the virtues of the wise, holding it unlawful to think otherwise concerning any of the gods. We will explain it, say they. Let us then attentively listen to them. , There is, say they, a threefold division of all animals endowed with a rational soul, namely, into gods, men, and demons. The gods occupy the loftiest region, men the lowest, the demons the middle region. For the abode of the gods is heaven, that of men the earth, that of the demons the air. As the dignity of their regions is diverse, so also is that of their natures; therefore the gods are better than men and demons. Men have been placed below the gods and demons, both in respect of the order of the regions they inhabit, and the difference of their merits. The demons, therefore, who hold the middle place, as they are inferior to the gods, than whom they inhabit a lower region, so they are superior to men, than whom they inhabit a loftier one. For they have immortality of body in common with the gods, but passions of the mind in common with men. On which account, say they, it is not wonderful that they are delighted with the obscenities of the theatre, and the fictions of the poets, since they are also subject to human passions, from which the gods are far removed, and to which they are altogether strangers. Whence we conclude that it was not the gods, who are all good and highly exalted, that Plato deprived of the pleasure of theatric plays, by reprobating and prohibiting the fictions of the poets, but the demons. of these things many have written: among others Apuleius, the Platonist of Madaura, who composed a whole work on the subject, entitled, Concerning the God of Socrates. He there discusses and explains of what kind that deity was who attended on Socrates, a sort of familiar, by whom it is said he was admonished to desist from any action which would not turn out to his advantage. He asserts most distinctly, and proves at great length, that it was not a god but a demon; and he discusses with great diligence the opinion of Plato concerning the lofty estate of the gods, the lowly estate of men, and the middle estate of demons. These things being so, how did Plato dare to take away, if not from the gods, whom he removed from all human contagion, certainly from the demons, all the pleasures of the theatre, by expelling the poets from the state? Evidently in this way he wished to admonish the human soul, although still confined in these moribund members, to despise the shameful commands of the demons, and to detest their impurity, and to choose rather the splendor of virtue. But if Plato showed himself virtuous in answering and prohibiting these things, then certainly it was shameful of the demons to command them. Therefore either Apuleius is wrong, and Socrates' familiar did not belong to this class of deities, or Plato held contradictory opinions, now honoring the demons, now removing from the well-regulated state the things in which they delighted, or Socrates is not to be congratulated on the friendship of the demon, of which Apuleius was so ashamed that he entitled his book On the God of Socrates, while according to the tenor of his discussion, wherein he so diligently and at such length distinguishes gods from demons, he ought not to have entitled it, Concerning the God, but Concerning the Demon of Socrates. But he preferred to put this into the discussion itself rather than into the title of his book. For, through the sound doctrine which has illuminated human society, all, or almost all men have such a horror at the name of demons, that every one who before reading the dissertation of Apuleius, which sets forth the dignity of demons, should have read the title of the book, On the Demon of Socrates, would certainly have thought that the author was not a sane man. But what did even Apuleius find to praise in the demons, except subtlety and strength of body and a higher place of habitation? For when he spoke generally concerning their manners, he said nothing that was good, but very much that was bad. Finally, no one, when he has read that book, wonders that they desired to have even the obscenity of the stage among divine things, or that, wishing to be thought gods, they should be delighted with the crimes of the gods, or that all those sacred solemnities, whose obscenity occasions laughter, and whose shameful cruelty causes horror, should be in agreement with their passions. , Wherefore let not the mind truly religious, and submitted to the true God, suppose that demons are better than men, because they have better bodies. Otherwise it must put many beasts before itself which are superior to us both in acuteness of the senses, in ease and quickness of movement, in strength and in long-continued vigor of body. What man can equal the eagle or the vulture in strength of vision? Who can equal the dog in acuteness of smell? Who can equal the hare, the stag, and all the birds in swiftness? Who can equal in strength the lion or the elephant? Who can equal in length of life the serpents, which are affirmed to put off old age along with their skin, and to return to youth again? But as we are better than all these by the possession of reason and understanding, so we ought also to be better than the demons by living good and virtuous lives. For divine providence gave to them bodies of a better quality than ours, that that in which we excel them might in this way be commended to us as deserving to be far more cared for than the body, and that we should learn to despise the bodily excellence of the demons compared with goodness of life, in respect of which we are better than they, knowing that we too shall have immortality of body - not an immortality tortured by eternal punishment, but that which is consequent on purity of soul. But now, as regards loftiness of place, it is altogether ridiculous to be so influenced by the fact that the demons inhabit the air, and we the earth, as to think that on that account they are to be put before us; for in this way we put all the birds before ourselves. But the birds, when they are weary with flying, or require to repair their bodies with food, come back to the earth to rest or to feed, which the demons, they say, do not. Are they, therefore, inclined to say that the birds are superior to us, and the demons superior to the birds? But if it be madness to think so, there is no reason why we should think that, on account of their inhabiting a loftier element, the demons have a claim to our religious submission. But as it is really the case that the birds of the air are not only not put before us who dwell on the earth; but are even subjected to us on account of the dignity of the rational soul which is in us, so also it is the case that the demons, though they are aerial, are not better than we who are terrestrial because the air is higher than the earth, but, on the contrary, men are to be put before demons because their despair is not to be compared to the hope of pious men. Even that law of Plato's, according to which he mutually orders and arranges the four elements, inserting between the two extreme elements - namely, fire, which is in the highest degree mobile, and the immoveable earth - the two middle ones, air and water, that by how much the air is higher up than the water, and the fire than the air, by so much also are the waters higher than the earth - this law, I say, sufficiently admonishes us not to estimate the merits of animated creatures according to the grades of the elements. And Apuleius himself says that man is a terrestrial animal in common with the rest, who is nevertheless to be put far before aquatic animals, though Plato puts the waters themselves before the land. By this he would have us understand that the same order is not to be observed when the question concerns the merits of animals, though it seems to be the true one in the gradation of bodies; for it appears to be possible that a soul of a higher order may inhabit a body of a lower, and a soul of a lower order a body of a higher. , The same Apuleius, when speaking concerning the manners of demons, said that they are agitated with the same perturbations of mind as men; that they are provoked by injuries, propitiated by services and by gifts, rejoice in honors, are delighted with a variety of sacred rites, and are annoyed if any of them be neglected. Among other things, he also says that on them depend the divinations of augurs, soothsayers, and prophets, and the revelations of dreams, and that from them also are the miracles of the magicians. But, when giving a brief definition of them, he says, Demons are of an animal nature, passive in soul, rational in mind, aerial in body, eternal in time. of which five things, the three first are common to them and us, the fourth peculiar to themselves, and the fifth common to therewith the gods. But I see that they have in common with the gods two of the first things, which they have in common with us. For he says that the gods also are animals; and when he is assigning to every order of beings its own element, he places us among the other terrestrial animals which live and feel upon the earth. Wherefore, if the demons are animals as to genus, this is common to them, not only with men, but also with the gods and with beasts; if they are rational as to their mind, this is common to them with the gods and with men; if they are eternal in time, this is common to them with the gods only; if they are passive as to their soul, this is common to them with men only; if they are aerial in body, in this they are alone. Therefore it is no great thing for them to be of an animal nature, for so also are the beasts; in being rational as to mind, they are not above ourselves, for so are we also; and as to their being eternal as to time, what is the advantage of that if they are not blessed? For better is temporal happiness than eternal misery. Again, as to their being passive in soul, how are they in this respect above us, since we also are so, but would not have been so had we not been miserable? Also, as to their being aerial in body, how much value is to be set on that, since a soul of any kind whatsoever is to be set above every body? And therefore religious worship, which ought to be rendered from the soul, is by no means due to that thing which is inferior to the soul. Moreover, if he had, among those things which he says belong to demons, enumerated virtue, wisdom, happiness, and affirmed that they have those things in common with the gods, and, like them, eternally, he would assuredly have attributed to them something greatly to be desired, and much to be prized. And even in that case it would not have been our duty to worship them like God on account of these things, but rather to worship Him from whom we know they had received them. But how much less are they really worthy of divine honor - those aerial animals who are only rational that they may be capable of misery, passive that they may be actually miserable, and eternal that it may be impossible for them to end their misery! , Wherefore, to omit other things, and confine our attention to that which he says is common to the demons with us, let us ask this question: If all the four elements are full of their own animals, the fire and the air of immortal, and the water and the earth of mortal ones, why are the souls of demons agitated by the whirlwinds and tempests of passions?- for the Greek word παθος means perturbation, whence he chose to call the demons passive in soul, because the word passion, which is derived from πάθος, signified a commotion of the mind contrary to reason. Why, then, are these things in the minds of demons which are not in beasts? For if anything of this kind appears in beasts, it is not perturbation, because it is not contrary to reason, of which they are devoid. Now it is foolishness or misery which is the cause of these perturbations in the case of men, for we are not yet blessed in the possession of that perfection of wisdom which is promised to us at last, when we shall be set free from our present mortality. But the gods, they say, are free from these perturbations, because they are not only eternal, but also blessed; for they also have the same kind of rational souls, but most pure from all spot and plague. Wherefore, if the gods are free from perturbation because they are blessed, not miserable animals, and the beasts are free from them because they are animals which are capable neither of blessedness nor misery, it remains that the demons, like men, are subject to perturbations because they are not blessed but miserable animals. What folly, therefore, or rather what madness, to submit ourselves through any sentiment of religion to demons, when it belongs to the true religion to deliver us from that depravity which makes us like to them! For Apuleius himself, although he is very sparing toward them, and thinks they are worthy of divine honors, is nevertheless compelled to confess that they are subject to anger; and the true religion commands us not to be moved with anger, but rather to resist it. The demons are won over by gifts; and the true religion commands us to favor no one on account of gifts received. The demons are flattered by honors; but the true religion commands us by no means to be moved by such things. The demons are haters of some men and lovers of others, not in consequence of a prudent and calm judgment, but because of what he calls their passive soul; whereas the true religion commands us to love even our enemies. Lastly, the true religion commands us to put away all disquietude of heart and agitation of mind, and also all commotions and tempests of the soul, which Apuleius asserts to be continually swelling and surging in the souls of demons. Why, therefore, except through foolishness and miserable error should you humble yourself to worship a being to whom you desire to be unlike in your life? And why should you pay religious homage to him whom you are unwilling to imitate, when it is the highest duty of religion to imitate Him whom you worship? , In vain, therefore, have Apuleius, and they who think with him, conferred on the demons the honor of placing them in the air, between the ethereal heavens and the earth, that they may carry to the gods the prayers of men, to men the answers of the gods: for Plato held, they say, that no god has intercourse with man. They who believe these things have thought it unbecoming that men should have intercourse with the gods, and the gods with men, but a befitting thing that the demons should have intercourse with both gods and men, presenting to the gods the petitions of men, and conveying to men what the gods have granted; so that a chaste man, and one who is a stranger to the crimes of the magic arts, must use as patrons, through whom the gods may be induced to hear him, demons who love these crimes, although the very fact of his not loving them ought to have recommended him to them as one who deserved to be listened to with greater readiness and willingness on their part. They love the abominations of the stage, which chastity does not love. They love, in the sorceries of the magicians, a thousand arts of inflicting harm, which innocence does not love. Yet both chastity and innocence, if they wish to obtain anything from the gods, will not be able to do so by their own merits, except their enemies act as mediators on their behalf. Apuleius need not attempt to justify the fictions of the poets, and the mockeries of the stage. If human modesty can act so faithlessly towards itself as not only to love shameful things, but even to think that they are pleasing to the divinity, we can cite on the other side their own highest authority and teacher, Plato. , Moreover, against those magic arts, concerning which some men, exceedingly wretched and exceedingly impious, delight to boast, may not public opinion itself be brought forward as a witness? For why are those arts so severely punished by the laws, if they are the works of deities who ought to be worshipped? Shall it be said that the Christians have ordained those laws by which magic arts are punished? With what other meaning, except that these sorceries are without doubt pernicious to the human race, did the most illustrious poet say, By heaven, I swear, and your dear life, Unwillingly these arms I wield, And take, to meet the coming strife, Enchantment's sword and shield. And that also which he says in another place concerning magic arts, I've seen him to another place transport the standing grain, has reference to the fact that the fruits of one field are said to be transferred to another by these arts which this pestiferous and accursed doctrine teaches. Does not Cicero inform us that, among the laws of the Twelve Tables, that is, the most ancient laws of the Romans, there was a law written which appointed a punishment to be inflicted on him who should do this? Lastly, was it before Christian judges that Apuleius himself was accused of magic arts? Had he known these arts to be divine and pious, and congruous with the works of divine power, he ought not only to have confessed, but also to have professed them, rather blaming the laws by which these things were prohibited and pronounced worthy of condemnation, while they ought to have been held worthy of admiration and respect. For by so doing, either he would have persuaded the judges to adopt his own opinion, or, if they had shown their partiality for unjust laws, and condemned him to death notwithstanding his praising and commending such things, the demons would have bestowed on his soul such rewards as he deserved, who, in order to proclaim and set forth their divine works, had not feared the loss of his human life. As our martyrs, when that religion was charged on them as a crime, by which they knew they were made safe and most glorious throughout eternity, did not choose, by denying it, to escape temporal punishments, but rather by confessing, professing, and proclaiming it, by enduring all things for it with fidelity and fortitude, and by dying for it with pious calmness, put to shame the law by which that religion was prohibited, and caused its revocation. But there is extant a most copious and eloquent oration of this Platonic philosopher, in which he defends himself against the charge of practising these arts, affirming that he is wholly a stranger to them, and only wishing to show his innocence by denying such things as cannot be innocently committed. But all the miracles of the magicians, who he thinks are justly deserving of condemnation, are performed according to the teaching and by the power of demons. Why, then, does he think that they ought to be honored? For he asserts that they are necessary, in order to present our prayers to the gods, and yet their works are such as we must shun if we wish our prayers to reach the true God. Again, I ask, what kind of prayers of men does he suppose are presented to the good gods by the demons? If magical prayers, they will have none such; if lawful prayers, they will not receive them through such beings. But if a sinner who is penitent pour out prayers, especially if he has committed any crime of sorcery, does he receive pardon through the intercession of those demons by whose instigation and help he has fallen into the sin he mourns? Or do the demons themselves, in order that they may merit pardon for the penitent, first become penitents because they have deceived them? This no one ever said concerning the demons; for had this been the case, they would never have dared to seek for themselves divine honors. For how should they do so who desired by penitence to obtain the grace of pardon; seeing that such detestable pride could not exist along with a humility worthy of pardon? , But does any urgent and most pressing cause compel the demons to mediate between the gods and men, that they may offer the prayers of men, and bring back the answers from the gods? And if so, what, pray, is that cause, what is that so great necessity? Because, say they, no god has intercourse with man. Most admirable holiness of God, which has no intercourse with a supplicating man, and yet has intercourse with an arrogant demon! Which has no intercourse with a penitent man, and yet has intercourse with a deceiving demon! Which has no intercourse with a man fleeing for refuge to the divine nature, and yet has intercourse with a demon feigning divinity! Which has no intercourse with a man seeking pardon, and yet has intercourse with a demon persuading to wickedness! Which has no intercourse with a man expelling the poets by means of philosophical writings from a well-regulated state, and yet has intercourse with a demon requesting from the princes and priests of a state the theatrical performance of the mockeries of the poets! Which has no intercourse with the man who prohibits the ascribing of crime to the gods, and yet has intercourse with a demon who takes delight in the fictitious representation of their crimes! Which has no intercourse with a man punishing the crimes of the magicians by just laws, and yet has intercourse with a demon teaching and practising magical arts! Which has no intercourse with a man shunning the imitation of a demon, and yet has intercourse with a demon lying in wait for the deception of a man! , But herein, no doubt, lies the great necessity for this absurdity, so unworthy of the gods, that the ethereal gods, who are concerned about human affairs, would not know what terrestrial men were doing unless the aerial demons should bring them intelligence, because the ether is suspended far away from the earth and far above it, but the air is contiguous both to the ether and to the earth. O admirable wisdom! What else do these men think concerning the gods who, they say, are all in the highest degree good, but that they are concerned about human affairs, lest they should seem unworthy of worship, while, on the other hand, from the distance between the elements, they are ignorant of terrestrial things? It is on this account that they have supposed the demons to be necessary as agents, through whom the gods may inform themselves with respect to human affairs, and through whom, when necessary, they may succor men; and it is on account of this office that the demons themselves have been held as deserving of worship. If this be the case, then a demon is better known by these good gods through nearness of body, than a man is by goodness of mind. O mournful necessity, or shall I not rather say detestable and vain error, that I may not impute vanity to the divine nature! For if the gods can, with their minds free from the hindrance of bodies, see our mind, they do not need the demons as messengers from our mind to them; but if the ethereal gods, by means of their bodies, perceive the corporeal indices of minds, as the countece, speech, motion, and thence understand what the demons tell them, then it is also possible that they may be deceived by the falsehoods of demons. Moreover, if the divinity of the gods cannot be deceived by the demons, neither can it be ignorant of our actions. But I would they would tell me whether the demons have informed the gods that the fictions of the poets concerning the crimes of the gods displease Plato, concealing the pleasure which they themselves take in them; or whether they have concealed both, and have preferred that the gods should be ignorant with respect to this whole matter, or have told both, as well the pious prudence of Plato with respect to the gods as their own lust, which is injurious to the gods; or whether they have concealed Plato's opinion, according to which he was unwilling that the gods should be defamed with falsely alleged crimes through the impious license of the poets, while they have not been ashamed nor afraid to make known their own wickedness, which make them love theatrical plays, in which the infamous deeds of the gods are celebrated. Let them choose which they will of these four alternatives, and let them consider how much evil any one of them would require them to think of the gods. For if they choose the first, they must then confess that it was not possible for the good gods to dwell with the good Plato, though he sought to prohibit things injurious to them, while they dwelt with evil demons, who exulted in their injuries; and this because they suppose that the good gods can only know a good man, placed at so great a distance from them, through the mediation of evil demons, whom they could know on account of their nearness to themselves. If they shall choose the second, and shall say that both these things are concealed by the demons, so that the gods are wholly ignorant both of Plato's most religious law and the sacrilegious pleasure of the demons, what, in that case, can the gods know to any profit with respect to human affairs through these mediating demons, when they do not know those things which are decreed, through the piety of good men, for the honor of the good gods against the lust of evil demons? But if they shall choose the third, and reply that these intermediary demons have communicated, not only the opinion of Plato, which prohibited wrongs to be done to the gods, but also their own delight in these wrongs, I would ask if such a communication is not rather an insult? Now the gods, hearing both and knowing both, not only permit the approach of those malign demons, who desire and do things contrary to the dignity of the gods and the religion of Plato, but also, through these wicked demons, who are near to them, send good things to the good Plato, who is far away from them; for they inhabit such a place in the concatenated series of the elements, that they can come into contact with those by whom they are accused, but not with him by whom they are defended -knowing the truth on both sides, but not being able to change the weight of the air and the earth. There remains the fourth supposition; but it is worse than the rest. For who will suffer it to be said that the demons have made known the calumnious fictions of the poets concerning the immortal gods, and also the disgraceful mockeries of the theatres, and their own most ardent lust after, and most sweet pleasure in these things, while they have concealed from them that Plato, with the gravity of a philosopher, gave it as his opinion that all these things ought to be removed from a well-regulated republic; so that the good gods are now compelled, through such messengers, to know the evil doings of the most wicked beings, that is to say, of the messengers themselves, and are not allowed to know the good deeds of the philosophers, though the former are for the injury, but these latter for the honor of the gods themselves? , None of these four alternatives, then, is to be chosen; for we dare not suppose such unbecoming things concerning the gods as the adoption of any one of them would lead us to think. It remains, therefore, that no credence whatever is to be given to the opinion of Apuleius and the other philosophers of the same school, namely, that the demons act as messengers and interpreters between the gods and men to carry our petitions from us to the gods, and to bring back to us the help of the gods. On the contrary, we must believe them to be spirits most eager to inflict harm, utterly alien from righteousness, swollen with pride, pale with envy, subtle in deceit; who dwell indeed in this air as in a prison, in keeping with their own character, because, cast down from the height of the higher heaven, they have been condemned to dwell in this element as the just reward of irretrievable transgression. But, though the air is situated above the earth and the waters, they are not on that account superior in merit to men, who, though they do not surpass them as far as their earthly bodies are concerned, do nevertheless far excel them through piety of mind - they having made choice of the true God as their helper. Over many, however, who are manifestly unworthy of participation in the true religion, they tyrannize as over captives whom they have subdued - the greatest part of whom they have persuaded of their divinity by wonderful and lying signs, consisting either of deeds or of predictions. Some, nevertheless, who have more attentively and diligently considered their vices, they have not been able to persuade that they are gods, and so have feigned themselves to be messengers between the gods and men. Some, indeed, have thought that not even this latter honor ought to be acknowledged as belonging to them, not believing that they were gods, because they saw that they were wicked, whereas the gods, according to their view, are all good. Nevertheless they dared not say that they were wholly unworthy of all divine honor, for fear of offending the multitude, by whom, through inveterate superstition, the demons were served by the performance of many rites, and the erection of many temples. , The Egyptian Hermes, whom they call Trismegistus, had a different opinion concerning those demons. Apuleius, indeed, denies that they are gods; but when he says that they hold a middle place between the gods and men, so that they seem to be necessary for men as mediators between them and the gods, he does not distinguish between the worship due to them and the religious homage due to the supernal gods. This Egyptian, however, says that there are some gods made by the supreme God, and some made by men. Any one who hears this, as I have stated it, no doubt supposes that it has reference to images, because they are the works of the hands of men; but he asserts that visible and tangible images are, as it were, only the bodies of the gods, and that there dwell in them certain spirits, which have been invited to come into them, and which have power to inflict harm, or to fulfil the desires of those by whom divine honors and services are rendered to them. To unite, therefore, by a certain art, those invisible spirits to visible and material things, so as to make, as it were, animated bodies, dedicated and given up to those spirits who inhabit them - this, he says, is to make gods, adding that men have received this great and wonderful power. I will give the words of this Egyptian as they have been translated into our tongue: And, since we have undertaken to discourse concerning the relationship and fellowship between men and the gods, know, O Æsculapius, the power and strength of man. As the Lord and Father, or that which is highest, even God, is the maker of the celestial gods, so man is the maker of the gods who are in the temples, content to dwell near to men. And a little after he says, Thus humanity, always mindful of its nature and origin, perseveres in the imitation of divinity; and as the Lord and Father made eternal gods, that they should be like Himself, so humanity fashioned its own gods according to the likeness of its own countece. When this Æsculapius, to whom especially he was speaking, had answered him, and had said, Do you mean the statues, O Trismegistus? - Yes, the statues, replied he, however unbelieving you are, O Æsculapius - the statues, animated and full of sensation and spirit, and who do such great and wonderful things - the statues prescient of future things, and foretelling them by lot, by prophet, by dreams, and many other things, who bring diseases on men and cure them again, giving them joy or sorrow according to their merits. Do you not know, O Æsculapius, that Egypt is an image of heaven, or, more truly, a translation and descent of all things which are ordered and transacted there, that it is, in truth, if we may say so, to be the temple of the whole world? And yet, as it becomes the prudent man to know all things beforehand, you ought not to be ignorant of this, that there is a time coming when it shall appear that the Egyptians have all in vain, with pious mind, and with most scrupulous diligence, waited on the divinity, and when all their holy worship shall come to nought, and be found to be in vain. Hermes then follows out at great length the statements of this passage, in which he seems to predict the present time, in which the Christian religion is overthrowing all lying figments with a vehemence and liberty proportioned to its superior truth and holiness, in order that the grace of the true Saviour may deliver men from those gods which man has made, and subject them to that God by whom man was made. But when Hermes predicts these things, he speaks as one who is a friend to these same mockeries of demons, and does not clearly express the name of Christ. On the contrary, he deplores, as if it had already taken place, the future abolition of those things by the observance of which there was maintained in Egypt a resemblance of heaven, - he bears witness to Christianity by a kind of mournful prophecy. Now it was with reference to such that the apostle said, that knowing God, they glorified Him not as God, neither were thankful, but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened; professing themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the likeness of the image of corruptible man, Romans 1:21 and so on, for the whole passage is too long to quote. For Hermes makes many such statements agreeable to the truth concerning the one true God who fashioned this world. And I know not how he has become so bewildered by that darkening of the heart as to stumble into the expression of a desire that men should always continue in subjection to those gods which he confesses to be made by men, and to bewail their future removal; as if there could be anything more wretched than mankind tyrannized over by the work of his own hands, since man, by worshipping the works of his own hands, may more easily cease to be man, than the works of his hands can, through his worship of them, become gods. For it can sooner happen that man, who has received an honorable position, may, through lack of understanding, become comparable to the beasts, than that the works of man may become preferable to the work of God, made in His own image, that is, to man himself. Wherefore deservedly is man left to fall away from Him who made Him, when he prefers to himself that which he himself has made. For these vain, deceitful, pernicious, sacrilegious things did the Egyptian Hermes sorrow, because he knew that the time was coming when they should be removed. But his sorrow was as impudently expressed as his knowledge was imprudently obtained; for it was not the Holy Spirit who revealed these things to him, as He had done to the holy prophets, who, foreseeing these things, said with exultation, If a man shall make gods, lo, they are no gods; Jeremiah 16:10 and in another place, And it shall come to pass in that day, says the Lord, that I will cut off the names of the idols out of the land, and they shall no more be remembered. Zechariah 13:2 But the holy Isaiah prophesies expressly concerning Egypt in reference to this matter, saying, And the idols of Egypt shall be moved at His presence, and their heart shall be overcome in them, Isaiah 19:1 and other things to the same effect. And with the prophet are to be classed those who rejoiced that that which they knew was to come had actually come - as Simeon, or Anna, who immediately recognized Jesus when He was born, or Elisabeth, who in the Spirit recognized Him when He was conceived, or Peter, who said by the revelation of the Father, You are Christ, the Son of the living God. Matthew 16:16 But to this Egyptian those spirits indicated the time of their own destruction, who also, when the Lord was present in the flesh, said with trembling, Have You come here to destroy us before the time? Matthew 8:29 meaning by destruction before the time, either that very destruction which they expected to come, but which they did not think would come so suddenly as it appeared to have done, or only that destruction which consisted in their being brought into contempt by being made known. And, indeed, this was a destruction before the time, that is, before the time of judgment, when they are to be punished with eternal damnation, together with all men who are implicated in their wickedness, as the true religion declares, which neither errs nor leads into error; for it is not like him who, blown here and there by every wind of doctrine, and mixing true things with things which are false, bewails as about to perish a religion, which he afterwards confesses to be error. , After a long interval, Hermes again comes back to the subject of the gods which men have made, saying as follows: But enough on this subject. Let us return to man and to reason, that divine gift on account of which man has been called a rational animal. For the things which have been said concerning man, wonderful though they are, are less wonderful than those which have been said concerning reason. For man to discover the divine nature, and to make it, surpasses the wonder of all other wonderful things. Because, therefore, our forefathers erred very far with respect to the knowledge of the gods, through incredulity and through want of attention to their worship and service, they invented this art of making gods; and this art once invented, they associated with it a suitable virtue borrowed from universal nature, and being incapable of making souls, they evoked those of demons or of angels, and united them with these holy images and divine mysteries, in order that through these souls the images might have power to do good or harm to men. I know not whether the demons themselves could have been made, even by adjuration, to confess as he has confessed in these words: Because our forefathers erred very far with respect to the knowledge of the gods, through incredulity and through want of attention to their worship and service, they invented the art of making gods. Does he say that it was a moderate degree of error which resulted in their discovery of the art of making gods, or was he content to say they erred? No; he must needs add very far, and say, They erred very far. It was this great error and incredulity, then, of their forefathers who did not attend to the worship and service of the gods, which was the origin of the art of making gods. And yet this wise man grieves over the ruin of this art at some future time, as if it were a divine religion. Is he not verily compelled by divine influence, on the one hand, to reveal the past error of his forefathers, and by a diabolical influence, on the other hand, to bewail the future punishment of demons? For if their forefathers, by erring very far with respect to the knowledge of the gods, through incredulity and aversion of mind from their worship and service, invented the art of making gods, what wonder is it that all that is done by this detestable art, which is opposed to the divine religion, should be taken away by that religion, when truth corrects error, faith refutes incredulity, and conversion rectifies aversion? For if he had only said, without mentioning the cause, that his forefathers had discovered the art of making gods, it would have been our duty, if we paid any regard to what is right and pious, to consider and to see that they could never have attained to this art if they had not erred from the truth, if they had believed those things which are worthy of God, if they had attended to divine worship and service. However, if we alone should say that the causes of this art were to be found in the great error and incredulity of men, and aversion of the mind erring from and unfaithful to divine religion, the impudence of those who resist the truth were in some way to be borne with; but when he who admires in man, above all other things, this power which it has been granted him to practise, and sorrows because a time is coming when all those figments of gods invented by men shall even be commanded by the laws to be taken away - when even this man confesses nevertheless, and explains the causes which led to the discovery of this art, saying that their ancestors, through great error and incredulity, and through not attending to the worship and service of the gods, invented this art of making gods - what ought we to say, or rather to do, but to give to the Lord our God all the thanks we are able, because He has taken away those things by causes the contrary of those which led to their institution? For that which the prevalence of error instituted, the way of truth took away; that which incredulity instituted, faith took away; that which aversion from divine worship and service instituted, conversion to the one true and holy God took away. Nor was this the case only in Egypt, for which country alone the spirit of the demons lamented in Hermes, but in all the earth, which sings to the Lord a new song, as the truly holy and truly prophetic Scriptures have predicted, in which it is written, Sing unto the Lord a new song; sing unto the Lord, all the earth. For the title of this psalm is, When the house was built after the captivity. For a house is being built to the Lord in all the earth, even the city of God, which is the holy Church, after that captivity in which demons held captive those men who, through faith in God, became living stones in the house. For although man made gods, it did not follow that he who made them was not held captive by them, when, by worshipping them, he was drawn into fellowship with them - into the fellowship not of stolid idols, but of cunning demons; for what are idols but what they are represented to be in the same scriptures, They have eyes, but they do not see, and, though artistically fashioned, are still without life and sensation? But unclean spirits, associated through that wicked art with these same idols, have miserably taken captive the souls of their worshippers, by bringing them down into fellowship with themselves. Whence the apostle says, We know that an idol is nothing, but those things which the Gentiles sacrifice they sacrifice to demons, and not to God; and I would not ye should have fellowship with demons. 1 Corinthians 10:19-20 After this captivity, therefore, in which men were held by malign demons, the house of God is being built in all the earth; whence the title of that psalm in which it is said, Sing unto the Lord a new song; sing unto the Lord, all the earth. Sing unto the Lord, bless His name; declare well His salvation from day to day. Declare His glory among the nations, among all people His wonderful things. For great is the Lord, and much to be praised: He is terrible above all gods. For all the gods of the nations are demons: but the Lord made the heavens. Wherefore he who sorrowed because a time was coming when the worship of idols should be abolished, and the domination of the demons over those who worshipped them, wished, under the influence of a demon, that that captivity should always continue, at the cessation of which that psalm celebrates the building of the house of the Lord in all the earth. Hermes foretold these things with grief, the prophet with joyfulness; and because the Spirit is victorious who sang these things through the ancient prophets, even Hermes himself was compelled in a wonderful manner to confess, that those very things which he wished not to be removed, and at the prospect of whose removal he was sorrowful, had been instituted, not by prudent, faithful, and religious, but by erring and unbelieving men, averse to the worship and service of the gods. And although he calls them gods, nevertheless, when he says that they were made by such men as we certainly ought not to be, he shows, whether he will or not, that they are not to be worshipped by those who do not resemble these image-makers, that is, by prudent, faithful, and religious men, at the same time also making it manifest that the very men who made them involved themselves in the worship of those as gods who were not gods. For true is the saying of the prophet, If a man make gods, lo, they are no gods. Jeremiah 16:20 Such gods, therefore, acknowledged by such worshippers and made by such men, did Hermes call gods made by men, that is to say, demons, through some art of I know not what description, bound by the chains of their own lusts to images. But, nevertheless, he did not agree with that opinion of the Platonic Apuleius, of which we have already shown the incongruity and absurdity, namely, that they were interpreters and intercessors between the gods whom God made, and men whom the same God made, bringing to God the prayers of men, and from God the gifts given in answer to these prayers. For it is exceedingly stupid to believe that gods whom men have made have more influence with gods whom God has made than men themselves have, whom the very same God has made. And consider, too, that it is a demon which, bound by a man to an image by means of an impious art, has been made a god, but a god to such a man only, not to every man. What kind of god, therefore, is that which no man would make but one erring, incredulous, and averse to the true God? Moreover, if the demons which are worshipped in the temples, being introduced by some kind of strange art into images, that is, into visible representations of themselves, by those men who by this art made gods when they were straying away from, and were averse to the worship and service of the gods - if, I say, those demons are neither mediators nor interpreters between men and the gods, both on account of their own most wicked and base manners, and because men, though erring, incredulous, and averse from the worship and service of the gods, are nevertheless beyond doubt better than the demons whom they themselves have evoked, then it remains to be affirmed that what power they possess they possess as demons, doing harm by bestowing pretended benefits - harm all the greater for the deception - or else openly and undisguisedly doing evil to men. They cannot, however, do anything of this kind unless where they are permitted by the deep and secret providence of God, and then only so far as they are permitted. When, however, they are permitted, it is not because they, being midway between men and the gods, have through the friendship of the gods great power over men; for these demons cannot possibly be friends to the good gods who dwell in the holy and heavenly habitation, by whom we mean holy angels and rational creatures, whether thrones, or dominations, or principalities, or powers, from whom they are as far separated in disposition and character as vice is distant from virtue, wickedness from goodness. , Wherefore we must by no means seek, through the supposed mediation of demons, to avail ourselves of the benevolence or beneficence of the gods, or rather of the good angels, but through resembling them in the possession of a good will, through which we are with them, and live with them, and worship with them the same God, although we cannot see them with the eyes of our flesh. But it is not in locality we are distant from them, but in merit of life, caused by our miserable unlikeness to them in will, and by the weakness of our character; for the mere fact of our dwelling on earth under the conditions of life in the flesh does not prevent our fellowship with them. It is only prevented when we, in the impurity of our hearts, mind earthly things. But in this present time, while we are being healed that we may eventually be as they are, we are brought near to them by faith, if by their assistance we believe that He who is their blessedness is also ours. , It is certainly a remarkable thing how this Egyptian, when expressing his grief that a time was coming when those things would be taken away from Egypt, which he confesses to have been invented by men erring, incredulous, and averse to the service of divine religion, says, among other things, Then shall that land, the most holy place of shrines and temples, be full of sepulchres and dead men, as if, in truth, if these things were not taken away, men would not die! As if dead bodies could be buried elsewhere than in the ground! As if, as time advanced, the number of sepulchres must not necessarily increase in proportion to the increase of the number of the dead! But they who are of a perverse mind, and opposed to us, suppose that what he grieves for is that the memorials of our martyrs were to succeed to their temples and shrines, in order, forsooth, that they may have grounds for thinking that gods were worshipped by the pagans in temples, but that dead men are worshipped by us in sepulchres. For with such blindness do impious men, as it were, stumble over mountains, and will not see the things which strike their own eyes, that they do not attend to the fact that in all the literature of the pagans there are not found any, or scarcely any gods, who have not been men, to whom, when dead, divine honors have been paid. I will not enlarge on the fact that Varro says that all dead men are thought by them to be gods - Manes and proves it by those sacred rites which are performed in honor of almost all the dead, among which he mentions funeral games, considering this the very highest proof of divinity, because games are only wont to be celebrated in honor of divinities. Hermes himself, of whom we are now treating, in that same book in which, as if foretelling future things, he says with sorrow Then shall that land, the most holy place of shrines and temples, be full of sepulchres and dead men, testifies that the gods of Egypt were dead men. For, having said that their forefathers, erring very far with respect to the knowledge of the gods, incredulous and inattentive to the divine worship and service, invented the art of making gods, with which art, when invented, they associated the appropriate virtue which is inherent in universal nature, and by mixing up that virtue with this art, they called forth the souls of demons or of angels (for they could not make souls), and caused them to take possession of, or associate themselves with holy images and divine mysteries, in order that through these souls the images might have power to do good or harm to men;- having said this, he goes on, as it were, to prove it by illustrations, saying, Your grandsire, O Æsculapius, the first discoverer of medicine, to whom a temple was consecrated in a mountain of Libya, near to the shore of the crocodiles, in which temple lies his earthly man, that is, his body - for the better part of him, or rather the whole of him, if the whole man is in the intelligent life, went back to heaven, - affords even now by his divinity all those helps to infirm men which formerly he was wont to afford to them by the art of medicine. He says, therefore that a dead man was worshipped as a god in that place where he had his sepulchre. He deceives men by a falsehood, for the man went back to heaven. Then he adds Does not Hermes, who was my grandsire, and whose name I bear, abiding in the country which is called by his name, help and preserve all mortals who come to him from every quarter? For this elder Hermes, that is, Mercury, who, he says, was his grandsire, is said to be buried in Hermopolis, that is, in the city called by his name; so here are two gods whom he affirms to have been men, Æsculapius and Mercury. Now concerning Æsculapius, both the Greeks and the Latins think the same thing; but as to Mercury, there are many who do not think that he was formerly a mortal, though Hermes testifies that he was his grandsire. But are these two different individuals who were called by the same name? I will not dispute much whether they are different individuals or not. It is sufficient to know that this Mercury of whom Hermes speaks is, as well as Æsculapius, a god who once was a man, according, to the testimony of this same Trismegistus, esteemed so great by his countrymen, and also the grandson of Mercury himself. Hermes goes on to say, But do we know how many good things Isis, the wife of Osiris, bestows when she is propitious, and what great opposition she can offer when enraged? Then, in order to show that there were gods made by men through this art, he goes on to say, For it is easy for earthly and mundane gods to be angry, being made and composed by men out of either nature; thus giving us to understand that he believed that demons were formerly the souls of dead men, which, as he says, by means of a certain art invented by men very far in error, incredulous, and irreligious, were caused to take possession of images, because they who made such gods were not able to make souls. When, therefore, he says either nature, he means soul and body - the demon being the soul, and the image the body. What, then, becomes of that mournful complaint, that the land of Egypt, the most holy place of shrines and temples, was to be full of sepulchres and dead men? Verily, the fallacious spirit, by whose inspiration Hermes spoke these things, was compelled to confess through him that even already that land was full of sepulchres and of dead men, whom they were worshipping as gods. But it was the grief of the demons which was expressing itself through his mouth, who were sorrowing on account of the punishments which were about to fall upon them at the tombs of the martyrs. For in many such places they are tortured and compelled to confess, and are cast out of the bodies of men, of which they had taken possession. , But, nevertheless, we do not build temples, and ordain priests, rites, and sacrifices for these same martyrs; for they are not our gods, but their God is our God. Certainly we honor their reliquaries, as the memorials of holy men of God who strove for the truth even to the death of their bodies, that the true religion might be made known, and false and fictitious religions exposed. For if there were some before them who thought that these religions were really false and fictitious, they were afraid to give expression to their convictions. But who ever heard a priest of the faithful, standing at an altar built for the honor and worship of God over the holy body of some martyr, say in the prayers, I offer to you a sacrifice, O Peter, or O Paul, or O Cyprian? For it is to God that sacrifices are offered at their tombs - the God who made them both men and martyrs, and associated them with holy angels in celestial honor; and the reason why we pay such honors to their memory is, that by so doing we may both give thanks to the true God for their victories, and, by recalling them afresh to remembrance, may stir ourselves up to imitate them by seeking to obtain like crowns and palms, calling to our help that same God on whom they called. Therefore, whatever honors the religious may pay in the places of the martyrs, they are but honors rendered to their memory, not sacred rites or sacrifices offered to dead men as to gods. And even such as bring there food - which, indeed, is not done by the better Christians, and in most places of the world is not done at all - do so in order that it may be sanctified to them through the merits of the martyrs, in the name of the Lord of the martyrs, first presenting the food and offering prayer, and thereafter taking it away to be eaten, or to be in part bestowed upon the needy. But he who knows the one sacrifice of Christians, which is the sacrifice offered in those places, also knows that these are not sacrifices offered to the martyrs. It is, then, neither with divine honors nor with human crimes, by which they worship their gods, that we honor our martyrs; neither do we offer sacrifices to them, or convert the crimes of the gods into their sacred rites. For let those who will and can read the letter of Alexander to his mother Olympias, in which he tells the things which were revealed to him by the priest Leon, and let those who have read it recall to memory what it contains, that they may see what great abominations have been handed down to memory, not by poets, but by the mystic writings of the Egyptians, concerning the goddess Isis, the wife of Osiris, and the parents of both, all of whom, according to these writings, were royal personages. Isis, when sacrificing to her parents, is said to have discovered a crop of barley, of which she brought some ears to the king her husband, and his councillor Mercurius, and hence they identify her with Ceres. Those who read the letter may there see what was the character of those people to whom when dead sacred rites were instituted as to gods, and what those deeds of theirs were which furnished the occasion for these rites. Let them not once dare to compare in any respect those people, though they hold them to be gods, to our holy martyrs, though we do not hold them to be gods. For we do not ordain priests and offer sacrifices to our martyrs, as they do to their dead men, for that would be incongruous, undue, and unlawful, such being due only to God; and thus we do not delight them with their own crimes, or with such shameful plays as those in which the crimes of the gods are celebrated, which are either real crimes committed by them at a time when they were men, or else, if they never were men, fictitious crimes invented for the pleasure of noxious demons. The god of Socrates, if he had a god, cannot have belonged to this class of demons. But perhaps they who wished to excel in this art of making gods, imposed a god of this sort on a man who was a stranger to, and innocent of any connection with that art. What need we say more? No one who is even moderately wise imagines that demons are to be worshipped on account of the blessed life which is to be after death. But perhaps they will say that all the gods are good, but that of the demons some are bad and some good, and that it is the good who are to be worshipped, in order that through them we may attain to the eternally blessed life. To the examination of this opinion we will devote the following book. < |
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| 156. Augustine, On The Holy Trinity, 4.17.23, 4.18, 4.18.24, 5.5.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and •metaphysics, plato’s, in timaeus •plato, timaeus, didaskalias charin and •plato, timaeus, interpretive controversies in •plato, timaeus, literal interpretation of Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 26, 233, 251, 253, 260, 269 |
| 157. Augustine, In Evangelium Joannis Tractatus Cxxiv, 38.8, 38.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 232, 265 |
| 158. Augustine, Enarrationes In Psalmos, 101.2.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 234 |
159. Augustine, Confessions, 11.14.17, 11.23.29-11.23.30, 12.13, 13.1-13.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and •plato, timaeus, cicero translates Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 231, 233, 239 | 13.1. 1. I Call upon You, my God, my mercy, who made me, and who did not forget me, though forgetful of You. I call You into my soul, which by the desire which Thou inspirest in it Thou preparest for Your reception. Do not Thou forsake me calling upon You, who anticipated me before I called, and importunately urged with manifold calls that I should hear You from afar, and be converted, and call upon You who called me. For Thou, O Lord, have blotted out all my evil deserts, that You might not repay into my hands wherewith I have fallen from You, and You have anticipated all my good deserts, that You might repay into Your hands wherewith You made me; because before I was, You were, nor was I [anything] to which You might grant being. And yet behold, I am, out of Your goodness, anticipating all this which You have made me, and of which You have made me. For neither had Thou stood in need of me, nor am I such a good as to be helpful unto You, my Lord and God; not that I may so serve You as though You were fatigued in working, or lest Your power may be less if lacking my assistance nor that, like the land, I may so cultivate You that You would be uncultivated did I cultivate You not but that I may serve and worship You, to the end that I may have well-being from You; from whom it is that I am one susceptible of well-being. 13.8. 9. The angels fell, the soul of man fell and they have thus indicated the abyss in that dark deep, ready for the whole spiritual creation, unless You had said from the beginning, Let there be light, and there had been light, and every obedient intelligence of Your celestial City had cleaved to You, and rested in Your Spirit, which unchangeably is borne over everything changeable. Otherwise, even the heaven of heavens itself would have been a darksome deep, whereas now it is light in the Lord. For even in that wretched restlessness of the spirits who fell away, and, when unclothed of the garments of Your light, discovered their own darkness, dost Thou sufficiently disclose how noble You have made the rational creature; to which nought which is inferior to You will suffice to yield a happy rest, and so not even herself. For Thou, O our God, shall enlighten our darkness; from You are derived our garments of light, and then shall our darkness be as the noonday. Give Yourself unto me, O my God, restore Yourself unto me; behold, I love You, and if it be too little, let me love You more strongly. I cannot measure my love, so that I may come to know how much there is yet wanting in me, ere my life run into Your embracements, and not be turned away until it be hidden in the secret place of Your Presence. This only I know, that woe is me except in You - not only without, but even also within myself; and all plenty which is not my God is poverty to me. 13.12. 13. Proceed in your confession, say to the Lord your God, O my faith, Holy, Holy, Holy, O Lord my God, in Your name have we been baptized, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, in Your name do we baptize, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, Matthew 28:19 because among us also in His Christ did God make heaven and earth, namely, the spiritual and carnal people of His Church. Yea, and our earth, before it received the form of doctrine, Romans 6:17 was invisible and formless, and we were covered with the darkness of ignorance. For Thou correctest man for iniquity, and Your judgments are a great deep. But because Your Spirit was borne over the waters, Genesis 1:3 Your mercy forsook not our misery, and Thou said, Let there be light, Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand. Matthew 3:2 Repent, let there be light. And because our soul was troubled within us, we remembered You, O Lord, from the land of Jordan, and that mountain equal unto Yourself, but little for our sakes; and upon our being displeased with our darkness, we turned unto You, and there was light. And, behold, we were sometimes darkness, but now light in the Lord. Ephesians 5:8 |
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160. Marinus, Vita Proclus, 9.17-9.19 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 264; d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 179 | 38. The facts about our philosopher that I have just related are sufficient for me; but the field is open for whoever may desire to write an honest story about his disciples and friends. For many people came from different countries to attend his courses, some only to hear him, others to become his rivals, and then were bound to him in philosophical union. A writer more laborious than I will be able to make out the general list of his works, for my only purpose has been to satisfy a duty imposed by my conscience, and to satisfy my debt of pious homage toward this divine person, and towards the Good Daimon to whom he had been allotted. As to his writings, I will limit myself to the statement that he always preferred his Commentary on the Timaeus, although he had a great fondness for his Commentary on the Theatetus. He would often say, "If I had the power, of all ancient books I would leave in circulation only the Oracles and the Timaeus; all the others, I would make them disappear from the eyes of our contemporaries, for they can only harm those who undertake their reading without care and attention!" Proclus or Concerning Happiness has been completed with the help of God.END |
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| 161. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations, 2.74, 21.1, 27.7, 28.3-28.4, 38.1, 38.6, 38.8-38.13, 38.17, 39.8-39.9, 40.1, 41.1, 41.18, 44.1, 44.3, 44.11 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 13, 17, 41, 56, 75, 76, 80, 83, 84, 116, 124, 141 |
| 162. Julian (Emperor), Against The Galileans, 17 (93d-94a) (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 150 |
| 163. Gregory of Nyssa, In Ecclesiasten (Homiliae 8), 376 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Zachhuber, Time and Soul: From Aristotle to St. Augustine (2022) 36, 37, 38, 39, 43, 45, 49, 69, 75, 84 |
| 164. Gregory of Nyssa, Dialogus De Anima Et Resurrectione, 67 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Zachhuber, Time and Soul: From Aristotle to St. Augustine (2022) 12, 36, 37, 38, 39, 43, 45, 49 |
| 165. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 131 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 13 |
| 166. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 131 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 13 |
| 167. Macrobius, Commentary On The Dream of Scipio, 1.9.8-1.9.10, 1.19.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 404; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 262 |
| 168. Hermeias of Alexandria, In Platonis Phaedrum Scholia,, 96.24 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •proclus, commentary on platos timaeus Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 214 |
| 169. Nemesius, On The Nature of Man, 43 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, apuleius and •plato, timaeus, apuleius interprets Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 126, 153 |
170. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 4.26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 81 | 4.26. Now Providence opposed Didymus to the Arians at Alexandria. But for the purpose of confuting them in other cities, it raised up Basil of C sarea and Gregory of Nazianzus; concerning these it will be reasonable to give a brief account in this place. Indeed the universally prevalent memory of the men would be enough as a token of their fame; and the extent of their knowledge is sufficiently perceptible in their writings. Since, however, the exercise of their talents was of great service to the Church, tending in a high degree to the maintece of the catholic faith, the nature of my history obliges me to take particular notice of these two persons. If any one should compare Basil and Gregory with one another, and consider the life, morals, and virtues of each, he would find it difficult to decide to which of them he ought to assign the pre-eminence: so equally did they both appear to excel, whether you regard the rectitude of their conduct, or their deep acquaintance with Greek literature and the sacred Scriptures. In their youth they were pupils at Athens of Himerius and Proh resius, the most celebrated sophists of that age: subsequently they frequented the school of Libanius at Antioch in Syria, where they cultivated rhetoric to the utmost. Having been deemed worthy of the profession of sophistry, they were urged by many of their friends to enter the profession of teaching eloquence; others would have persuaded them to practice law: but despising both these pursuits, they abandoned their former studies, and embraced the monastic life. Having had some slight taste of philosophical science from him who then taught it at Antioch, they procured Origen's works, and drew from them the right interpretation of the sacred Scriptures; for the fame of Origen was very great and widespread throughout the whole world at that time; after a careful perusal of the writings of that great man, they contended against the Arians with manifest advantage. And when the defenders of Arianism quoted the same author in confirmation, as they imagined, of their own views, these two confuted them, and clearly proved that their opponents did not at all understand the reasoning of Origen. Indeed, although Eunomius, who was then their champion, and many others on the side of the Arians were considered men of great eloquence, yet whenever they attempted to enter into controversy with Gregory and Basil, they appeared in comparison with them ignorant and illiterate. Basil being ordained to the office of deacon, was by Meletius, bishop of Antioch, from that rank elevated to the bishopric of C sarea in Cappadocia, which was his native country. Thither he therefore hastened, fearing lest these Arian dogmas should have infected the provinces of Pontus; and in order to counteract them, he founded several monasteries, diligently instructed the people in his own doctrines, and confirmed the faith of those whose minds were wavering. Gregory being constituted bishop of Nazianzus, a small city of Cappadocia over which his own father had before presided, pursued a course similar to that which Basil took; for he went through the various cities, and strengthened the weak in faith. To Constantinople in particular he made frequent visits, and by his ministrations there, comforted and assured the orthodox believers, wherefore a short time after, by the suffrage of many bishops, he was made bishop of the church at Constantinople. When intelligence of the proceedings of these two zealous and devoted men reached the ears of the emperor Valens, he immediately ordered Basil to be brought from C sarea to Antioch; where being arraigned before the tribunal of the prefect, that functionary asked him 'why he would not embrace the emperor's faith?' Basil with much boldness condemned the errors of that creed which his sovereign counteced, and vindicated the doctrine of the homoousion: and when the prefect threatened him with death, 'Would,' said Basil, 'that I might be released from the bonds of the body for the truth's sake.' The prefect having exhorted him to reconsider the matter more seriously, Basil is reported to have said, 'I am the same today that I shall be tomorrow: but I wish that you had not changed yourself.' At that time, therefore, Basil remained in custody throughout the day. It happened, however, not long afterwards that Galates, the emperor's infant son, was attacked with a dangerous malady, so that the physicians despaired of his recovery; when the empress Dominica, his mother, assured the emperor that she had been greatly disquieted in her dreams by fearful visions, which led her to believe that the child's illness was a chastisement on account of the ill treatment of the bishop. The emperor after a little reflection sent for Basil, and in order to prove his faith said to him, 'If the doctrine you maintain is the truth, pray that my son may not die.' 'If your majesty should believe as I do,' replied Basil, 'and the church should be unified, the child shall live.' To these conditions the emperor would not agree: 'God's will concerning the child will be done then,' said Basil; as Basil said this the emperor ordered him to be dismissed; the child, however, died shortly after. Such is an epitome of the history of these distinguished ecclesiastics, both of whom have left us many admirable works, some of which Rufinus says he has translated into Latin. Basil had two brothers, Peter and Gregory; the former of whom adopted Basil's monastic mode of life; while the latter emulated his eloquence in teaching, and completed after his death Basil's treatise on the Six Days' Work, which had been left unfinished. He also pronounced at Constantinople the funeral oration of Meletius, bishop of Antioch; and many other orations of his are still extant. |
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| 171. Epiphanius, Panarion, 27.3-27.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 64 |
| 172. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 1.2.30, 1.209.13-1.209.24, 1.229.1-1.229.3, 1.236.19, 1.258.12-1.258.23, 1.277.8-1.277.10, 1.315.1-1.315.2, 1.387.11, 2.46.16-2.46.18, 2.171.11, 2.302, 3.338.6-3.338.13, 3.340.14-3.340.17 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 36, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 66, 68, 69, 88, 89, 114, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 |
| 173. Proclus, Theologia Platonica ( ), 1.108.8, 3.8, 3.10, 4.69.22, 4.69.21, 6.84.14, 6.84.13, 6.84.12, 40.10-41.15, 40.14-16 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 219 |
| 174. Proclus, In Primum Euclidis Librum Commentarius, 6.20, 6.21, 19.22, 22.17, 23.12-24.3, 24.4, 24.5, 24.6, 24.7, 24.8, 24.9, 24.10, 24.11, 24.12, 24.13, 24.14, 24.15, 24.16, 24.17, 24.18, 24.19, 24.20, 24.21, 24.22, 24.23, 24.24, 24.25, 51.4, 51.5, 68.21, 68.22, 68.23, 75.19, 75.20, 153.17, 153.18, 153.19, 155.8, 155.9, 181.4, 181.5, 181.6, 181.7, 181.8, 181.9, 181.10, 181.11, 181.12, 181.13, 181.14, 181.15, 184.14, 184.15, 185.19, 185.20, 185.21, 185.22, 185.23, 185.24, 185.25, 191.21, 191.22, 191.23-192.1, 191.23, 191.24, 191.25, 192.8, 192.25, 241.18, 361.11-363.18, 384.2, 384.3, 384.4, 398.18, 398.19 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 179 |
| 175. Proclus, Commentary On Plato'S Republic, 56.2, 59.20, 59.21, 59.22, 59.23, 59.24, 59.25, 59.26, 59.27, 60.14-63.15, 163.19-164.7 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 283 |
| 176. Proclus, Commentary On Plato'S Republic, 1.57.16-1.57.18, 1.182.26-1.182.28, 1.183.24-1.183.26, 1.192.9-1.192.11 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 215 |
| 177. Proclus, Institutio Theologica, 68.24-5, 72, 101, 103 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan |
| 178. Stobaeus, Anthology, 2.7.3, 2.7.4a (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 208 |
| 179. Damaskios, Vita Isidori (Ap. Photium, Bibl. Codd. 181, 242), 111.19-111.25 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 213 |
| 180. Damaskios, Vita Isidori, 111.19-111.25 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 213 |
| 181. Damaskios, In Phaedonem (Versio 1), 1.2.15-1.2.17, 1.18, 1.75.2-1.75.5, 1.142.1-1.142.6, 6.3.1-6.3.15, 8.6.4, 10.3 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 215, 219 |
| 182. Damaskios, De Principiis, 2.117-2.118 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •epicurean philosophers, on plato's timaeus Found in books: Marmodoro and Prince, Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity (2015) 37 |
| 183. Proclus, In Platonis Parmenidem Commentarii, 4.844.11-4.844.26, 4.949.11-4.949.31, 6.1061.18-6.1061.20, 7.1194.11-7.1194.12, 618.1-618.6 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 214 |
| 184. Proclus, In Platonis Alcibiadem, 76.5-76.6, 89.19, 198.6-198.7, 227.2-227.9, 264.5-264.6 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •timaeus (plato) •plato,timaeus •proclus, commentary on platos timaeus •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding, The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (2022) 83; Harte, Rereading Ancient Philosophy: Old Chestnuts and Sacred Cows (2017) 271; Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 10, 225; d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 283 |
| 185. Proclus, Hypotyposis Astronomicarum Positionum, 1.7, 1.9, 2.18, 3.73, 4.15-16, 4.25, 5.20, 7.52, 28.17, 76.22-3, 146.7, 236.20 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 186. Olympiodorus The Younger of Alexandria, In Platonis Gorgiam Commentaria, 4.3, 47.2, 46.3, 13.2, 17.2, 237.19w, 78.3w, 32.9-33.3w, 15w, 25w (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 10 |
| 187. Olympiodorus The Younger of Alexandria, In Platonis Alcibiadem Commentarii, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 2.2, 2.12, 8.10, 8.11, 8.12, 8.13, 8.14, 11.5, 11.6, 21.15, 21.16, 21.17, 22.14-23.3, 27.10, 27.11, 27.12, 27.13, 27.14, 27.15, 27.16, 92.4, 92.5, 92.6, 92.7, 92.8, 92.9, 172.12, 172.13, 172.14, 217.18, 217.19 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 225 |
| 188. Various, Anthologia Graeca, 6.156 Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 92 |
| 189. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 2.673, 2.906 (p. 255, 18), 2.52, 1.148, 2.135, 3.4, 3, 2.187, 1.162, 2.223, 3.894, zz Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 260 |
| 190. Eusebius of Thessalonica, Ap. Phot. Bibl. Cod., 5, 96, 12-13 dl (i.452 k.), 9, 136, 22-138, 14 dl (i.489-491 k.) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 191. Xenocrates Historicus, Fragments, 54(h)=153-8(ip), 15 (missingth cent. CE - Unknownth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 127 |
| 192. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, 4.324 Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 213 |
| 193. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis De Caelo Libros Commentaria, 303.33-304.15, 641.24-8., 644.11, 644.12, 644.13, 644.14, 644.15, 644.16, 644.17, 644.18 (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 165 |
| 194. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium, 272.8-272.14 (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •proclus, commentary on platos timaeus •proclus, examination of aristotles objections against platos timaeus (fr.) Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 165 |
| 195. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis Physicorum Libros Commentaria, 531.5-531.7, 623.14-623.18 (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •proclus, commentary on platos timaeus •proclus, examination of aristotles objections against platos timaeus (fr.) Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 165 |
| 196. Diocletian, Edictum De Incestis Nuptiis, In Mosaicarum Et Romanarum Legum Collatio, 10.3 Tagged with subjects: •plato, and the timaeus Found in books: Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (1995) 161 |
| 197. Pseudo-Seneca, Epigrams, "1" Tagged with subjects: •plato,, timaeus-critias Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 15 |
| 198. Anon., Chaldean Oracles, 39.1, 49.2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 272, 274 |
| 202. Gaius, Fragmenta, 9t Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 208 |
| 203. Albinus, Fragmenta, 14t Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 208 |
| 204. Damaskios, Prolegomena Logica, 2.1-2.13 Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 214 |
| 205. Galen, Qam, Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harte, Rereading Ancient Philosophy: Old Chestnuts and Sacred Cows (2017) 235 |
| 207. Hebrew Bible, Romans, 3.22-3.24 Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, augustine and Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 267, 268 |
| 208. Ps.-Aristotle, Peri Kosmou, 391b19, 391b20, 391b21, 391b22, 391b23, 391b24, 391b25, 397b15, 397b16, 397b17, 397b18, 397b19, 397b20, 398b10, 398b6, 398b7, 398b8, 398b9, 399a31, 399a32, 399a33, 400b, 397b14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 133 |
| 209. Calcidius, Translation of Plato, 29b2-d3, 29c2, 29c7, 37d5, 38b6, 38b8, 40d7, 38b7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 189 |
| 212. Timaeus, Theaetetus, 29a, 33a, 33c, 33d, 39d, 41ab, 22c Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 263 |
| 213. Pseudo-Dionysius, On Divine Names, 644a, 648b, 648c, 681a, 693bc, 648a Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 294 |
| 214. Aristotle, Gen. Corr., 1.3 317b-319b Tagged with subjects: •timaeus (plato) Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck, Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points (2022) 32 |
| 215. Ovid, Timaeus, 92c, 90e-92c Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dürr, Paul on the Human Vocation: Reason Language in Romans and Ancient Philosophical Tradition (2022) 109 |
| 216. Philodemus, Works, 3.34-3.43 Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 257 |
| 217. Pseudo-Plutarch, Paralella Graeca Et Romana, 305a Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 211 |
| 218. Philoponus, De Aeternitate Mundi, 145.13-147.25 Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus, interpretive controversies in •plato, timaeus, literal interpretation of Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 27 |
| 220. Long And Sedley, The Hellenistic Philosophers, 52d, 52c Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 263 |
| 221. Anon, Anonymous Prolegomena To Plato'S Philosophy, 24.7-24.19, 26.16-26.58, 27.10-27.14 Tagged with subjects: •plato,timaeus •proclus, commentary on platos timaeus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 213, 216; d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 31 |
| 222. Plutarch, Generation of The Soul In Timaeus, 1014b Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 21 |
| 223. Platonic Questions, Platonic Questions, 1007c-e Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 21 |
| 224. Porphyry, On What Is Up To Us, 268-269, 271, 270 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 285 |
| 225. Hermias, Life of Isidore, 122 Tagged with subjects: •proclus, commentary on platos timaeus Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 182 |
| 226. Anon., Stobaei Hermetica, 8.381 Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 381 |
| 227. Porphyry, To Gaurus On How Embryos Are Ensouled, 10.4-10.6 Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 269 |
| 228. Iamblichus, Commentary On Timaeus, 87 Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 269 |
| 229. Psellus, Opuscula Philosophica, 1.46.43-1.46.51 Tagged with subjects: •plato’s timaeus Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 264 |
| 230. Epicurus, On Nature, book 14 Tagged with subjects: •epicurean philosophers, on plato's timaeus Found in books: Marmodoro and Prince, Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity (2015) 37 |
| 231. Menander Rhetor, Sminthiakos Logos, 446.1-446.7 Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 124 |
| 232. Gregory of Nyssa, On The Forty Holy Martyrs of Sebaste I, 757 Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 83 |
| 233. Alcinous, The Suppliants, f11, f22 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 131 |
| 234. Parmenides, Test. A, 37 Tagged with subjects: •plato, timaeus Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 381 |
| 235. Pseudo-Phocylides, The Sentences of Pseudo-Phocylides, 12, 10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 306 |
