1. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 8.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 303| 8.17. "אֲנִי אהביה [אֹהֲבַי] אֵהָב וּמְשַׁחֲרַי יִמְצָאֻנְנִי׃", | 8.17. "I love them that love me, And those that seek me earnestly shall find me.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 1.27, 3.5 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 294, 332| 1.27. "וַיִּבְרָא אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָאָדָם בְּצַלְמוֹ בְּצֶלֶם אֱלֹהִים בָּרָא אֹתוֹ זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה בָּרָא אֹתָם׃", 3.5. "כִּי יֹדֵעַ אֱלֹהִים כִּי בְּיוֹם אֲכָלְכֶם מִמֶּנּוּ וְנִפְקְחוּ עֵינֵיכֶם וִהְיִיתֶם כֵּאלֹהִים יֹדְעֵי טוֹב וָרָע׃", | 1.27. "And God created man in His own image, in the image of God created He him; male and female created He them.", 3.5. "for God doth know that in the day ye eat thereof, then your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be as God, knowing good and evil.’", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Joel, 1.12-1.13, 2.15-2.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 276| 1.12. "הַגֶּפֶן הוֹבִישָׁה וְהַתְּאֵנָה אֻמְלָלָה רִמּוֹן גַּם־תָּמָר וְתַפּוּחַ כָּל־עֲצֵי הַשָּׂדֶה יָבֵשׁוּ כִּי־הֹבִישׁ שָׂשׂוֹן מִן־בְּנֵי אָדָם׃", 1.13. "חִגְרוּ וְסִפְדוּ הַכֹּהֲנִים הֵילִילוּ מְשָׁרְתֵי מִזְבֵּחַ בֹּאוּ לִינוּ בַשַּׂקִּים מְשָׁרְתֵי אֱלֹהָי כִּי נִמְנַע מִבֵּית אֱלֹהֵיכֶם מִנְחָה וָנָסֶךְ׃", 2.15. "תִּקְעוּ שׁוֹפָר בְּצִיּוֹן קַדְּשׁוּ־צוֹם קִרְאוּ עֲצָרָה׃", 2.16. "אִסְפוּ־עָם קַדְּשׁוּ קָהָל קִבְצוּ זְקֵנִים אִסְפוּ עוֹלָלִים וְיֹנְקֵי שָׁדָיִם יֵצֵא חָתָן מֵחֶדְרוֹ וְכַלָּה מֵחֻפָּתָהּ׃", 2.17. "בֵּין הָאוּלָם וְלַמִּזְבֵּחַ יִבְכּוּ הַכֹּהֲנִים מְשָׁרְתֵי יְהוָה וְיֹאמְרוּ חוּסָה יְהוָה עַל־עַמֶּךָ וְאַל־תִּתֵּן נַחֲלָתְךָ לְחֶרְפָּה לִמְשָׁל־בָּם גּוֹיִם לָמָּה יֹאמְרוּ בָעַמִּים אַיֵּה אֱלֹהֵיהֶם׃", | 1.12. "The vine is withered, And the fig-tree languisheth; The pomegranate-tree, the palm-tree also, and the apple-tree, Even all the trees of the field, are withered; For joy is withered away from the sons of men.", 1.13. "Gird yourselves, and lament, ye priests, Wail, ye ministers of the altar; Come, lie all night in sackcloth, Ye ministers of my God; For the meal-offering and the drink-offering is withholden From the house of your God.", 2.15. "Blow the horn in Zion, Sanctify a fast, call a solemn assembly;", 2.16. "Gather the people, Sanctify the congregation, Assemble the elders, Gather the children, And those that suck the breasts; Let the bridegroom go forth from his chamber, And the bride out of her pavilion.", 2.17. "Let the priests, the ministers of the LORD, Weep between the porch and the altar, And let them say: ‘Spare thy people, O LORD, And give not Thy heritage to reproach, That the nations should make them a byword: Wherefore should they say among the peoples: Where is their God?’", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 24.16 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 332| 24.16. "וַיִּשְׁכֹּן כְּבוֹד־יְהוָה עַל־הַר סִינַי וַיְכַסֵּהוּ הֶעָנָן שֵׁשֶׁת יָמִים וַיִּקְרָא אֶל־מֹשֶׁה בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי מִתּוֹךְ הֶעָנָן׃", | 24.16. "And the glory of the LORD abode upon mount Sinai, and the cloud covered it six days; and the seventh day He called unto Moses out of the midst of the cloud.", |
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5. Hesiod, Works And Days, 288-292, 287 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 147 | 287. Perses, remember this, serve righteousne |
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6. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 5.21, 10.10, 29.13 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 303, 320, 324| 5.21. "שִׁמְעוּ־נָא זֹאת עַם סָכָל וְאֵין לֵב עֵינַיִם לָהֶם וְלֹא יִרְאוּ אָזְנַיִם לָהֶם וְלֹא יִשְׁמָעוּ׃", 29.13. "וּבִקַּשְׁתֶּם אֹתִי וּמְצָאתֶם כִּי תִדְרְשֻׁנִי בְּכָל־לְבַבְכֶם׃", | 5.21. "Hear now this, O foolish people, and without understanding, That have eyes, and see not, That have ears, and hear not:", 10.10. "But the LORD God is the true God, He is the living God, and the everlasting King; At His wrath the earth trembleth, And the nations are not able to abide His indignation.", 29.13. "And ye shall seek Me, and find Me, when ye shall search for Me with all your heart.", |
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7. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 6.10, 19.10, 65.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 303, 324| 65.1. "נִדְרַשְׁתִּי לְלוֹא שָׁאָלוּ נִמְצֵאתִי לְלֹא בִקְשֻׁנִי אָמַרְתִּי הִנֵּנִי הִנֵּנִי אֶל־גּוֹי לֹא־קֹרָא בִשְׁמִי׃", 65.1. "וְהָיָה הַשָּׁרוֹן לִנְוֵה־צֹאן וְעֵמֶק עָכוֹר לְרֵבֶץ בָּקָר לְעַמִּי אֲשֶׁר דְּרָשׁוּנִי׃", | 6.10. "Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes; lest they, seeing with their eyes, and hearing with their ears, and understanding with their heart, return, and be healed.’", 19.10. "And her foundations shall be crushed, All they that make dams shall be grieved in soul.", 65.1. "I gave access to them that asked not for Me, I was at hand to them that sought Me not; I said: ‘Behold Me, behold Me’, unto a nation that was not called by My name.", |
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8. Homer, Iliad, 1.188-1.194, 18.392 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73; Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 227 | 1.188. / how much mightier I am than you, and another may shrink from declaring himself my equal and likening himself to me to my face. So he spoke. Grief came upon the son of Peleus, and within his shaggy breast his heart was divided, whether he should draw his sharp sword from beside his thigh, 1.189. / how much mightier I am than you, and another may shrink from declaring himself my equal and likening himself to me to my face. So he spoke. Grief came upon the son of Peleus, and within his shaggy breast his heart was divided, whether he should draw his sharp sword from beside his thigh, 1.190. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 1.191. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 1.192. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 1.193. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 1.194. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 18.392. / a beautiful chair, richly-wrought, and beneath was a footstool for the feet; and she called to Hephaestus, the famed craftsman, and spake to him, saying:Hephaestus, come forth hither; Thetis hath need of thee. And the famous god of the two strong arms answered her:Verily then a dread and honoured goddess is within my halls, |
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| 9. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 21 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 276 |
| 10. Homer, Odyssey, 10.146, 10.156-10.171 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 274, 275 |
11. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 36.26 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 325| 36.26. "וְנָתַתִּי לָכֶם לֵב חָדָשׁ וְרוּחַ חֲדָשָׁה אֶתֵּן בְּקִרְבְּכֶם וַהֲסִרֹתִי אֶת־לֵב הָאֶבֶן מִבְּשַׂרְכֶם וְנָתַתִּי לָכֶם לֵב בָּשָׂר׃", | 36.26. "A new heart also will I give you, and a new spirit will I put within you; and I will take away the stony heart out of your flesh, and I will give you a heart of flesh.", |
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| 12. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 9.107-9.108 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 147 |
| 13. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 1.10-1.11, 1.34 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 147 |
| 14. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 48 |
15. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 351-365, 367-372, 366 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 112| 366. κεῖται στενωποῦ πλησίον θαλασσίου | |
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| 16. Parmenides, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 274 |
| 17. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 42 |
| 18. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 343, 344 |
| 19. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 45 |
20. Plato, Crito, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 294| 49c. ΚΡ. οὐ φαίνεται. ΣΩ. τί δὲ δή; κακουργεῖν δεῖ, ὦ Κρίτων, ἢ οὔ; ΚΡ. οὐ δεῖ δήπου, ὦ Σώκρατες. ΣΩ. τί δέ; ἀντικακουργεῖν κακῶς πάσχοντα, ὡς οἱ πολλοί φασιν, δίκαιον ἢ οὐ δίκαιον; ΚΡ. οὐδαμῶς. ΣΩ. τὸ γάρ που κακῶς ποιεῖν ἀνθρώπους τοῦ ἀδικεῖν οὐδὲν διαφέρει. ΚΡ. ἀληθῆ λέγεις. ΣΩ. οὔτε ἄρα ἀνταδικεῖν δεῖ οὔτε κακῶς ποιεῖν οὐδένα ἀνθρώπων, οὐδʼ ἂν ὁτιοῦν πάσχῃ ὑπʼ αὐτῶν. καὶ ὅρα, ὦ | 49c. Crito. Apparently not. Socrates. Well, Crito, ought one to do evil or not? Crito. Certainly not, Socrates. Socrates. Well, then, is it right to requite evil with evil, as the world says it is, or not right? Crito. Not right, certainly. Socrates. For doing evil to people is the same thing as wronging them. Crito. That is true. Socrates. Then we ought neither to requite wrong with wrong nor to do evil to anyone, no matter what he may have done to us. |
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| 21. Plato, Charmides, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 233 |
| 22. Hebrew Bible, Ecclesiastes, 17.24 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 204 |
| 23. Empedocles, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 344 |
| 24. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 113 |
| 25. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 351 |
| 26. Creophylus Ephesius, Fragments, 2.624, 5.286, 5.506 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 45 |
| 27. Euripides, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 223 |
| 28. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 221 |
| 29. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 331 |
30. Plato, Sophist, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 323| 239c. ΘΕΑΙ. πολλὴ μεντἄν με καὶ ἄτοπος ἔχοι προθυμία τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως, εἰ σὲ τοιαῦθʼ ὁρῶν πάσχοντα αὐτὸς ἐπιχειροίην. ΞΕ. ἀλλʼ εἰ δοκεῖ, σὲ μὲν καὶ ἐμὲ χαίρειν ἐῶμεν· ἕως δʼ ἄν τινι δυναμένῳ δρᾶν τοῦτο ἐντυγχάνωμεν, μέχρι τούτου λέγωμεν ὡς παντὸς μᾶλλον πανούργως εἰς ἄπορον ὁ σοφιστὴς τόπον καταδέδυκεν. ΘΕΑΙ. καὶ μάλα δὴ φαίνεται. ΞΕ. τοιγαροῦν εἴ τινα φήσομεν αὐτὸν ἔχειν φανταστικὴν | 239c. Theaet. But I should be possessed of great and absurd eagerness for the attempt, if I were to undertake it with your experience before my eyes. Str. Well, if you like, let us say no more of you and me; but until we find someone who can accomplish this, let us confess that the sophist has in most rascally fashion hidden himself in a place we cannot explore. Theaet. That seems to be decidedly the case. Str. And so, if we say he has an art, as it were, of making appearances, |
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31. Plato, Statesman, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 204| 269d. ζῷον ὂν καὶ φρόνησιν εἰληχὸς ἐκ τοῦ συναρμόσαντος αὐτὸ κατʼ ἀρχάς. τοῦτο δὲ αὐτῷ τὸ ἀνάπαλιν ἰέναι διὰ τόδʼ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἔμφυτον γέγονε. ΝΕ. ΣΩ. διὰ τὸ ποῖον δή; ΞΕ. τὸ κατὰ ταὐτὰ καὶ ὡσαύτως ἔχειν ἀεὶ καὶ ταὐτὸν εἶναι τοῖς πάντων θειοτάτοις προσήκει μόνοις, σώματος δὲ φύσις οὐ ταύτης τῆς τάξεως. ὃν δὲ οὐρανὸν καὶ κόσμον ἐπωνομάκαμεν, πολλῶν μὲν καὶ μακαρίων παρὰ τοῦ γεννήσαντος μετείληφεν, ἀτὰρ οὖν δὴ κεκοινώνηκέ γε | 269d. and of its own accord it turns backward in the opposite direction, since it is a living creature and is endowed with intelligence by him who fashioned it in the beginning. Now this reversal of its motion is an inevitable part of its nature for the following reason. Y. Soc. What reason? Str. Absolute and perpetual immutability is a property of only the most divine things of all, and body does not belong to this class. Now that which we call heaven and the universe has received from its creator many blessed qualities, but then, too, it partakes also of a bodily nature; |
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| 32. Plato, Meno, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 42 |
33. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.4.2-1.4.18, 2.6.28 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 224; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 45| 1.4.2. λέξω δὲ πρῶτον ἅ ποτε αὐτοῦ ἤκουσα περὶ τοῦ δαιμονίου διαλεγομένου πρὸς Ἀριστόδημον τὸν μικρὸν ἐπικαλούμενον. καταμαθὼν γὰρ αὐτὸν οὔτε θύοντα τοῖς θεοῖς οὔτε μαντικῇ χρώμενον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ποιούντων ταῦτα καταγελῶντα, εἰπέ μοι, ἔφη, ὦ Ἀριστόδημε, ἔστιν οὕστινας ἀνθρώπους τεθαύμακας ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ; ἔγωγʼ, ἔφη. 1.4.3. καὶ ὅς, λέξον ἡμῖν, ἔφη, τὰ ὀνόματα αὐτῶν. ἐπὶ μὲν τοίνυν ἐπῶν ποιήσει Ὅμηρον ἔγωγε μάλιστα τεθαύμακα, ἐπὶ δὲ διθυράμβῳ Μελανιππίδην, ἐπὶ δὲ τραγῳδίᾳ Σοφοκλέα, ἐπὶ δὲ ἀνδριαντοποιίᾳ Πολύκλειτον, ἐπὶ δὲ ζωγραφίᾳ Ζεῦξιν. 1.4.4. πότερά σοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ ἀπεργαζόμενοι εἴδωλα ἄφρονά τε καὶ ἀκίνητα ἀξιοθαυμαστότεροι εἶναι ἢ οἱ ζῷα ἔμφρονά τε καὶ ἐνεργά; πολὺ νὴ Δία οἱ ζῷα, εἴπερ γε μὴ τύχῃ τινί, ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ γνώμης ταῦτα γίγνεται. τῶν δὲ ἀτεκμάρτως ἐχόντων ὅτου ἕνεκα ἔστι καὶ τῶν φανερῶς ἐπʼ ὠφελείᾳ ὄντων πότερα τύχης καὶ πότερα γνώμης ἔργα κρίνεις; πρέπει μὲν τὰ ἐπʼ ὠφελείᾳ γιγνόμενα γνώμης εἶναι ἔργα. 1.4.5. οὐκοῦν δοκεῖ σοι ὁ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ποιῶν ἀνθρώπους ἐπʼ ὠφελείᾳ προσθεῖναι αὐτοῖς διʼ ὧν αἰσθάνονται ἕκαστα, ὀφθαλμοὺς μὲν ὥσθʼ ὁρᾶν τὰ ὁρατά, ὦτα δὲ ὥστʼ ἀκούειν τὰ ἀκουστά; ὀσμῶν γε μήν, εἰ μὴ ῥῖνες προσετέθησαν, τί ἂν ἡμῖν ὄφελος ἦν; τίς δʼ ἂν αἴσθησις ἦν γλυκέων καὶ δριμέων καὶ πάντων τῶν διὰ στόματος ἡδέων, εἰ μὴ γλῶττα τούτων γνώμων ἐνειργάσθη; 1.4.6. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις οὐ δοκεῖ σοι καὶ τάδε προνοίας ἔργοις ἐοικέναι, τὸ ἐπεὶ ἀσθενὴς μέν ἐστιν ἡ ὄψις, βλεφάροις αὐτὴν θυρῶσαι, ἅ, ὅταν μὲν αὐτῇ χρῆσθαί τι δέῃ, ἀναπετάννυται, ἐν δὲ τῷ ὕπνῳ συγκλείεται, ὡς δʼ ἂν μηδὲ ἄνεμοι βλάπτωσιν, ἡθμὸν βλεφαρίδας ἐμφῦσαι, ὀφρύσι τε ἀπογεισῶσαι τὰ ὑπὲρ τῶν ὀμμάτων, ὡς μηδʼ ὁ ἐκ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἱδρὼς κακουργῇ· τὸ δὲ τὴν ἀκοὴν δέχεσθαι μὲν πάσας φωνάς, ἐμπίμπλασθαι δὲ μήποτε· καὶ τοὺς μὲν πρόσθεν ὀδόντας πᾶσι ζῴοις οἵους τέμνειν εἶναι, τοὺς δὲ γομφίους οἵους παρὰ τούτων δεξαμένους λεαίνειν· καὶ στόμα μέν, διʼ οὗ ὧν ἐπιθυμεῖ τὰ ζῷα εἰσπέμπεται, πλησίον ὀφθαλμῶν καὶ ῥινῶν καταθεῖναι· ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ ἀποχωροῦντα δυσχερῆ, ἀποστρέψαι τοὺς τούτων ὀχετοὺς καὶ ἀπενεγκεῖν ᾗ δυνατὸν προσωτάτω ἀπὸ τῶν αἰσθήσεων· ταῦτα οὕτω προνοητικῶς πεπραγμένα ἀπορεῖς πότερα τύχης ἢ γνώμης ἔργα ἐστίν; 1.4.7. οὐ μὰ τὸν Δίʼ, ἔφη, ἀλλʼ οὕτω γε σκοπουμένῳ πάνυ ἔοικε ταῦτα σοφοῦ τινος δημιουργοῦ καὶ φιλοζῴου τεχνήμασι. τὸ δὲ ἐμφῦσαι μὲν ἔρωτα τῆς τεκνοποιίας, ἐμφῦσαι δὲ ταῖς γειναμέναις ἔρωτα τοῦ ἐκτρέφειν, τοῖς δὲ τραφεῖσι μέγιστον μὲν πόθον τοῦ ζῆν, μέγιστον δὲ φόβον τοῦ θανάτου; ἀμέλει καὶ ταῦτα ἔοικε μηχανήμασί τινος ζῷα εἶναι βουλευσαμένου. 1.4.8. σὺ δὲ σαυτῷ δοκεῖς τι φρόνιμον ἔχειν; ἐρώτα γοῦν καὶ ἀποκρινοῦμαι. ἄλλοθι δὲ οὐδαμοῦ οὐδὲν οἴει φρόνιμον εἶναι; καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰδὼς ὅτι γῆς τε μικρὸν μέρος ἐν τῷ σώματι πολλῆς οὔσης ἔχεις καὶ ὑγροῦ βραχὺ πολλοῦ ὄντος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δήπου μεγάλων ὄντων ἑκάστου μικρὸν μέρος λαβόντι τὸ σῶμα συνήρμοσταί σοι· νοῦν δὲ μόνον ἄρα οὐδαμοῦ ὄντα σε εὐτυχῶς πως δοκεῖς συναρπάσαι, καὶ τάδε τὰ ὑπερμεγέθη καὶ πλῆθος ἄπειρα διʼ ἀφροσύνην τινά, ὡς οἴει, εὐτάκτως ἔχειν; 1.4.9. μὰ Δίʼ οὐ γὰρ ὁρῶ τοὺς κυρίους, ὥσπερ τῶν ἐνθάδε γιγνομένων τοὺς δημιουργούς. οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν σαυτοῦ σύγε ψυχὴν ὁρᾷς, ἣ τοῦ σώματος κυρία ἐστίν· ὥστε κατά γε τοῦτο ἔξεστί σοι λέγειν, ὅτι οὐδὲν γνώμῃ, ἀλλὰ τύχῃ πάντα πράττεις. 1.4.10. καὶ ὁ Ἀριστόδημος, οὔτοι, ἔφη, ἐγώ, ὦ Σώκρατες, ὑπερορῶ τὸ δαιμόνιον, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνο μεγαλοπρεπέστερον ἡγοῦμαι ἢ ὡς τῆς ἐμῆς θεραπείας προσδεῖσθαι. οὐκοῦν, ἔφη, ὅσῳ μεγαλοπρεπέστερον ὂν ἀξιοῖ σε θεραπεύειν, τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον τιμητέον αὐτό. 1.4.11. εὖ ἴσθι, ἔφη, ὅτι, εἰ νομίζοιμι θεοὺς ἀνθρώπων τι φροντίζειν, οὐκ ἂν ἀμελοίην αὐτῶν. ἔπειτʼ οὐκ οἴει φροντίζειν; οἳ πρῶτον μὲν μόνον τῶν ζῴων ἄνθρωπον ὀρθὸν ἀνέστησαν· ἡ δὲ ὀρθότης καὶ προορᾶν πλέον ποιεῖ δύνασθαι καὶ τὰ ὕπερθεν μᾶλλον θεᾶσθαι καὶ ἧττον κακοπαθεῖν καὶ ὄψιν καὶ ἀκοὴν καὶ στόμα ἐνεποίησαν· ἔπειτα τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἑρπετοῖς πόδας ἔδωκαν, οἳ τὸ πορεύεσθαι μόνον παρέχουσιν, ἀνθρώπῳ δὲ καὶ χεῖρας προσέθεσαν, αἳ τὰ πλεῖστα οἷς εὐδαιμονέστεροι ἐκείνων ἐσμὲν ἐξεργάζονται. 1.4.12. καὶ μὴν γλῶττάν γε πάντων τῶν ζῴων ἐχόντων, μόνην τὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐποίησαν οἵαν ἄλλοτε ἀλλαχῇ ψαύουσαν τοῦ στόματος ἀρθροῦν τε τὴν φωνὴν καὶ σημαίνειν πάντα ἀλλήλοις ἃ βουλόμεθα. τὸ δὲ καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀφροδισίων ἡδονὰς τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ζῴοις δοῦναι περιγράψαντας τοῦ ἔτους χρόνον, ἡμῖν δὲ συνεχῶς μέχρι γήρως ταῦτα παρέχειν. 1.4.13. οὐ τοίνυν μόνον ἤρκεσε τῷ θεῷ τοῦ σώματος ἐπιμεληθῆναι, ἀλλʼ, ὅπερ μέγιστόν ἐστι, καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν κρατίστην τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐνέφυσε. τίνος γὰρ ἄλλου ζῴου ψυχὴ πρῶτα μὲν θεῶν τῶν τὰ μέγιστα καὶ κάλλιστα συνταξάντων ᾔσθηται ὅτι εἰσί; τί δὲ φῦλον ἄλλο ἢ ἄνθρωποι θεοὺς θεραπεύουσι; ποία δὲ ψυχὴ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ἱκανωτέρα προφυλάττεσθαι ἢ λιμὸν ἢ δίψος ἢ ψύχη ἢ θάλπη, ἢ νόσοις ἐπικουρῆσαι, ἢ ῥώμην ἀσκῆσαι, ἢ πρὸς μάθησιν ἐκπονῆσαι, ἢ ὅσα ἂν ἀκούσῃ ἢ ἴδῃ ἢ μάθῃ ἱκανωτέρα ἐστὶ διαμεμνῆσθαι; 1.4.14. οὐ γὰρ πάνυ σοι κατάδηλον ὅτι παρὰ τἆλλα ζῷα ὥσπερ θεοὶ ἄνθρωποι βιοτεύουσι, φύσει καὶ τῷ σώματι καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ κρατιστεύοντες; οὔτε γὰρ βοὸς ἂν ἔχων σῶμα, ἀνθρώπου δὲ γνώμην ἐδύνατʼ ἂν πράττειν ἃ ἐβούλετο, οὔθʼ ὅσα χεῖρας ἔχει, ἄφρονα δʼ ἐστί, πλέον οὐδὲν ἔχει. σὺ δʼ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν πλείστου ἀξίων τετυχηκὼς οὐκ οἴει σοῦ θεοὺς ἐπιμελεῖσθαι; ἀλλʼ ὅταν τί ποιήσωσι, νομιεῖς αὐτοὺς σοῦ φροντίζειν; 1.4.15. ὅταν πέμπωσιν, ὥσπερ σὺ φὴς πέμπειν αὐτούς, συμβούλους ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν καὶ μὴ ποιεῖν. ὅταν δὲ Ἀθηναίοις, ἔφη, πυνθανομένοις τι διὰ μαντικῆς φράζωσιν, οὐ καὶ σοὶ δοκεῖς φράζειν αὐτούς, οὐδʼ ὅταν τοῖς Ἕλλησι τέρατα πέμποντες προσημαίνωσιν, οὐδʼ ὅταν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις, ἀλλὰ μόνον σὲ ἐξαιροῦντες ἐν ἀμελείᾳ κατατίθενται; 1.4.16. οἴει δʼ ἂν τοὺς θεοὺς τοῖς ἀνθρώποις δόξαν ἐμφῦσαι ὡς ἱκανοί εἰσιν εὖ καὶ κακῶς ποιεῖν, εἰ μὴ δυνατοὶ ἦσαν, καὶ ἀνθρώπους ἐξαπατωμένους τὸν πάντα χρόνον οὐδέποτʼ ἂν αἰσθέσθαι; οὐχ ὁρᾷς ὅτι τὰ πολυχρονιώτατα καὶ σοφώτατα τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων, πόλεις καὶ ἔθνη, θεοσεβέστατά ἐστι, καὶ αἱ φρονιμώταται ἡλικίαι θεῶν ἐπιμελέσταται; 1.4.17. ὠγαθέ, ἔφη, κατάμαθε ὅτι καὶ ὁ σὸς νοῦς ἐνὼν τὸ σὸν σῶμα ὅπως βούλεται μεταχειρίζεται. οἴεσθαι οὖν χρὴ καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ παντὶ φρόνησιν τὰ πάντα, ὅπως ἂν αὐτῇ ἡδὺ ᾖ, οὕτω τίθεσθαι, καὶ μὴ τὸ σὸν μὲν ὄμμα δύνασθαι ἐπὶ πολλὰ στάδια ἐξικνεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ ὀφθαλμὸν ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἅμα πάντα ὁρᾶν, μηδὲ τὴν σὴν μὲν ψυχὴν καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐνθάδε καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ ἐν Σικελίᾳ δύνασθαι φροντίζειν, τὴν δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ φρόνησιν μὴ ἱκανὴν εἶναι ἅμα πάντων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι. 1.4.18. ἂν μέντοι, ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπους θεραπεύων γιγνώσκεις τοὺς ἀντιθεραπεύειν ἐθέλοντας καὶ χαριζόμενος τοὺς ἀντιχαριζομένους καὶ συμβουλευόμενος καταμανθάνεις τοὺς φρονίμους, οὕτω καὶ τῶν θεῶν πεῖραν λαμβάνῃς θεραπεύων, εἴ τί σοι θελήσουσι περὶ τῶν ἀδήλων ἀνθρώποις συμβουλεύειν, γνώσει τὸ θεῖον ὅτι τοσοῦτον καὶ τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν ὥσθʼ ἅμα πάντα ὁρᾶν καὶ πάντα ἀκούειν καὶ πανταχοῦ παρεῖναι καὶ ἅμα πάντων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι αὐτούς . 2.6.28. ἀλλὰ θαρρῶν, ἔφη, ὦ Κριτόβουλε, πειρῶ ἀγαθὸς γίγνεσθαι, καὶ τοιοῦτος γενόμενος θηρᾶν ἐπιχείρει τοὺς καλούς τε κἀγαθούς. ἴσως δʼ ἄν τί σοι κἀγὼ συλλαβεῖν εἰς τὴν τῶν καλῶν τε κἀγαθῶν θήραν ἔχοιμι διὰ τὸ ἐρωτικὸς εἶναι· δεινῶς γάρ, ὧν ἂν ἐπιθυμήσω ἀνθρώπων, ὅλος ὥρμημαι ἐπὶ τὸ φιλῶν τε αὐτοὺς ἀντιφιλεῖσθαι ὑπʼ αὐτῶν καὶ ποθῶν ἀντιποθεῖσθαι, καὶ ἐπιθυμῶν συνεῖναι καὶ ἀντεπιθυμεῖσθαι τῆς συνουσίας. | 1.4.2. I will first state what I once heard him say about the godhead in conversation with Aristodemus the dwarf, as he was called. On learning that he was not known to sacrifice or pray or use divination, and actually made a mock of those who did so, he said: Tell me, Aristodemus, do you admire any human beings for wisdom? I do, he answered. 1.4.3. Tell us their names. In epic poetry Homer comes first, in my opinion; in dithyramb, Melanippides; in tragedy, Sophocles; in sculpture, Polycleitus; in painting, Zeuxis. 1.4.4. Which, think you, deserve the greater admiration, the creators of phantoms without sense and motion, or the creators of living, intelligent, and active beings? Oh, of living beings, by far, provided only they are created by design and not mere chance. Suppose that it is impossible to guess the purpose of one creature’s existence, and obvious that another’s serves a useful end, which, in your judgment, is the work of chance, and which of design? Presumably the creature that serves some useful end is the work of design. 1.4.5. Do you not think then that he who created man from the beginning had some useful end in view when he endowed him with his several senses, giving eyes to see visible objects, ears to hear sounds? Would odours again be of any use to us had we not been endowed with nostrils? What perception should we have of sweet and bitter and all things pleasant to the palate had we no tongue in our mouth to discriminate between them? 1.4.6. Besides these, are there not other contrivances that look like the results of forethought? Thus the eyeballs, being weak, are set behind eyelids, that open like doors when we want to see, and close when we sleep: on the lids grow lashes through which the very winds filter harmlessly: above the eyes is a coping of brows that lets no drop of sweat from the head hurt them. The ears catch all sounds, but are never choked with them. Again, the incisors of all creatures are adapted for cutting, the molars for receiving food from them and grinding it. And again, the mouth, through which the food they want goes in, is set near the eyes and nostrils; but since what goes out is unpleasant, the ducts through which it passes are turned away and removed as far as possible from the organs of sense. With such signs of forethought in these arrangements, can you doubt whether they are the works of chance or design? No, of course not. 1.4.7. When I regard them in this light they do look very like the handiwork of a wise and loving creator. What of the natural desire to beget children, the mother’s desire to rear her babe, the child’s strong will to live and strong fear of death? Undoubtedly these, too, look like the contrivances of one who deliberately willed the existence of living creatures. 1.4.8. Do you think you have any wisdom yourself? Oh! Ask me a question and judge from my answer. And do you suppose that wisdom is nowhere else to be found, although you know that you have a mere speck of all the earth in your body and a mere drop of all the water, and that of all the other mighty elements you received, I suppose, just a scrap towards the fashioning of your body? But as for mind, which alone, it seems, is without mass, do you think that you snapped it up by a lucky accident, and that the orderly ranks of all these huge masses, infinite in number, are due, forsooth, to a sort of absurdity? 1.4.9. Yes; for I don’t see the master hand, whereas I see the makers of things in this world. Neither do you see your own soul, Cyropaedia VIII. Vii. 17. which has the mastery of the body; so that, as far as that goes, you may say that you do nothing by design, but everything by chance. Here Aristodemus exclaimed: 1.4.10. Really, Socrates , I don’t despise the godhead. But I think it is too great to need my service. Then the greater the power that deigns to serve you, the more honour it demands of you. 1.4.11. I assure you, that if I believed that the gods pay any heed to man, I would not neglect them. Then do you think them unheeding? In the first place, man is the only living creature that they have caused to stand upright; and the upright position gives him a wider range of vision in front and a better view of things above, and exposes him less to injury. Secondly, to grovelling creatures they have given feet that afford only the power of moving, whereas they have endowed man with hands, which are the instruments to which we chiefly owe our greater happiness. 1.4.12. Again, though all creatures have a tongue, the tongue of man alone has been formed by them to be capable of contact with different parts of the mouth, so as to enable us to articulate the voice and express all our wants to one another. Once more, for all other creatures they have prescribed a fixed season of sexual indulgence; in our case the only time limit they have set is old age. 1.4.13. Nor was the deity content to care for man’s body. What is of yet higher moment, he has implanted in him the noblest type of soul. For in the first place what other creature’s soul has apprehended the existence of gods who set in order the universe, greatest and fairest of things? And what race of living things other than man worships gods? And what soul is more apt than man’s to make provision against hunger and thirst, cold and heat, to relieve sickness and promote health, to acquire knowledge by toil, and to remember accurately all that is heard, seen, or learned? 1.4.14. For is it not obvious to you that, in comparison with the other animals, men live like gods, by nature peerless both in body and in soul? For with a man’s reason and the body of an ox we could not carry out our wishes, and the possession of hands without reason is of little worth. Do you, then, having received the two most precious gifts, yet think that the gods take no care of you? What are they to do, to make you believe that they are heedful of you? 1.4.15. I will believe when they send counsellors, as you declare they do, saying, Do this, avoid that. But when the Athenians inquire of them by divination and they reply, do you not suppose that to you, too, the answer is given? Or when they send portents for warning to the Greeks, or to all the world? Are you their one exception, the only one consigned to neglect? 1.4.16. Or do you suppose that the gods would have put into man a belief in their ability to help and harm, if they had not that power; and that man throughout the ages would never have detected the fraud? Do you not see that the wisest and most enduring of human institutions, cities and nations, are most god-fearing, and that the most thoughtful period of life is the most religious? 1.4.17. Be well assured, my good friend, that the mind within you directs your body according to its will; and equally you must think that Thought indwelling in the Universal disposes all things according to its pleasure. For think not that your eye can travel over many furlongs and yet god’s eye cannot see the the whole world at once; that your soul can ponder on things in Egypt and in Sicily , and god’s thought is not sufficient to pay heed to the whole world at once. 1.4.18. Nay, but just as by serving men you find out who is willing to serve you in return, by being kind who will be kind to you in return, and by taking counsel, discover the masters of thought, so try the gods by serving them, and see whether they will vouchsafe to counsel you in matters hidden from man. Then you will know that such is the greatness and such the nature of the deity that he sees all things Cyropaedia VIII. vii. 22. and hears all things alike, and is present in all places and heedful of all things. 2.6.28. Courage, Critobulus; try to be good, and when you have achieved that, set about catching your gentleman. Maybe, I myself, as an adept in love, can lend you a hand in the pursuit of gentlemen. For when I want to catch anyone it’s surprising how I strain every nerve to have my love returned, my longing reciprocated by him, in my eagerness that he shall want me as much as I want him. |
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| 34. Protagoras, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 45, 47 |
| 35. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 331 |
| 36. Sophocles, Fragments, 3.29-3.52 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 46 |
37. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 323| 908d. ἑτέρους τοιούτους ἀπεργάζοιτο, δίκης μὴ τυγχάνων· ὁ δὲ δὴ δοξάζων μὲν καθάπερ ἅτερος, εὐφυὴς δὲ ἐπικαλούμενος, δόλου δὲ καὶ ἐνέδρας πλήρης, ἐξ ὧν μάντεις τε κατασκευάζονται πολλοὶ καὶ περὶ πᾶσαν τὴν μαγγανείαν κεκινημένοι, γίγνονται δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ τύραννοι καὶ δημηγόροι καὶ στρατηγοί, καὶ τελεταῖς δὲ ἰδίαις ἐπιβεβουλευκότες, σοφιστῶν τε ἐπικαλουμένων μηχαναί. τούτων δὴ πολλὰ | 908d. and by ridiculing other people will probably convert others to its views, unless it meets with punishment, the other class, while holding the same opinions as the former, yet being specially gifted by nature and being full of craft and guile, is the class out of which are manufactured many diviners and experts in all manner of jugglery; and from it, too, there spring sometimes tyrants and demagogues and generals, and those who plot by means of peculiar mystic rites of their own, and the devices of those who are called sophists. of these there may be many kinds; |
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38. Herodotus, Histories, 1.30.3, 1.33, 2.3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 20; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 47 | 1.30.3. Croesus asked this question believing that he was the most fortunate of men, but Solon, offering no flattery but keeping to the truth, said, “O King, it is Tellus the Athenian.” 1.33. By saying this, Solon did not at all please Croesus, who sent him away without regard for him, but thinking him a great fool, because he ignored the present good and told him to look to the end of every affair. 2.3. Besides this story of the rearing of the children, I also heard other things at Memphis in conversation with the priests of Hephaestus; and I visited Thebes and Heliopolis , too, for this very purpose, because I wished to know if the people of those places would tell me the same story as the priests at Memphis ; for the people of Heliopolis are said to be the most learned of the Egyptians. ,Now, such stories as I heard about the gods I am not ready to relate, except their names, for I believe that all men are equally knowledgeable about them; and I shall say about them what I am constrained to say by the course of my history. |
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| 39. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.84 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 211 |
40. Plato, Theaetetus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 331| 176b. ἐκεῖσε φεύγειν ὅτι τάχιστα. φυγὴ δὲ ὁμοίωσις θεῷ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν· ὁμοίωσις δὲ δίκαιον καὶ ὅσιον μετὰ φρονήσεως γενέσθαι. ἀλλὰ γάρ, ὦ ἄριστε, οὐ πάνυ τι ῥᾴδιον πεῖσαι ὡς ἄρα οὐχ ὧν ἕνεκα οἱ πολλοί φασι δεῖν πονηρίαν μὲν φεύγειν, ἀρετὴν δὲ διώκειν, τούτων χάριν τὸ μὲν ἐπιτηδευτέον, τὸ δʼ οὔ, ἵνα δὴ μὴ κακὸς καὶ ἵνα ἀγαθὸς δοκῇ εἶναι· ταῦτα μὲν γάρ ἐστιν ὁ λεγόμενος γραῶν ὕθλος, ὡς ἐμοὶ φαίνεται· τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς ὧδε λέγωμεν. θεὸς οὐδαμῇ | |
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| 41. Xenophon, Constitution of The Spartans, 14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 113 |
| 42. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 167 |
| 43. Demosthenes, On The Crown, 259 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 204 |
| 44. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 292 |
| 45. Aristotle, Fragments, 15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 412 |
| 46. Aristotle, Soul, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326 |
| 47. Aristotle, Respiration, 15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 412 |
| 48. Aristotle, Problems, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 210 |
| 49. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 113 |
| 50. Aristotle, Meteorology, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 210 |
| 51. Aristotle, Generation of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 333 |
| 52. Chrysippus, Fragments, 2.111, 2.367, 3.139, 3.548, 3.682 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 204, 212, 214, 327 |
| 53. Hieronymus of Rhodes, Fragments, 7 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical •philosophy, philosophical, succession Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 225 |
| 54. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.31-2.34, 2.63, 3.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 195 |
55. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.19, 5.54 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 184, 191, 233| 5.19. ex eo autem, quod statuerit esse, quo primum natura moveatur, existet recti etiam ratio atque honesti, quae cum uno aliquo aliquo uno BE ex tribus illis congruere possit, possit. u aut non dolendi ita sit ut quanta ( v. 19 ) R rell. om. ut aut id honestum sit, facere omnia aut voluptatis causa, etiam si eam secl. Mdv. non consequare, aut non dolendi, etiam etiam N 2 in ras., aut BEV si id assequi nequeas, aut eorum, quae secundum naturam sunt, adipiscendi, etiam si nihil consequare. ita ita N 2 aut non dolendi ita R ( cf. ad v. 14 ), N 1 V; aut nichil dolendi ita BE fit ut, quanta differentia est in principiis naturalibus, tanta sit in finibus bonorum malorumque dissimilitudo. alii rursum isdem a principiis omne officium referent aut ad voluptatem aut ad non dolendum aut ad prima illa secundum naturam optinenda. 5.54. princeps huius civitatis Phalereus phalereus R phalerius BEN phalerus V Demetrius cum patria pulsus esset iniuria, ad Ptolomaeum se regem Alexandream alexandriam RNV contulit. qui cum in hac ipsa ipsa om. BE philosophia, ad quam te hortamur, excelleret Theophrastique esset auditor, multa praeclara in illo calamitoso otio scripsit scripsit ed. Veneta 1494 ; scribit non ad usum aliquem suum, quo erat orbatus, sed animi cultus ille erat ei quasi quidam humanitatis cibus. equidem e Cn. Aufidio, praetorio, erudito homine, oculis capto, saepe audiebam, cum se lucis magis quam utilitatis desiderio moveri diceret. somnum denique nobis, nisi requietem corporibus et medicinam quandam laboris afferret, contra naturam putaremus datum; aufert enim sensus actionemque tollit omnem. itaque si aut requietem natura non quaereret aut eam posset alia quadam ratione consequi, facile pateremur, qui qui N 2 quin etiam nunc agendi aliquid discendique causa prope contra naturam vigilias suscipere soleamus. soleamus valeamus R | 5.19. "Now, from whichever Prudence decides to be the object of the primary natural impulses, will arise a theory of right and of Moral Worth which may correspond with one or other of the three objects aforesaid. Thus Morality will consist either in aiming all our actions at pleasure, even though one may not succeed in attaining it; or at absence of pain, even though one is unable to secure it; or at getting the things in accordance with nature, even though one does not attain any of them. Hence there is a divergence between the different conceptions of the Ends of Goods and Evils, precisely equivalent to the difference of opinion as to the primary natural objects. â Others again starting from the same primary objects will make the sole standard of right action the actual attainment of pleasure, freedom from pain, or the primary things in accordance with nature, respectively. 5.54. Demetrius of Phalerum, a ruler of this city, when unjustly banished from his country, repaired to the court of King Ptolemy at Alexandria. Being eminent in the very system of philosophy which we are recommending to you, and a pupil of Theophrastus, he employed the leisure afforded by his disaster in composing a number of excellent treatises, not for any practical use of his own, for he was debarred from affairs; but he found a sort of food for his higher nature in thus cultivating his mind. I myself frequently heard the blind exâpraetor and scholar Gnaeus Aufidius declare that he felt the actual loss of light more than the inconvenience of blindness. Take lastly the gift of sleep: did it not bring us repose for our bodies and an antidote for labour, we should think it a violation of nature, for it robs us of sensation and entirely suspends our activity; so that if our nature did not require repose or could obtain it in some other manner, we should be quite content, inasmuch as even as it is we frequently deny ourselves slumber, almost to the point of doing violence to nature, in the interests of business or of study. |
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56. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 7.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 207 | 7.28. I beseech you, my child, to look at the heaven and the earth and see everything that is in them, and recognize that God did not make them out of things that existed. Thus also mankind comes into being.' |
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57. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 6.12, 7.29, 8.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 330 | 6.12. Wisdom is radiant and unfading,and she is easily discerned by those who love her,and is found by those who seek her. 7.29. For she is more beautiful than the sun,and excels every constellation of the stars. Compared with the light she is found to be superior, |
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58. Polybius, Histories, 6.45-6.50, 36.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 113, 165 | 6.45. 1. To pass to the constitution of Crete, two points here demand our attention. How was it that the most learned of the ancient writers â Ephorus, Xenophon, Callisthenes, and Plato â state in the first place that it is one and the same with that of Lacedaemon and in the second place pronounce it worthy of commendation?,2. In my own opinion neither of these assertions is true.,3. Whether or not I am right the following observations will show. And first as to its dissimilarity with the constitution of Sparta. The peculiar features of the Spartan state are said to be first the land laws by which no citizen may own more than another, but all must possess an equal share of the public land;,4. secondly their view of money-making; for, money being esteemed of no value at all among them, the jealous contention due to the possession of more or less is utterly done away with;,5. and thirdly the fact that of the magistrates by whom or by whose co-operation the whole administration is conducted, the kings hold a hereditary office and the members of the Gerousia are elected for life. 6.46. 1. In all these respects the Cretan practice is exactly the opposite.,2. Their laws go as far as possible in letting them acquire land to the extent of their power, as the saying is, and money is held in such high honour among them that its acquisition is not only regarded as necessary, but as most honourable.,3. So much in fact do sordid love of gain and lust for wealth prevail among them, that the Cretans are the only people in the world in whose eyes no gain is disgraceful.,4. Again their magistracies are annual and elected on a democratic system.,5. So that it often causes surprise how these authors proclaim to us, that two political systems the nature of which is so opposed, are allied and akin to each other.,6. Besides overlooking such differences, these writers go out of their way to give us their general views, saying that Lycurgus was the only man who ever saw the points of vital importance for good government.,7. For, there being two things to which a state owes its preservation, bravery against the enemy and concord among the citizens, Lycurgus by doing away with the lust for wealth did away also with all civil discord and broils.,8. In consequence of which the Lacedaemonians, being free from these evils, excel all the Greeks in the conduct of their internal affairs and in their spirit of union.,9. After asserting this, although they witness that the Cretans, on the other hand, owing to their ingrained lust of wealth are involved in constant broils both public and private, and in murders and civil wars, they regard this as immaterial, and have the audacity to say that the two political systems are similar.,10. Ephorus actually, apart from the names, uses the same phrases in explaining the nature of the two states; so that if one did not attend to the proper names it would be impossible to tell of which he is speaking.,11. Such are the points in which I consider these two political systems to differ, and I will now give my reasons for not regarding that of Crete as worthy of praise or imitation. 6.47. 1. In my opinion there are two fundamental things in every state, by virtue of which its principle and constitution is either desirable or the reverse.,2. I mean customs and laws. What is desirable in these makes men's private lives righteous and well ordered and the general character of the state gentle and just, while what is to be avoided has the opposite effect.,3. So just as when we observe the laws and customs of a people to be good, we have no hesitation in pronouncing that the citizens and the state will consequently be good also, thus when we notice that men are covetous in their private lives and that their public actions are unjust, we are plainly justified in saying that their laws, their particular customs, and the state as a whole are bad.,5. Now it would be impossible to find except in some rare instances personal conduct more treacherous or a public policy more unjust than in Crete.,6. Holding then the Cretan constitution to be neither similar to that of Sparta nor in any way deserving of praise and imitation, I dismiss it from the comparison which I have proposed to make.,7. Nor again is it fair to introduce Plato's republic which also is much belauded by some philosophers.,8. For just as we do not admit to athletic contests artists or athletes who are not duly entered and have not been in training, so we have no right to admit this constitution to the competition for the prize of merit, unless it first give an exhibition of its actual working.,9. Up to the present it would be just the same thing to discuss it with a view to comparison with the constitutions of Sparta, Rome, and Carthage, as to take some statue and compare it with living and breathing men.,10. For even if the workmanship of the statue were altogether praiseworthy, the comparison of a lifeless thing with a living being would strike spectators as entirely imperfect and incongruous. 6.48. 1. Dismissing, therefore, these constitutions, we will return to that of Sparta.,2. To me it seems as far as regards the maintece of concord among the citizens, the security of the Laconian territory and the preservation of the freedom of Sparta, the legislation of Lycurgus and the foresight he exhibited were so admirable that one is forced to regard his institutions as of divine rather than human origin.,3. For the equal division of landed property and the simple and common diet were calculated to produce temperance in the private lives of the citizens and to secure the commonwealth as a whole from civil strife, as was the training in the endurance of hardships and dangers to form brave and valorous men.,4. Now when both these virtues, fortitude and temperance, are combined in one soul or in one city, evil will not readily originate within such men or such peoples, nor will they be easily overmastered by their neighbours.,5. By constructing, therefore, his constitution in this manner and out of these elements, Lycurgus secured the absolute safety of the whole territory of Laconia, and left to the Spartans themselves a lasting heritage of freedom.,6. But as regards the annexation of neighbouring territories, supremacy in Greece, and, generally speaking, an ambitious policy, he seems to me to have made absolutely no provision for such contingencies, either in particular enactments or in the general constitution of the state.,7. What he left undone, therefore, was to bring to bear on the citizens some force or principle, by which, just as he had made them simple and contented in their private lives, he might make the spirit of the city as a whole likewise contented and moderate.,8. But now, while he made them most unambitious and sensible people as regards their private lives and the institutions of their city, he left them most ambitious, domineering, and aggressive towards the rest of the Greeks. 6.49. 1. For who is not aware that they were almost the first of the Greeks to cast longing eyes on the territory of their neighbours, making war on the Messenians out of covetousness and for the purpose of enslaving them?,2. And is it not narrated by all historians how out of sheer obstinacy they bound themselves by an oath not to desist from the siege before they had taken Messene?,3. It is no less universally known that owing to their desire of domination in Greece they were obliged to execute the behests of the very people they had conquered in battle.,4. For they conquered the Persians when they invaded Greece, fighting for her freedom;,5. but when the invaders had withdrawn and fled they betrayed the Greek cities to them by the peace of Antalcidas, in order to procure money for establishing their sovereignty over the Greeks;,6. and here a conspicuous defect in their constitution revealed itself.,7. For as long as they aspired to rule over their neighbours or over the Peloponnesians alone, they found the supplies and resources furnished by Laconia itself adequate, as they had all they required ready to hand, and quickly returned home whether by land or sea.,8. But once they began to undertake naval expeditions and to make military campaigns outside the Peloponnese, it was evident that neither their iron currency nor the exchange of their crops for commodities which they lacked, as permitted by the legislation of Lycurgus, would suffice for their needs,,9. since these enterprises demanded a currency in universal circulation and supplies drawn from abroad;,10. and so they were compelled to be beggars from the Persians, to impose tribute on the islanders, and exact contributions from all the Greeks, as they recognized that under the legislation of Lycurgus it was impossible to aspire, I will not say to supremacy in Greece, but to any position of influence. 6.50. 1. But what is the purpose of this digression? It is to show from the actual evidence of facts, that for the purpose of remaining in secure possession of their own territory and maintaining their freedom the legislation of Lycurgus is amply sufficient,,2. and to those who maintain this to be the object of political constitutions we must admit that there is not and never was any system or constitution superior to that of Lycurgus.,3. But if anyone is ambitious of greater things, and esteems it finer and more glorious than that to be the leader of many men and to rule and lord it over many and have the eyes of all the world turned to him,,4. it must be admitted that from this point of view the Laconian constitution is defective, while that of Rome is superior and better framed for the attainment of power,,5. as is indeed evident from the actual course of events. For when the Lacedaemonians endeavoured to obtain supremacy in Greece, they very soon ran the risk of losing their own liberty;,6. whereas the Romans, who had aimed merely at the subjection of Italy, in a short time brought the whole world under their sway, the abundant of supplies they had at their command conducing in no small measure to this result. 36.9. 1. Both about the Carthaginians when they were crushed by the Romans and about the affair of the pseudo-Philip many divergent accounts were current in Greece, at first on the subject of the conduct of Rome to Carthage and next concerning their treatment of the pseudo-Philip.,2. As regards the former the judgements formed and the opinions held in Greece were far from uimous.,3. There were some who approved the action of the Romans, saying that they had taken wise and statesmanlike measures in defence of their empire.,4. For to destroy this source of perpetual menace, this city which had constantly disputed the supremacy with them and was still able to dispute it if it had the opportunity and thus to secure the dominion of their own country, was the act of intelligent and far-seeing men.,5. Others took the opposite view, saying that far from maintaining the principles by which they had won their supremacy, they were little by little deserting it for a lust of domination like that of Athens and Sparta, starting indeed later than those states, but sure, as everything indicated, to arrive at the same end.,6. For at first they had made war with every nation until they were victorious and until their adversaries had confessed that they must obey them and execute their orders.,7. But now they had struck the first note of their new policy by their conduct to Perseus, in utterly exterminating the kingdom of Macedonia, and they had now completely revealed it by their decision concerning Carthage.,8. For the Carthaginians had been guilty of no immediate offence to Rome, but the Romans had treated them with irremediable severity, although they had accepted all their conditions and consented to obey all their orders.,9. Others said that the Romans were, generally speaking, a civilized people, and that their peculiar merit on which they prided themselves was that they conducted their wars in a simple and noble manner, employing neither night attacks nor ambushes, disapproving of every kind of deceit and fraud, and considering that nothing but direct and open attacks were legitimate for them.,10. But in the present case, throughout the whole of their proceedings in regard to Carthage, they had used deceit and fraud, offering certain things one at a time and keeping others secret, until they cut off every hope the city had of help from her allies.,11. This, they said, savoured more of a despot's intrigue than of the principles of a civilized state such as Rome, and could only be justly described as something very like impiety and treachery.,12. And there were others who differed likewise from these latter critics. For, they said, if before the Carthaginians had committed themselves to the faith of Rome the Romans had proceeded in this manner, offering certain things one at a time and gradually disclosing others, they would of course have appeared to be guilty of the charge brought against them.,13. But if, in fact, after the Carthaginians had of their own accord committed themselves to the faith of the Romans and given them liberty to treat them in any way they chose, the Romans, being thus authorized to act as it seemed good to them, gave the orders and imposed the terms on which they had decided, what took place did not bear any resemblance to an act of impiety and scarcely any to an act of treachery; in fact some said it was not even of the nature of an injustice.,14. For every crime must naturally fall under one of these three classes, and what the Romans did belongs to neither of the three.,15. For impiety is sin against the gods, against parents, or against the dead; treachery is the violation of sworn or written agreements; and injustice is what is done contrary to law and custom.,16. of none of these three were the Romans guilty on the present occasion. Neither did they sin against the gods, against their parents, or against the dead, nor did they violate any sworn agreement or treaty; on the contrary they accused the Carthaginians of doing this.,17. Nor, again, did they break any laws or customs or their personal faith. For having received from a people who consented willingly full authority to act as they wished, when this people refused to obey their orders they finally resorted to force. |
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59. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.30.74, 4.44 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophical •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 233; Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 277| 4.44. Nec vero nevero G 1 solum hanc libidinem laudant—est enim ira, ut modo modo cf. p. 371, 7 321, 18 Lact. ira 17, 20 definivi, ulciscendi libido—, sed ipsum illud genus vel alt. vel om. KR libidinis vel cupiditatis ad summam utilitatem esse dicunt a natura datum; nihil enim quemquam nisi quod lubeat praeclare facere posse. noctu sqq. Val. Max. 8, 14 ext. 1 ambulabat in publico Themistocles, quod somnum capere non posset, posset: indicatur non externa ambulandi causa, sed ratio qua adductus adulescens inquietus consilium ambulandi ceperit (cum pro quod Sey. ) quaerentibusque respondebat Miltiadis militiadis ( alt. i del. V 3 ) trophaeis GR( corr. R 1 )V militia adstropheis K (tropea miliciadis Val. Max. ) tropaeis se e somno suscitari. suscitare X corr. V rec s cui non sunt auditae Demosthenis demostenis X dolore GR 1 V 1 vigiliae? qui dolere se aiebat, agebat K si quando opificum antelucana victus esset industria. philosophiae denique ipsius principes numquam in suis studiis tantos progressus sine flagranti cupiditate facere potuissent. ultimas terras lustrasse Pythagoran Democritum Platonem accepimus. ubi enim quicquid quiquid G 1 esset esse G 1 K quod disci dici GR 1 V 1 ( corr. R 1 V 1 ) posset, eo veniendum iudicaverunt. num num nam R 1 putamus haec fieri sine summo cupiditatis ardore potuisse? | |
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| 60. Horace, Sermones, 2.3.158, 2.7.83 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332 |
61. Philo of Alexandria, That God Is Unchangeable, 22, 47-48, 143 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326 | 143. And know that this way is wisdom. For the mind being guided by wisdom, while the road is straight and level and easy, proceeds along it to the end; and the end of this road is the knowledge and understanding of God. But every companion of the flesh hates and repudiates, and endeavours to corrupt this way; for there is no one thing so much at variance with another, as knowledge is at variance with the pleasure of the flesh. Accordingly, the earthly Edom is always fighting with those who wish to proceed by this road, |
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62. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 6.92-8.62, 8.1.3, 8.1.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73 | 8.1.3. He reasoned, therefore, that if he could prevail on the Volscians to receive him and to entrust to him the command of the war, his purpose could easily be accomplished. On the other hand, he was disturbed by the consciousness that he had often brought calamities upon them in battle and had forced many cities to forsake their alliance with them. However, he did not desist from the attempt because of the greatness of the danger, but resolved to encounter these very perils and suffer whatever might be the consequence. |
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63. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 157, 76 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326 | 76. For he has not chosen to be beheld by the eyes of the body, perhaps because it was not consistent with holiness for what is mortal to touch what is everlasting, or perhaps because of the weakness of our sight; for it would never have been able to stand the rays which are poured forth from the living God, since it cannot even look straight at the rays of the sun. XVII. |
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64. Philo of Alexandria, On The Cherubim, 92 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168 | 92. In every festival then and assembly among men, the following are the most remarkable and celebrated points, security, relaxation, truce, drunkenness, deep drinking, revelling, luxury, amusement, music at the doors, banquets lasting through the night, unseemly pleasures, wedding feasts during the day, violent acts of insolence, practices of intemperance, indulgence of folly, pursuits of shameful things, an utter destruction and renunciation of what is good, wakefulness during the night for the indulgence of immoderate appetites, sleep by day when it is the proper time to be awake, a turning upside down of the laws of nature. 92. But there are also some people who, without any idea of acquiring gain, do from a bad habit incessantly and inconsiderately swear upon every occasion, even when there is nothing at all about which any doubt is raised, as if they were desirous to fill up the deficiency of their argument with oaths, as if it would not be better to cut their conversation short, or I might rather say to utter nothing at all, but to preserve entire silence, for from a frequency of oaths arises a habit of perjury and impiety. |
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| 65. Philo of Alexandria, On The Preliminary Studies, 145 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 335 |
66. Philo of Alexandria, On Drunkenness, 82 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 335 | 82. When, therefore, Jacob, the practiser of virtue, and the man who entered into the lists of, and was a candidate for, the prizes of virtue, was inclined to give his ears in exchange for his eyes, and words for actions, and improvements for perfection, as the bounteous God was willing to give eyes to his mind, in order that he might for the future clearly see what hitherto he had only comprehended by hearing (for the eyes are more trustworthy than the ears), the oracle sounded in his ears, "Thy name shall not be called Jacob; but Israel shall thy name be, because thou hast prevailed with God and with men, with Power." Jacob then is the name of learning and or improvement, that is to say of those powers which depend upon learning, and Israel is the name of perfection, for the name being interpreted means "the sight of God;" |
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67. Philo of Alexandria, On Flight And Finding, 101, 159, 31-36, 58, 63 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326, 330 | 63. This, too, one of the most eminent among the men who have been admired for their wisdom has asserted, speaking in a magnificent strain in the Theaetetus, where he says, "But it is impossible for evils to come to and end. For it is indispensable that there should always be something in opposition to God. And it is equally impossible that it should have a place in the divine regions; but it must of necessity hover around mortal nature and this place where we live; on which account we ought to endeavor to flee from this place as speedily as possible. And our flight will be a likening of ourselves to God, to the best of our power. And such a likening consists of being just and holy in conjunction with Prudence." |
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| 68. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 5.497-5.499 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 321 |
| 69. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Joseph, 147 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168 |
70. Philo of Alexandria, On The Change of Names, 56, 82 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 335 | 82. And what more flourishing and more suitable crown could be woven for the victorious soul than one by which it will be able acutely and clearly to behold the living God? At least a beautiful prize is thus proposed for the soul which delights in the practice of virtue, namely, the being endowed with sight adequate to the clear comprehension of the only thing which is really worth beholding. XIII. |
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71. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 100-122, 29, 31-32, 77, 89-99, 30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 334 | 30. And air and light he considered worthy of the pre-eminence. For the one he called the breath of God, because it is air, which is the most life-giving of things, and of life the causer is God; and the other he called light, because it is surpassingly beautiful: for that which is perceptible only by intellect is as far more brilliant and splendid than that which is seen, as I conceive, the sun is than darkness, or day than night, or the intellect than any other of the outward senses by which men judge (inasmuch as it is the guide of the entire soul), or the eyes than any other part of the body. |
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72. Philo of Alexandria, On The Posterity of Cain, 101, 175-176 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 197 | 176. Evil opinions therefore will not come into association with their father, before a great quantity of the unmixed wine of folly has been found upon him, and destroyed any sense that may have previously been in him; for it is written, "They made their father drink wine." So that if they do not give him drink, they will never receive legitimate seed from him while he is sober; but when he has been soaked in wine, and has become utterly intoxicated and senseless, then they will become pregt, and have a culpable labour and offspring, which will be truly accursed. LII. |
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73. Philo of Alexandria, On Rewards And Punishments, 161-162, 164-169, 46, 163 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326, 330 | 163. If, however, they receive these exertions of power not as aiming at their destruction, but rather at their admonition and improvement, and if they feel shame throughout their whole soul, and change their ways, reproaching themselves for their errors, and openly avowing and confessing all the sins that they have committed against themselves with purified souls and minds, so as in the first place to exhibit a sincerity of conscience utterly alien from falsehood and concealing nothing evil beneath; and secondly, having their tongues also purified so as to produce improvement in their hearers, they will then meet with a favourable acceptance from their merciful saviour, God, who bestows on the race of mankind his especial and exceedingly great gift, namely, relationship to his own word; after which, as its archetypal model, the human mind was formed. |
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74. Philo of Alexandria, On Giants, 31, 61 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 335 | 61. Lastly, those who are born of God are priests and prophets, who have not thought fit to mix themselves up in the constitutions of this world, and to become cosmopolites, but who having raised themselves above all the objects of the mere outward senses, have departed and fixed their views on that world which is perceptible only by the intellect, and have settled there, being inscribed in the state of incorruptible incorporeal ideas. XIV. |
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75. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.43, 1.54 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326, 334 | 1.43. But God replied, "I receive, indeed, your eagerness, inasmuch as it is praiseworthy; but the request which you make is not fitting to be granted to any created being. And I only bestow such gifts as are appropriate to him who receives them; for it is not possible for a man to receive all that it is easy for me to give. On which account I give to him who is deserving of my favour all the gifts which he is able to receive. 1.54. And there are some of the Gentiles, who, not attending to the honour due to the one God alone, deserve to be punished with extreme severity of punishment, as having forsaken the most important classification of piety and holiness, and as having chosen darkness in preference to the most brilliant light, and having rendered their own intellect blind when it might have seen clearly. |
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76. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 11, 176-186, 175 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 99 | 175. The most holy Moses, being a lover of virtue, and of honour, and, above all things, of the human race, expects all men everywhere to show themselves admirers of piety and of justice, proposing to them, as to conquerors, great rewards if they repent, namely, a participation in the best of all constitutions, and an enjoyment of all things, whether great or small, which are to be found in it. |
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77. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 74, 42 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168 | 42. For that which those men who gain victories in the Olympic games, when perfectly sober in the arena, and having all the Greeks for spectators do by day, exerting all their skill for the purpose of gaining victory and the crown, these men with base designs do at convivial entertainments, getting drunk by night, in the hour of darkness, when soaked in wine, acting without either knowledge, or art, or skill, to the insult, and injury, and great disgrace of those who are subjected to their violence. |
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78. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 6.68-6.79 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 46| 6.68. quos miseri credunt, ignari quid queat esse, 6.69. quid nequeat, finita potestas denique cuique 6.70. qua nam sit ratione atque alte terminus haerens; 6.71. quo magis errantes caeca ratione feruntur. 6.72. quae nisi respuis ex animo longeque remittis 6.73. dis indigna putare alienaque pacis eorum, 6.74. delibata deum per te tibi numina sancta 6.75. saepe oberunt; non quo violari summa deum vis 6.76. possit, ut ex ira poenas petere inbibat acris, 6.77. sed quia tute tibi placida cum pace quietos 6.78. constitues magnos irarum volvere fluctus, 6.79. nec delubra deum placido cum pectore adibis, | |
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| 79. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 1.31 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 332 |
| 80. Philo of Alexandria, Questions On Exodus, 2.46 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 332 |
81. Philo of Alexandria, Who Is The Heir, 299, 7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 335 | 7. When therefore is it proper for the servant of God to use freedom of speech to the ruler and master of himself, and of the whole word? Is it not when he is free from all sins, and is aware in his conscience that he loves his master, feeling more joy at the fact of being a servant of God, than he would if he were sovereign over the whole race of mankind, and were invested without any effort on his part with the supreme authority over land and sea. |
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| 82. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 63 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 204 |
83. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.96.2-1.96.3, 7.12.8, 9.2.2, 15.1.3-15.1.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 20, 113; Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 233 | 1.96.2. For the priests of Egypt recount from the records of their sacred books that they were visited in early times by Orpheus, Musaeus, Melampus, and Daedalus, also by the poet Homer and Lycurgus of Sparta, later by Solon of Athens and the philosopher Plato, and that there also came Pythagoras of Samos and the mathematician Eudoxus, as well as Democritus of Abdera and Oenopides of Chios. 1.96.3. As evidence for the visits of all these men they point in some cases to their statues and in others to places or buildings which bear their names, and they offer proofs from the branch of learning which each one of these men pursued, arguing that all the things for which they were admired among the Greeks were transferred from Egypt. 7.12.8. The Lacedaemonians, by observing the laws of Lycurgus, from a lowly people grew to be the most powerful among the Greeks and maintained the leadership among the Greek states for over four hundred years. But after that time, as they little by little began to relax each one of the institutions and to turn to luxury and indifference, and as they grew so corrupted as to use coined money and to amass wealth, they lost the leadership. 9.2.2. And Solon replied, with the freedom of speech customary among lovers of wisdom, that no man while yet living was blest; for the man who waxes haughty over his prosperity and thinks that he has Fortune as his helpmeet does not know whether she will remain with him to the last. Consequently, he continued, we must look to the end of life, and only of the man who has continued until then to be fortunate may we properly say that he is blest. 15.1.3. For who would not judge men to be deserving of accusation who had received from their ancestors a supremacy with such firm foundations and that too preserved by the high spirit of their ancestors for over five hundred years, and now beheld it, as the Lacedaemonians of that time did, overthrown by their own folly? And this is easy to understand. For the men who had lived before them won the glory they had by many labours and great struggles, treating their subjects the while fairly and humanely; but their successors used their allies roughly and harshly, stirring up, besides, unjust and insolent wars against the Greeks, and so it is quite to be understood that they lost their rule because of their own acts of folly. 15.1.4. For the hatred of those they had wronged found in their disasters an opportunity to retaliate upon their aggressors, and they who had been unconquered from their ancestors' time were now attended by such contempt as, it stands to reason, must befall those who obliterate the virtues that characterized their ancestors. 15.1.5. This explains why the Thebans, who for many generations had been subjects of their superiors, when they defeated them to everyone's surprise, became supreme among the Greeks, but the Lacedaemonians, when once they had lost the supremacy, were never at any time able to recover the high position enjoyed by their ancestors. |
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84. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 1.71, 1.75, 1.164, 2.249 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 330, 335 | 1.71. And it is with exceeding beauty and propriety that it is said, not that he came to the place, but that he met the place: for to come is voluntary, but to meet is very often involuntary; so that the divine Word appearing on a sudden, supplies an unexpected joy, greater than could have been hoped, inasmuch as it is about to travel in company with the solitary soul; for Moses also "brings forward the people to a meeting with God," well knowing that he comes invisibly towards those souls who have a longing to meet with him. XIII. 1.75. And it is easy otherwise by means of argument to perceive this, since God is the first light, "For the Lord is my light and my Saviour," is the language of the Psalms; and not only the light, but he is also the archetypal pattern of every other light, or rather he is more ancient and more sublime than even the archetypal model, though he is spoken of as the model; for the real model was his own most perfect word, the light, and he himself is like to no created thing. 1.164. Now is it not fitting that even blind men should become sharpsighted in their minds to these and similar things, being endowed with the power of sight by the most sacred oracles, so as to be able to contemplate the glories of nature, and not to be limited to the mere understanding of the words? But even if we voluntarily close the eye of our soul and take no care to understand such mysteries, or if we are unable to look up to them, the hierophant himself stands by and prompts us. And do not thou ever cease through weariness to anoint thy eyes until you have introduced those who are duly initiated to the secret light of the sacred scriptures, and have displayed to them the hidden things therein contained, and their reality, which is invisible to those who are uninitiated. 2.249. And who can pour over the happy soul which proffers its own reason as the most sacred cup, the holy goblets of true joy, except the cup-bearer of God, the master of the feast, the word? not differing from the draught itself, but being itself in an unmixed state, the pure delight and sweetness, and pouring forth, and joy, and ambrosial medicine of pleasure and happiness; if we too may, for a moment, employ the language of the poets. XXXVIII. |
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| 85. Plutarch, Whether An Old Man Should Engage In Public Affairs, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 323 |
| 86. Plutarch, Dialogue On Love, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 212 |
87. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 2.4, 3.2, 5.9, 6.1, 7.2, 7.8, 8.1, 11.3-11.6, 17.1-17.2, 32.7-32.9, 46.2, 48.1-48.4, 54.4, 55.6, 57.4-57.5, 57.7-57.8, 59.1, 60.6, 63.1, 63.7, 66.1, 66.8, 66.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 76, 77, 84| 2.4. ὤφθη δέ ποτε καὶ δράκων κοιμωμένης τῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος παρεκτεταμένος τῷ σώματι· καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα τοῦ Φιλίππου τὸν ἔρωτα καὶ τὰς φιλοφροσύνας ἀμαυρῶσαι λέγουσιν, ὡς μηδὲ φοιτᾶν ἔτι πολλάκις παρʼ αὐτὴν ἀναπαυσόμενον, εἴτε δείσαντά τινας μαγείας ἐπʼ αὐτῷ καὶ φάρμακα τῆς γυναικός, εἴτε τὴν ὁμιλίαν ὡς κρείττονι συνούσης ἀφοσιούμενον. 3.2. ἡ δὲ Ὀλυμπιάς, ὡς Ἐρατοσθένης φησί, προπέμπουσα τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν, καὶ φράσασα μόνῳ τὸ περὶ τὴν τέκνωσιν ἀπόρρητον, ἐκέλευεν ἄξια φρονεῖν τῆς γενέσεως, ἕτεροι δέ φασιν αὐτὴν ἀφοσιοῦσθαι καὶ λέγειν οὐ παύσεταί με διαβάλλων Ἀλέξανδρος πρὸς τὴν Ἥραν; 6.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Φιλονίκου τοῦ Θεσσαλοῦ τὸν Βουκεφάλαν ἀγαγόντος ὤνιον τῷ Φιλίππῳ τρισκαίδεκα ταλάντων κατέβησαν εἰς τὸ πεδίον δοκιμάσοντες τὸν ἵππον, ἐδόκει τε χαλεπὸς εἶναι καὶ κομιδῇ δύσχρηστος, οὔτε ἀναβάτην προσιέμενος οὔτε φωνὴν ὑπομένων τινὸς τῶν περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον, ἀλλʼ ἁπάντων κατεξανιστάμενος, 7.2. μετεπέμψατο τῶν φιλοσόφων τὸν ἐνδοξότατον καὶ λογιώτατον Ἀριστοτέλην, καλὰ καὶ πρέποντα διδασκάλια τελέσας αὐτῷ. τὴν γὰρ Σταγειριτῶν πόλιν, ἐξ ἧς ἦν Ἀριστοτέλης, ἀνάστατον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ γεγενημένην συνῴκισε πάλιν, καὶ τοὺς διαφυγόντας ἢ δουλεύοντας τῶν πολιτῶν ἀποκατέστησε. 8.1. δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ τὸ φιλιατρεῖν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ προστρίψασθαι μᾶλλον ἑτέρων Ἀριστοτέλης· οὐ γὰρ μόνον τὴν θεωρίαν ἠγάπησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ νοσοῦσιν ἐβοήθει τοῖς φίλοις καὶ συνέταττε θεραπείας τινὰς καὶ διαίτας, ὡς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν λαβεῖν ἔστιν, ἦν δὲ καὶ φύσει φιλόλογος καὶ φιλαναγνώστης. 11.3. τὰ μὲν οὖν βαρβαρικὰ κινήματα καὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ πολέμους κατέπαυσεν ὀξέως ἐπιδραμὼν στρατῷ μέχρι πρὸς τὸν Ἴστρον, ᾗ καὶ Σύρμον ἐνίκησε μάχῃ μεγάλῃ, τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Τριβαλλῶν Θηβαίους δὲ ἀφεστάναι πυθόμενος καὶ συμφρονεῖν αὐτοῖς Ἀθηναίους, εὐθὺς ἦγε διὰ Πυλῶν τὴν δύναμιν, εἰπὼν ὅτι Δημοσθένει παῖδα μὲν αὐτὸν, ἕως ἦν ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς καὶ Τριβαλλοῖς, ἀποκαλοῦντι, μειράκιον δὲ περὶ Θετταλίαν γενόμενον, βούλεται πρὸς τοῖς Ἀθηναίων τείχεσιν ἀνὴρ φανῆναι. 11.4. προσμίξας δὲ ταῖς Θήβαις καὶ διδοὺς ἔτι τῶν πεπραγμένων μετάνοιαν ἐξῄτει Φοίνικα καὶ Προθύτην, καὶ τοῖς μεταβαλλομένοις πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄδειαν ἐκήρυττε. τῶν δὲ Θηβαίων ἀντεξαιτούντων μὲν παρʼ αὐτοῦ Φιλώταν καὶ Ἀντίπατρον, κηρυττόντων δὲ τοὺς τὴν Ἑλλάδα βουλομένους συνελευθεροῦν τάττεσθαι μετʼ αὐτῶν, οὕτως ἔτρεψε τοὺς Μακεδόνας πρὸς πόλεμον. 11.5. ἠγωνίσθη μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἀρετῇ καὶ προθυμίᾳ παρὰ τῶν Θηβαίων παρὰ τῶν Θηβαίων Coraës and Bekker, following Reiske: τὰ παρὰ τῶν Θηβαίων . πολλαπλασίοις οὖσι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀντιταχθέντων ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν Καδμείαν ἀφέντες οἱ φρουροὶ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐπέπιπτον αὐτοῖς ἐξόπισθεν, κυκλωθέντες οἱ πλεῖστοι κατὰ τὴν μάχην αὐτὴν ἔπεσον, ἡ δὲ πόλις ἥλω καὶ διαρπασθεῖσα κατεσκάφη, τὸ μὲν ὅλον προσδοκήσαντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκπλαγέντας πάθει τηλικούτῳ καὶ πτήξαντας ἀτρεμήσειν, ἄλλως δὲ καὶ καλλωπισαμένου χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς τῶν συμμάχων ἐγκλήμασι· καὶ γὰρ Φωκεῖς καὶ Πλαταιεῖς τῶν Θηβαίων κατηγόρησαν. 11.6. ὑπεξελόμενος δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ τοὺς ξένους τῶν Μακεδόνων ἅπαντας καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Πινδάρου γεγονότας καὶ τοὺς ὑπεναντιωθέντας τοῖς ψηφισαμένοις τὴν ἀπόστασιν, ἀπέδοτο τοὺς ἄλλους περὶ τρισμυρίους γενομένους· οἱ δὲ ἀποθανόντες ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους ἦσαν. 17.1. οὗτος ὁ ἀγὼν μεγάλην εὐθὺς ἐποίησε τῶν πραγμάτων μεταβολὴν πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον, ὥστε καὶ Σάρδεις, τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ τῶν βαρβάρων ἡγεμονίας, παραλαβεῖν καὶ τἆλλα προστίθεσθαι. μόνη δὲ Ἁλικαρνασσὸς ἀντέστη καὶ Μίλητος, ἃς ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος καὶ τὰ περὶ αὐτὰς πάντα χειρωσάμενος ἀμφίβολος ἦν πρὸς τὰ λοιπὰ τῇ γνώμῃ. 17.2. καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἔσπευδε Δαρείῳ συμπεσὼν ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων, πολλάκις δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πράγμασι καὶ χρήμασι διενοεῖτο πρῶτον οἷον ἐνασκήσας καὶ ῥώσας αὑτόν οὕτως ἀναβαίνειν ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον. ἔστι δὲ τῆς Λυκίας κρήνη περὶ τὴν Ξανθίων πόλιν, ἧς τότε λέγουσιν αὐτομάτως περιτραπείσης καὶ ὑπερβαλούσης ἐκ βυθοῦ δέλτον ἐκπεσεῖν χαλκῆν τύπους ἔχουσαν ἀρχαίων γραμμάτων, ἐν οἷς ἐδηλοῦτο παύσεσθαι παύσεσθαι Sintenis 2 , with C and Stephanus; παύσασθαι Sintenis 1 and Bekker. τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων καταλυθεῖσαν. 32.7. ἄχρι μὲν οὖν συντάττων τι τῆς φάλαγγος ἢ παρακελευόμενος ἢ διδάσκων ἢ ἐφορῶν παρεξήλαυνεν, ἄλλον ἵππον εἶχε, τοῦ Βουκεφάλα φειδόμενος ἤδη παρήλικος ὄντος χωροῦντι δὲ πρὸς ἔργον ἐκεῖνος προσήγετο, καὶ μεταβὰς εὐθὺς ἦρχεν ἐφόδου. 46.2. καὶ μαρτυρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἔοικεν Ἀλέξανδρος. Ἀντιπάτρῳ γὰρ ἅπαντα γράφων ἀκριβῶς τὸν μὲν Σκύθην αὐτῷ φησι διδόναι τὴν θυγατέρα πρὸς γάμον, Ἀμαζόνος δὲ οὐ μνημονεύει, λέγεται δὲ πολλοῖς χρόνοις Ὀνησίκριτος ὕστερον ἤδη βασιλεύοντι Λυσιμάχῳ τῶν βιβλίων τὸ τέταρτον ἀναγινώσκειν, ἐν ᾧ γέγραπται περὶ τῆς Ἀμαζόνος· τὸν οὖν Λυσίμαχον ἀτρέμα μειδιάσαντα καὶ ποῦ, φάναι, τότε ἤμην ἐγώ; ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἄν τις οὔτε ἀπιστῶν ἧττον οὔτε πιστεύων μᾶλλον Ἀλέξανδρον θαυμάσειε. 48.1. Φιλώτας δὲ ὁ Παρμενίωνος ἀξίωμα μὲν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς Μακεδόσι μέγα καὶ γὰρ ἀνδρεῖος ἐδόκει καὶ καρτερικὸς εἶναι, φιλόδωρος δὲ οὕτω καὶ φιλέταιρος μετʼ αὐτόν Ἀλέξανδρον οὐδείς, λέγεται γοῦν ὅτι τῶν συνήθων τινὸς αἰτοῦντος ἀργύριον ἐκέλευσε δοῦναι φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ διοικητοῦ μὴ ἔχειν, τί λέγεις; εἶπεν, οὐδὲ ποτήριον ἔχεις οὐδὲ ἱμάτιον; 48.2. ὄγκῳ δὲ φρονήματος καὶ βάρει πλούτου καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπείᾳ καὶ διαίτῃ χρώμενος ἐπαχθέστερον ἢ κατʼ ἰδιώτην, καὶ τότε δὴ τὸ σεμνὸν καὶ ὑψηλὸν οὐκ ἐμμελῶς, ἀλλʼ ἄνευ χαρίτων τῷ σολοίκῳ καὶ παρασήμῳ μιμούμενος, ὑποψίαν καὶ φθόνον ἔσχεν, ὥστε καὶ Παρμενίωνά ποτε εἰπεῖν πρός αὐτόν ὦ παῖ, χείρων μοι γίνου. 48.3. πρός δὲ αὐτόν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐκ πάνυ πολλῶν χρόνων ἐτύγχανε διαβεβλημένος, ὅτε γὰρ τὰ περὶ Δαμασκὸν ἑάλω χρήματα Δαρείου νικηθέντος ἐν Κιλικίᾳ, πολλῶν σωμάτων κομισθέντων εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον εὑρέθη γύναιον ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις, τῷ μὲν γένει Πυδναῖον, εὐπρεπὲς δὲ τὴν ὄψιν ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ Ἀντιγόνη. 48.4. τοῦτο ἔσχεν ὁ Φιλώτας οἷα δὲ νέος πρός ἐρωμένην καὶ σὺν οἴνῳ πολλὰ φιλότιμα καὶ στρατιωτικὰ παρρησιαζόμενος ἑαυτοῦ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἔργων ἀπέφαινε καὶ τοῦ πατρός, Ἀλέξανδρον δὲ μειράκιον ἀπεκάλει διʼ αὐτοὺς τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὄνομα καρπούμενον. 54.4. πάντων δὲ τοῦτο ποιούντων ἐφεξῆς τὸν Καλλισθένην λαβόντα τήν φιάλην, οὐ προσέχοντος τοῦ βασιλέως, Ἀλλὰ Ἡφαιστίωνι προσδιαλεγομένου, πιόντα προσιέναι φιλήσοντα, Δημητρίου δὲ τοῦ προσονομαζομένου Φείδωνος εἰπόντος, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μὴ φιλήσῃς οὗτος γάρ σε μόνος οὐ προσεκύνησε, διακλῖναι τὸ φίλημα τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, τὸν δὲ Καλλισθένη μέγα φθεγξάμενον εἰπεῖν· φιλήματι τοίνυν ἔλασσον ἔχων ἄπειμι. 57.4. ὁ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν στρωματοφυλάκων τεταγμένος ἀνὴρ Μακεδὼν, ὄνομα Πρόξενος, τῇ βασιλικῇ σκηνῇ χώραν ὀρύττων παρὰ τὸν Ὦξον ποταμόν ἀνεκάλυψε πηγὴν ὑγροῦ λιπαροῦ καὶ πιμελώδους· ἀπαντλουμένου δὲ τοῦ πρώτου καθαρὸν ἀνέβλυζεν ἤδη καὶ διαυγές ἔλαιον, οὔτε ὀσμῇ δοκοῦν οὔτε γεύσει ἐλαίου διαφέρειν, στιλπνότητά τε καὶ λιπαρότητα παντάπασιν ἀπαράλλακτον, καὶ ταῦτα τῆς χώρας μηδὲ ἐλαίας φερούσης. 57.5. λέγεται μὲν οὖν καὶ τὸν Ὦξον αὐτὸν εἶναι μαλακώτατον ὕδωρ, ὥστε τὸ δέρμα τοῖς λουομένοις ἐπιλιπαίνειν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ θαυμαστῶς Ἀλέξανδρος ἡσθεὶς δῆλός ἐστιν ἐξ ὧν γράφει πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον, ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις τοῦτο τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ γεγονότων αὐτῷ τιθέμενος, οἱ δὲ μάντεις ἐνδόξου μὲν στρατείας, ἐπιπόνου δὲ καὶ χαλεπῆς τὸ σημεῖον ἐποιοῦντο· πόνων γὰρ ἀρωγὴν ἔλαιον ἀνθρώποις ὑπὸ θεοῦ δεδόσθαι. 59.1. ὁ δὲ Ταξίλης λέγεται μέν τῆς Ἰνδικῆς ἔχειν μοῖραν Οὐκ ἀποδέουσαν Αἰγύπτου τὸ μέγεθος, εὔβοτον δέ καὶ καλλίκαρπον ἔν τοῖς μάλιστα, σοφὸς δέ τις ἀνὴρ εἶναι, καὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀσπασάμενος, τί δεῖ πολέμων, φάναι, καὶ μάχης ἡμῖν, Ἀλέξανδρε, πρὸς ἀλλήλους, εἰ μήτε ὕδωρ ἀφαιρησόμενος ἡμῶν ἀφῖξαι μήτε τροφὴν ἀναγκαίαν, ὑπὲρ ὧν μόνων ἀνάγκη διαμάχεσθαι νοῦν ἔχουσιν ἀνθρώποις; 60.6. γενομένης δὲ τροπῆς ἑκατέρωθεν ἀναχωρεῖν ἀεὶ πρὸς τὰ θηρία καὶ συνειλεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐκβιαζομένους, ὅθεν ἤδη τὴν μάχην ἀναμεμιγμένην εἶναι, καὶ μόλις ὀγδόης ὥρας ἀπειπεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους, ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ τῆς μάχης ποιητὴς αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς εἴρηκεν. οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι τῶν συγγραφέων ὁμολογοῦσι τὸν Πῶρον ὑπεραίροντα τεσσάρων πηχῶν σπιθαμῇ τὸ μῆκος ἱππότου μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν πρὸς τὸν ἐλέφαντα συμμετρίᾳ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸν ὄγκον τοῦ σώματος· 63.1. ἐντεῦθεν ὁρμήσας Ἀλέξανδρος τὴν ἔξω θάλασσαν ἐπιδεῖν, καὶ πολλὰ πορθμεῖα κωπήρη καὶ σχεδίας πηξάμενος, ἐκομίζετο τοῖς ποταμοῖς ὑποφερόμενος σχολαίως. ὁ δὲ πλοῦς οὐκ ἀργὸς ἦν οὐδὲ ἀπόλεμος, προσβάλλων δὲ ταῖς πόλεσι καὶ ἀποβαίνων ἐχειροῦτο πάντα, πρὸς δὲ τοῖς καλουμένοις Μαλλοῖς, οὕς φασιν Ἰνδῶν μαχιμωτάτους γενέσθαι, μικρὸν ἐδέησε κατακοπῆναι. 66.1. ἡ δὲ διὰ τῶν ποταμῶν πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν ὑπαγωγὴ μηνῶν ἑπτὰ χρόνον ἀνάλωσεν. ἐμβαλὼν δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶν εἰς τὸν Ὠκεανόν ἀνέπλευσε πρὸς νῆσον ἣν Σκιλλοῦστιν αὐτὸς ὠνόμασεν, ἕτεροι δὲ Ψιλτοῦκιν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ ἀποβὰς ἔθυε τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἐπεῖδε τοῦ πελάγους καὶ τῆς παραλίας ὅσον ἐφικτὸν ἦν. εἶτα ἐπευξάμενος μηδένα μετʼ αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπων ὑπερβῆναι τοὺς ὅρους τῆς στρατείας ἀνέστρεφε. | 2.4. Moreover, a serpent was once seen lying stretched out by the side of Olympias as she slept, and we are told that this, more than anything else, dulled the ardour of Philip’s attentions to his wife, so that he no longer came often to sleep by her side, either because he feared that some spells and enchantments might be practised upon him by her, or because he shrank from her embraces in the conviction that she was the partner of a superior being. 3.2. Moreover, Olympias, as Eratosthenes says, when she sent Alexander forth upon his great expedition, told him, and him alone, the secret of his begetting, and bade him have purposes worthy of his birth. Others, on the contrary, say that she repudiated the idea, and said: Alexander must cease slandering me to Hera. The lawful spouse of Zeus Ammon. 6.1. Once upon a time Philoneicus the Thessalian brought Bucephalas, offering to sell him to Philip for thirteen talents, The talent was worth about £235, or 7.2. he sent for the most famous and learned of philosophers, Aristotle, and paid him a noble and appropriate tuition-fee. The city of Stageira, that is, of which Aristotle was a native, and which he had himself destroyed, he peopled again, and restored to it those of its citizens who were in exile or slavery. 8.1. Moreover, in my opinion Alexander’s love of the art of healing was inculcated in him by Aristotle preeminently. For he was not only fond of the theory of medicine, but actually came to the aid of his friends when they were sick, and prescribed for them certain treatments and regimens, as one can gather from his letters. He was also by nature a lover of learning and a lover of reading. 11.3. Accordingly, he put a speedy stop to the disturbances and wars among the Barbarians by overrunning their territories with an army as far as to the river Danube, where he fought a great battle with Syrmus, the king of the Triballi, and defeated him; and on learning that the Thebans had revolted and that the Athenians were in sympathy with them, he immediately led his forces through the pass of Thermopylae, declaring that since Demosthenes had called him a boy while he was among the Illyrians and Triballians, and a stripling when he had reached Thessaly, he wished to show him that before the walls of Athens he was a man. 11.4. Arrived before Thebes, In September, 335 B.C. Plutarch makes no mention of a previous expedition of Alexander into Southern Greece, immediately after Philip’s death, when he received the submission of all the Greek states except Sparta, and was made commander-in-chief of the expedition against Persia, in Philip’s place. See Arrian, Anab. i. 1. and wishing to give her still a chance to repent of what she had done, he merely demanded the surrender of Phoenix and Prothytes, and proclaimed an amnesty for those who came over to his side. But the Thebans made a counter-demand that he should surrender to them Philotas and Antipater, and made a counter-proclamation that all who wished to help in setting Greece free should range themselves with them; and so Alexander set his Macedonians to the work of war. 11.5. On the part of the Thebans, then, the struggle was carried on with a spirit and valour beyond their powers, since they were arrayed against an enemy who was many times more numerous than they; but when the Macedonian garrison also, leaving the citadel of the Cadmeia, fell upon them in the rear, most of them were surrounded, and fell in the battle itself and their city was taken, plundered, and razed to the ground. This was done, in the main, because Alexander expected that the Greeks would be terrified by so great a disaster and cower down in quiet, but apart from this, he also plumed himself on gratifying the complaints of his allies; for the Phocians and Plataeans had denounced the Thebans. 11.6. So after separating out the priests, all who were guest-friends of the Macedonians, the descendants of Pindar, And we are told that Alexander preserved the house of Pindar the poet, and the descendants of Pindar, out of regard for Pindar ( Arrian, Anab. i. 9, 10 ). and those who had voted against the revolt, he sold the rest into slavery, and they proved to be more than thirty thousand; those who had been slain were more than six thousand. 17.1. This contest at once made a great change in the situation to Alexander’s advantage, so that he received the submission even of Sardis, the bulwark of the barbarian dominion on the sea-coast, and added the rest of the country to his conquests. Halicarnassus alone withstood him, and Miletus, which cities he took by storm The siege and capture of these cities occupied Alexander till the late autumn of 334 B.C. and subdued all the territories about them. Then he was in doubt as to his future course. 17.2. Many times he was eager to encounter Dareius and put the whole issue to hazard, and many times he would make up his mind to practice himself first, as it were, and strengthen himself by acquiring the regions along the sea with their resources, and then to go up against that monarch. Now, there is in Lycia, near the city of Xanthus, a spring, which at this time, as we are told, was of its own motion upheaved from its depths, and overflowed, and cast forth a bronze tablet bearing the prints of ancient letters, in which it was made known that the empire of the Persians would one day be destroyed by the Greeks and come to an end. 32.7. As long, then, as he was riding about and marshalling some part of his phalanx, or exhorting or instructing or reviewing his men, he spared Bucephalas, who was now past his prime, and used another horse; but whenever he was going into action, Bucephalas would be led up, and he would mount him and at once begin the attack. 46.2. And it would seem that Alexander’s testimony is in favour of their statement. For in a letter to Antipater which gives all the details minutely he says that the Scythian king offered him his daughter in marriage, but he makes no mention of the Amazon. And the story is told that many years afterwards Onesicritus was reading aloud to Lysimachus, who was now king, the fourth book of his history, in which was the tale of the Amazon, at which Lysimachus smiled gently and said: And where was I at the time? However, our, belief or disbelief of this story will neither increase nor diminish our admiration for Alexander. 48.1. Now, Philotas, the son of Parmenio, had a high position among the Macedonians; for he was held to be valiant and able to endure hardship, and, after Alexander himself, no one was so fond of giving and so fond of his comrades. At any rate, we are told that when one of his intimates asked him for some money, he ordered his steward to give it him, and when the steward said he had none to give, What meanest thou? cried Philotas, hast thou not even plate or clothing? 48.2. However, he displayed a pride of spirit, an abundance of wealth, and a care of the person and mode of life which were too offensive for a private man, and at this time particularly his imitation of majesty and loftiness was not successful at all, but clumsy, spurious, and devoid of grace, so that he incurred suspicion and envy, and even Parmenio once said to him: My son, pray be less of a personage. 48.3. Moreover, for a very long time accusations against him had been brought to Alexander himself. For when Dareius had been defeated in Cilicia and the wealth of Damascus was taken, among the many prisoners brought into the camp there was found a young woman, born in Pydna, and comely to look upon; her name was Antigone. 48.4. This woman Philotas got; and as a young man will often talk freely in vaunting and martial strain to his mistress and in his cups, he used to tell her that the greatest achievements were performed by himself and his father, and would call Alexander a stripling who through their efforts enjoyed the title of ruler. 54.4. As all the guests were doing this in turn, Callisthenes took the cup, the king not paying attention, but conversing with Hephaestion, and after he had drunk went towards the king to kiss him; but Demetrius, surnamed Pheido, cried: O King, do not accept his kiss, for he alone has not done thee obeisance. So Alexander declined the kiss, at which Callisthenes exclaimed in a loud voice: Well, then, I’ll go away the poorer by a kiss. Cf. Arrian, Anab. iv. 12. 57.4. The Macedonian, namely, who was set over those in charge of the royal equipage, Proxenus by name, as he was digging a place for the king’s tent along the river Oxus, uncovered a spring of liquid which was oily and fatty; but when the top of it was drawn off, there flowed at once a pure and clear oil, which appeared to differ from olive oil neither in odour nor in flavour, and in smoothness and lustre was altogether the same, and that too though the country produced no olive trees. 57.5. It is said, indeed, that the Oxus itself also has a very soft water, which gives sleekness to the skin of those who bathe in it. However, that Alexander was marvellously pleased is clear from what he writes to Antipater, where he speaks of this as one of the greatest omens vouchsafed to him from Heaven. The seers, however, held that the omen foreshadowed an expedition which would be glorious, but difficult and toilsome; for oil, they said, was given to men by Heaven as an aid to toil. 59.1. Taxiles, we are told, had a realm in India as large as Egypt, with good pasturage, too, and in the highest degree productive of beautiful fruits. He was also a wise man in his way, and after he had greeted Alexander, said: Why must we war and fight with one another, Alexander, if thou art not come to rob us of water or of necessary sustece, the only things for which men of sense are obliged to fight obstinately? 60.6. Both wings having been routed, the vanquished troops retired in every case upon the elephants in the centre, and were there crowded together with them, and from this point on the battle was waged at close quarters, and it was not until the eighth hour that the enemy gave up. Such then, is the account of the battle which the victor himself has given in his letters. Most historians agree that Porus was four cubits and a span Six feet and three inches. high, and that the size and majesty of his body made his elephant seem as fitting a mount for him as a horse for a horseman. 63.1. From thence, being eager to behold the ocean, and having built many passage-boats equipped with oars, and many rafts, he was conveyed down the rivers Hydaspes, Acesines, and Indus ( Arrian, Anab. vi. 1 ). in a leisurely course. And yet his voyage was not made without effort nor even without war, but he would land and assault the cities on his route and subdue everything. However, in attacking the people called Malli, who are said to have been the most warlike of the Indians, he came within a little of being cut down. 66.1. His descent of the rivers to the sea consumed seven months’ time. And after emerging with his fleet into the ocean, In midsummer of 325 B.C. he sailed out to an island to which he himself gave the name of Scillustis, others that of Psiltucis. It is Cilluta in Arrian ( Anab. vi. 19, 3 ). Here he landed and sacrificed to the gods, and studied the nature of the sea and of all the sea-coast that was accessible. Then, after praying that no man after him might pass beyond the bounds of his expedition, he turned to go back. |
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88. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 10.2-10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 45, 165| 10.2. μεγάλας δʼ αὐτῷ κλεισιάδας ἐπὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἀνοίγοντος τοῦ τε γένους καὶ τοῦ πλούτου τῆς τε περὶ τὰς μάχας ἀνδραγαθίας, φίλων τε πολλῶν καὶ οἰκείων ὑπαρχόντων, ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς ἠξίου μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς τοῦ λόγου χάριτος ἰσχύειν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς. καὶ ὅτι μὲν δυνατὸς ἦν εἰπεῖν, οἵ τε κωμικοὶ μαρτυροῦσι καὶ τῶν ῥητόρων ὁ δυνατώτατος ἐν τῷ κατὰ Μειδίου, λέγων τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην καὶ δεινότατον εἰπεῖν γενέσθαι πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις. 10.3. εἰ δὲ Θεοφράστῳ πιστεύομεν, ἀνδρὶ φιληκόῳ καὶ ἱστορικῷ παρʼ ὁντινοῦν τῶν φιλοσόφων, εὑρεῖν μὲν ἦν τὰ δέοντα καὶ νοῆσαι πάντων ἱκανώτατος ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, ζητῶν δὲ μὴ μόνον ἃ δεῖ λέγειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς δεῖ τοῖς ὀνόμασι καὶ τοῖς ῥήμασιν, οὐκ εὐπορῶν δέ, πολλάκις ἐσφάλλετο καὶ μεταξὺ λέγων ἀπεσιώπα καὶ διέλειπε, λέξεως διαφυγούσης αὐτόν, ἀναλαμβάνων καὶ διασκοπούμενος. | 10.2. Though great doors to public service were opened to him by his birth, his wealth, and his personal bravery in battle; and though he had many friends and followers, he thought that nothing should give him more influence with the people than the charm of his discourse. And that he was a powerful speaker, not only do the comic poets testify, but also the most powerful of orators himself, Dem. 21.145 who says, in his speech Against Meidias, that Alcibiades was a most able speaker in addition to his other gifts. 10.3. And if we are to trust Theophrastus, the most versatile and learned of the philosophers, Alcibiades was of all men the most capable of discovering and understanding what was required in a given case. But since he strove to find not only the proper thing to say, but also the proper words and phrases in which to say it; and since in this last regard he was not a man of large resources he would often stumble in the midst of his speech, come to a stop, and pause a while, a particular phrase eluding him. Then he would resume, and proceed with all the caution in the world. |
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89. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 3.2-3.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 52; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 46| 3.2. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην αὐτὸν οὐ πρὸς ὕβριν τῇ Τιμαίᾳ φάναι πλησιάζειν, ἀλλὰ φιλοτιμούμενον βασιλεύεσθαι Σπαρτιάτας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεγονότων. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Ἀλκιβιάδης ὑπεξῆλθε, φοβηθεὶς τὸν Ἆγιν ὁ δὲ παῖς τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον ὕποπτος ἦν τῷ Ἄγιδι, καὶ γνησίου τιμὴν οὐκ εἶχε παρʼ αὐτῷ, νοσοῦντι δὲ προσπεσὼν καὶ δακρύων ἔπεισεν υἱὸν ἀποφῆναι πολλῶν ἐναντίον. 3.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἤδη κατανεναυμαχηκὼς Ἀθηναίους καὶ μέγιστον ἐν Σπάρτῃ δυνάμενος, τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν προῆγεν, ὡς οὐ προσήκουσαν ὄντι νόθῳ τῷ Λεωτυχίδῃ. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν Coraës and Bekker, after Bryan. τὴν ἀρετὴν. τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου καὶ τὸ συντετράφθαι καὶ μετεσχηκέναι τῆς ἀγωγῆς, ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο καὶ συνέπραττον αὐτῷ προθύμως. ἦν δὲ Διοπείθης ἀνὴρ χρησμολόγος ἐν Σπάρτῃ, μαντειῶν τε παλαιῶν ὑπόπλεως καὶ δοκῶν περὶ τὰ θεῖα σοφὸς εἶναι καὶ περιττός. 3.4. οὗτος οὐκ ἔφη θεμιτὸν εἶναι χωλὸν γενέσθαι τῆς Λακεδαίμονος βασιλέα, καὶ χρησμὸν ἐν τῇ δίκῃ; τοιοῦτον ἀνεγίνωσκε· φράζεο δή, Σπάρτη, καίπερ μεγάλαυχος ἐοῦσα, μὴ σέθεν ἀρτίποδος βλάστῃ χωλὴ βασιλεία δηρὸν γὰρ νοῦσοί σε κατασχήσουσιν ἄελπτοι φθισιβρότου τʼ ἐπὶ κῦμα κυλινδόμενον πολέμοιο. 3.5. πρὸς ταῦτα Λύσανδρος ἔλεγεν ὡς, εἰ πάνυ φοβοῖντο τὸν χρησμὸν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, φυλακτέον αὐτοῖς εἴη τὸν Λεωτυχίδην οὐ γὰρ εἰ προσπταίσας τις τὸν πόδα βασιλεύοι, τῷ θεῷ διαφέρειν, ἀλλʼ εἰ μὴ γνήσιος ὢν μηδὲ Ἡρακλείδης, τοῦτο τὴν χωλὴν εἶναι βασιλείαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ἔφη καὶ τὸν Ποσειδῶ καταμαρτυρεῖν τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου τὴν νοθείαν, ἐκβαλόντα σεισμῷ τοῦ θαλάμου τὸν Ἆγιν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ πλέον ἢ δέκα μηνῶν διελθόντων γενέσθαι τὸν Λεωτυχίδην. | 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. |
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90. New Testament, Matthew, 4.17, 5.3-5.12, 5.21-5.48, 6.1-6.34, 17.2, 27.3-27.10, 28.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 268, 279, 286, 290, 292, 294, 297, 326, 327| 4.17. ΑΠΟ ΤΟΤΕ ἤρξατο ὁ Ἰησοῦς κηρύσσειν καὶ λέγειν Μετανοεῖτε, ἤγγικεν γὰρ ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν. 5.3. ΜΑΚΑΡΙΟΙ οἱ πτωχοὶ τῷ πνεύματι, ὅτι αὐτῶν ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν. 5.4. μακάριοι οἱ πενθοῦντες, ὅτι αὐτοὶ παρακληθήσονται. 5.5. μακάριοι οἱ πραεῖς, ὅτι αὐτοὶ κληρονομήσουσι τὴν γῆν. 5.6. μακάριοι οἱ πεινῶντες καὶ διψῶντες τὴν δικαιοσύνην, ὅτι αὐτοὶ χορτασθήσονται. 5.7. μακάριοι οἱ ἐλεήμονες, ὅτι αὐτοὶ ἐλεηθήσονται. 5.8. μακάριοι οἱ καθαροὶ τῇ καρδίᾳ, ὅτι αὐτοὶ τὸν θεὸν ὄψονται. 5.9. μακάριοι οἱ εἰρηνοποιοί, ὅτι [αὐτοὶ] υἱοὶ θεοῦ κληθήσονται. 5.10. μακάριοι οἱ δεδιωγμένοι ἕνεκεν δικαιοσύνης, ὅτι αὐτῶν ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν. 5.11. μακάριοί ἐστε ὅταν ὀνειδίσωσιν ὑμᾶς καὶ διώξωσιν καὶ εἴπωσιν πᾶν πονηρὸν καθʼ ὑμῶν ψευδόμενοι ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ· 5.12. χαίρετε καὶ ἀγαλλιᾶσθε, ὅτι ὁ μισθὸς ὑμῶν πολὺς ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς· οὕτως γὰρ ἐδίωξαν τοὺς προφήτας τοὺς πρὸ ὑμῶν. 5.21. Ἠκούσατε ὅτι ἐρρέθη τοῖς ἀρχαίοις Οὐ φονεύσεις· ὃς δʼ ἂν φονεύσῃ, ἔνοχος ἔσται τῇ κρίσει. 5.22. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι πᾶς ὁ ὀργιζόμενος τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ ἔνοχος ἔσται τῇ κρίσει· ὃς δʼ ἂν εἴπῃ τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ Ῥακά, ἔνοχος ἔσται τῷ συνεδρίῳ· ὃς δʼ ἂν εἴπῃ Μωρέ, ἔνοχος ἔσται εἰς τὴν γέενναν τοῦ πυρός. 5.23. ἐὰν οὖν προσφέρῃς τὸ δῶρόν σου ἐπὶ τὸ θυσιαστήριον κἀκεῖ μνησθῇς ὅτι ὁ ἀδελφός σου ἔχει τι κατὰ σοῦ, 5.24. ἄφες ἐκεῖ τὸ δῶρόν σου ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου, καὶ ὕπαγε πρῶτον διαλλάγηθι τῷ ἀδελφῷ σου, καὶ τότε ἐλθὼν πρόσφερε τὸ δῶρόν σου. 5.25. ἴσθι εὐνοῶν τῷ ἀντιδίκῳ σου ταχὺ ἕως ὅτου εἶ μετʼ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ, μή ποτέ σε παραδῷ ὁ ἀντίδικος τῷ κριτῇ, καὶ ὁ κριτὴς τῷ ὑπηρέτῃ, καὶ εἰς φυλακὴν βληθήσῃ· 5.26. ἀμὴν λέγω σοι, οὐ μὴ ἐξέλθῃς ἐκεῖθεν ἕως ἂν ἀποδῷς τὸν ἔσχατον κοδράντην. 5.27. Ἠκούσατε ὅτι ἐρρέθη Οὐ μοιχεύσεις. 5.28. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι πᾶς ὁ βλέπων γυναῖκα πρὸς τὸ ἐπιθυμῆσαι [αὐτὴν] ἤδη ἐμοίχευσεν αὐτὴν ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτοῦ. 5.29. εἰ δὲ ὁ ὀφθαλμός σου ὁ δεξιὸς σκανδαλίζει σε, ἔξελε αὐτὸν καὶ βάλε ἀπὸ σοῦ, συμφέρει γάρ σοι ἵνα ἀπόληται ἓν τῶν μελῶν σου καὶ μὴ ὅλον τὸ σῶμά σου βληθῇ εἰς γέενναν· 5.30. καὶ εἰ ἡ δεξιά σου χεὶρ σκανδαλίζει σε, ἔκκοψον αὐτὴν καὶ βάλε ἀπὸ σοῦ, συμφέρει γάρ σοι ἵνα ἀπόληται ἓν τῶν μελῶν σου καὶ μὴ ὅλον τὸ σῶμά σου εἰς γέενναν ἀπέλθῃ. 5.31. Ἐρρέθη δέ Ὃς ἂν ἀπολύσῃ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ, δότω αὐτῇ ἀποστάσιον. 5.32. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι πᾶς ὁ ἀπολύων τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ παρεκτὸς λόγου πορνείας ποιεῖ αὐτὴν μοιχευθῆναι[, καὶ ὃς ἐὰν ἀπολελυμένην γαμήσῃ μοιχᾶται]. 5.33. Πάλιν ἠκούσατε ὅτι ἐρρέθη τοῖς ἀρχαίοις Οὐκ ἐπιορκήσεις, ἀποδώσεις δὲ τῷ κυρίῳ τοὺς ὅρκους σου. 5.34. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν μν̀ ὀμόσαι ὅλως· μήτε ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ, ὅτι θρόνος ἐστὶν τοῦ θεοῦ· 5.35. μήτε ἐν τῇ γῇ, ὅτι ὑποπόδιόν ἐστιν τῶν ποδῶν αὐτοῦ· μήτε εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα, ὅτι πόλις ἐστὶν τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως· 5.36. μήτε ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ σου ὀμόσῃς, ὅτι οὐ δύνασαι μίαν τρίχα λευκὴν ποιῆσαι ἢ μέλαιναν. 5.37. ἔστω δὲ ὁ λόγος ὑμῶν ναὶ ναί, οὒ οὔ· τὸ δὲ περισσὸν τούτων ἐκ τοῦ πονηροῦ ἐστίν. 5.38. Ἠκούσατε ὅτι ἐρρέθη Ὀφθαλμὸν ἀντὶ ὀφθαλμοῦ καὶ ὀδόντα ἀντὶ ὀδόντος. 5.39. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν μὴ ἀντιστῆναι τῷ πονηρῷ· ἀλλʼ ὅστις σε ῥαπίζει εἰς τὴν δεξιὰν σιαγόνα [σου], στρέψον αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην· 5.40. καὶ τῷ θέλοντί σοι κριθῆναι καὶ τὸν χιτῶνά σου λαβεῖν, ἄφες αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ ἱμάτιον· 5.41. καὶ ὅστις σε ἀγγαρεύσει μίλιον ἕν, ὕπαγε μετʼ αὐτοῦ δύο. 5.42. τῷ αἰτοῦντί σε δός, καὶ τὸν θέλοντα ἀπὸ σοῦ δανίσασθαι μὴ ἀποστραφῇς. 5.43. Ἠκούσατε ὅτι ἐρρέθη Ἀγαπήσεις τὸν πλησίον σου καὶ μισήσεις τὸν ἐχθρόν σου. 5.44. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀγαπᾶτε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ὑμῶν καὶ προσεύχεσθε ὑπὲρ τῶν διωκόντων ὑμᾶς· 5.45. ὅπως γένησθε υἱοὶ τοῦ πατρὸς ὑμῶν τοῦ ἐν οὐρανοῖς, ὅτι τὸν ἥλιον αὐτοῦ ἀνατέλλει ἐπὶ πονηροὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς καὶ βρέχει ἐπὶ δικαίους καὶ ἀδίκους. 5.46. ἐὰν γὰρ ἀγαπήσητε τοὺς ἀγαπῶντας ὑμᾶς, τίνα μισθὸν ἔχετε; οὐχὶ καὶ οἱ τελῶναι τὸ αὐτὸ ποιοῦσιν; 5.47. καὶ ἐὰν ἀσπάσησθε τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ὑμῶν μόνον, τί περισσὸν ποιεῖτε; οὐχὶ καὶ οἱ ἐθνικοὶ τὸ αὐτὸ ποιοῦσιν; 5.48. Ἔσεσθε οὖν ὑμεῖς τέλειοι ὡς ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ὁ οὐράνιος τέλειός ἐστιν. 6.1. Προσέχετε [δὲ] τὴν δικαιοσύνην ὑμῶν μὴ ποιεῖν ἔμπροσθεν τῶν ἀνθρώπων πρὸς τὸ θεαθῆναι αὐτοῖς· εἰ δὲ μήγε, μισθὸν οὐκ ἔχετε παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ ὑμῶν τῷ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς. 6.2. Ὅταν οὖν ποιῇς ἐλεημοσύνην, μὴ σαλπίσῃς ἔμπροσθέν σου, ὥσπερ οἱ ὑποκριταὶ ποιοῦσιν ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς καὶ ἐν ταῖς ῥύμαις, ὅπως δοξασθῶσιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων· ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀπέχουσιν τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῶν. 6.3. σοῦ δὲ ποιοῦντος ἐλεημοσύνην μὴ γνώτω ἡ ἀριστερά σου τί ποιεῖ ἡ δεξιά σου, 6.4. ὅπως ᾖ σου ἡ ἐλεημοσύνη ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ· καὶ ὁ πατήρ σου ὁ βλέπων ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ ἀποδώσει σοι. 6.5. Καὶ ὅταν προσεύχησθε, οὐκ ἔσεσθε ὡς οἱ ὑποκριταί· ὅτι φιλοῦσιν ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς καὶ ἐν ταῖς γωνίαις τῶν πλατειῶν ἑστῶτες προσεύχεσθαι, ὅπως φανῶσιν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις· ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀπέχουσι τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῶν. 6.6. σὺ δὲ ὅταν προσεύχῃ, εἴσελθε εἰς τὸ ταμεῖόν σου καὶ κλείσας τὴν θύραν σου πρόσευξαι τῷ πατρί σου τῷ ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ· καὶ ὁ πατήρ σου ὁ βλέπων ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ ἀποδώσει σοι. 6.7. Προσευχόμενοι δὲ μὴ βατταλογήσητε ὥσπερ οἱ ἐθνικοί, δοκοῦσιν γὰρ ὅτι ἐν τῇ πολυλογίᾳ αὐτῶν εἰσακουσθήσονται· 6.8. μὴ οὖν ὁμοιωθῆτε αὐτοῖς, οἶδεν γὰρ [ὁ θεὸς] ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ὧν χρείαν ἔχετε πρὸ τοῦ ὑμᾶς αἰτῆσαι αὐτόν. 6.9. Οὕτως οὖν προσεύχεσθε ὑμεῖς Πάτερ ἡμῶν ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς· Ἁγιασθήτω τὸ ὄνομά σου, 6.10. ἐλθάτω ἡ βασιλεία σου, γενηθήτω τὸ θέλημά σου, ὡς ἐν οὐρανῷ καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς· 6.11. Τὸν ἄρτον ἡμῶν τὸν ἐπιούσιον δὸς ἡμῖν σήμερον· 6.12. καὶ ἄφες ἡμῖν τὰ ὀφειλήματα ἡμῶν, ὡς καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀφήκαμεν τοῖς ὀφειλέταις ἡμῶν· 6.13. καὶ μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς ἡμᾶς εἰς πειρασμόν, ἀλλὰ ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ. 6.14. Ἐὰν γὰρ ἀφῆτε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὰ παραπτώματα αὐτῶν, ἀφήσει καὶ ὑμῖν ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ὁ οὐράνιος· 6.15. ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ἀφῆτε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις [τὰ παραπτώματα αὐτῶν], οὐδὲ ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ἀφήσει τὰ παραπτώματα ὑμῶν. 6.16. Ὅταν δὲ νηστεύητε, μὴ γίνεσθε ὡς οἱ ὑποκριταὶ σκυθρωποί, ἀφανίζουσιν γὰρ τὰ πρόσωπα αὐτῶν ὅπως φανῶσιν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις νηστεύοντες· ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀπέχουσιν τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῶν. 6.17. σὺ δὲ νηστεύων ἄλειψαί σου τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὸ πρόσωπόν σου νίψαι, 6.18. ὅπως μὴ φανῇς τοῖς ἀνθρώποις νηστεύων ἀλλὰ τῷ πατρί σου τῷ ἐν τῷ κρυφαίῳ· καὶ ὁ πατήρ σου ὁ βλέπων ἐν τῷ κρυφαίῳ ἀποδώσει σοι. 6.19. Μὴ θησαυρίζετε ὑμῖν θησαυροὺς ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, ὅπου σὴς καὶ βρῶσις ἀφανίζει, καὶ ὅπου κλέπται διορύσσουσιν καὶ κλέπτουσιν· 6.20. θησαυρίζετε δὲ ὑμῖν θησαυροὺς ἐν οὐρανῷ, ὅπου οὔτε σὴς οὔτε βρῶσις ἀφανίζει, καὶ ὅπου κλέπται οὐ διορύσσουσιν οὐδὲ κλέπτουσιν· 6.21. ὅπου γάρ ἐστιν ὁ θησαυρός σου, ἐκεῖ ἔσται [καὶ] ἡ καρδία σου. 6.22. Ὁ λύχνος τοῦ σώματός ἐστιν ὁ ὀφθαλμός. ἐὰν οὖν ᾖ ὁ ὀφθαλμός σου ἁπλοῦς, ὅλον τὸ σῶμά σου φωτινὸν ἔσται· 6.23. ἐὰν δὲ ὁ ὀφθαλμός σου πονηρὸς ᾖ, ὅλον τὸ σῶμά σου σκοτινὸν ἔσται. εἰ οὖν τὸ φῶς τὸ ἐν σοὶ σκότος ἐστίν, τὸ σκότος πόσον. 6.24. Οὐδεὶς δύναται δυσὶ κυρίοις δουλεύειν· ἢ γὰρ τὸν ἕνα μισήσει καὶ τὸν ἕτερον ἀγαπήσει, ἢ ἑνὸς ἀνθέξεται καὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου καταφρονήσει· οὐ δύνασθε θεῷ δουλεύειν καὶ μαμωνᾷ. 6.25. Διὰ τοῦτο λέγω ὑμῖν, μὴ μεριμνᾶτε τῇ ψυχῇ ὑμῶν τί φάγητε [ἢ τί πίητε], μηδὲ τῷ σώματι ὑμῶν τί ἐνδύσησθε· οὐχὶ ἡ ψυχὴ πλεῖόν ἐστι τῆς τροφῆς καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ ἐνδύματος; 6.26. ἐμβλέψατε εἰς τὰ πετεινὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ὅτι οὐ σπείρουσιν οὐδὲ θερίζουσιν οὐδὲ συνάγουσιν εἰς ἀποθήκας, καὶ ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ὁ οὐράνιος τρέφει αὐτά· οὐχ ὑμεῖς μᾶλλον διαφέρετε αὐτῶν; 6.27. τίς δὲ ἐξ ὑμῶν μεριμνῶν δύναται προσθεῖναι ἐπὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν αὐτοῦ πῆχυν ἕνα; 6.28. καὶ περὶ ἐνδύματος τί μεριμνᾶτε; καταμάθετε τὰ κρίνα τοῦ ἀγροῦ πῶς αὐξάνουσιν· οὐ κοπιῶσιν οὐδὲ νήθουσιν· 6.29. λέγω δὲ ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐδὲ Σολομὼν ἐν πάσῃ τῇ δόξῃ αὐτοῦ περιεβάλετο ὡς ἓν τούτων. 6.30. εἰ δὲ τὸν χόρτον τοῦ ἀγροῦ σήμερον ὄντα καὶ αὔριον εἰς κλίβανον βαλλόμενον ὁ θεὸς οὕτως ἀμφιέννυσιν, οὐ πολλῷ μᾶλλον ὑμᾶς, ὀλιγόπιστοι; 6.31. μὴ οὖν μεριμνήσητε λέγοντες Τί φάγωμεν; ἤ Τί πίωμεν; ἤ Τί περιβαλώμεθα; 6.32. πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα τὰ ἔθνη ἐπιζητοῦσιν· οἶδεν γὰρ ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ὁ οὐράνιος ὅτι χρῄζετε τούτων ἁπάντων. 6.33. ζητεῖτε δὲ πρῶτον τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ τὴν δικαιοσύνην αὐτοῦ, καὶ ταῦτα πάντα προστεθήσεται ὑμῖν. 6.34. μὴ οὖν μεριμνήσητε εἰς τὴν αὔριον, ἡ γὰρ αὔριον μεριμνήσει αὑτῆς· ἀρκετὸν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἡ κακία αὐτῆς. 17.2. καὶ μετεμορφώθη ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῶν, καὶ ἔλαμψεν τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ ὡς ὁ ἥλιος, τὰ δὲ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο λευκὰ ὡς τὸ φῶς. 27.3. Τότε ἰδὼν Ἰούδας ὁ παραδοὺς αὐτὸν ὅτι κατεκρίθη μεταμεληθεὶς ἔστρεψεν τὰ τριάκοντα ἀργύρια τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ πρεσβυτέροις λέγων Ἥμαρτον παραδοὺς αἷμα δίκαιον. 27.4. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Τί πρὸς ἡμᾶς; σὺ ὄψῃ. 27.5. καὶ ῥίψας τὰ ἀργύρια εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἀνεχώρησεν, καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἀπήγξατο. 27.6. Οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς λαβόντες τὰ ἀργύρια εἶπαν Οὐκ ἔξεστιν βαλεῖν αὐτὰ εἰς τὸν κορβανᾶν, ἐπεὶ τιμὴ αἵματός ἐστιν· 27.7. συμβούλιον δὲ λαβόντες ἠγόρασαν ἐξ αὐτῶν τὸν Ἀγρὸν τοῦ Κεραμέως εἰς ταφὴν τοῖς ξένοις. 27.8. διὸ ἐκλήθη ὁ ἀγρὸς ἐκεῖνος Ἀγρὸς Αἵματος ἕως τῆς σήμερον. 27.9. Τότε ἐπληρώθη τὸ ῥηθὲν διὰ Ἰερεμίου τοῦ προφήτου λέγοντος Καὶ ἔλαβον τὰ τριάκοντα ἀργύρια, τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ τετιμημένου ὃν ἐτιμήσαντο ἀπὸ υἱῶν Ἰσραήλ, 27.10. καὶ ἔδωκαν αὐτὰ εἰς τὸν ἀγρὸν τοῦ κεραμέως, καθὰ συνέταξέν μοι Κύριος. 28.19. πορευθέντες οὖν μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθνη, βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος, | 4.17. From that time, Jesus began to preach, and to say, "Repent! For the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand." 5.3. "Blessed are the poor in spirit, For theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven. 5.4. Blessed are those who mourn, For they shall be comforted. 5.5. Blessed are the gentle, For they shall inherit the earth. 5.6. Blessed are those who hunger and thirst after righteousness, For they shall be filled. 5.7. Blessed are the merciful, For they shall obtain mercy. 5.8. Blessed are the pure in heart, For they shall see God. 5.9. Blessed are the peacemakers, For they shall be called sons of God. 5.10. Blessed are those who have been persecuted for righteousness' sake, For theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven. 5.11. "Blessed are you when people reproach you, persecute you, and say all kinds of evil against you falsely, for my sake. 5.12. Rejoice, and be exceedingly glad, for great is your reward in heaven. For that is how they persecuted the prophets who were before you. 5.21. "You have heard that it was said to the ancient ones, 'You shall not murder;' and 'Whoever shall murder shall be in danger of the judgment.' 5.22. But I tell you, that everyone who is angry with his brother without a cause shall be in danger of the judgment; and whoever shall say to his brother, 'Raca!' shall be in danger of the council; and whoever shall say, 'You fool!' shall be in danger of the fire of Gehenna. 5.23. "If therefore you are offering your gift at the altar, and there remember that your brother has anything against you, 5.24. leave your gift there before the altar, and go your way. First be reconciled to your brother, and then come and offer your gift. 5.25. Agree with your adversary quickly, while you are with him in the way; lest perhaps the prosecutor deliver you to the judge, and the judge deliver you to the officer, and you be cast into prison. 5.26. Most assuredly I tell you, you shall by no means get out of there, until you have paid the last penny. 5.27. "You have heard that it was said, 'You shall not commit adultery;' 5.28. but I tell you that everyone who gazes at a woman to lust after her has committed adultery with her already in his heart. 5.29. If your right eye causes you to stumble, pluck it out and throw it away from you. For it is profitable for you that one of your members should perish, than for your whole body to be cast into Gehenna. 5.30. If your right hand causes you to stumble, cut it off, and throw it away from you: for it is profitable for you that one of your members should perish, and not your whole body be thrown into Gehenna. 5.31. "It was also said, 'Whoever shall put away his wife, let him give her a writing of divorce,' 5.32. but I tell you that whoever who puts away his wife, except for the cause of sexual immorality, makes her an adulteress; and whoever marries her when she is put away commits adultery. 5.33. "Again you have heard that it was said to them of old time, 'You shall not make false vows, but shall perform to the Lord your vows,' 5.34. but I tell you, don't swear at all: neither by heaven, for it is the throne of God; 5.35. nor by the earth, for it is the footstool of his feet; nor by Jerusalem, for it is the city of the great King. 5.36. Neither shall you swear by your head, for you can't make one hair white or black. 5.37. But let your 'Yes' be 'Yes' and your 'No' be 'no.' Whatever is more than these is of the evil one. 5.38. "You have heard that it was said, 'An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth.' 5.39. But I tell you, don't resist him who is evil; but whoever strikes you on your right cheek, turn to him the other also. 5.40. If anyone sues you to take away your coat, let him have your cloak also. 5.41. Whoever compels you to go one mile, go with him two. 5.42. Give to him who asks you, and don't turn away him who desires to borrow from you. 5.43. "You have heard that it was said, 'You shall love your neighbor, and hate your enemy.' 5.44. But I tell you, love your enemies, bless those who curse you, do good to those who hate you, and pray for those who mistreat you and persecute you, 5.45. that you may be sons of your Father who is in heaven. For he makes his sun to rise on the evil and the good, and sends rain on the just and the unjust. 5.46. For if you love those who love you, what reward do you have? Don't even the tax collectors do the same? 5.47. If you only greet your friends, what more do you do than others? Don't even the tax collectors do the same? 5.48. Therefore you shall be perfect, just as your Father in heaven is perfect. 6.1. "Be careful that you don't do your charitable giving before men, to be seen by them, or else you have no reward from your Father who is in heaven. 6.2. Therefore when you do merciful deeds, don't sound a trumpet before yourself, as the hypocrites do in the synagogues and in the streets, that they may get glory from men. Most assuredly I tell you, they have received their reward. 6.3. But when you do merciful deeds, don't let your left hand know what your right hand does, 6.4. so that your merciful deeds may be in secret, then your Father who sees in secret will reward you openly. 6.5. "When you pray, you shall not be as the hypocrites, for they love to stand and pray in the synagogues and in the corners of the streets, that they may be seen by men. Most assuredly, I tell you, they have received their reward. 6.6. But you, when you pray, enter into your inner chamber, and having shut your door, pray to your Father who is in secret, and your Father who sees in secret will reward you openly. 6.7. In praying, don't use vain repetitions, as the Gentiles do; for they think that they will be heard for their much speaking. 6.8. Therefore don't be like them, for your Father knows what things you need, before you ask him. 6.9. Pray like this: 'Our Father in heaven, may your name be kept holy. 6.10. Let your kingdom come. Let your will be done, as in heaven, so on earth. 6.11. Give us today our daily bread. 6.12. Forgive us our debts, as we also forgive our debtors. 6.13. Bring us not into temptation, but deliver us from the evil one. For yours is the kingdom, the power, and the glory forever. Amen.' 6.14. "For if you forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly Father will also forgive you. 6.15. But if you don't forgive men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses. 6.16. "Moreover when you fast, don't be like the hypocrites, with sad faces. For they disfigure their faces, that they may be seen by men to be fasting. Most assuredly I tell you, they have received their reward. 6.17. But you, when you fast, anoint your head, and wash your face; 6.18. so that you are not seen by men to be fasting, but by your Father who is in secret, and your Father, who sees in secret, will reward you. 6.19. "Don't lay up treasures for yourselves on the earth, where moth and rust consume, and where thieves break through and steal; 6.20. but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor rust consume, and where thieves don't break through and steal; 6.21. for where your treasure is, there your heart will be also. 6.22. "The lamp of the body is the eye. If therefore your eye is sound, your whole body will be full of light. 6.23. But if your eye is evil, your whole body will be full of darkness. If therefore the light that is in you is darkness, how great is the darkness! 6.24. "No one can serve two masters, for either he will hate the one and love the other; or else he will be devoted to one and despise the other. You can't serve both God and Mammon. 6.25. Therefore, I tell you, don't be anxious for your life: what you will eat, or what you will drink; nor yet for your body, what you will wear. Isn't life more than food, and the body more than clothing? 6.26. See the birds of the sky, that they don't sow, neither do they reap, nor gather into barns. Your heavenly Father feeds them. Aren't you of much more value than they? 6.27. "Which of you, by being anxious, can add one cubit to the measure of his life? 6.28. Why are you anxious about clothing? Consider the lilies of the field, how they grow. They don't toil, neither do they spin, 6.29. yet I tell you that even Solomon in all his glory was not dressed like one of these. 6.30. But if God so clothes the grass of the field, which today exists, and tomorrow is thrown into the oven, won't he much more clothe you, you of little faith? 6.31. "Therefore don't be anxious, saying, 'What will we eat?', 'What will we drink?' or, 'With what will we be clothed?' 6.32. For the Gentiles seek after all these things, for your heavenly Father knows that you need all these things. 6.33. But seek first God's Kingdom, and his righteousness; and all these things will be given to you as well. 6.34. Therefore don't be anxious for tomorrow, for tomorrow will be anxious for itself. Each day's own evil is sufficient. 17.2. He was transfigured before them. His face shone like the sun, and his garments became as white as the light. 27.3. Then Judas, who betrayed him, when he saw that Jesus was condemned, felt remorse, and brought back the thirty pieces of silver to the chief priests and elders, 27.4. saying, "I have sinned in that I betrayed innocent blood."But they said, "What is that to us? You see to it." 27.5. He threw down the pieces of silver in the sanctuary, and departed. He went away and hanged himself. 27.6. The chief priests took the pieces of silver, and said, "It's not lawful to put them into the treasury, since it is the price of blood." 27.7. They took counsel, and bought the potter's field with them, to bury strangers in. 27.8. Therefore that field was called "The Field of Blood" to this day. 27.9. Then that which was spoken through Jeremiah the prophet was fulfilled, saying, "They took the thirty pieces of silver, The price of him upon whom a price had been set, Whom some of the children of Israel priced, 27.10. And they gave them for the potter's field, As the Lord commanded me." 28.19. Go, and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, |
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| 91. Plutarch, Against Colotes, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 207 |
| 92. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.73, 30.1.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 101, 233 |
93. New Testament, Mark, 1.9-1.11, 1.44, 7.36, 8.26, 9.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophical •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 327, 435; Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 87| 1.9. ΚΑΙ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ἐν ἐκείναις ταῖς ἡμέραις ἦλθεν Ἰησοῦς ἀπὸ Ναζαρὲτ τῆς Γαλιλαίας καὶ ἐβαπτίσθη εἰς τὸν Ἰορδάνην ὑπὸ Ἰωάνου. 1.10. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀναβαίνων ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος εἶδεν σχιζομένους τοὺς οὐρανοὺς καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα ὡς περιστερὰν καταβαῖνον εἰς αὐτόν· 1.11. καὶ φωνὴ [ἐγένετο] ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν Σὺ εἶ ὁ υἱός μου ὁ ἀγαπητός, ἐν σοὶ εὐδόκησα. 1.44. καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Ὅρα μηδενὶ μηδὲν εἴπῃς, ἀλλὰ ὕπαγε σεαυτὸν δεῖξον τῷ ἱερεῖ καὶ προσένεγκε περὶ τοῦ καθαρισμοῦ σου ἃ προσέταξεν Μωυσῆς εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς. 7.36. καὶ διεστείλατο αὐτοῖς ἵνα μηδενὶ λέγωσιν· ὅσον δὲ αὐτοῖς διεστέλλετο, αὐτοὶ μᾶλλον περισσότερον ἐκήρυσσον. 8.26. καὶ ἀπέστειλεν αὐτὸν εἰς οἶκον αὐτοῦ λέγων Μηδὲ εἰς τὴν κώμην εἰσέλθῃς 9.2. Καὶ μετὰ ἡμέρας ἓξ παραλαμβάνει ὁ Ἰησοῦς τὸν Πέτρον καὶ τὸν Ἰάκωβον καὶ Ἰωάνην, καὶ ἀναφέρει αὐτοὺς εἰς ὄρος ὑψηλὸν κατʼ ἰδίαν μόνους. καὶ μετεμορφώθη ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῶν, | 1.9. It happened in those days, that Jesus came from Nazareth of Galilee, and was baptized by John in the Jordan. 1.10. Immediately coming up from the water, he saw the heavens parting, and the Spirit descending on him like a dove. 1.11. A voice came out of the sky, "You are my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased." 1.44. and said to him, "See you say nothing to anybody, but go show yourself to the priest, and offer for your cleansing the things which Moses commanded, for a testimony to them." 7.36. He commanded them that they should tell no one, but the more he commanded them, so much the more widely they proclaimed it. 8.26. He sent him away to his house, saying, "Don't enter into the village, nor tell anyone in the village." 9.2. After six days Jesus took with him Peter, James, and John, and brought them up onto a high mountain privately by themselves, and he was changed into another form in front of them. |
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| 94. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 66.7, 87.8-87.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73, 123, 154 |
95. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 14.1-14.2, 14.5-14.6, 15.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 210, 211| 14.1. Ἐνοχλουμένων δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων μάλιστα περὶ τὴν τοῦ ποτοῦ χρείαν καὶ γὰρ ὀλίγον καὶ πονηρὸν ἐπίδυε καὶ συνελείβετο παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν θάλατταν, ὁρῶν ὁ Αἰμίλιος μέγα καὶ κατηρεφὲς δένδρεσιν ὄρος τὸν Ὄλυμπον ἐπικείμενον, καὶ τεκμαιρόμενος τῇ χλωρότητι τῆς ὕλης ναμάτων ἔχειν ἀρχὰς διὰ βάθους ὑποφερομένων, ἀναπνοὰς αὐτοῖς καὶ φρέατα πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν ὑπώρειαν ὤρυττε. 14.2. τὰ δʼ εὐθὺς ἐπίμπλατο ῥευμάτων καθαρῶν, ἐπισυνδιδόντων ὁλκῇ καὶ φορᾷ τοῦ θλιβομένου πρὸς τὸ κενούμενον. 14.5. καθάπερ γὰρ οἱ μαστοὶ τῶν γυναικῶν οὐχ ὥσπερ ἀγγεῖα πλήρεις εἰσὶν ἐπιρρέοντος ἑτοίμου γάλακτος, ἀλλὰ μεταβάλλοντες τὴν τροφὴν ἐν αὑτοῖς ἐργάζονται γάλα καὶ διηθοῦσιν. 14.6. οὕτως οἱ περίψυκτοι καὶ πιδακώδεις τόποι τῆς γῆς ὕδωρ μὲν οὐκ ἔχουσι καλυπτόμενον, οὐδὲ κόλπους ῥεύματα καὶ βάθη ποταμῶν τοσούτων ἐξ ἑτοίμης καὶ ὑποκειμένης ἀφιέντας ἀρχῆς, τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα καὶ τὸν ἀέρα τῷ πιέζειν καὶ καταπυκνοῦν ἀποθλίβοντες εἰς ὕδωρ τρέπουσι. 15.11. καίτοι λέγουσιν οἱ γεωμετρικοὶ μήτε ὄρους ὕψος μήτε βάθος θαλάττης ὑπερβάλλειν δέκα σταδίους. ὁ μέντοι Ξεναγόρας οὐ παρέργως, ἀλλὰ μεθόδῳ καί διʼ ὀργάνων εἰληφέναι δοκεῖ τὴν μέτρησιν. | 14.1. But his men were annoyed especially by the lack of drinking water, since only a little of it issued forth and collected in pools at the very edge of the sea, and that was bad. Aemilius, therefore, seeing that the lofty and wooded mountain of Olympus lay near, and judging from the greenness of its trees that there were veins of water coursing under ground, dug a number of vents and wells for them along the foot of the mountain. 14.2. These were at once filled with streams of pure water, which, under the weight and impulse of the pressure that was upon them, discharged themselves into the vacuum afforded. 14.5. For, they argue, just as the breasts of women are not, like vessels, full of ready milk which flows out, but by converting the nourishment that is in them produce milk and strain it out; 14.6. o those places in the ground which are chilly and full of springs do not have hidden water, nor reservoirs which send forth the currents and deep waters of all our rivers from a source that is ready at hand, but by forcibly compressing and condensing vapour and air, they convert them into water. 15.11. And yet the geometricians say that no mountain has a height, and no sea a depth, of more than ten furlongs. It would seem, however, that Xenagoras took his measurement, not carelessly, but according to rule and with instruments. |
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96. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, 5.2-5.3, 8.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 52, 165| 5.2. ἐρωτηθεὶς δὲ τί μάλιστα μάθημα ἐν Σπάρτῃ ἀσκεῖται τὸ γινώσκειν εἶπεν ἄρχειν τε καὶ ἄρχεσθαι. 5.3. οὐκ ἔφη δὲ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐρωτᾶν πόσοι εἰσὶν οἱ πολέμιοι, ἀλλὰ ποῦ εἰσίν. 8.1. Ἀκρότατος, ἐπεὶ οἱ γονεῖς αὐτὸν ἄδικόν τι συμπρᾶξαι αὐτοῖς ἠξίουν, μέχρι τινὸς ἀντέλεγεν· ὡς δὲ ἐνέκειντο, εἶπεν ἕως μὲν παρʼ ὑμῖν ἦν, οὐκ ἠπιστάμην δικαιοσύνης οὐδεμίαν ἔννοιαν ἐπεὶ δὲ με τῇ πατρίδι παρέδοτε καὶ τοῖς ταύτης νόμοις, ἔτι δὲ δὲ scrib. vid. δʼ ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ καλοκαγαθίᾳ ἐπαιδεύσατε ὡς ἠδύνασθε, τούτοις πειράσομαι ἢ ἢ ] μᾶλλον ἢ ? ὑμῖν ἕπεσθαι· καὶ ἐπεὶ θέλετε ἄριστα πράττειν, ἄριστα δὲ τὰ δίκαιά ἐστι καὶ ἰδιώτῃ καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἄρχοντι, πράξω ἃ θέλετε ἃ δὲ λέγετε παραιτήσομαι. | 5.2. Being asked what form of instruction was most in vogue in Sparta, he said, Knowledge of how to rule and to be ruled. Cf. the note on 212 C (51), supra . 5.3. He said that the Spartans did not ask how many are the enemy, but where are they? Cf. the note on 190 C (1), supra . 8.1. Acrotatus, when his parents claimed it was his duty to co-operate with them in some unjust action, spoke in opposition up to a certain limit. But when they insisted, he said, While I was with you, I had not the slightest idea of justice; but since you have surrendered me to our country and its laws, and, besides, have had me instructed in justice and honourable conduct so far as lay in your power, I shall try to follow these rather than you. And since your wish is for me to do what is best, and since what is just is best both for a private citizen, and much more so for a ruler, I will do what you wish; but as for what you propose I shall beg to be excused. Cf. a similar remark of Agesilaus, Moralia , 534 D. |
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| 97. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 5.25.5-5.25.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 333 |
98. Plutarch, Aristides, 5.2-5.3, 8.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 52; Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 214| 5.2. καὶ τότε περὶ τῆς μάχης γνώμῃ τῇ Μιλτιάδου προσθέμενος οὐ μικρὰν ἐποίησε ῥοπήν· καὶ παρʼ ἡμέραν ἑκάστου στρατηγοῦ τὸ κράτος ἔχοντος, ὡς περιῆλθεν εἰς αὐτὸν ἡ ἀρχή, παρέδωκε Μιλτιάδῃ, διδάσκων τοὺς συνάρχοντας, ὅτι τὸ πείθεσθαι καὶ ἀκολουθεῖν τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσιν οὐκ αἰσχρόν, ἀλλὰ σεμνόν ἐστι καὶ σωτήριον. οὕτω δὲ πραΰνας τὴν φιλονεικίαν καὶ προτρεψάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀγαπᾶν μιᾷ γνώμῃ τῇ κρατίστῃ χρωμένους, ἔρρωσε τὸν Μιλτιάδην τῷ ἀπερισπάστῳ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἰσχυρὸν γενόμενον. χαίρειν γὰρ ἐῶν ἕκαστος ἤδη τὸ παρʼ ἡμέραν ἄρχειν ἐκείνῳ προσεῖχεν. 5.3. ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ μάλιστα τῶν Ἀθηναίων τοῦ μέσου πονήσαντος καὶ πλεῖστον ἐνταῦθα χρόνον τῶν βαρβάρων ἀντερεισάντων κατὰ τὴν Λεοντίδα καὶ τὴν Ἀντιοχίδα φυλήν, ἠγωνίσαντο λαμπρῶς τεταγμένοι παρʼ ἀλλήλους ὅ τε Θεμιστοκλῆς καὶ ὁ Ἀριστείδης· ὁ μὲν γὰρ Λεοντίδος ἦν, ὁ δʼ Ἀντιοχίδος· 8.1. τρίτῳ δʼ ἔτει Ξέρξου διὰ Θετταλίας καὶ Βοιωτίας ἐλαύνοντος ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀττικήν, λύσαντες τὸν νόμον ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς μεθεστῶσι κάθοδον, μάλιστα φοβούμενοι τὸν Ἀριστείδην, μὴ προσθέμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις διαφθείρῃ καὶ μεταστήσῃ πολλοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον, οὐκ ὀρθῶς στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὅς γε καὶ πρὸ τοῦ δόγματος τούτου διετέλει προτρέπων καὶ παροξύνων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, καὶ μετὰ τὸ δόγμα τοῦτο, Θεμιστοκλέους στρατηγοῦντος αὐτοκράτορος, πάντα συνέπραττε καὶ συνεβούλευεν, ἐνδοξότατον ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ κοινῇ ποιῶν τὸν ἔχθιστον. | 5.2. 5.3. 8.1. |
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| 99. Plutarch, Fabius, 1.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 45; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 206 |
100. Plutarch, Lucullus, 39.1, 42.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 139| 39.1. ἔστι δʼ οὖν τοῦ Λουκούλλου βίου, καθάπερ ἀρχαίας κωμῳδίας, ἀναγνῶναι τὰ μὲν πρῶτα πολιτείας καὶ στρατηγίας, τὰ δʼ ὕστερα πότους καὶ δεῖπνα καὶ μονονουχὶ κώμους καὶ λαμπάδας καὶ παιδιὰν ἅπασαν. 42.3. καίπερ ἀνθούσης τότε τοῖς Καρνεάδου λόγοις διὰ Φίλωνος, ἀλλὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς, πιθανὸν ἄνδρα καὶ δεινὸν εἰπεῖν τότε προστάτην ἐχούσης τὸν Ἀσκαλωνίτην Ἀντίοχον, ὃν πάσῃ σπουδῇ ποιησάμενος φίλον ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ συμβιωτὴν ἀντέταττε τοῖς Φίλωνος ἀκροαταῖς, ὧν καὶ Κικέρων ἦν. | 39.1. 42.3. |
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101. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 1.8, 13.1-13.3, 25.5, 30.2, 31.1-31.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 113; Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 233| 13.1. νόμους δὲ γεγραμμένους ὁ Λυκοῦργος οὐκ ἔθηκεν, ἀλλὰ μία τῶν καλουμένων ῥητρῶν ἔστιν αὕτη. τὰ μὲν γάρ κυριώτατα καὶ μέγιστα πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν πόλεως καὶ ἀρετήν, ἐν τοῖς ἤθεσιν ᾤετο καὶ ταῖς ἀγωγαῖς τῶν πολιτῶν ἐγκατεστοιχειωμένα, μένειν ἀκίνητα καὶ βέβαια, ἔχοντα τὴν προαίρεσιν δεσμὸν ἰσχυρότερον τῆς ἀνάγκης, ἣν ἡ παίδευσις ἐμποιεῖ τοῖς νέοις, νομοθέτου διάθεσιν ἀπεργαζομένη περὶ ἕκαστον αὐτῶν. 13.2. τὰ δὲ μικρὰ καὶ χρηματικὰ συμβόλαια καὶ μεταπίπτοντα ταῖς χρείαις ἄλλοτε ἄλλως, βέλτιον ἦν μὴ καταλαμβάνειν ἐγγράφοις ἀνάγκαις μηδὲ ἀκινήτοις ἔθεσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐᾶν ἐπὶ τῶν καιρῶν, προσθέσεις λαμβάνοντα καὶ ἀφαιρέσεις, ἃς ἂν οἱ πεπαιδευμένοι δοκιμάσωσι. τὸ γὰρ ὅλον καὶ πᾶν τῆς νομοθεσίας ἔργον εἰς τὴν παιδείαν ἀνῆψε. 13.3. μία μὲν οὖν τῶν ῥητρῶν ἦν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, μὴ χρῆσθαι νόμοις ἐγγράφοις. ἑτέρα δὲ πάλιν κατὰ τῆς πολυτελείας, ὅπως οἰκίᾳ πᾶσα τὴν μὲν ὀροφὴν ἀπὸ πελέκεως εἰργασμένην ἔχῃ, τὰς δὲ θύρας ἀπὸ πρίονος μόνου καὶ μηδενὸς τῶν ἄλλων ἐργαλείων, ὅπερ γάρ ὕστερον Ἐπαμεινώνδαν εἰπεῖν λέγουσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ τραπέζης, ὡς τὸ τοιοῦτον ἄριστον οὐ χωρεῖ προδοσίαν, τοῦτο πρῶτος ἐνόησε Λυκοῦργος, ὡς οἰκίᾳ τοιαύτη τρυφὴν οὐ χωρεῖ καὶ πολυτέλειαν, 25.5. ἡ δὲ Βρασίδου μήτηρ Ἀργιλεωνίς, ὡς ἀφικόμενοί τινες εἰς Λακεδαίμονα τῶν ἐξ Ἀμφιπόλεως εἰσῆθλον πρὸς αὐτήν, ἠρώτησεν εἰ καλῶς ὁ Βρασίδας ἀπέθανε καὶ τᾶς Σπάρτας ἀξίως· μεγαλυνόντων δὲ ἐκείνων τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ λεγόντων ὡς οὐκ ἔχει τοιοῦτον ἄλλον ἡ Σπάρτη· μὴ λέγετε, εἶπεν, ὦ ξένοι· καλὸς μέν γάρ ἦν καὶ ἀγαθὸς ὁ Βρασίδας, πολλοὺς δὲ ἄνδρας Λακεδαίμων ἔχει τήνου κάρρονας. 30.2. ὧν ἐπικρατούντων πρότερον οὐ πόλεως ἡ Σπάρτη πολιτείαν, ἀλλʼ ἀνδρὸς ἀσκητοῦ καὶ σοφοῦ βίον ἔχουσα, μᾶλλον δʼ, ὥσπερ οἱ ποιηταὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα μυθολογοῦσι δέρμα καὶ ξύλον ἔχοντα τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐπιπορεύεσθαι, κολάζοντα τοὺς παρανόμους καὶ θηριώδεις τυράννους, οὕτως ἡ πόλις ἀπὸ σκυτάλης μιᾶς καὶ τρίβωνος ἄρχουσα τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἑκούσης καὶ βουλομένης, κατέλυε τὰς ἀδίκους δυναστείας καὶ τυραννίδας ἐν τοῖς πολιτεύμασι, καὶ πολέμους ἐβράβευε καὶ στάσεις κατέπαυε, πολλάκις οὐδʼ ἀσπίδα κινήσασα μίαν, ἀλλʼ ἕνα πέμψασα πρεσβευτήν, ᾧ πάντες εὐθὺς ἐποίουν τὸ προστασσόμενον, ὥσπερ αἱ μέλισσαι φανέντος ἡγεμόνος, συντρέχοντες καὶ κατακοσμούμενοι. τοσοῦτον περιῆν εὐνομίας τῇ πόλει καὶ δικαιοσύνης. 31.1. οὐ μὴν τοῦτό γε τῷ Λυκούργῳ κεφάλαιον ἦν τότε, πλείστων ἡγουμένην ἀπολιπεῖν τὴν πόλιν ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς βίῳ καὶ πόλεως ὅλης νομίζων εὐδαιμονίαν ἀπʼ· ἀρετῆς ἐγγίνεσθαι καὶ ὁμονοίας τῆς πρὸς αὑτήν, πρὸς τοῦτο συνέταξε καὶ συνήρμοσεν, ὅπως ἐλευθέριοι καὶ αὐτάρκεις γενόμενοι καὶ σωφρονοῦντες ἐπὶ πλεῖστον χρόνον διατελῶσι. 31.2. ταύτην καὶ Πλάτων ἔλαβε τῆς πολιτείας ὑπόθεσιν καὶ Διογένης καὶ Ζήνων καὶ πάντες ὅσοι τι περὶ τούτων ἐπιχειρήσαντες εἰπεῖν ἐπαινοῦνται, γράμματα καὶ λόγους ἀπολιπόντες μόνον, ὁ δὲ οὐ γράμματα καὶ λόγους, ἀλλʼ ἔργῳ πολιτείαν ἀμίμητον εἰς φῶς προενεγκάμενος, καὶ τοῖς ἀνύπαρκτον εἶναι τὴν λεγομένην περὶ τὸν σοφὸν διάθεσιν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν ἐπιδείξας ὅλην τὴν πόλιν φιλοσοφοῦσαν, εἰκότως ὑπερῆρε τῇ δόξῃ τοὺς πώποτε πολιτευσαμένους ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι. 31.3. διʼ ὅπερ καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης ἐλάττονας σχεῖν φησι τιμὰς ἢ προσῆκον ἦν αὐτὸν ἔχειν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι, καίπερ ἔχοντα τὰς μεγίστας. ἱερόν τε γάρ ἐστιν αὐτοῦ, καὶ θύουσι καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ὡς θεῷ. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῶν λειψάνων αὐτοῦ κομισθέντων οἴκαδε κεραυνὸν εἰς τὸν τάφον κατασκῆψαι· τοῦτο δὲ οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἑτέρῳ τινὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν πλὴν Εὐριπίδῃ συμπεσεῖν ὕστερον, τελευτήσαντι καὶ ταφέντι τῆς Μακεδονίας περὶ Ἀρέθουσαν. ὥστε ἀπολόγημα καὶ μαρτύριον μέγα εἶναι τοῖς ἀγαπῶσι τὸν Εὐριπίδην τὸ μόνῳ συμπεσεῖν αὐτῷ μετὰ τελευτὴν The words καὶ γενέσθαι following τελευτὴν are deleted by Bekker and Sintenis 2 (in critical notes). ἃ τῷ θεοφιλεστάτῳ καὶ ὁσιωτάτῳ πρότερον συνέπεσε. 31.4. τελευτῆσαι δὲ τὸν Λυκοῦργον οἱ μὲν ἐν Κίρρᾳ λέγουσιν, Ἀπολλόθεμις δὲ εἰς Ἦλιν κομισθέντα, Τίμαιος δὲ καὶ Ἀριστόξενος ἐν Κρήτῃ καταβιώσαντα καὶ τάφον Ἀριστόξενος αὐτοῦ δείκνυσθαὶ φησιν ὑπὸ Κρητῶν τῆς Περγαμίας περὶ τὴν ξενικὴν ὁδόν. υἱὸν δὲ λέγεται μονογενῆ καταλιπεῖν Ἀντίωρον οὗ τελευτήσαντος ἀτέκνου τὸ γένος ἐξέλιπεν. | 13.1. None of his laws were put into writing by Lycurgus, indeed, one of the so-called rhetras forbids it. For he thought that if the most important and binding principles which conduce to the prosperity and virtue of a city were implanted in the habits and training of its citizens, they would remain unchanged and secure, having a stronger bond than compulsion in the fixed purposes imparted to the young by education, which performs the office of a law-giver for every one of them. 13.2. And as for minor matters, such as business contracts, and cases where the needs vary from time to time, it was better, as he thought, not to hamper them by written constraints or fixed usages, but to suffer them, as occasion demanded, to receive such modifications as educated men should determine. Indeed, he assigned the function of law-making wholly and entirely to education. 13.3. One of his rhetras accordingly, as I have said, prohibited the use of written laws. Another was directed against extravagance, ordaining that every house should have its roof fashioned by the axe, and its doors by the saw only, and by no other tool. For, as in later times Epaminondas is reported to have said at his own table, that such a meal did not comport with treachery, so Lycurgus was the first to see clearly that such a house does not comport with luxury and extravagance. 25.5. Again, Argileonis, the mother of Brasidas, when some Amphipolitans who had come to Sparta paid her a visit, asked them if Brasidas had died nobly and in a manner worthy of Sparta. Then they greatly extolled the man and said that Sparta had not such another, to which she answered: Say not so, Strangers; Brasidas was noble and brave, but Sparta has many better men than he. 30.2. While these remained in force, Sparta led the life, not of a city under a constitution, but of an individual man under training and full of wisdom. Nay rather, as the poets weave their tales of Heracles, how with his club and lion’s skin he traversed the world chastising lawless and savage tyrants, so we may say that Sparta, simply with the dispatch-staff and cloak of her envoys, kept Hellas in willing and glad obedience, put down illegal oligarchies and tyrannies in the different states, arbitrated wars, and quelled seditions, often without so much as moving a single shield, but merely sending one ambassador, whose commands all at once obeyed, just as bees, when their leader appears, swarm together and array themselves about him. Such a surplus fund of good government and justice did the city enjoy. 31.1. It was not, however, the chief design of Lycurgus then to leave his city in command over a great many others, but he thought that the happiness of an entire city, like that of a single individual, depended on the prevalence of virtue and concord within its own borders. The aim, therefore, of all his arrangements and adjustments was to make his people free-minded, self-sufficing, and moderate in all their ways, and to keep them so as long as possible. 31.2. His design for a civil polity was adopted by Plato, Diogenes, Zeno, and by all those who have won approval for their treatises on this subject, although they left behind them only writings and words. Lycurgus, on the other hand, produced not writings and words, but an actual polity which was beyond imitation, and because he gave, to those who maintain that the much talked of natural disposition to wisdom exists only in theory, an example of an entire city given to the love of wisdom, his fame rightly transcended that of all who ever founded polities among the Greeks. 31.3. Therefore Aristotle says that the honours paid him in Sparta were less than he deserved, although he enjoys the highest honours there. For he has a temple, and sacrifices are offered to him yearly as to a god. It is also said that when his remains were brought home, his tomb was struck by lightning, and that this hardly happened to any other eminent man after him except Euripides, who died and was buried at Arethusa in Macedonia. The lovers of Euripides therefore regard it as a great testimony in his favour that he alone experienced after death what had earlier befallen a man who was most holy and beloved of the gods. 31.4. Some say that Lycurgus died in Cirrha; Apollothemis, that he was brought to Elis and died there; Timaeus and Aristoxenus, that he ended his days in Crete; and Aristoxenus adds that his tomb is shown by the Cretans in the district of Pergamus, near the public highway. It is also said that he left an only son, Antiorus, on whose death without issue, the family became extinct. |
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| 102. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 21.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73 |
103. Plutarch, Marius, 45.4-45.12, 46.1-46.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 123, 124, 154| 45.4. τέλος δὲ ὡς ἧκέ τις ἀπαγγέλλων ἀπὸ θαλάσσης, νέοι προσπίπτοντες αὐτῷ φόβοι, τὰ μὲν δέει τοῦ μέλλοντος, τὰ δὲ ὥσπερ ἄχθει καὶ κόρῳ τῶν παρόντων, ῥοπῆς βραχείας ἐπιγενομένης εἰς νόσον κατηνέχθη πλευρῖτιν, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Ποσειδώνιος ὁ φιλόσοφος, αὐτὸς εἰσελθεῖν καὶ διαλεχθῆναι περὶ ὧν ἐπρέσβευεν ἤδη νοσοῦντι φάσκων αὐτῷ. 45.5. Γάϊος δέ τις Πείσων, ἀνήρ ἱστορικὸς, ἱστορεῖ τὸν Μάριον ἀπὸ δείπνου περιπατοῦντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐν λόγοις γενέσθαι περὶ τῶν καθʼ ἑαυτὸν πραγμάτων, ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον· καὶ τὰς ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα πολλάκις μεταβολὰς ἀφηγησάμενον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς ἔτι τῇ τύχῃ πιστεύειν ἑαυτόν· ἐκ δὲ τούτου τοὺς παρόντας ἀσπασάμενον καὶ κατακλιθέντα συνεχῶς ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τελευτῆσαι. 45.6. τινὲς δὲ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ φασιν ἐν τῇ νόσῳ παντάπασιν ἀποκαλυφθεῖσαν εἰς ἄτοπον ἐξοκεῖλαι παρακοπήν, οἰομένου τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν στρατηγεῖν πόλεμον, εἶτα, ὥσπερ ἐπʼ αὐτῶν εἰώθει τῶν ἀγώνων, σχήματα παντοδαπὰ καὶ κινήματα σώματος μετὰ συντόνου κραυγῆς καὶ πυκνῶν ἀλαλαγμάτων ἀποδιδόντος. 45.7. οὕτως δεινὸς αὐτῷ καὶ Βνσπαραμνθητος ἐκ φιλαρχίας καὶ ζηλοτυπίας ἔρως ἐντετήκει τῶν πράξεων ἐκείνων. διὸ ἔτη μὲν ἑβδομήκοντα βεβιωκώς, ὕπατος δὲ πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων ἑπτάκις ἀνηγορευμένος, οἶκόν τε καὶ πλοῦτον ἀρκοῦντα βασιλείαις ὁμοῦ πολλαῖς κεκτημένος, ὠδύρετο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τύχην ὡς ἐνδεὴς καὶ ἀτελὴς ὧν ἐπόθει προαποθνῄσκων. 46.1. Πλάτων μὲν οὖν ἤδη πρὸς τῷ τελευτᾶν γενόμενος ὕμνει τὸν αὐτοῦ δαίμονα καὶ τὴν τύχην, ὅτι πρῶτον μὲν ἄνθρωπος, εἶτα Ἕλλην, οὐ βάρβαρος οὐδὲ ἄλογον τῇ φύσει θηρίον γένοιτο, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις, ὅτι τοῖς Σωκράτους χρόνοις ἀπήντησεν ἡ γένεσις αὐτοῦ. 46.2. καὶ νὴ Δία τὸν Ταρσέα λέγουσιν Ἀντίπατρον ὡσαύτως ὑπὸ τὴν τελευτὴν ἀναλογιζόμενον ὧν τύχοι μακαρίων μηδὲ τῆς εἰς Ἀθήνας οἴκοθεν εὐπλοίας ἐπιλαθέσθαι, καθάπερ φιλοχρήστου τῆς τύχης ἅπασαν δόσιν εἰς μεγάλην χάριν τιθέμενον καὶ σῴζοντα τῇ μνήμῃ διὰ τέλους, ἧς οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀνθρώπῳ ταμιεῖον ἀγαθῶν βεβαιότερον. 46.3. τοὺς δὲ ἀμνήμονας ς καὶ ἀνοήτους ὑπεκρεῖ τὰ γιγνόμενα μετὰ τοῦ χρόνου· διὸ μηθὲν στέγοντες μηδὲ διατηροῦντες ἀεὶ κενοὶ μὲν ἀγαθῶν, πλήρεις δὲ ἐλπίδων πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἀποβλέπουσι, τὸ παρὸν προϊέμενοι. καίτοι τὸ μὲν ἂν ἡ τύχη κωλῦσαι δύναιτο, τὸ δὲ ἀναφαίρετόν ἐστιν· 46.4. ἀλλʼ ὅμως τοῦτο τῆς τύχης ὡς ἀλλότριον ἐκβάλλοντες ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἄδηλον ὀνειρώττουσιν, εἰκότα πάσχοντες, πρὶν γὰρ ἐκ λόγου καὶ παιδείας ἕδραν ὑποβαλέσθαι καὶ κρηπῖδα τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἀγαθοῖς, συνάγοντες αὐτὰ καὶ συμφοροῦντες ἐμπλῆσαι τῆς ψυχῆς οὐ δύνανται τὸ ἀκόρεστον. 46.5. ἀποθνῄσκει δ’ οὖν Μάριος ἡμέρας ἑπτακαίδεκα τῆς ἑβδόμης ὑπατείας ἐπιλαβών. καὶ μέγα ἔσχε παραυτίκα τὴν Ῥώμην χάρμα καὶ θάρσος ὡς χαλεπῆς τυραννίδος ἀπηλλαγμένην· ὀλίγαις δὲ ἡμέραις ᾔσθοντο νέον ἀντηλλαγμένοι καὶ ἀκμάζοντα ἀντὶ πρεσβύτου δεσπότην τοσαύτην ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Μάριος ὠμότητα καὶ πικρίαν ἀπεδείξατο, τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ δοκιμωτάτους ἀναιρῶν. | 45.4. 45.5. 45.6. 45.7. 46.1. 46.2. 46.3. 46.4. 46.5. |
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| 104. Plutarch, It Is Impossible To Live Pleasantly In The Manner of Epicurus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 215 |
| 105. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 209, 214 |
| 106. Plutarch, Pericles, 1.2, 1.4-2.2, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 5.3, 8, 10.7, 11.4, 11.5, 11.6, 12.1, 12.6, 13.15, 13.16, 15, 15.1, 15.2, 15.3, 28.2, 28.3, 31.1, 31.2-32.6, 32.2, 32.6, 38.3, 38.4, 39.3, 39.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 165 |
107. Plutarch, Phocion, 2.8, 3.9, 36.1-36.2, 38.3-38.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and plutarch Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 114, 115, 116| 36.1. ὡς οὖν διαλύσαντες τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἦγον εἷς τὸ δεσμωτήριον τοὺς ἄνδρας, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι, περιπλεκομένων τῶν φίλων αὐτοῖς καὶ οἰκείων, ὀδυρόμενοι καὶ καταθρηνοῦντες ἐβάδιζον, τὸ δὲ Φωκίωνος πρόσωπον οἷον ὅτε στρατηγῶν ἀπʼ ἐκκλησίας προὐπέμπετο βλέποντες, ἐθαύμαζον τὴν ἀπάθειαν καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν τοῦ ἀνδρός. 36.2. οἱ δὲ ἐχθροὶ κακῶς ἔλεγον παρατρέχοντες εἷς δὲ καὶ προσέπτυσεν ἐξεναντίας προσελθών. ὅτε καὶ τὸν Φωκίωνα λέγεται βλέψαντα πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας εἰπεῖν οὐ παύσει τις ἀσχημονοῦντα τοῦτον; ἐπεὶ δὲ Θούδιππος ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ γενόμενος καὶ τὸ κώνειον ὁρῶν τριβόμενον ἠγανάκτει καὶ κατέκλαιε τὴν συμφοράν, ὡς οὐ προσηκόντως τῷ Φωκίωνι συναπολλύμενος, εἶτα οὐκ ἀγαπᾷς, εἶπεν, ὅτι μετὰ Φωκίωνος ἀποθνῄσκεις; | 36.1. 36.2. |
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| 108. Plutarch, Platonic Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 2 |
| 109. Plutarch, Dion, 1.1, 6.4, 8.3, 8.4, 8.5, 17.3, 21.1, 22, 23.1, 23.2, 24.2, 29.1, 31.4-32.2, 32.1, 32.2, 32.5, 33.3, 33.4, 33.5, 35.4, 43, 47, 47.1, 47.2, 47.3, 47.4, 47.5, 47.6, 47.7, 47.8, 47.9, 48, 48.7, 48.8, 48.9, 49, 52, 52.5, 52.6, 54, 55, 56, 56.3, 58.3, 58.4, 58.5, 58.6, 58.7, 58.8, 58.9, 58.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 144, 148 |
110. Plutarch, Pompey, 60.3-60.4, 79.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 76, 84| 60.3. ὡς δὲ πρῶτον ἡ φήμη προσέπεσε καὶ κατέσχε τὴν Ῥώμην μετά ἐκπλήξεως θόρυβος καὶ φόβος οἷος οὔπω πρότερον, εὐθὺς μὲν ἡ βουλὴ φερομένη πρὸς τὸν Πομπήϊον συνέτρεχε καὶ παρῆσαν αἱ ἀρχαί, πυθομένου δὲ τοῦ Τύλλου περὶ στρατιᾶς καὶ δυνάμεως καὶ τοῦ Πομπηΐου μετά τινος μελλήσεως ἀθαρσῶς εἰπόντος ὅτι τοὺς παρὰ Καίσαρος ἥκοντας ἑτοίμους ἔχει, 60.4. νομίζει δὲ καὶ τοὺς κατειλεγμένους πρότερον ἐν τάχει συνάξειν τρισμυρίους ὄντας, ὁ μὲν Τύλλος ἀναβοήσας, Ἐξηπάτηκας ἡμᾶς, ὦ Πομπήϊε, συνεβούλευεν ὡς Καίσαρα πρέσβεις ἀποστέλλειν, Φαώνιος δέ τις, ἀνὴρ τἆλλα μὲν οὐ πονηρός, αὐθαδείᾳ δὲ καὶ ὕβρει πολλάκις τὴν Κάτωνος οἰόμενος ἀπομιμεῖσθαι παρρησίαν, ἐκέλευε τὸν Πομπήϊον τῷ ποδὶ τύπτειν τὴν γῆν, ἃς ὑπισχνεῖτο δυνάμεις ἀνακαλούμενον. | 60.3. 60.4. |
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| 111. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 22.3, 34.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73, 123 |
| 112. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 212 |
| 113. Plutarch, How The Young Man Should Study Poetry, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 334 |
| 114. Plutarch, How To Tell A Flatterer From A Friend, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 212 |
115. Plutarch, How A Man May Become Aware of His Progress In Virtue, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 210 | 79c. and listening to their discourses, whether you do not give more attention to the mere language than to the subject matter, and whether you are not more on the alert for passages which involve something difficult and odd rather than for those which convey something useful, substantial, and beneficial; moreover, when you are busying yourself with poems and history, you must watch yourself to see whether anything escapes you among the ideas which are suitably expressed and tend to improvement of character or alleviation of emotion. For as Simonides says of the bee that it flits among the flowers, Making the yellow honey its care, while the rest of the world contents itself with their colour and fragrance, getting nothing else from them, so, while the rest of the world ranges amid poems for the sake of pleasure or diversion, if a man, through his own initiative, finds and collects something worth while, it is reasonable to expect |
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116. Plutarch, Solon, 8.1-8.3, 15.7-15.8, 27.8-27.9, 28.1, 31.2-31.3, 32.1-32.2, 32.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 20, 22, 23| 8.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ μακρόν τινα καὶ δυσχερῆ πόλεμον οἱ ἐν ἄστει περὶ τῆς Σαλαμινίων νήσου Μεγαρεῦσι πολεμοῦντες ἐξέκαμον, καὶ νόμον ἔθεντο μήτε γράψαι τινὰ μήτʼ εἰπεῖν αὖθις ὡς χρὴ τὴν πόλιν ἀντιποιεῖσθαι τῆς Σαλαμῖνος, ἢ θανάτῳ ζημιοῦσθαι, βαρέως φέρων τὴν ἀδοξίαν ὁ Σόλων, καὶ τῶν νέων ὁρῶν πολλοὺς δεομένους ἀρχῆς ἐπὶ τὸν πὸλεμον, αὐτοὺς δὲ μὴ θαρροῦντας ἄρξασθαι διὰ τὸν νόμον, ἐσκήψατο μὲν ἔκστασιν τῶν λογισμῶν, 8.2. καὶ λόγος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας διεδόθη παρακινητικῶς ἔχειν αὐτόν, ἐλεγεῖα δὲ κρύφα συνθεὶς καὶ μελετήσας ὥστε λέγειν ἀπὸ στόματος, ἐξεπήδησεν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἄφνω πιλίδιον περιθέμενος. ὄχλου δὲ πολλοῦ συνδραμόντος ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ κήρυκος λίθον ἐν ᾠδῇ διεξῆλθε τὴν ἐλεγείαν, ἧς ἐστιν ἀρχή· 8.3. τοῦτο τὸ ποίημα Σαλαμὶς ἐπιγέγραπται καὶ στίχων ἑκατόν ἐστι, χαριέντως πάνυ πεποιημένον. τότε δὲ ᾀσθέντος αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων τοῦ Σόλωνος ἀρξαμένων ἐπαινεῖν, μάλιστα δὲ τοῦ Πεισιστράτου τοῖς πολίταις ἐγκελευομένου καὶ παρορμῶντος πεισθῆναι τῷ λέγοντι, λύσαντες τὸν νόμον αὖθις ἥπτοντο τοῦ πολέμου, προστησάμενοι τὸν Σόλωνα. 15.7. εἶτα τοῦ δόγματος ἐξενεχθέντος τὰ μὲν κτήματα καρπούμενοι, τὰ δὲ χρήματα τοῖς δανείσασιν οὐκ ἀποδιδόντες, εἰς αἰτίαν τὸν Σόλωνα μεγάλην καὶ διαβολήν, ὥσπερ οὐ συναδικούμενον, ἀλλὰ συναδικοῦντα, κατέστησαν. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἐλύθη τὸ ἔγκλημα τοῖς πέντε ταλάντοις· τοσαῦτα γὰρ εὑρέθη δανείζων, καὶ ταῦτα πρῶτος ἀφῆκε κατὰ τὸν νόμον. ἔνιοι δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα λέγουσιν, ὧν καὶ Πολύζηλος ὁ Ῥόδιός ἐστι. τοὺς μέντοι φίλους αὐτοῦ χρεωκοπίδας καλοῦντες διετέλεσαν. 28.1. ὁ δὲ λογοποιὸς Αἴσωπος, ἐτύγχανε γὰρ εἰς Σάρδεις μετάπεμπτος γεγονὼς ὑπὸ Κροίσου καὶ τιμώμενος, ἠχθέσθη τῷ Σόλωνι μηδεμιᾶς τυχόντι φιλανθρωπίας· καὶ προτρέπων αὐτόν, ὦ Σόλων, ἔφη, τοῖς βασιλεῦσι δεῖ ὡς ἥκιστα ἢ ὡς ἥδιστα ὁμιλεῖν. καὶ ὁ Σόλων, μὰ Δίʼ, εἶπεν, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἥκιστα ἢ ὡς ἄριστα. 31.2. ὅς γε καὶ φόνου προσκληθεὶς εἰς Ἀρειον πάγον, ἤδη τυραννῶν, ἀπήντησε κοσμίως ἀπολογησόμενος, ὁ δὲ κατήγορος οὐχ ὑπήκουσε· καὶ νόμους αὐτὸς ἑτέρους ἔγραψεν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ ὁ τοὺς πηρωθέντας ἐν πολέμῳ δημοσίᾳ τρέφεσθαι κελεύων. τοῦτο δέ φησιν Ἡρακλείδης καὶ πρότερον ἐπὶ Θερσίππῳ πηρωθέντι τοῦ Σόλωνος ψηφισαμένου μιμήσασθαι τὸν Πεισίστρατον. ὡς δὲ Θεόφραστος ἱστόρηκε, καὶ τὸν τῆς ἀργίας νόμον οὐ Σόλων ἔθηκεν, ἀλλὰ Πεισίστρατος, ᾧ τήν τε χώραν ἐνεργοτέραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἠρεμαιοτέραν ἐποίησεν. 31.3. ὁ δὲ Σόλων ἁψάμενος μεγάλης τῆς περὶ τὸν Ἀτλαντικὸν λόγον ἢ μῦθον πραγματείας, ὃν διήκουσε τῶν περὶ Σάϊν λογίων προσήκοντα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, ἐξέκαμεν, οὐ διʼ ἀσχολίαν, ὡς Πλάτων φησίν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ὑπὸ γήρως, φοβηθεὶς τὸ μέγεθος τῆς γραφῆς. ἐπεὶ σχολῆς γε περιουσίαν αὐτοῦ μηνύουσιν αἱ τοιαῦται φωναί· 32.1. ὡς δὲ χώρας καλῆς ἔδαφος ὁ Πλάτων ἔρημον, αὐτῷ δέ πως κατὰ συγγένειαν προσῆκον, ἐξεργάσασθαι καὶ διακοσμῆσαι φιλοτιμούμενος τὴν Ἀτλαντικὴν ὑπόθεσιν, πρόθυρα μὲν μεγάλα καὶ περιβόλους καὶ αὐλὰς τῇ ἀρχῇ περιέθηκεν, οἷα λόγος οὐδεὶς ἄλλος ἔσχεν οὐδὲ μῦθος οὐδὲ ποίησις, 32.2. ὀψὲ δὲ ἀρξάμενος προκατέλυσε τοῦ ἔργου τὸν βίον, ὅσῳ μᾶλλον εὐφραίνει τὰ γεγραμμένα, τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον τοῖς ἀπολειφθεῖσιν ἀνιάσας. ὡς γὰρ ἡ πόλις τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὸ Ὀλυμπιεῖον, οὕτως ἡ Πλάτωνος σοφία τὸν Ἀτλαντικὸν ἐν πολλοῖς καλοῖς μόνον ἔργον ἀτελὲς ἔσχηκεν. 32.4. ἡ δὲ διασπορὰ κατακαυθέντος αὐτοῦ τῆς τέφρας περὶ τὴν Σαλαμινίων νῆσον ἔστι μὲν διὰ τὴν ἀτοπίαν ἀπίθανος παντάπασι καὶ μυθώδης, ἀναγέγραπται δʼ ὑπό τε ἄλλων ἀνδρῶν ἀξιολόγων καὶ Ἀριστοτέλους τοῦ φιλοσόφου. | 8.1. Once when the Athenians were tired out with a war which they were waging against the Megarians for the island of Salamis, they made a law that no one in future, on pain of death, should move, in writing or orally, that the city take up its contention for Salamis. Solon could not endure the disgrace of this, and when he saw that many of the young men wanted steps taken to bring on the war, but did not dare to take those steps themselves on account of the law, he pretended to be out of his head, 8.2. and a report was given out to the city by his family that he showed signs of madness. He then secretly composed some elegiac verses, and after rehearsing them so that he could say them by rote, he sallied out into the market-place of a sudden, with a cap upon his head. After a large crowd had collected there, he got upon the herald’s stone and recited the poem which begins:— Behold in me a herald come from lovely Salamis, With a song in ordered verse instead of a harangue. Only six more verses are preserved ( Fragments 1-3, Bergk ). They contain reproaches of the Athenians for abandoning Salamis, and an exhortation to go and fight for it. 8.3. This poem is entitled Salamis, and contains a hundred very graceful verses. When Solon had sung it, his friends began to praise him, and Peisistratus in particular urged and incited the citizens to obey his words. They therefore repealed the law and renewed the war, putting Solon in command of it. 15.7. Then when the decree was published, they enjoyed the use of their properties, but refused to pay the moneys due their creditors. This brought Solon into great condemnation and odium, as if he had not been imposed upon with the rest, but were a party to the imposition. Cf. Aristot. Const. Ath. 1 . However, this charge was at once dissipated by his well-known sacrifice of five talents. For it was found that he had lent so much, and he was the first to remit this debt in accordance with his law. Some say that the sum was fifteen talents, and among them is Polyzelus the Rhodian. But his friends were ever after called chreocopidae, or debt-cutters . 28.1. Now it so happened that Aesop, the writer of fables, was in Sardis, having been summoned thither by Croesus, and receiving much honor at his hands. He was distressed that Solon met with no kindly treatment, and said to him by way of advice: O Solon, our converse with kings should be either as rare, or as pleasing as is possible. No, indeed. said Solon, but either as rare or as beneficial as is possible. 31.2. For instance, he was summoned before the Areiopagus on a charge of murder, when he was already tyrant, and presented himself there to make his defence in due form, but his accuser did not put in an appearance. He also made other laws himself, one of which provides that those who are maimed in war shall be maintained at the public charge. But Heracleides says that even before that Solon had caused a decree to be passed to this effect in the case of Thersippus, who had been so maimed, and that Peisistratus was following his example. Moreover, Theophrastus writes that the law against idleness, in consequence of which the country became more productive and the city more tranquil, was not made by Solon, but by Peisistratus. 31.3. Now Solon, after beginning his great work on the story or fable of the lost Atlantis, which, as he had heard from the learned men of Sais, Cf. Plut. Sol. 26.1 . There is no trace of any such work of Solon’s, and the attribution of it to him is probably a play of Plato’s fancy. particularly concerned the Athenians, abandoned it, not for lack of leisure, as Plato says, but rather because of his old age, fearing the magnitude of the task. For that he had abundant leisure, such verses as these testify But I grow old ever learning many things; Cf. chapter ii. 2. and again, But now the works of the Cyprus-born goddess are dear to my soul, of Dionysus, too, and the Muses, which impart delights to men. Fragment 26 (Bergk) 32.1. Plato, ambitious to elaborate and adorn the subject of the lost Atlantis, as if it were the soil of a fair estate unoccupied, but appropriately his by virtue of some kinship with Solon, Plato mentions the relationship of Critias, his maternal uncle, with Solon ( Plat. Charm. 155a ). began the work by laying out great porches, enclosures, and courtyards, such as no story, tale, or poesy ever had before. 32.2. But he was late in beginning, and ended his life before his work. Plato’s Critias is a splendid fragment. Therefore the greater our delight in what he actually wrote, the greater is our distress in view of what he left undone. For as the Olympieium in the city of Athens, so the tale of the lost Atlantis in the wisdom of Plato is the only one among many beautiful works to remain unfinished. 32.4. The story that his body was burned and his ashes scattered on the island of Salamis is strange enough to be altogether incredible and fabulous, and yet it is given by noteworthy authors, and even by Aristotle the philosopher. |
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| 117. Plutarch, Themistocles, 7.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 52 |
118. Plutarch, Theseus, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and plutarch •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 28| 1.1. ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς γεωγραφίαις, ὦ Σόσσιε Σενεκίων, οἱ ἱστορικοὶ τὰ διαφεύγοντα τὴν γνῶσιν αὐτῶν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις μέρεσι τῶν πινάκων πιεζοῦντες, αἰτίας αἰτίας Amyot, Stephanus, Coraës, Sintenis 2 with C; Bekker and Sintenis 1 have ἐνίοις ( explaining some by saying ). παραγράφουσιν ὅτι τὰ δʼ ἐπέκεινα θῖνες ἄνυδροι καὶ θηριώδεις ἢ πηλὸς ἀϊδνὴς ἢ σκυθικὸν κρύος ἢ πέλαγος πεπηγός, οὕτως ἐμοὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν βίων τῶν παραλλήλων γραφήν, τὸν ἐφικτὸν εἰκότι λόγῳ καὶ βάσιμον ἱστορίᾳ πραγμάτων ἐχομένῃ χρόνον διελθόντι, περὶ τῶν ἀνωτέρω καλῶς εἶχεν εἰπεῖν· τὰ δʼ ἐπέκεινα τερατώδη καὶ τραγικὰ ποιηταὶ καὶ μυθογράφοι νέμονται, καὶ οὐκέτʼ ἔχει πίστιν οὐδὲ σαφήνειαν. | |
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119. Plutarch, Timoleon, 1.2, 1.4, 29.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and plutarch •philosophy, philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 52, 57; Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 210| 1.2. ἐπεὶ Δίων μὲν ἐξελάσας Διονύσιον τὸν τύραννον εὐθὺς ἀνῃρέθη δόλῳ καὶ διέστησαν οἱ σὺν Δίωνι Συρακοσίους ἐλευθερώσαντες, ἡ δὲ πόλις ἄλλον ἐξ ἄλλου μεταβάλλουσα συνεχῶς τύραννον ὑπὸ πλήθους κακῶν μικρὸν ἀπέλειπεν ἔρημος εἶναι, 1.4. Διονύσιος ἔτει δεκάτῳ ξένους συναγαγὼν καὶ τὸν τότε κρατοῦντα τῶν Συρακοσίων Νυσαῖον ἐξελάσας, ἀνέλαβε τὰ πράγματα πάλιν καὶ καθειστήκει τύραννος ἐξ ἀρχῆς, παραλόγως μὲν ὑπὸ μικρᾶς δυνάμεως τὴν μεγίστην τῶν πώποτε τυραννίδων ἀπολέσας, παραλογώτερον δʼ αὖθις ἐκ φυγάδος καὶ ταπεινοῦ τῶν ἐκβαλόντων κύριος γενόμενος. 29.6. θεωμένοις ἐν ἐκείνῃ μόνῃ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν πόλεων τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους ναοὺς οὐχ Ἑλληνικοῖς κεκοσμημένους λαφύροις οὐδʼ ἀπὸ συγγενῶν φόνου καὶ ὁμοφύλων ἀναθημάτων μνήμας ἀτερπεῖς ἔχοντας, ἀλλὰ βαρβαρικὰ σκῦλα καλλίσταις ἐπιγραφαῖς δηλοῦντα μετὰ τῆς ἀνδρείας τῶν νενικηκότων τὴν δικαιοσύνην, ὅτι Κορίνθιοι καὶ Τιμολέων ὁ στρατηγός ἐλευθερώσαντες τοὺς Σικελίαν οἰκοῦντας Ἕλληνας ἀπὸ Καρχηδονίων χαριστήρια θεοῖς ἀνέθηκαν. | 1.2. After Dion had driven out Dionysius the tyrant, he was at once treacherously slain, See the Dion , chapter lvii. This was in 354 B.C. and those who had helped him to free Syracuse were divided among themselves. The city, therefore, was continually exchanging one tyrant for another, and owing to a multitude of ills was almost abandoned, 1.4. At last Dionysius, in the tenth year of his exile, 346 B.C. collected mercenaries, drove out Nisaeus; who was at that time master of Syracuse, recovered the power again, and established himself as tyrant anew; he had been unaccountably deprived by a small force of the greatest tyranny that ever was, and now more unaccountably still he had become, from a lowly exile, master of those who drove him forth. 29.6. when in her alone of Greek cities they saw the most conspicuous temples, not adorned with Greek spoils, nor possessed of joyless memorials in the shape of votive offerings from the slaughter of kinsmen and fellow citizens, but decked with barbarian spoils which set forth in fairest inscriptions the justice as well as the valour of the victors, declaring that Corinthians and Timoleon their general set the Greeks dwelling in Sicily free from Carthaginians, and thus dedicated thank-offerings to the gods. |
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| 120. Plutarch, Flaminius, 11.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 52 |
| 121. Plutarch, Publicola, 22 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 206 |
122. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 1, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 2, 2.1, 2.2-3.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 3, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 7, 8, 31.1, 31.2, 31.3, 31.4, 31.5, 31.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 70| 3.3. δύο γὰρ ἑτέρους οὐκ ἂν εὑρεθῆναι δοκῶ ῥήτορας ἐκ μὲν ἀδόξων καὶ μικρῶν ἰσχυροὺς καὶ μεγάλους γενομένους, προσκρούσαντας δὲ βασιλεῦσι καὶ τυράννοις, θυγατέρας δʼ ἀποβαλόντας, ἐκπεσόντας δὲ τῆς πατρίδος, κατελθόντας δὲ μετὰ τιμῆς, ἀποδράντας δʼ αὖθις καὶ ληφθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ἅμα δὲ παυσαμένῃ τῇ τῶν πολιτῶν ἐλευθερίᾳ τὸν βίον συγκαταστρέψαντας· | 3.3. |
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| 123. Plutarch, Demetrius, 1, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 2, 2.1, 2.2-3.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 3, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 7, 8, 20, 20.9, 31.1, 31.2, 31.3, 31.4, 31.5, 31.6, 53.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 123 |
124. Plutarch, On Moral Virtue, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 212 | 442c. but though the passionate part is wanting in reason and has no reason of its own, yet otherwise it is by nature fitted to heed the rational and intelligent part, to turn toward it, to yield to it, to conform itself thereto, if it is not completely corrupted by the foolish pleasure and a life of no restraint. Those who wonder how it is that this part is irrational, yet subservient to reason, do not seem to me to reflect thoroughly upon the power of reason, How great it is, how far it penetrates, through its mastery and guidance, not by harsh and inflexible methods, but by flexible ones, which have a quality of yielding and submitting to the rein which is more effective than any possible constraint or violence. For, to be sure, even our breathing, our sinews and bones, |
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| 125. Plutarch, Beasts Are Rational, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 322 |
| 126. Plutarch, Brutus, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 4.2, 7.6, 7.7, 8.4, 8.5, 8.6, 8.7, 9.1, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 12.1-13.1, 18.4, 18.5, 20.1, 20.2, 20.3, 20.4, 20.5, 20.6, 20.7, 26, 27, 28.4, 28.5, 29, 29.5, 40.8, 46, 50, 52, 53.1, 53.2, 53.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 144 |
127. Plutarch, Cicero, 5.1, 5.3, 6.5, 19.7-20.1, 20.7, 22.5, 22.6, 22.7, 22.8, 23.3, 23.4, 23.5, 23.6, 24.1, 24.4, 24.6, 25.1, 35.3, 35.5, 37, 37.3, 38, 42.2, 43.1, 45.2, 46.1, 48.6, 49, 49.5, 49.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 70| 5.1. ὁ γοῦν Κικέρων ἐλπίδων μεστὸς ἐπὶ τὴν πολιτείαν φερόμενος ὑπὸ χρησμοῦ τινος ἀπημβλύνθη τὴν ὁρμήν. ἐρομένῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ τόν ἐν Δελφοῖς θεὸν ὅπως ἂν ἐνδοξότατος γένοιτο, προσέταξεν ἡ Πυθία τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ τὴν τῶν πολλῶν δόξαν, ἡγεμόνα ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ βίου. | 5.1. |
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128. Plutarch, Cimon, 4.4-4.10, 15.3-15.4, 16.1-16.3, 16.9-16.10, 18.1, 19.3-19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and plutarch •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 52, 114, 139| 4.4. Στησίμβροτος δʼ ὁ Θάσιος περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ὁμοῦ τι χρόνον τῷ Κίμωνι γεγονώς φησιν αὐτὸν οὔτε μουσικὴν οὔτε ἄλλο τι μάθημα τῶν ἐλευθερίων καὶ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐπιχωριαζόντων ἐκδιδαχθῆναι, δεινότητός τε καὶ στωμυλίας Ἀττικῆς ὅλως ἀπηλλάχθαι, καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ πολὺ τὸ γενναῖον καὶ ἀληθὲς ἐνυπάρχειν, καὶ μᾶλλον εἶναι Πελοποννήσιον τὸ σχῆμα τῆς ψυχῆς τοῦ ἀνδρός, 4.5. ἔτι δὲ νέος ὢν αἰτίαν ἔσχε πλησιάζειν τῇ ἀδελφῇ. καὶ γὰρ οὐδʼ ἄλλως τὴν Ἐλπινίκην εὔτακτόν τινα γεγονέναι λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς Πολύγνωτον ἐξαμαρτεῖν τὸν ζῳγράφον· καὶ διὰ τοῦτό φασιν ἐν τῇ Πεισιανακτείῳ τότε καλουμένῃ, Ποικίλῃ δὲ νῦν στοᾷ, γράφοντα τὰς Τρῳάδας τὸ τῆς Λαοδίκης ποιῆσαι πρόσωπον ἐν εἰκόνι τῆς Ἐλπινίκης. 4.6. ὁ δὲ Πολύγνωτος οὐκ ἦν τῶν βαναύσων οὐδʼ ἀπʼ ἐργολαβίας ἔγραφε τὴν στοάν, ἀλλὰ προῖκα, φιλοτιμούμενος πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, ὡς οἵ τε συγγραφεῖς ἱστοροῦσι καὶ Μελάνθιος ὁ ποιητὴς λέγει τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον· 4.7. εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ τὴν Ἐλπινίκην οὐ κρύφα τῷ Κίμωνι, φανερῶς δὲ γημαμένην συνοικῆσαι λέγουσιν, ἀξίου τῆς εὐγενείας νυμφίου διὰ τὴν πενίαν ἀποροῦσαν· ἐπεὶ δὲ Καλλίας τῶν εὐπόρων τις Ἀθήνησιν ἐρασθεὶς προσῆλθε τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρὸς καταδίκην ἐκτίνειν ἕτοιμος ὢν πρὸς τὸ δημόσιον, αὐτήν τε πεισθῆναι καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα τῷ Καλλίᾳ συνοικίσαι τὴν Ἐλπινίκην. 4.8. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅλως φαίνεται τοῖς περὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἐρωτικοῖς ὁ Κίμων ἔνοχος γενέσθαι. καὶ γὰρ Ἀστερίας τῷ γένει Σαλαμινίας καὶ πάλιν Μνήστρας τινὸς ὁ ποιητὴς Μελάνθιος μνημονεύει πρὸς τὸν Κίμωνα παίζων διʼ ἐλεγείας, ὡς σπουδαζομένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ. 4.9. δῆλος δʼ ἐστὶ καὶ πρὸς Ἰσοδίκην τὴν Εὐρυπτολέμου μὲν θυγατέρα τοῦ Μεγακλέους, κατὰ νόμους δʼ αὐτῷ συμβιώσασαν ὁ Κίμων ἐμπαθέστερον διατεθεὶς καὶ δυσφορήσας ἀποθανούσης, εἴ τι δεῖ τεκμαίρεσθαι ταῖς γεγραμμέναις ἐπὶ παρηγορίᾳ τοῦ πένθους ἐλεγείαις πρὸς αὐτόν, ὧν Παναίτιος ὁ φιλόσοφος οἴεται ποιητὴν γεγονέναι τὸν φυσικὸν Ἀρχέλαον, οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου τοῖς χρόνοις εἰκάζων. 15.3. ἐκεῖνά τε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἀνανεούμενοι καὶ Λακωνισμὸν ἐπικαλοῦντες. εἰς ἃ καὶ τὰ Εὐπόλιδος διατεθρύληται περὶ Κίμωνος, ὅτι 16.1. ἦν μὲν οὖν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς φιλολάκων· καὶ τῶν γε παίδων τῶν διδύμων τὸν ἕτερον Λακεδαιμόνιον ὠνόμασε, τὸν δʼ ἕτερον Ἠλεῖον, ἐκ γυναικὸς αὐτῷ Κλειτορίας γενομένους, ὡς Στησίμβροτος ἱστορεῖ· διὸ πολλάκις τὸν Περικλέα τὸ μητρῷον αὐτοῖς γένος ὀνειδίζειν. Διόδωρος δʼ ὁ Περιηγητὴς καὶ τούτους φησὶ καὶ τὸν τρίτον τῶν Κίμωνος υἱῶν Θεσσαλὸν ἐξ Ἰσοδίκης γεγονέναι τῆς Εὐρυπτολέμου τοῦ Μεγακλέους. 16.2. ηὐξήθη δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἤδη τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ προσπολεμούντων καὶ τοῦτον ὄντα νέον ἐν Ἀθήναις μᾶλλον ἰσχύειν καὶ κρατεῖν βουλομένων. οἱ δʼ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸ πρῶτον ἡδέως ἑώρων οὐ μικρὰ τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν ἀπολαύοντες· αὐξανομένοις γὰρ αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰ συμμαχικὰ πολυπραγμονοῦσιν οὐκ ἤχθοντο τιμῇ καὶ χάριτι τοῦ Κίμωνος. 16.3. τὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα διʼ ἐκείνου τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν διεπράττετο, πρᾴως μὲν τοῖς συμμάχοις, κεχαρισμένως δὲ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ὁμιλοῦντος. ἔπειτα δυνατώτεροι γενόμενοι καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις οὐκ ἠρέμα προσκείμενον ὁρῶντες ἤχθοντο. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ παντὶ μεγαλύνων τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ μάλιστα ὅτε τύχοι μεμφόμενος αὐτοῖς ἢ παροξύνων, ὥς φησι Στησίμβροτος, εἰώθει λέγειν· ἀλλʼ οὐ Λακεδαιμόνιοί γε τοιοῦτοι. 18.1. εὐθὺς μὲν οὖν ὁ Κίμων κατελθὼν ἔλυσε τὸν πόλεμον καὶ διήλλαξε τὰς πόλεις· γενομένης δʼ εἰρήνης ὁρῶν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν μὴ δυναμένους, ἀλλὰ κινεῖσθαι καὶ αὐξάνεσθαι ταῖς στρατείαις βουλομένους, ἵνα μὴ τοῖς Ἕλλησι διοχλῶσι μηδὲ περὶ τὰς νήσους ἢ Πελοπόννησον ἀναστρεφόμενοι ναυσὶ πολλαῖς αἰτίας ἐμφυλίων πολέμων καὶ συμμαχικῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἀρχὰς ἐπισπάσωνται κατὰ τῆς πόλεως, 19.3. ὀψὲ δʼ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀγησίλαον εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξενεγκάμενοι τὰ ὅπλα βραχέος ἥψαντο πολέμου πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ βασιλέως στρατηγούς· καὶ λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ μέγα δράσαντες, αὖθις δὲ ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς στάσεσι καὶ ταραχαῖς ἀφʼ ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς ὑπενεχθέντες, ᾤχοντο τοὺς Περσῶν φορολόγους ἐν μέσαις ταῖς συμμάχοις καὶ φίλαις πόλεσιν ἀπολιπόντες, ὧν οὐδὲ γραμματοφόρος κατέβαινεν οὐδʼ ἵππος πρὸς θαλάσσῃ τετρακοσίων σταδίων ἐντὸς ὤφθη στρατηγοῦντος Κίμωνος. 19.4. ὅτι μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀπεκομίσθη τὰ λείψανα αὐτοῦ, μαρτυρεῖ τῶν μνημάτων τὰ μέχρι νῦν Κιμώνεια προσαγορευόμενα· τιμῶσι δὲ καὶ Κιτιεῖς τάφον τινὰ Κίμωνος, ὡς Ναυσικράτης ὁ ῥήτωρ φησίν, ἐν λοιμῷ καὶ γῆς ἀφορίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ προστάξαντος αὐτοῖς μὴ ἀμελεῖν Κίμωνος, ἀλλʼ ὡς κρείττονα σέβεσθαι καὶ γεραίρειν. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Ἑλληνικὸς ἡγεμών. | 4.4. 4.5. 4.6. 4.7. 4.8. 4.9. 15.3. 16.1. 16.2. 16.3. 18.1. 19.3. 19.4. |
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129. Plutarch, Comparison of Lucullus With Cimon, 1.2-1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 139| 1.2. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος οὔπω συντεταραγμένων τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀκμὴν ἐχόντων ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου μέντοι καὶ στρατηγῶν, οὐκ ἀπειρηκὼς οὐδʼ ἀλύων, οὐδέ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν στρατηγιῶν καὶ τῶν τροπαίων ἔπαθλον ποιούμενος εὐωχίας καὶ πότους, ὥσπερ Πλάτων ἐπισκώπτει τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ὀρφέα, τοῖς εὖ βεβιωκόσι φάσκοντας ἀποκεῖσθαι γέρας ἐν ?δου μέθην αἰώνιον. 1.3. σχολὴ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡσυχία καὶ διατριβὴ περὶ λόγους ἡδονήν τινα καὶ θεωρίαν ἔχοντας εὐπρεπέστατον ἀνδρὶ πρεσβύτῃ καὶ πεπαυμένῳ πολέμων καὶ πολιτείας παραμύθιον τὸ δʼ ἐφʼ ἡδονὴν, ὡς τέλος, καταστρέψαντα τὰς καλὰς πράξεις ἤδη λοιπὸν Ἀφροδίσια τῶν πολέμων καὶ στρατηγιῶν ἄγοντα παίζειν καὶ τρυφᾶν οὐκ ἄξια τῆς καλῆς Ἀκαδημείας, οὐδέ τὸν Ξενοκράτη ζηλοῦντος, ἀλλʼ ἐγκεκλικότος πρὸς τὸν Ἐπίκουρον. 1.4. ὃ καὶ θαυμαστόν ἐστιν ὑπεναντίως γὰρ ἡ νεότης τοῦ μὲν ἐπίψογος καὶ ἀκόλαστος γεγονέναι δοκεῖ, τοῦ δὲ πεπαιδευμένη καὶ σώφρων, βελτίων οὖν ᾧ πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον ἡ μεταβολή· χρηστοτέρα γὰρ ἡ φύσις, ἐν ᾗ γηρᾷ μὲν τὸ χεῖρον, ἐπακμάζει δὲ τὸ ἄμεινον. καὶ μὴν ὁμοίως γε πλουτήσαντες οὐχ ὁμοίως διέθεντο τὸν πλοῦτον. | 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. |
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| 130. Plutarch, Comparison of Demosthenes And Cicero, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 70 |
131. Plutarch, Letter of Condolence To Apollonius, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 67 | 114e. Wherefore, over those who die men of good sense ought not to be carried away by sorrow beyond the natural and moderate limit of grief, which so affects the soul, into useless and barbarian mourning, and they ought not to wait for that outcome which has already been the lot of many in the past, the result of which is that they terminate their own lives in misery because they have put off their mourning, and gain nothing but a forlorn burial in their garments of sorrow, as their woes and the ills born of their unreasonableness follow them to the grave, so that one might utter over them the verse of Homer: While they were weeping and wailing black darkness descended upon them. We should therefore often hold converse with ourselves after this fashion and say: |
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132. Plutarch, Crassus, 32.1-32.3, 33.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 116| 32.1. ὁ δὲ Σουρήνας τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ Κράσσου καὶ τὴν χεῖρα πρὸς Ὑρώδην ἔπεμψεν εἰς Ἀρμενίαν, αὐτὸς δὲ διαδοὺς λόγον ὑπʼ ἀγγέλων εἰς Σελεύκειαν ὡς ζῶντα Κράσσον ἄγοι, παρεσκευάζετο πομπήν τινα γελοίαν ὕβρει προσαγορεύων θρίαμβον. 32.2. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐμφερέστατος Κράσσῳ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων Γάιος Πακκιανός, ἐσθῆτα βασιλικὴν γυναικὸς ἐνδὺς καὶ διδαχθεὶς Κράσσος ὑπακούειν καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ τοῖς καλοῦσιν, ἐφʼ ἵππου καθήμενος ἤγετο· πρὸ αὐτοῦ δὲ σαλπιγκταὶ καὶ ῥαβδοῦχοί τινες ὀχούμενοι καμήλοις ἤλαυνον· ἐξήρτητο δὲ τῶν ῥάβδων βαλάντια καὶ παρὰ τοὺς πελέκεις πρόσφατοι κεφαλαὶ Ῥωμαίων ἀποτετμημέναι. 32.3. κατόπιν δʼ εἵποντο Σελευκίδες ἑταῖραι μουσουργοί, πολλὰ βωμολόχα καὶ γελοῖα διʼ ᾀσμάτων εἰς θηλύτητα καὶ ἀνανδρίαν τοῦ Κράσσου λέγουσαι. ταῦτά μὲν οὖν πάντες ἐθεῶντο. τὴν δὲ γερουσίαν τῶν Σελευκέων ἀθροίσας εἰσήνεγκεν ἀκόλαστα βιβλία τῶν Ἀριστείδου Μιλησιακῶν, οὔτι ταῦτά γε καταψευσάμενος· εὑρέθη γὰρ ἐν τοῖς Ῥωσκίου σκευοφόροις, καὶ παρέσχε τῷ Σουρήνᾳ καθυβρίσαι πολλὰ καὶ κατασκῶψαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, εἰ μηδὲ πολεμοῦντες ἀπέχεσθαι πραγμάτων καὶ γραμμάτων δύνανται τοιούτων. | 32.1. 32.2. 32.3. |
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133. Plutarch, On Being A Busybody, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 212 | 517c. The joy of a prosperous king is not concealed, nor is his laughter when he is amused, nor his outlay on entertainment and favours; but it is time for alarm when something is hidden, something dark, unsmiling, unapproachable, a storehouse of festering wrath, or the meditation of a punishment indicative of sullen anger, or jealousy of a wife, or some suspicion against a son, or distrust of a friend. Beware of this darkening and gathering cloud! That which is now hidden will be disclosed to you when the cloud bursts forth amid crashes of thunder and bolts of lightning! What escape is there, then, from this vice? By a process of shifting and diverting our inquisitiveness, as has been said, and, if possible, by turning the soul to better and more pleasant objects. Direct your curiosity, to heavenly things and things on earth, in the air, in the sea. |
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134. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 209 | 415c. afew souls still, in the long reach of time, because of supreme excellence, come, after being purified, to share completely in divine qualities. But with some of these souls it comes to pass that they do not maintain control over themselves, but yield to temptation and are again clothed with mortal bodies and have a dim and darkened life, like mist or vapour."Hesiod thinks that with the lapse of certain periods of years the end comes even to the demigods; for, speaking in the person of the Naiad, he indirectly suggests the length of time with these words: Nine generations long is the life of the crow and his cawing, Nine generations of vigorous men. Lives of four crows together Equal the life of a stag, and three stages the old age of a raven; Nine of the lives of the raven the life of the Phoenix doth equal; |
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| 135. Plutarch, On The E At Delphi, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 331 |
136. New Testament, Luke, 24.47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 211| 24.47. καὶ κηρυχθῆναι ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι αὐτοῦ μετάνοιαν εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν εἰς πάντα τὰ ἔθνὴ, — ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ Ἰερουσαλήμ· | 24.47. and that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in his name to all the nations, beginning at Jerusalem. |
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137. Plutarch, On Exilio, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 67 | 599c. and that where the facts themselves, when reason has groped them out and brought them to light, enable a man to say to himself You've not been hurt, unless you so pretend, it is utterly absurd not to ask the body what it has suffered, or the soul whether it is the worse for this mischance, but instead to seek instruction in grief from those who come from the outside world to join their vexation and resentment to our own. Let us, therefore, withdraw from the world and taking our calamities one by one examine their weight, as if they were so many loads; for while the burden felt by the body is the actual weight of the thing that presses upon it, |
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| 138. Plutarch, On The Face Which Appears In The Orb of The Moon, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 322 |
139. Plutarch, On Brotherly Love, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 215 | 484e. but forwent his own proper time for candidature and awaited his brother's. And Polydeuces refused to become even a god by himself, but chose rather to become a demigod with his brother and to share his mortal portion upon the condition of yielding to Castor part of his own immortality. "But you, fortunate man," one might say, "are so situated that, without in the least diminishing your present blessings, you can make another an equal sharer in them and give him a portion of your adornment so that he may enjoy the radiance, as it were, of your reputation or excellence or prosperity." Just so did Plato make his brothers famous by introducing them into the fairest of his writings, |
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| 140. Plutarch, On The Sign of Socrates, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 322 |
141. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 144 | 362b. the body is called Hades, since the soul is, as it were, deranged and inebriate when it is in the body, are too frivolous in their use of allegory. It is better to identify Osiris with Dionysus and Serapis with Osiris, who received this appellation at the time when he changed his nature. For this reason Serapis is a god of all peoples in common, even as Osiris is; and this they who have participated in the holy rites well know. It is not worth while to pay any attention to the Phrygian writings, in which it is said that Serapis was the son of Heracles, and Isis was his daughter, and Typhon was the son of Alcaeus, who also was a son of Heracles; nor must we fail to contemn Phylarchus, who writes that Dionysus was the first to bring from India into Egypt two bulls, |
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| 142. Plutarch, On The Education of Children, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and plutarch Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 57 |
| 143. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 334 |
| 144. Plutarch, On Hearing, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 210 |
| 145. Plutarch, On The Delays of Divine Vengeance, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 212 |
| 146. Plutarch, On Superstition, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 322 |
| 147. Plutarch, On Tranquility of Mind, 476 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 210 |
| 148. Plutarch, Aratus, 22 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 206 |
149. New Testament, John, 1.3, 1.9-1.14, 1.38, 3.3-3.5, 3.33, 4.7, 4.14-4.15, 4.18-4.19, 4.21, 5.24, 5.32-5.34, 8.13-8.14, 8.17-8.18, 8.32, 8.40, 8.45, 12.36, 12.40, 12.45, 14.9, 14.11, 15.26, 17.3, 18.37, 19.35, 20.16, 21.24 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 207, 315, 316, 320, 321, 322, 326, 327, 331, 332, 333, 334, 444| 1.3. πάντα διʼ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, καὶ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο οὐδὲ ἕν. 1.9. Ἦν τὸ φῶς τὸ ἀληθινὸν ὃ φωτίζει πάντα ἄνθρωπον ἐρχόμενον εἰς τὸν κόσμον. 1.10. ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ ἦν, καὶ ὁ κόσμος διʼ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, καὶ ὁ κόσμος αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔγνω. 1.11. Εἰς τὰ ἴδια ἦλθεν, καὶ οἱ ἴδιοι αὐτὸν οὐ παρέλαβον. 1.12. ὅσοι δὲ ἔλαβον αὐτόν, ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν τέκνα θεοῦ γενέσθαι, τοῖς πιστεύουσιν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, 1.13. οἳ οὐκ ἐξ αἱμάτων οὐδὲ ἐκ θελήματος σαρκὸς οὐδὲ ἐκ θελήματος ἀνδρὸς ἀλλʼ ἐκ θεοῦ ἐγεννήθησαν. 1.14. Καὶ ὁ λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο καὶ ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν, καὶ ἐθεασάμεθα τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ, δόξαν ὡς μονογενοῦς παρὰ πατρός, πλήρης χάριτος καὶ ἀληθείας·?̔ 1.38. στραφεὶς δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς καὶ θεασάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀκολουθοῦντας λέγει αὐτοῖς Τί ζητεῖτε; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Ῥαββεί, ?̔ὃ λέγεται μεθερμηνευόμενον Διδάσκαλε?̓ ποῦ μένεις; 3.3. ἀπεκρίθη Ἰησοῦς καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω σοι, ἐὰν μή τις γεννηθῇ ἄνωθεν, οὐ δύναται ἰδεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ. 3.4. λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν [ὁ] Νικόδημος Πῶς δύναται ἄνθρωπος γεννηθῆναι γέρων ὤν; μὴ δύναται εἰς τὴν κοιλίαν τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ δεύτερον εἰσελθεῖν καὶ γεννηθῆναι; 3.5. ἀπεκρίθη [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω σοι, ἐὰν μή τις γεννηθῇ ἐξ ὕδατος καὶ πνεύματος, οὐ δύναται εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ. 3.33. ὁ λαβὼν αὐτοῦ τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἐσφράγισεν ὅτι ὁ θεὸς ἀληθής ἐστιν. 4.7. ἔρχεται γυνὴ ἐκ τῆς Σαμαρίας ἀντλῆσαι ὕδωρ. 4.14. ὃς δʼ ἂν πίῃ ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος οὗ ἐγὼ δώσω αὐτῷ, οὐ μὴ διψήσει εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα, ἀλλὰ τὸ ὕδωρ ὃ δώσω αὐτῷ γενήσεται ἐν αὐτῷ πηγὴ ὕδατος ἁλλομένου εἰς ζωὴν αἰώνιον. 4.15. λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡ γυνή Κύριε, δός μοι τοῦτο τὸ ὕδωρ, ἵνα μὴ διψῶ μηδὲ διέρχωμαι ἐνθάδε ἀντλεῖν. 4.18. πέντε γὰρ ἄνδρας ἔσχες, καὶ νῦν ὃν ἔχεις οὐκ ἔστιν σου ἀνήρ· τοῦτο ἀληθὲς εἴρηκας. 4.19. λέγει αὐτῷ ἡ γυνή Κύριε, θεωρῶ ὅτι προφήτης εἶ σύ. 4.21. λέγει αὐτῇ ὁ Ἰησοῦς Πίστευέ μοι, γύναι, ὅτι ἔρχεται ὥρα ὅτε οὔτε ἐν τῷ ὄρει τούτῳ οὔτε ἐν Ἰεροσολύμοις προσκυνήσετε τῷ πατρί. 5.24. Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι ὁ τὸν λόγον μου ἀκούων καὶ πιστεύων τῷ πέμψαντί με ἔχει ζωὴν αἰώνιον, καὶ εἰς κρίσιν οὐκ ἔρχεται ἀλλὰ μεταβέβηκεν ἐκ τοῦ θανάτου εἰς τὴν ζωήν. 5.32. ἄλλος ἐστὶν ὁ μαρτυρῶν περὶ ἐμοῦ, καὶ οἶδα ὅτι ἀληθής ἐστιν ἡ μαρτυρία ἣν μαρτυρεῖ περὶ ἐμοῦ. 5.33. ὑμεῖς ἀπεστάλκατε πρὸς Ἰωάνην, καὶ μεμαρτύρηκε τῇ ἀληθείᾳ· 5.34. ἐγὼ δὲ οὐ παρὰ ἀνθρώπου τὴν μαρτυρίαν λαμβάνω, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα λέγω ἵνα ὑμεῖς σωθῆτε. 8.13. εἶπον οὖν αὐτῷ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι Σὺ περὶ σεαυτοῦ μαρτυρεῖς· 8.14. ἡ μαρτυρία σου οὐκ ἔστιν ἀληθής. ἀπεκρίθη Ἰησοῦς καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Κἂν ἐγὼ μαρτυρῶ περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ, ἀληθής ἐστιν ἡ μαρτυρία μου, ὅτι οἶδα πόθεν ἦλθον καὶ ποῦ ὑπάγω· ὑμεῖς δὲ οὐκ οἴδατε πόθεν ἔρχομαι ἢ ποῦ ὑπάγω. 8.17. καὶ ἐν τῷ νόμῳ δὲ τῷ ὑμετέρῳ γέγραπται ὅτι δύο ἀνθρώπων ἡ μαρτυρία ἀληθής ἐστιν. 8.18. ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ μαρτυρῶν περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ μαρτυρεῖ περὶ ἐμοῦ ὁ πέμψας με πατήρ. 8.32. καὶ γνώσεσθε τὴν ἀλήθειαν, καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια ἐλευθερώσει ὑμᾶς. 8.40. νῦν δὲ ζητεῖτέ με ἀποκτεῖναι, ἄνθρωπον ὃς τὴν ἀλήθειαν ὑμῖν λελάληκα ἣν ἤκουσα παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ· τοῦτο Ἀβραὰμ οὐκ ἐποίησεν. 8.45. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅτι τὴν ἀλήθειαν λέγω, οὐ πιστεύετέ μοι. 12.36. ὡς τὸ φῶς ἔχετε, πιστεύετε εἰς τὸ φῶς, ἵνα υἱοὶ φωτὸς γένησθε. Ταῦτα ἐλάλησεν Ἰησοῦς, καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἐκρύβη ἀπʼ αὐτῶν. 12.40. Τετύφλωκεν αὐτῶν τοῦς ὀφθαλμοὺς καὶ ἐπώρωσεν αὐτῶν τὴν καρδίαν, ἵνα μὴ ἴδωσιν τοις ὀφθαλμοῖς καὶ νοήσωσιν τῇ καρδίᾳ καὶ στραφῶσιν, καὶ ἰάσομαι αὐτούς. 12.45. καὶ ὁ θεωρῶν ἐμὲ θεωρεῖ τὸν πέμψαντά με. 14.9. λέγει αὐτῷ [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς Τοσοῦτον χρόνον μεθʼ ὑμῶν εἰμὶ καὶ οὐκ ἔγνωκάς με, Φίλιππε; ὁ ἑωρακὼς ἐμὲ ἑωρακεν τὸν πατέρα· πῶς σὺ λέγεις Δεῖξον ἡμῖν τὸν πατέρα; 14.11. πιστεύετέ μοι ὅτι ἐγὼ ἐν τῷ πατρὶ καὶ ὁ πατὴρ ἐν ἐμοί· εἰ δὲ μή, διὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτὰ πιστεύετε. 15.26. Ὅταν ἔλθῃ ὁ παράκλητος ὃν ἐγὼ πέμψω ὑμῖν παρὰ τοῦ πατρός, τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας ὃ παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐκπορεύεται, ἐκεῖνος μαρτυρήσει περὶ ἐμοῦ· καὶ ὑμεῖς δὲ μαρτυρεῖτε, 17.3. αὕτη δέ ἐστιν ἡ αἰώνιος ζωὴ ἵνα γινώσκωσι σὲ τὸν μόνον ἀληθινὸν θεὸν καὶ ὃν ἀπέστειλας Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν. 18.37. εἶπεν οῦν αὐτῷ ὁ Πειλᾶτος Οὐκοῦν βασιλεὺς εἶ σύ; ἀπεκρίθη [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς Σὺ λέγεις ὅτι βασιλεύς εἰμι. ἐγὼ εἰς τοῦτο γεγέννημαι καὶ εἰς τοῦτο ἐλήλυθα εἰς τὸν κόσμον ἵνα μαρτυρήσω τῇ ἀληθείᾳ· πᾶς ὁ ὢν ἐκ τῆς ἀληθείας ἀκούει μου τῆς φωνῆς. λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ Πειλᾶτος Τί ἐστιν ἀλήθεια; 19.35. καὶ ὁ ἑωρακὼς μεμαρτύρηκεν, καὶ ἀληθινὴ αὐτοῦ ἐστὶν ἡ μαρτυρία, καὶ ἐκεῖνος οἶδεν ὅτι ἀληθῆ λέγει, ἵνα καὶ ὑμεῖς πιστεύητε. 20.16. λέγει αὐτῇ Ἰησοῦς Μαριάμ. στραφεῖσα ἐκείνη λέγει αὐτῷ Ἐβραϊστί Ῥαββουνεί ?̔ὃ λέγεται Διδάσκαλἐ. 21.24. Οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ μαθητὴς ὁ μαρτυρῶν περὶ τούτων καὶ ὁ γράψας ταῦτα, καὶ οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἀληθὴς αὐτοῦ ἡ μαρτυρία ἐστίν. | 1.3. All things were made through him. Without him was not anything made that has been made. 1.9. The true light that enlightens everyone was coming into the world. 1.10. He was in the world, and the world was made through him, and the world didn't recognize him. 1.11. He came to his own, and those who were his own didn't receive him. 1.12. But as many as received him, to them he gave the right to become God's children, to those who believe in his name: 1.13. who were born not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of God. 1.14. The Word became flesh, and lived among us. We saw his glory, such glory as of the one and only Son of the Father, full of grace and truth. 1.38. Jesus turned, and saw them following, and said to them, "What are you looking for?"They said to him, "Rabbi" (which is to say, being interpreted, Teacher), "where are you staying?" 3.3. Jesus answered him, "Most assuredly, I tell you, unless one is born anew, he can't see the Kingdom of God." 3.4. Nicodemus said to him, "How can a man be born when he is old? Can he enter a second time into his mother's womb, and be born?" 3.5. Jesus answered, "Most assuredly I tell you, unless one is born of water and spirit, he can't enter into the Kingdom of God! 3.33. He who has received his witness has set his seal to this, that God is true. 4.7. A woman of Samaria came to draw water. Jesus said to her, "Give me a drink." 4.14. but whoever drinks of the water that I will give him will never thirst again; but the water that I will give him will become in him a well of water springing up to eternal life." 4.15. The woman said to him, "Sir, give me this water, so that I don't get thirsty, neither come all the way here to draw." 4.18. for you have had five husbands; and he whom you now have is not your husband. This you have said truly." 4.19. The woman said to him, "Sir, I perceive that you are a prophet. 4.21. Jesus said to her, "Woman, believe me, the hour comes, when neither in this mountain, nor in Jerusalem, will you worship the Father. 5.24. "Most assuredly I tell you, he who hears my word, and believes him who sent me, has eternal life, and doesn't come into judgment, but has passed out of death into life. 5.32. It is another who testifies about me. I know that the testimony which he testifies about me is true. 5.33. You have sent to John, and he has testified to the truth. 5.34. But the testimony which I receive is not from man. However, I say these things that you may be saved. 8.13. The Pharisees therefore said to him, "You testify about yourself. Your testimony is not valid." 8.14. Jesus answered them, "Even if I testify about myself, my testimony is true, for I know where I came from, and where I am going; but you don't know where I came from, or where I am going. 8.17. It's also written in your law that the testimony of two people is valid. 8.18. I am one who testifies about myself, and the Father who sent me testifies about me." 8.32. You will know the truth, and the truth will make you free." 8.40. But now you seek to kill me, a man who has told you the truth, which I heard from God. Abraham didn't do this. 8.45. But because I tell the truth, you don't believe me. 12.36. While you have the light, believe in the light, that you may become sons of light." Jesus said these things, and he departed and hid himself from them. 12.40. "He has blinded their eyes and he hardened their heart, Lest they should see with their eyes, And perceive with their heart, And would turn, And I would heal them." 12.45. He who sees me sees him who sent me. 14.9. Jesus said to him, "Have I been with you such a long time, and do you not know me, Philip? He who has seen me has seen the Father. How do you say, 'Show us the Father?' 14.11. Believe me that I am in the Father, and the Father in me; or else believe me for the very works' sake. 15.26. "When the Counselor has come, whom I will send to you from the Father, the Spirit of truth, who proceeds from the Father, he will testify about me. 17.3. This is eternal life, that they should know you, the only true God, and him whom you sent, Jesus Christ. 18.37. Pilate therefore said to him, "Are you a king then?"Jesus answered, "You say that I am a king. For this reason I have been born, and for this reason I have come into the world, that I should testify to the truth. Everyone who is of the truth listens to my voice." 19.35. He who has seen has testified, and his testimony is true. He knows that he tells the truth, that you may believe. 20.16. Jesus said to her, "Mary."She turned and said to him, "Rhabbouni!" which is to say, "Teacher!" 21.24. This is the disciple who testifies about these things, and wrote these things. We know that his witness is true. |
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150. New Testament, Apocalypse, 22.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326| 22.4. καὶὄψονται τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ,καὶ τὸ ὄνομα ὰὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν μετώπων αὐτῶν. | 22.4. They will see his face, and his name will be on their foreheads. |
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151. New Testament, Romans, 1.25, 2.4, 2.20, 5.3-5.4, 5.19, 5.21, 6.2-6.5, 6.7-6.8, 6.10-6.14, 6.22, 8.2-8.6, 8.9-8.11, 8.14, 8.26, 8.29, 11.26, 12.2, 13.11-13.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168, 320, 321, 325, 327, 351; Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 248, 249, 260, 270, 277| 1.25. οἵτινες μετήλλαξαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν τῷ ψεύδει, καὶ ἐσεβάσθησαν καὶ ἐλάτρευσαν τῇ κτίσει παρὰ τὸν κτίσαντα, ὅς ἐστιν εὐλογητὸς εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας· ἀμήν. 2.4. ἢ τοῦ πλούτου τῆς χρηστότητος αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀνοχῆς καὶ τῆς μακροθυμίας καταφρονεῖς, ἀγνοῶν ὅτι τὸ χρηστὸν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰς μετάνοιάν σε ἄγει; 2.20. παιδευτὴν ἀφρόνων, διδάσκαλον νηπίων, ἔχοντα τὴν μόρφωσιν τῆς γνώσεως καὶ τῆς ἀληθείας ἐν τῷ νόμῳ,— 5.3. οὐ μόνον δέ, ἀλλὰ καὶ καυχώμεθα ἐν ταῖς θλίψεσιν, εἰδότες ὅτι ἡ θλίψις ὑπομονὴν κατεργάζεται, 5.4. ἡ δὲ ὑπομονὴ δοκιμήν, ἡ δὲ δοκιμὴ ἐλπίδα, 5.19. ὥσπερ γὰρ διὰ τῆς παρακοῆς τοῦ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου ἁμαρτωλοὶ κατεστάθησαν οἱ πολλοί, οὕτως καὶ διὰ τῆς ὑπακοῆς τοῦ ἑνὸς δίκαιοι κατασταθήσονται οἱ πολλοί. 5.21. ἵνα ὥσπερ ἐβασίλευσεν ἡ ἁμαρτία ἐν τῷ θανάτῳ, οὕτως καὶ ἡ χάρις βασιλεύσῃ διὰ δικαιοσύνης εἰς ζωὴν αἰώνιον διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν. 6.2. μὴ γένοιτο· οἵτινες ἀπεθάνομεν τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ, πῶς ἔτι ζήσομεν ἐν αὐτῇ; 6.3. ἢ ἀγνοεῖτε ὅτι ὅσοι ἐβαπτίσθημεν εἰς Χριστὸν [Ἰησοῦν] εἰς τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ ἐβαπτίσθημεν; 6.4. συνετάφημεν οὖν αὐτῷ διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος εἰς τὸν θάνατον, ἵνα ὥσπερ ἠγέρθη Χριστὸς ἐκ νεκρῶν διὰ τῆς δόξης τοῦ πατρός, οὕτως καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς περιπατήσωμεν. 6.5. εἰ γὰρ σύμφυτοι γεγόναμεν τῷ ὁμοιώματι τοῦ θανάτου αὐτοῦ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεως ἐσόμεθα· 6.7. ὁ γὰρ ἀποθανὼν δεδικαίωται ἀπὸ τῆς ἁμαρτίας. 6.8. εἰ δὲ ἀπεθάνομεν σὺν Χριστῷ, πιστεύομεν ὅτι καὶ συνζήσομεν αὐτῷ· 6.10. ὃ γὰρ ἀπέθανεν, τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ ἀπέθανεν ἐφάπαξ· 6.11. ὃ δὲ ζῇ, ζῇ τῷ θεῷ. οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς λογίζεσθε ἑαυτοὺς εἶναι νεκροὺς μὲν τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ ζῶντας δὲ τῷ θεῷ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ. 6.12. Μὴ οὖν βασιλευέτω ἡ ἁμαρτία ἐν τῷ θνητῷ ὑμῶν σώματι εἰς τὸ ὑπακούειν ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις αὐτοῦ, 6.13. μηδὲ παριστάνετε τὰ μέλη ὑμῶν ὅπλα ἀδικίας τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ, ἀλλὰ παραστήσατε ἑαυτοὺς τῷ θεῷ ὡσεὶ ἐκ νεκρῶν ζῶντας καὶ τὰ μέλη ὑμῶν ὅπλα δικαιοσύνης τῷ θεῷ· 6.14. ἁμαρτία γὰρ ὑμῶν οὐ κυριεύσει, οὐ γάρ ἐστε ὑπὸ νόμον ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ χάριν. 6.22. νυνὶ δέ, ἐλευθερωθέντες ἀπὸ τῆς ἁμαρτίας δουλωθέντες δὲ τῷ θεῷ, ἔχετε τὸν καρπὸν ὑμῶν εἰς ἁγιασμόν, τὸ δὲ τέλος ζωὴν αἰώνιον. 8.2. ὁ γὰρ νόμος τοῦ πνεύματος τῆς ζωῆς ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ ἠλευθέρωσέν σε ἀπὸ τοῦ νόμου τῆς ἁμαρτίας καὶ τοῦ θανάτου. 8.3. τὸ γὰρ ἀδύνατον τοῦ νόμου, ἐν ᾧ ἠσθένει διὰ τῆς σαρκός, ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ υἱὸν πέμψας ἐν ὁμοιώματι σαρκὸς ἁμαρτίας καὶ περὶ ἁμαρτίας κατέκρινε τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἐν τῇ σαρκί, 8.4. ἵνα τὸ δικαίωμα τοῦ νόμου πληρωθῇ ἐν ἡμῖν τοῖς μὴ κατὰ σάρκα περιπατοῦσιν ἀλλὰ κατὰ πνεῦμα· 8.5. οἱ γὰρ κατὰ σάρκα ὄντες τὰ τῆς σαρκὸς φρονοῦσιν, οἱ δὲ κατὰ πνεῦμα τὰ τοῦ πνεύματος. 8.6. τὸ γὰρ φρόνημα τῆς σαρκὸς θάνατος, τὸ δὲ φρόνημα τοῦ πνεύματος ζωὴ καὶ εἰρήνη· 8.9. Ὑμεῖς δὲ οὐκ ἐστὲ ἐν σαρκὶ ἀλλὰ ἐν πνεύματι. εἴπερ πνεῦμα θεοῦ οἰκεῖ ἐν ὑμῖν. εἰ δέ τις πνεῦμα Χριστοῦ οὐκ ἔχει, οὗτος οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτοῦ. 8.10. εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς ἐν ὑμῖν, τὸ μὲν σῶμα νεκρὸν διὰ ἁμαρτίαν, τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα ζωὴ διὰ δικαιοσύνην. 8.11. εἰ δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ ἐγείραντος τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐκ νεκρῶν οἰκεῖ ἐν ὑμῖν, ὁ ἐγείρας ἐκ νεκρῶν Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν ζωοποιήσει [καὶ] τὰ θνητὰ σώματα ὑμῶν διὰ τοῦ ἐνοικοῦντος αὐτοῦ πνεύματος ἐν ὑμῖν. 8.14. ὅσοι γὰρ πνεύματι θεοῦ ἄγονται, οὗτοι υἱοὶ θεοῦ εἰσίν. 8.26. Ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα συναντιλαμβάνεται τῇ ἀσθενείᾳ ἡμῶν· τὸ γὰρ τί προσευξώμεθα καθὸ δεῖ οὐκ οἴδαμεν, ἀλλὰ αὐτὸ τὸ πνεῦμα ὑπερεντυγχάνει στεναγμοῖς ἀλαλήτοις, 8.29. ὅτι οὓς προέγνω, καὶ προώρισεν συμμόρφους τῆς εἰκόνος τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτὸν πρωτότοκον ἐν πολλοῖς ἀδελφοῖς· 11.26. καθὼς γέγραπται 12.2. καὶ μὴ συνσχηματίζεσθε τῷ αἰῶνι τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ μεταμορφοῦσθε τῇ ἀνακαινώσει τοῦ νοός, εἰς τὸ δοκιμάζειν ὑμᾶς τί τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ, τὸ ἀγαθὸν καὶ εὐάρεστον καὶ τέλειον. 13.11. Καὶ τοῦτο εἰδότες τὸν καιρόν, ὅτι ὥρα ἤδη ὑμᾶς ἐξ ὕπνου ἐγερθῆναι, νῦν γὰρ ἐγγύτερον ἡμῶν ἡ σωτηρία ἢ ὅτε ἐπιστεύσαμεν. 13.12. ἡ νὺξ προέκοψεν, ἡ δὲ ἡμέρα ἤγγικεν. ἀποθώμεθα οὖν τὰ ἔργα τοῦ σκότους, ἐνδυσώμεθα [δὲ] τὰ ὅπλα τοῦ φωτός. 13.13. ὡς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ εὐσχημόνως περιπατήσωμεν, μὴ κώμοις καὶ μέθαις, μὴ κοίταις καὶ ἀσελγείαις, μὴ ἔριδι καὶ ζήλῳ. 13.14. ἀλλὰ ἐνδύσασθε τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, καὶ τῆς σαρκὸς πρόνοιαν μὴ ποιεῖσθε εἰς ἐπιθυμίας. | 1.25. who exchanged the truth of God for a lie, and worshiped and served the creature rather than the Creator, who is blessed forever. Amen. 2.4. Or do you despise the riches of his goodness, forbearance, and patience, not knowing that the goodness of God leads you to repentance? 2.20. a corrector of the foolish, a teacher of babies, having in the law the form of knowledge and of the truth. 5.3. Not only this, but we also rejoice in our sufferings, knowing that suffering works perseverance; 5.4. and perseverance, proven character; and proven character, hope: 5.19. For as through the one man's disobedience many were made sinners, even so through the obedience of the one will many be made righteous. 5.21. that as sin reigned in death, even so might grace reign through righteousness to eternal life through Jesus Christ our Lord. 6.2. May it never be! We who died to sin, how could we live in it any longer? 6.3. Or don't you know that all we who were baptized into Christ Jesus were baptized into his death? 6.4. We were buried therefore with him through baptism to death, that just like Christ was raised from the dead through the glory of the Father, so we also might walk in newness of life. 6.5. For if we have become united with him in the likeness of his death, we will also be part of his resurrection; 6.7. For he who has died has been freed from sin. 6.8. But if we died with Christ, we believe that we will also live with him; 6.10. For the death that he died, he died to sin one time; but the life that he lives, he lives to God. 6.11. Thus also consider yourselves also to be dead to sin, but alive to God in Christ Jesus our Lord. 6.12. Therefore don't let sin reign in your mortal body, that you should obey it in its lusts. 6.13. Neither present your members to sin as instruments of unrighteousness, but present yourselves to God, as alive from the dead, and your members as instruments of righteousness to God. 6.14. For sin will not have dominion over you. For you are not under law, but under grace. 6.22. But now, being made free from sin, and having become servants of God, you have your fruit of sanctification, and the result of eternal life. 8.2. For the law of the Spirit of life in Christ Jesus made me free from the law of sin and of death. 8.3. For what the law couldn't do, in that it was weak through the flesh, God did, sending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh and for sin, he condemned sin in the flesh; 8.4. that the ordice of the law might be fulfilled in us, who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. 8.5. For those who live according to the flesh set their minds on the things of the flesh, but those who live according to the Spirit, the things of the Spirit. 8.6. For the mind of the flesh is death, but the mind of the Spirit is life and peace; 8.9. But you are not in the flesh but in the Spirit, if it is so that the Spirit of God dwells in you. But if any man doesn't have the Spirit of Christ, he is not his. 8.10. If Christ is in you, the body is dead because of sin, but the spirit is alive because of righteousness. 8.11. But if the Spirit of him who raised up Jesus from the dead dwells in you, he who raised up Christ Jesus from the dead will also give life to your mortal bodies through his Spirit who dwells in you. 8.14. For as many as are led by the Spirit of God, these are children of God. 8.26. In the same way, the Spirit also helps our weaknesses, for we don't know how to pray as we ought. But the Spirit himself makes intercession for us with groanings which can't be uttered. 8.29. For whom he foreknew, he also predestined to be conformed to the image of his Son, that he might be the firstborn among many brothers. 11.26. and so all Israel will be saved. Even as it is written, "There will come out of Zion the Deliverer, And he will turn away ungodliness from Jacob. 12.2. Don't be conformed to this world, but be transformed by the renewing of your mind, so that you may prove what is the good and acceptable and perfect will of God. 13.11. Do this, knowing the time, that it is already time for you to awaken out of sleep, for salvation is now nearer to us than when we first believed. 13.12. The night is far gone, and the day is near. Let's therefore throw off the works of darkness, and let's put on the armor of light. 13.13. Let us walk properly, as in the day; not in reveling and drunkenness, not in sexual promiscuity and lustful acts, and not in strife and jealousy. 13.14. But put on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make no provision for the flesh, for its lusts. |
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152. New Testament, Ephesians, 1.13, 6.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168, 321| 1.13. ἐν ᾧ καὶ ὑμεῖς ἀκούσαντες τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας, τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς σωτηρίας ὑμῶν, ἐν ᾧ καὶ πιστεύσαντες, ἐσφραγίσθητε τῷ πνεύματι τῆς ἐπαγγελίας τῷ ἁγίῳ, 6.18. ὅ ἐστιν ῥῆμα θεοῦ, διὰ πάσης προσευχῆς καὶ δεήσεως, προσευχόμενοι ἐν παντὶ καιρῷ ἐν πνεύματι, καὶ εἰς αὐτὸ ἀγρυπνοῦντες ἐν πάσῃ προσκαρτερήσει καὶ δεήσει περὶ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων, | 1.13. in whom you also, having heard the word of the truth, the gospel of your salvation, -- in whom, having also believed, you were sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise, 6.18. with all prayer and requests, praying at all times in the Spirit, and being watchful to this end in all perseverance and requests for all the saints: |
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153. New Testament, Colossians, 1.15-1.20, 2.8, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168, 207, 323| 1.15. ὅς ἐστιν εἰκὼν τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἀοράτου, πρωτότοκος πάσης κτίσεως, 1.16. ὅτι ἐν αὐτῷ ἐκτίσθη τὰ πάντα ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, τὰ ὁρατὰ καὶ τὰ ἀόρατα, εἴτε θρόνοι εἴτε κυριότητες εἴτε ἀρχαὶ εἴτε ἐξουσίαι· τὰ πάντα διʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ εἰς αὐτὸν ἔκτισται· 1.17. καὶ αὐτὸς ἔστιν πρὸ πάντων καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐν αὐτῷ συνέστηκεν, 1.18. καὶ αὐτός ἐστιν ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῦ σώματος, τῆς ἐκκλησίας· ὅς ἐστιν [ἡ] ἀρχή, πρωτότοκος ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν, ἵνα γένηται ἐν πᾶσιν αὐτὸς πρωτεύων, 1.19. ὅτι ἐν αὐτῷ εὐδόκησεν πᾶν τὸ πλήρωμα κατοικῆσαι 1.20. καὶ διʼ αὐτοῦ ἀποκαταλλάξαι τὰ πάντα εἰς αὐτόν, εἰρηνοποιήσας διὰ τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ σταυροῦ αὐτοῦ, [διʼ αὐτοῦ] εἴτε τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς εἴτε τὰ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς· 2.8. Βλέπετε μή τις ὑμᾶς ἔσται ὁ συλαγωγῶν διὰ τῆς φιλοσοφίας καὶ κενῆς ἀπάτης κατὰ τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, κατὰ τὰ στοιχεῖα τοῦ κόσμου καὶ οὐ κατὰ Χριστόν· 4.2. Τῇ προσευχῇ προσκαρτερεῖτε, γρηγοροῦντες ἐν αὐτῇ ἐν εὐχαριστίᾳ, | 1.15. who is the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation. 1.16. For by him were all things created, in the heavens and on the earth, things visible and things invisible, whether thrones or dominions or principalities or powers; all things have been created through him, and for him. 1.17. He is before all things, and in him all things are held together. 1.18. He is the head of the body, the assembly, who is the beginning, the firstborn from the dead; that in all things he might have the preeminence. 1.19. For all the fullness was pleased to dwell in him; 1.20. and through him to reconcile all things to himself, having made peace through the blood of his cross. Through him, I say, whether things on the earth, or things in the heavens. 2.8. Be careful that you don't let anyone rob you through his philosophy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the elements of the world, and not after Christ. 4.2. Continue steadfastly in prayer, watching therein with thanksgiving; |
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154. New Testament, James, 5.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 321| 5.19. Ἀδελφοί μου, ἐάν τις ἐν ὑμῖν πλανηθῇ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ ἐπιστρέψῃ τις αὐτόν, | 5.19. Brothers, if any among you wanders from the truth, and someone turns him back, |
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155. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.119-2.166 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical •philosophy, philosophical, groups in israel •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 100, 101, 102; Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 330 | 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.120. These Essenes reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons’ children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners. 2.121. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man. 2.122. 3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there anyone to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,—insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one’s possessions are intermingled with every other’s possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. 2.123. They think that oil is a defilement; and if anyone of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all. 2.124. 4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them. 2.125. For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them. 2.126. But the habit and management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of garments, or of shoes, till they be first entirely torn to pieces or worn out by time. 2.127. Nor do they either buy or sell anything to one another; but every one of them gives what he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they please. 2.128. 5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sunrising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising. 2.129. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, 2.130. and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them; 2.131. but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for anyone to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; 2.132. then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; 2.133. which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted to them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them. 2.134. 6. And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them at everyone’s own free will, which are to assist those that want it, and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford succor to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any thing to their kindred without the curators. 2.135. They dispense their anger after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it worse than perjury for they say that he who cannot be believed without [swearing by] God is already condemned. 2.136. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers. 2.137. 7. But now, if anyone hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use, for a year, while he continues excluded; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. 2.138. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society. 2.139. And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths, that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; 2.140. that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; 2.141. that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal anything from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. 2.142. Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves. 2.143. 8. But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish; 2.144. for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of. 2.145. 9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom, if anyone blaspheme, he is punished capitally. 2.146. They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the major part. Accordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of them will speak while the other nine are against it. 2.147. They also avoid spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labors on the seventh day; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not remove any vessel out of its place, nor go to stool thereon. 2.148. Nay, on theother days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle (which kind of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among them); and covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront the Divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit, 2.149. after which they put the earth that was dug out again into the pit; and even this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for this purpose; and although this easement of the body be natural, yet it is a rule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a defilement to them. 2.150. 10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner. 2.151. They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe also. They condemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than living always; 2.152. and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; 2.153. but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again. 2.154. 11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue forever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; 2.155. but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. 2.156. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demigods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue, and dehortations from wickedness collected; 2.157. whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. 2.158. These are the Divine doctrines of the Essenes about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have once had a taste of their philosophy. 2.159. 12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions. 2.160. 13. Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. 2.161. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essenes. 2.162. 14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned: the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God, 2.163. and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although fate does cooperate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into other bodies,—but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. 2.164. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; 2.165. and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men’s own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. 2.166. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews. |
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| 156. Anon., Appendix Vergiliana. Aetna, 601-602 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 115 |
| 157. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.4.20, 1.5.3-1.5.9, 1.6.33, 1.10.4, 1.10.7-1.10.8, 1.14.12, 1.18.4, 1.20.10-1.20.11, 2.1.39, 2.17.1, 2.17.33, 2.19.19, 2.19.29, 2.19.34, 2.20.10, 2.20.15, 2.20.20, 2.20.37, 2.22.35, 2.24.19, 3.10.2, 3.12.11, 3.13.21-3.13.23, 3.14.4-3.14.6, 3.15.10-3.15.11, 3.22.9, 3.22.38-3.22.39, 3.22.93, 3.22.105, 3.24.39, 3.27.30-3.27.37, 3.717, 4.1.47, 4.1.176, 4.1.293-4.1.294, 4.2.7, 4.3.7, 4.4.6-4.4.7, 4.6.18, 4.8.20, 4.10.20-4.10.31 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical •philosophy/philosophical •philosophy, philosophical, life Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 166, 174, 178, 179, 190, 191, 192, 194, 196, 197, 204, 212, 213, 220, 303, 325, 327, 334, 444; Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 147, 277 |
158. New Testament, Acts, 17.30, 19.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 211, 321, 323| 17.30. τοὺς μὲν οὖν χρόνους τῆς ἀγνοίας ὑπεριδὼν ὁ θεὸς τὰ νῦν ἀπαγγέλλει τοῖς ἀνθρώποις πάντας πανταχοῦ μετανοεῖν, 19.9. ὡς δέ τινες ἐσκληρύνοντο καὶ ἠπείθουν κακολογοῦντες τὴν ὁδὸν ἐνώπιον τοῦ πλήθους, ἀποστὰς ἀπʼ αὐτῶν ἀφώρισεν τοὺς μαθητάς, καθʼ ἡμέραν διαλεγόμενος ἐν τῇ σχολῇ Τυράννου . | 17.30. The times of ignorance therefore God overlooked. But now he commands that all men everywhere should repent, 19.9. But when some were hardened and disobedient, speaking evil of the Way before the multitude, he departed from them, and separated the disciples, reasoning daily in the school of Tyrannus. |
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159. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 7.4-7.5, 7.7-7.8, 7.14-7.15, 7.24-7.26 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 274, 275 | 7.4. On going forward and gaining an elevated position with great difficulty, I saw the dogs baffled, running to and fro, and inferred that their quarry, being hard pressed by them, had jumped over the cliff. Then, soon after, I saw a man, a hunter, to judge by his appearance and dress; he wore a beard on his healthy face, and not simply hair at the back of his head in mean and base fashion, as Homer says the Euboeans did when they went against Troy, mocking and ridiculing them, it seems to me, because, while the other Greeks there made a good appearance, they had hair on only half the head. 7.5. Now this man hailed me, saying, "Stranger, have you seen a deer running anywhere hereabouts?" And I replied, "Yonder it is this minute, in the surf," and I took him and showed it to him. So he dragged it out of the sea, ripped off the skin with his knife while I lent a helping hand as best I could. Then, after cutting off the hind quarters, he was about to carry them away along with the hide, when he invited me to come along and dine upon the venison with him, adding that his dwelling was not far away. 7.7. but all the same it ran aground and was wrecked." "Well, it could not easily have been otherwise," he replied; "for see, how wild and rugged the part of the island is that faces the sea. These are what they call the Hollows of Euboea, where a ship is doomed if it is driven ashore, and rarely are any of those aboard saved either, unless, of course, like you they sail in a very light craft. But come and have no fear. Toâday you shall rest after your trying experience, but toâmorrow we shall do our best to get you out safely, now that we have come to know you. 7.8. You look to me like a man from the city, not a sailor or worker on the land, nay, you seem to be suffering from some grievous infirmity of body, to judge by your leanness." I followed him gladly without fear of any treachery, since I had nothing but a shabby cloak. 7.14. It was in this place especially that our fathers made their steadings; for the place sloped in from both sides, forming a ravine, deep and shaded; through the centre flowed a quiet stream in which the cows and calves could wade with perfect ease; the water was abundant and pure, bubbling up from a spring near by; and in the summer a breeze always blew through the ravine. Then the glades round about were soft and moist, breeding never a gadfly or any other cattle pest. 7.15. Many very beautiful meadows stretched beneath tall sparse trees, and the whole district abounded in luxuriant vegetation throughout the entire summer, so that the cattle did not range very far. For these reasons they regularly established the herd there. "Now our fathers remained in the huts at that time, hoping to hire out or find some work, and they lived on the produce of a very small piece of land which they happened to have under cultivation near the cattle-yard. 7.24. Then the officials went into the theatre and I with them. The theatre is hollow like a ravine, except that it is not long in two directions but semi-circular, and not natural but built of stone. But perhaps you are laughing at me for telling you what you know perfectly well. "Now at first the crowd deliberated on other matters for a considerable while, and they kept up a shouting, at one time in gentle fashion and all of them in cheerful mood, as they applauded certain speakers, but at other times with vehemence and in wrath. 7.25. This wrath of theirs was something terrible, and they at once frightened the men against whom they raised their voices, so that some of them ran about begging for mercy, while others threw off their cloaks for fear. I too myself was once almost knocked over by the shouting, as though a tidal wave or thunder-storm had suddenly broken over me. 7.26. And other men would come forward, or stand up where they were, and address the multitude, sometimes using a few words, at other times making long speeches. To some of these they would listen for quite a long time, but at others they were angry as soon as they opened their mouths, and they would not let them so much as cheep. "But when they finally settled down and there was quiet, they brought me forward. |
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160. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 2.25, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 321| 2.25. ἐν πραΰτητι παιδεύοντα τοὺς ἀντιδιατιθεμένους, μή ποτε δῴη αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς μετάνοιαν εἰς ἐπίγνωσιν ἀληθείας, 4.4. καὶ ἀπὸ μὲν τῇς ἀληθείας τὴν ἀκοὴν ἀποστρέψουσιν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς μύθους ἐκτραπήσονται. | 2.25. in gentleness correcting those who oppose him: perhaps God may give them repentance leading to a full knowledge of the truth, 4.4. and will turn away their ears from the truth, and turn aside to fables. |
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161. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 3, 3.3, 3.12-4.6, 3.16, 4.2, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 6.2, 7.9, 13.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 315| 13.4. καὶ γὰρ ἐσταυρώθη ἐξ ἀσθενείας, ἀλλὰ ζῇ ἐκ δυνάμεως θεοῦ. καὶ γὰρ ἡμεῖς ἀσθενοῦμεν ἐν αὐτῷ, ἀλλὰ ζήσομεν σὺν αὐτῷ ἐκ δυνάμεως θεοῦ [εἰς ὑμᾶς]. | |
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162. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 1.6, 1.9, 5.1-5.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168, 320, 321, 322| 1.6. καὶ ὑμεῖς μιμηταὶ ἡμῶν ἐγενήθητε καὶ τοῦ κυρίου, δεξάμενοι τὸν λόγον ἐν θλίψει πολλῇ μετὰ χαρᾶς πνεύματος ἁγίου, 1.9. αὐτοὶ γὰρ περὶ ἡμῶν ἀπαγγέλλουσιν ὁποίαν εἴσοδον ἔσχομεν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ πῶς ἐπεστρέψατε πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἀπὸ τῶν εἰδώλων δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι καὶ ἀληθινῷ, 5.1. Περὶ δὲ τῶν χρόνων καὶ τῶν καιρῶν, ἀδελφοί, οὐ χρείαν ἔχετε ὑμῖν γράφεσθαι, 5.2. αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἀκριβῶς οἴδατε ὅτι ἡμέρα Κυρίου ὡς κλέπτης ἐν νυκτὶ οὕτως ἔρχεται. 5.3. ὅταν λέγωσιν Εἰρήνη καὶ ἀσφάλεια, τότε αἰφνίδιος αὐτοῖς ἐπίσταται ὄλεθρος ὥσπερ ἡ ὠδὶν τῇ ἐν γαστρὶ ἐχούσῃ, καὶ οὐ μὴ ἐκφύγωσιν. 5.4. ὑμεῖς δέ, ἀδελ φοί, οὐκ ἐστὲ ἐν σκότει, ἵνα ἡ ἡμέρα ὑμᾶς ὡς κλέπτας καταλάβῃ, 5.5. πάντες γὰρ ὑμεῖς υἱοὶ φωτός ἐστε καὶ υἱοὶ ἡμέρας. Οὐκ ἐσμὲν νυκτὸς οὐδὲ σκότους· 5.6. ἄρα οὖν μὴ καθεύδωμεν ὡς οἱ λοιποί, ἀλλὰ γρηγορῶμεν καὶ νήφωμεν. 5.7. οἱ γὰρ καθεύδοντες νυκτὸς καθεύδουσιν, καὶ οἱ μεθυσκόμενοι νυκτὸς μεθύουσιν· 5.8. ἡμεῖς δὲ ἡμέρας ὄντες νήφωμεν,ἐνδυσάμενοι θώρακαπίστεως καὶ ἀγάπης καὶπερικε φαλαίανἐλπίδασωτηρίας· 5.9. ὅτι οὐκ ἔθετο ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς εἰς ὀργὴν ἀλλὰ εἰς περιποίησιν σωτηρίας διὰ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ [Χριστοῦ], 5.10. τοῦ ἀποθανόντος περὶ ἡμῶν ἵνα εἴτε γρηγορῶμεν εἴτε καθεύδωμεν ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν. 5.11. Διὸ παρακαλεῖτε ἀλλήλους καὶ οἰκοδομεῖτε εἷς τὸν ἕνα, καθὼς καὶ ποιεῖτε. | 1.6. You became imitators of us, and of the Lord, having received the word in much affliction, with joy of the Holy Spirit, 1.9. For they themselves report concerning us what kind of a reception we had from you; and how you turned to God from idols, to serve a living and true God, 5.1. But concerning the times and the seasons, brothers, you have no need that anything be written to you. 5.2. For you yourselves know well that the day of the Lord comes like a thief in the night. 5.3. For when they are saying, "Peace and safety," then sudden destruction will come on them, like birth pains on a pregt woman; and they will in no way escape. 5.4. But you, brothers, aren't in darkness, that the day should overtake you like a thief. 5.5. You are all sons of light, and sons of the day. We don't belong to the night, nor to darkness, 5.6. so then let's not sleep, as the rest do, but let's watch and be sober. 5.7. For those who sleep, sleep in the night, and those who are drunken are drunken in the night. 5.8. But let us, since we belong to the day, be sober, putting on the breastplate of faith and love, and, for a helmet, the hope of salvation. 5.9. For God didn't appoint us to wrath, but to the obtaining of salvation through our Lord Jesus Christ, 5.10. who died for us, that, whether we wake or sleep, we should live together with him. 5.11. Therefore exhort one another, and build each other up, even as you also do. |
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163. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 2.12-2.13, 10.1-10.5, 10.7, 11.1, 12.12-12.13, 13.12, 15.29, 15.34, 16.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168, 315, 325, 326, 327, 329; Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 189, 200, 277| 2.12. ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐ τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ κόσμου ἐλάβομεν ἀλλὰ τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ, ἵνα εἰδῶμεν τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ χαρισθέντα ἡμῖν· 2.13. ἃ καὶ λαλοῦμεν οὐκ ἐν διδακτοῖς ἀνθρωπίνης σοφίας λόγοις, ἀλλʼ ἐν διδακτοῖς πνεύματος, πνευματικοῖς πνευματικὰ συνκρίνοντες. 10.1. Οὐ θέλω γὰρ ὑμᾶς ἀγνοεῖν, ἀδελφοί, ὅτι οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν πάντες ὑπὸ τὴν νεφέλην ἦσαν καὶ πάντες διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης διῆλθον, 10.2. καὶ πάντες εἰς τὸν Μωυσῆν ἐβαπτίσαντο ἐν τῇ νεφέλῃ καὶ ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, 10.3. καὶ πάντες [τὸ αὐτὸ] πνευματικὸν βρῶμα ἔφαγον 10.4. καὶ πάντες τὸ αὐτὸ πνευματικὸν ἔπιον πόμα, ἔπινον γὰρ ἐκ πνευματικῆς ἀκολουθούσης πέτρας, ἡ πέτρα δὲ ἦν ὁ χριστός· 10.5. ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐν τοῖς πλείοσιν αὐτῶν ηὐδόκησεν ὁ θεός,κατεστρώθησανγὰρἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ. 10.7. μηδὲ εἰδωλολάτραι γίνεσθε, καθώς τινες αὐτῶν· ὥσπερ γέγραπταιἘκάθισεν ὁ λαὸς φαγεῖν καὶ πεῖν, καὶ ἀνέστησαν παίζειν. 11.1. μιμηταί μου γίνεσθε, καθὼς κἀγὼ Χριστοῦ. 12.12. Καθάπερ γὰρ τὸ σῶμα ἕν ἐστιν καὶ μέλη πολλὰ ἔχει, πάντα δὲ τὰ μέλη τοῦ σώματος πολλὰ ὄντα ἕν ἐστιν σῶμα, οὕτως καὶ ὁ χριστός· 12.13. καὶ γὰρ ἐν ἑνὶ πνεύματι ἡμεῖς πάντες εἰς ἓν σῶμα ἐβαπτίσθημεν, εἴτε Ἰουδαῖοι εἴτε Ἕλληνες, εἴτε δοῦλοι εἴτε ἐλεύθεροι, καὶ πάντες ἓν πνεῦμα ἐποτίσθημεν. 13.12. βλέπομεν γὰρ ἄρτι διʼ ἐσόπτρου ἐν αἰνίγματι, τότε δὲ πρόσωπον πρὸς πρόσωπον· ἄρτι γινώσκω ἐκ μέρους, τότε δὲ ἐπιγνώσομαι καθὼς καὶ ἐπεγνώσθην. 15.29. Ἐπεὶ τί ποιήσουσιν οἱ βαπτιζόμενοι ὑπὲρ τῶν νεκρῶν; εἰ ὅλως νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται, τί καὶ βαπτίζονται ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν; 15.34. φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρηστὰ ὁμιλίαι κακαί· ἐκνήψατε δικαίως καὶ μὴ ἁμαρτάνετε, ἀγνωσίαν γὰρ θεοῦ τινὲς ἔχουσιν· πρὸς ἐντροπὴν ὑμῖν λαλῶ. 16.13. Γρηγορεῖτε, στήκετε ἐν τῇ πίστει, ἀνδρίζεσθε, κραταιοῦσθε. | 2.12. But we received, not the spirit of the world, but theSpirit which is from God, that we might know the things that werefreely given to us by God. 2.13. Which things also we speak, not inwords which man's wisdom teaches, but which the Holy Spirit teaches,comparing spiritual things with spiritual things. 10.1. Now I would not have you ignorant, brothers, that our fatherswere all under the cloud, and all passed through the sea; 10.2. andwere all baptized into Moses in the cloud and in the sea; 10.3. andall ate the same spiritual food; 10.4. and all drank the samespiritual drink. For they drank of a spiritual rock that followed them,and the rock was Christ. 10.5. However with most of them, God was notwell pleased, for they were overthrown in the wilderness. 10.7. Neither be idolaters, as someof them were. As it is written, "The people sat down to eat and drink,and rose up to play." 11.1. Be imitators of me, even as I also am of Christ. 12.12. For as the body is one, and has many members, and all themembers of the body, being many, are one body; so also is Christ. 12.13. For in one Spirit we were all baptized into one body, whetherJews or Greeks, whether bond or free; and were all given to drink intoone Spirit. 13.12. For now we see in a mirror, dimly, butthen face to face. Now I know in part, but then I will know fully, evenas I was also fully known. 15.29. Or else what will they do whoare baptized for the dead? If the dead aren't raised at all, why thenare they baptized for the dead? 15.34. Wake up righteously, and don't sin, for some have no knowledgeof God. I say this to your shame. 16.13. Watch! Stand firm in the faith! Be courageous! Be strong! |
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164. New Testament, 1 John, 3.2, 5.6, 5.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 315, 321, 326, 331| 3.2. Ἀγαπητοί, νῦν τέκνα θεοῦ ἐσμέν, καὶ οὔπω ἐφανερώθη τί ἐσόμεθα. οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἐὰν φανερωθῇ ὅμοιοι αὐτῷ ἐσόμεθα, ὅτι ὀψόμεθα αὐτὸν καθώς ἐστιν. 5.6. Οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἐλθὼν διʼ ὕδατος καὶ αἵματος, Ἰησοῦς Χριστός· οὐκ ἐν τῷ ὕδατι μόνον ἀλλʼ ἐν τῷ ὕδατι καὶ ἐν τῷ αἵματι· καὶ τὸ πνεῦμά ἐστιν τὸ μαρτυροῦν, ὅτι τὸ πνεῦμά ἐστιν ἡ 5.20. οἴδαμεν δὲ ὅτι ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ ἥκει, καὶ δέδωκεν ἡμῖν διάνοιαν ἵνα γινώσκομεν τὸν ἀληθινόν· καί ἐσμεν ἐν τῷ ἀληθινῷ, ἐν τῷ υἱῷ αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ. οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἀληθινὸς θεὸς καὶ ζωὴ αἰώνιος. | 3.2. Beloved, now we are children of God, and it is not yet revealed what we will be. But we know that, when he is revealed, we will be like him; for we will see him just as he is. 5.6. This is he who came by water and blood, Jesus Christ; not with the water only, but with the water and the blood. 5.20. We know that the Son of God has come, and has given us an understanding, that we know him who is true, and we are in him who is true, in his Son Jesus Christ. This is the true God, and eternal life. |
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165. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 10.277, 13.171-13.174, 13.294-13.297, 15.371, 18.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools •philosophy, philosophical •philosophy, philosophical, groups in israel Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 100, 101, 102; Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 330, 331 | 10.277. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error, 13.171. 9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essenes. 13.172. Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. 13.173. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War. 13.174. 10. But now the generals of Demetrius being willing to recover the defeat they had had, gathered a greater army together than they had before, and came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was informed of their coming, he went suddenly to meet them, to the country of Hamoth, for he resolved to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea; 13.294. for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. 13.295. At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far, 13.296. that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: 13.297. but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. 15.371. The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. 18.12. 3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; |
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| 166. Josephus Flavius, Life, 12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 330 |
167. New Testament, Titus, 1.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 321| 1.14. ἵνα ὑγιαίνωσιν [ἐν] τῇ πίστει, μὴ προσέχοντες Ἰουδαϊκοῖς μύθοις καὶ ἐντολαῖς ἀνθρώπων ἀποστρεφομένων τὴν ἀλήθειαν. | 1.14. not paying attention to Jewish fables and commandments of men who turn away from the truth. |
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168. Tacitus, Annals, 15.60-15.64, 16.34-16.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and plutarch •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 114| 15.61. Seneca missum ad se Natalem conquestumque no- mine Pisonis quod a visendo eo prohiberetur, seque rationem valetudinis et amorem quietis excusavisse respondit. cur salutem privati hominis incolumitati suae anteferret causam non habuisse; nec sibi promptum in adulationes ingenium. idque nulli magis gnarum quam Neroni, qui saepius libertatem Senecae quam servitium expertus esset. ubi haec a tribuno relata sunt Poppaea et Tigellino coram, quod erat saevienti principi intimum consiliorum, interrogat an Seneca voluntariam mortem pararet. tum tribunus nulla pavoris signa, nihil triste in verbis eius aut vultu deprensum confirmavit. ergo regredi et indicere mortem iubetur. tradit Fabius Rusticus non eo quo venerat itinere reditum sed flexisse ad Faenium praefectum, et expositis Caesaris iussis an obtemperaret interrogavisse, monitumque ab eo ut exequeretur, fatali omnium ignavia. nam et Silvanus inter coniuratos erat augebatque scelera in quorum ultionem consenserat. voci tamen et aspectui pepercit intromisitque ad Senecam unum ex centurionibus qui necessitatem ultimam denuntiaret. 15.62. Ille interritus poscit testamenti tabulas; ac denegante centurione conversus ad amicos, quando meritis eorum referre gratiam prohiberetur, quod unum iam et tamen pulcherrimum habeat, imaginem vitae suae relinquere testatur, cuius si memores essent, bonarum artium famam fructum constantis amicitiae laturos. simul lacrimas eorum modo sermone, modo intentior in modum coercentis ad firmitudinem revocat, rogitans ubi praecepta sapientiae, ubi tot per annos meditata ratio adversum imminentia? cui enim ignaram fuisse saevitiam Neronis? neque aliud superesse post matrem fratremque interfectos quam ut educatoris praeceptorisque necem adiceret. 15.63. Vbi haec atque talia velut in commune disseruit, complectitur uxorem et paululum adversus praesentem fortitudinem mollitus rogat oratque temperaret dolori neu aeternum susciperet, sed in contemplatione vitae per virtutem actae desiderium mariti solaciis honestis toleraret. illa contra sibi quoque destinatam mortem adseverat manumque percussoris exposcit. tum Seneca gloriae eius non adversus, simul amore, ne sibi unice dilectam ad iniurias relinqueret, 'vitae' inquit 'delenimenta monstraveram tibi, tu mortis decus mavis: non invidebo exemplo. sit huius tam fortis exitus constantia penes utrosque par, claritudinis plus in tuo fine.' post quae eodem ictu brachia ferro exolvunt. Seneca, quoniam senile corpus et parco victu tenuatum lenta effugia sanguini praebebat, crurum quoque et poplitum venas abrumpit; saevisque cruciatibus defessus, ne dolore suo animum uxoris infringeret atque ipse visendo eius tormenta ad impatientiam delaberetur, suadet in aliud cubiculum abscedere. et novissimo quoque momento suppeditante eloquentia advocatis scriptoribus pleraque tradidit, quae in vulgus edita eius verbis invertere supersedeo. 15.64. At Nero nullo in Paulinam proprio odio, ac ne glisceret invidia crudelitatis, iubet inhiberi mortem. hortantibus militibus servi libertique obligant brachia, premunt sanguinem, incertum an ignarae. nam ut est vulgus ad deteriora promptum, non defuere qui crederent, donec implacabilem Neronem timuerit, famam sociatae cum marito mortis petivisse, deinde oblata mitiore spe blandimentis vitae evictam; cui addidit paucos postea annos, laudabili in maritum memoria et ore ac membris in eum pallorem albentibus ut ostentui esset multum vitalis spiritus egestum. Seneca interim, durante tractu et lentitudine mortis, Statium Annaeum, diu sibi amicitiae fide et arte medicinae probatum, orat provisum pridem venenum quo damnati publico Atheniensium iudicio extinguerentur promeret; adlatumque hausit frustra, frigidus iam artus et cluso corpore adversum vim veneni. postremo stagnum calidae aquae introiit, respergens proximos servorum addita voce libare se liquorem illum Iovi liberatori. exim balneo inlatus et vapore eius exanimatus sine ullo funeris sollemni crematur. ita codicillis praescripserat, cum etiam tum praedives et praepotens supremis suis consuleret. 16.34. Tum ad Thraseam in hortis agentem quaestor consulis missus vesperascente iam die. inlustrium virorum feminarumque coetus frequentis egerat, maxime intentus Demetrio Cynicae institutionis doctori, cum quo, ut coniectare erat intentione vultus et auditis, si qua clarius proloquebantur, de natura animae et dissociatione spiritus corporisque inquirebat, donec advenit Domitius Caecilianus ex intimis amicis et ei quid senatus censuisset exposuit. igitur flentis queritantisque qui aderant facessere propere Thrasea neu pericula sua miscere cum sorte damnati hortatur, Arriamque temptantem mariti suprema et exemplum Arriae matris sequi monet retinere vitam filiaeque communi subsidium unicum non adimere. 16.35. Tum progressus in porticum illic a quaestore reperitur, laetitiae propior, quia Helvidium generum suum Italia tantum arceri cognoverat. accepto dehinc senatus consulto Helvidium et Demetrium in cubiculum inducit; porrectisque utriusque brachii venis, postquam cruorem effudit, humum super spargens, propius vocato quaestore 'libamus' inquit 'Iovi liberatori. specta, iuvenis; et omen quidem dii prohibeant, ceterum in ea tempora natus es quibus firmare animum expediat constantibus exemplis.' post lentitudine exitus gravis cruciatus adferente, obversis in Demetrium | 15.60. The next killing, that of the consul designate Plautius Lateranus, was added by Nero to the list with such speed that he allowed him neither to embrace his children nor the usual moment's respite in which to choose his death. Dragged to the place reserved for the execution of slaves, he was slaughtered by the hand of the tribune Statius, resolutely silent and disdaining to reproach the tribune with his complicity in the same affair. There followed the murder of Annaeus Seneca, a joyful event to the sovereign: not that he had established his connection with the plot, but, as poison had not worked, he was anxious to proceed by the sword. Only Natalis, in fact, mentioned Seneca; nor did his statement go further than that he had been sent to visit him when sick and to make a complaint:â "Why did he close his door on Piso? It would be better if they cultivated their friendship by meeting on intimate terms." Seneca's answer had been that "spoken exchanges and frequent interviews were to the advantage of neither; still, his own existence depended on the safety of Piso." Gavius Silvanus, tribune of a praetorian cohort, was instructed to take this report and ask Seneca if he admitted Natalis' words and his own reply. By accident or design, Seneca that day had returned from Campania and broke his journey at one of his country-houses four miles out of Rome. Evening was near when the tribune arrived and surrounded the villa with pickets of soldiers: then he delivered the imperial message to the owner, who was dining with his wife Pompeia Paulina and two friends. 15.61. Seneca rejoined that "Natalis had been sent to him, and had remonstrated in Piso's name against his refusal to receive his visits. By way of excuse, he had pleaded considerations of health and love of quiet. He had had no reason for ranking the security of a private person higher than his own safety, and his temper was not one which was quick to flattery: no one was better aware of that than Nero, who had more often experienced the frankness of Seneca than his servility." When the tribune made his report in the presence of Poppaea and Tigellinus â the emperor's privy council in his ferocious moods â Nero demanded if Seneca was preparing for a voluntary death. The officer then assured him that there were no evidences of alarm, and that he had not detected any sadness in his words or looks. He was therefore directed to go back and pronounce the death-sentence. Fabius Rusticus states that, instead of returning by the road he had come, the tribune went out of his way to the prefect Faenius, and, after recapitulating the Caesar's orders, asked if he should obey them; only to be advised by Faenius to carry them out. Fate had made cowards of them all. For Silvanus, too, was numbered with the plotters; and now he was engaged in adding to the crimes he had conspired to avenge. However, he was so far considerate of his voice and his eyes as to send one of his centurions in to Seneca, to announce the last necessity. 15.62. Seneca, nothing daunted, asked for the tablets containing his will. The centurion refusing, he turned to his friends, and called them to witness that "as he was prevented from showing his gratitude for their services, he left them his sole but fairest possession â the image of his life. If they bore it in mind, they would reap the reward of their loyal friendship in the credit accorded to virtuous accomplishments." At the same time, he recalled them from tears to fortitude, sometimes conversationally, sometimes in sterner, almost coercive tones. "Where," he asked, "were the maxims of your philosophy? Where that reasoned attitude towards impending evils which they had studied through so many years? For to whom had Nero's cruelty been unknown? Nor was anything left him, after the killing of his mother and his brother, but to add the murder of his guardian and preceptor." 15.63. After these and some similar remarks, which might have been meant for a wider audience, he embraced his wife, and, softening momentarily in view of the terrors at present threatening her, begged her, conjured her, to moderate her grief â not to take it upon her for ever, but in contemplating the life he had spent in virtue to find legitimate solace for the loss of her husband. Paulina replied by assuring him that she too had made death her choice, and she demanded her part in the executioner's stroke. Seneca, not wishing to stand in the way of her glory, and influenced also by his affection, that he might not leave the woman who enjoyed his whole-hearted love exposed to outrage, now said: "I had shown you the mitigations of life, you prefer the distinction of death: I shall not grudge your setting that example. May the courage of this brave ending be divided equally between us both, but may more of fame attend your own departure!" Aforesaid, they made the incision in their arms with a single cut. Seneca, since his aged body, emaciated further by frugal living, gave slow escape to the blood, severed as well the arteries in the leg and behind the knee. Exhausted by the racking pains, and anxious lest his sufferings might break down the spirit of his wife, and he himself lapse into weakness at the sight of her agony, he persuaded her to withdraw into another bedroom. And since, even at the last moment his eloquence remained at command, he called his secretaries, and dictated a long discourse, which has been given to the public in his own words, and which I therefore refrain from modifying. 15.64. Nero, however, who had no private animosity against Paulina, and did not wish to increase the odium of his cruelty, ordered her suicide to be arrested. Under instructions from the military, her slaves and freedmen bandaged her arms and checked the bleeding â whether without her knowledge is uncertain. For, with the usual readiness of the multitude to think the worst, there were those who believed that, so long as she feared an implacable Nero, she had sought the credit of sharing her husband's fate, and then, when a milder prospect offered itself, had succumbed to the blandishments of life. To that life she added a few more years â laudably faithful to her husband's memory and blanched in face and limb to a pallor which showed how great had been the drain upon her vital powers. Seneca, in the meantime, as death continued to be protracted and slow, asked Statius Annaeus, who had long held his confidence as a loyal friend and a skilful doctor, to produce the poison â it had been provided much earlier â which was used for despatching prisoners condemned by the public tribunal of Athens. It was brought, and he swallowed it, but to no purpose; his limbs were already cold, and his system closed to the action of the drug. In the last resort, he entered a vessel of heated water, sprinkling some on the slaves nearest, with the remark that he offered the liquid as a drink-offering to Jove the Liberator. He was then lifted into a bath, suffocated by the vapour, and cremated without ceremony. It was the order he had given in his will, at a time when, still at the zenith of his wealth and power, he was already taking thought for his latter end. 16.34. The consul's quaestor was then sent to Thrasea: he was spending the time in his gardens, and the day was already closing in for evening. He had brought together a large party of distinguished men and women, his chief attention been given to Demetrius, a master of the Cynic creed; with whom â to judge from his serious looks and the few words which caught the ear, when they chanced to raise their voices â he was debating the nature of the soul and the divorce of spirit and body. At last, Domitius Caecilianus, an intimate friend, arrived, and informed him of the decision reached by the senate. Accordingly, among the tears and expostulations of the company, Thrasea urged them to leave quickly, without linking their own hazardous lot to the fate of a condemned man. Arria, who aspired to follow her husband's ending and the precedent set by her mother and namesake, he advised to keep her life and not deprive the child of their union of her one support. 16.35. He now walked on to the colonnade; where the quaestor found him nearer to joy than to sorrow, because he had ascertained that Helvidius, his son-inâlaw, was merely debarred from Italy. Then, taking the decree of the senate, he led Helvidius and Demetrius into his bedroom, offered the arteries of both arms to the knife, and, when the blood had begun to flow, sprinkled it upon the ground, and called the quaestor nearer: "We are making a libation," he said, "to Jove the Liberator. Look, young man, and â may Heaven, indeed, avert the omen, but you have been born into times now it is expedient to steel the mind with instances of firmness." Soon, as the slowness of his end brought excruciating pain, turning his gaze upon Demetrius . . . |
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| 169. Suetonius, Iulius, 32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 77 |
| 170. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.185-1.194 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical •philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subject’s acquaintance with Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 77 |
171. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 3.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophical Found in books: Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 87| 3.5.1. Διόνυσος δὲ εὑρετὴς ἀμπέλου γενόμενος, Ἥρας μανίαν αὐτῷ ἐμβαλούσης περιπλανᾶται Αἴγυπτόν τε καὶ Συρίαν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον Πρωτεὺς αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται βασιλεὺς Αἰγυπτίων, αὖθις δὲ εἰς Κύβελα τῆς Φρυγίας ἀφικνεῖται, κἀκεῖ καθαρθεὶς ὑπὸ Ῥέας καὶ τὰς τελετὰς ἐκμαθών, καὶ λαβὼν παρʼ ἐκείνης τὴν στολήν, ἐπὶ Ἰνδοὺς 1 -- διὰ τῆς Θράκης ἠπείγετο. Λυκοῦργος δὲ παῖς Δρύαντος, Ἠδωνῶν βασιλεύων, οἳ Στρυμόνα ποταμὸν παροικοῦσι, πρῶτος ὑβρίσας ἐξέβαλεν αὐτόν. καὶ Διόνυσος μὲν εἰς θάλασσαν πρὸς Θέτιν τὴν Νηρέως κατέφυγε, Βάκχαι δὲ ἐγένοντο αἰχμάλωτοι καὶ τὸ συνεπόμενον Σατύρων πλῆθος αὐτῷ. αὖθις δὲ αἱ Βάκχαι ἐλύθησαν ἐξαίφνης, Λυκούργῳ δὲ μανίαν ἐνεποίησε 2 -- Διόνυσος. ὁ δὲ μεμηνὼς Δρύαντα τὸν παῖδα, ἀμπέλου νομίζων κλῆμα κόπτειν, πελέκει πλήξας ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ ἀκρωτηριάσας αὐτὸν ἐσωφρόνησε. 1 -- τῆς δὲ γῆς ἀκάρπου μενούσης, ἔχρησεν ὁ θεὸς καρποφορήσειν αὐτήν, ἂν θανατωθῇ Λυκοῦργος. Ἠδωνοὶ δὲ ἀκούσαντες εἰς τὸ Παγγαῖον αὐτὸν ἀπαγαγόντες ὄρος ἔδησαν, κἀκεῖ κατὰ Διονύσου βούλησιν ὑπὸ ἵππων διαφθαρεὶς ἀπέθανε. | |
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| 172. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 2.5, 8.1, 15.3, 18.4, 24.16, 24.26, 33.4, 39.2-39.3, 43.3, 49.1, 50.3, 51.1, 51.5, 51.11, 53.1-53.9, 55.5, 71.14, 71.26, 72.9-72.11, 79.2-79.6, 83.6, 83.24-83.26, 90.14, 95.34, 95.37, 108.14-108.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 174, 178, 179, 185, 186, 187, 189, 190, 191, 194, 195, 220, 329, 334; Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332; Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 277; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 115, 116, 117, 118 |
| 173. Seneca The Younger, De Vita Beata (Dialogorum Liber Vii), 12.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 195 |
174. New Testament, Hebrews, 1.3, 12.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326| 1.3. ὃς ὢν ἀπαύγασμα τῆς δόξης καὶ χαρακτὴρ τῆς ὑποστάσεως αὐτοῦ, φέρων τε τὰ πάντα τῷ ῥήματι τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ, καθαρισμὸν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ποιησάμενοςἐκάθισεν ἐν δεξιᾷτῆς μεγαλωσύνης ἐν ὑψηλοῖς, 12.14. Εἰρήνην διώκετεμετὰ πάντων, καὶ τὸν ἁγιασμόν, οὗ χωρὶς οὐδεὶς ὄψεται τὸν κύριον, | 1.3. His Son is the radiance of his glory, the very image of his substance, and upholding all things by the word of his power, when he had by himself made purification for our sins, sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on high; 12.14. Follow after peace with all men, and the sanctification without which no man will see the Lord, |
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| 175. New Testament, Philippians, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 45 |
176. New Testament, Galatians, 1.13-1.17, 4.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 45, 320| 1.13. Ἠκούσατε γὰρ τὴν ἐμὴν ἀναστροφήν ποτε ἐν τῷ Ἰουδαϊσμῷ, ὅτι καθʼ ὑπερβολὴν ἐδίωκον τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ἐπόρθουν αὐτήν, 1.14. καὶ προέκοπτον ἐν τῷ Ἰουδαϊσμῷ ὑπὲρ πολλοὺς συνηλικιώτας ἐν τῷ γένει μου, περισσοτέρως ζηλωτὴς ὑπάρχων τῶν πατρικῶν μου παραδόσεων. 1.15. Ὅτε δὲ εὐδόκησεν [ὁ θεὸς] ὁ ἀφορίσας μεἐκ κοιλίας μητρός μουκαὶκαλέσαςδιὰ τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ 1.16. ἀποκαλύψαι τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν ἐμοὶ ἵνα εὐαγγελίζωμαι αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, εὐθέως οὐ προσανεθέμην σαρκὶ καὶ αἵματι, 1.17. οὐδὲ ἀνῆλθον εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα πρὸς τοὺς πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἀποστόλους, ἀλλὰ ἀπῆλθον εἰς Ἀραβίαν, καὶ πάλιν ὑπέστρεψα εἰς Δαμασκόν. 4.9. νῦν δὲ γνόντες θεόν, μᾶλλον δὲ γνωσθέντες ὑπὸ θεοῦ, πῶς ἐπιστρέφετε πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰ ἀσθενῆ καὶ πτωχὰ στοιχεῖα, οἷς πάλιν ἄνωθεν δουλεῦσαι θέλετε; | 1.13. For you have heard of my way ofliving in time past in the Jews' religion, how that beyond measure Ipersecuted the assembly of God, and ravaged it. 1.14. I advanced inthe Jews' religion beyond many of my own age among my countrymen, beingmore exceedingly zealous for the traditions of my fathers. 1.15. Butwhen it was the good pleasure of God, who separated me from my mother'swomb, and called me through his grace, 1.16. to reveal his Son in me,that I might preach him among the Gentiles, I didn't immediately conferwith flesh and blood, 1.17. nor did I go up to Jerusalem to those whowere apostles before me, but I went away into Arabia. Then I returnedto Damascus. 4.9. But now thatyou have come to know God, or rather to be known by God, why do youturn back again to the weak and miserable elements, to which you desireto be in bondage all over again? |
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| 177. Maximus of Tyre, Dialexeis, 6.3-6.5, 8.8, 11.12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 120, 178 |
| 178. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 4.29, 4.40, 5.1, 6.31, 8.12, 9.42, 10.3, 10.12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 163, 166, 194, 195, 327, 334 |
| 179. Lucian, A Professor of Public Speaking, 3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 148 |
| 180. Lucian, The Downward Journey, Or The Tyrant, 24 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 322 |
| 181. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 1.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 411 |
| 182. Aelian, Varia Historia, 13.26 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 222 |
| 183. Galen, That The Qualities of The Mind Depend On The Temperament of The Body, 73.3, 73.6, 73.7, 73.8, 73.9, 73.10, 73.11, 73.12, 74.21-77.1, 74.21-75.1, 75.1, 76.1-77.1, 77.17-79.2, 78.2, 78.3, 78.4, 78.5, 78.6, 78.7, 78.8, 78.9, 78.10, 78.11, 78.12, 78.13, 78.14, 78.15, 78.16, 78.17, 78.18, 78.19 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 257 |
| 184. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 2.45, 9.49, 9.56-9.57, 9.137-9.190 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 213; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 42, 46 |
| 185. Tertullian, On The Soul, 43 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168 |
| 186. Apuleius, On Plato, 1.2.204-1.2.205 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 120 |
187. Theophilus, To Autolycus, 3.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 119 | 3.2. For it was fit that they who wrote should themselves have been eye-witnesses of those things concerning which they made assertions, or should accurately have ascertained them from those who had seen them; for they who write of things unascertained beat the air. For what did it profit Homer to have composed the Trojan War, and to have deceived many; or Hesiod, the register of the theogony of those whom he calls gods; or Orpheus, the three hundred and sixty-five gods, whom in the end of his life he rejects, maintaining in his precepts that there is one God? What profit did the sph rography of the world's circle confer on Aratus, or those who held the same doctrine as he, except glory among men? And not even that did they reap as they deserved. And what truth did they utter? Or what good did their tragedies do to Euripides and Sophocles, or the other tragedians? Or their comedies to Meder and Aristophanes, and the other comedians? Or their histories to Herodotus and Thucydides? Or the shrines and the pillars of Hercules to Pythagoras, or the Cynic philosophy to Diogenes? What good did it do Epicurus to maintain that there is no providence; or Empedocles to teach atheism; or Socrates to swear by the dog, and the goose, and the plane-tree, and Æsculapius struck by lightning, and the demons whom he invoked? And why did he willingly die? What reward, or of what kind, did he expect to receive after death? What did Plato's system of culture profit him? Or what benefit did the rest of the philosophers derive from their doctrines, not to enumerate the whole of them, since they are numerous? But these things we say, for the purpose of exhibiting their useless and godless opinions. |
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188. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 11.1, 11.5-11.6, 11.11, 11.19-11.20, 11.23 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326; Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 116, 130, 142, 144, 147 | 11.1. When midnight came, after I had slept awhile, I awoke with sudden fear, and saw the moon shining bright, as when it is full, and seeming as though it leapt out of the sea. I thought to myself that this was the time when the goddess had most power and force, and when all human affairs are governed by her providence. Not only all tame and domestic beasts, but also all wild and savage beasts are under her protection. I considered that all bodies in the heavens, the earth and the seas are by her waxing increased and by her waning diminished. Since I was weary of all my cruel fortune and calamity, I found good hope and remedy. Though it was very late, I though I could be delivered from all my misery, by invocation and prayer, to the excellent beauty of the goddess, whom I saw shining before my eyes. Wherefore, shaking off drowsy sleep, I arose with a joyful face and, moved by a great desire to purify myself, I plunged seven times into the water of the sea. This number of seven is agreeable to holy and divine things, as the worthy and sage philosopher Pythagoras declared. Then, with a weeping countece, I made this prayer to the powerful goddess: 11.5. “Behold, Lucius, I have come! Your weeping and prayers have moved me to succor you. I am she who is the natural mother of all things, mistress and governess of all the elements, the initial progeny of worlds, chief of powers divine, queen of heaven! I am the principal of the celestial gods, the light of the goddesses. At my will the planets of the heavens, the wholesome winds of the seas, and the silences of hell are disposed. My name and my divinity is adored throughout all the world in diverse manners. I am worshipped by various customs and by many names. The Phrygians call me the mother of the gods. The Athenians, Minerva. The Cyprians, Venus. The Cretans, Diana. The Sicilians, Proserpina. The Eleusians, Ceres. Some call me Juno, other Bellona, and yet others Hecate. And principally the Aethiopians who dwell in the Orient, and the Aegyptians who are excellent in all kind of ancient doctrine and by their proper ceremonies are accustomed to worship me, call me Queen Isis. Behold, I have come to take pity of your fortune and tribulation. Behold, I am present to favor and aid you. Leave off your weeping and lamentation, put away all your sorrow. For behold, the day which is ordained by my providence is at hand. Therefore be ready to attend to my command. This day which shall come after this night is dedicated to my service by an eternal religion. My priests and ministers are accustomed, after the tempests of the sea have ceased, to offer in my name a new ship as a first fruit of my navigation. I command you not to profane or despise the sacrifice in any way. 11.6. “The great priest shall carry this day, following in procession by my exhortation, a garland of roses next the rattle in his right hand. Follow my procession amongst the people and, when you come to the priest, make as though you would kiss his hand. But snatch at the roses, whereby I will put away the skin and shape of an ass. This kind of beast I have long abhorred and despised. But above all things beware that you do not doubt or fear any of those things as being hard and difficult to bring to pass. For in the same hour as I have come to you, I have commanded the priest, by a vision, of what he shall do. And all the people by my command shall be compelled to give you place and say nothing! Moreover, do not think that, amongst so fair and joyful ceremonies and in so good a company, any person shall abhor your ill-favored and deformed figure, or that any man shall be so hardy as to blame and reprove your sudden restoration to human shape. They will not conceive any sinister opinion about this deed. And know this for certain: for the rest of your life, until the hour of death, you shall be bound and subject to me! And think it not an injury to be always subject to me, since by my means and benefit you shall become a man. You shall live blessed in this world, you shall live gloriously by my guidance and protection. And when you descend to hell, you shall see me shine in that subterranean place, shining (as you see me now) in the darkness of Acheron, and reigning in the deep profundity of Styx. There you shall worship me as one who has been favorable to you. And if I perceive that you are obedient to my command, an adherent to my religion, and worthy my divine grace, know you that I will prolong your days above the time that the fates have appointed, and the celestial planets have ordained.” 11.11. By and by, after the goddess, there followed gods on foot. There was Anubis, the messenger of the gods infernal and celestial, with his face sometimes black, sometimes faire, lifting up the head of a dog and bearing in his left hand his verge, and in his right hand the branches of a palm tree. After whom followed a cow with an upright gait, representing the figure of the great goddess. He who guided her marched on with much gravity. Another carried the secrets of their religion closed in a coffer. There was one who bore on his stomach a figure of his god, not formed like any beast, bird, savage thing or humane shape, but made by a new invention. This signified that such a religion could not be discovered or revealed to any person. There was a vessel wrought with a round bottom, having on the one side pictures figured in the manner of the Egyptians, and on the other side was an ear on which stood the serpent Aspis, holding out his scaly neck. 11.19. After I had related to them of all my former miseries and present joys, I went before the face of the goddess and hired a house within the cloister of the temple so that I might continually be ready to serve of the goddess. I also wanted to be in continual contact with the company of the priests so that I could become wholly devoted to the goddess, and become an inseparable worshipper of her divine name. It happened that the goddess often appeared to me in the night, urging and commanding me to take the order of her religion. But I, though I greatly desired to do so, was held back because of fear. I considered her discipline was hard and difficult, the chastity of the priests intolerable, and the life austere and subject to many inconveniences. Being thus in doubt, I refrained from all those things as seeming impossible. 11.20. One night the great priest appeared to me, presenting his lap full of treasure. And when I demanded what it signified, he answered, that it was sent to me from the country of Thessaly, and that a servant of mine named Candidus was arrived likewise. When I was awoke, I mused to myself what this vision should portend, considering that I had never any servant called by that name. But whatever it signified, this I verily thought: that it foretold gain and prosperous fortune. While I was thus astonished, I went to the temple and tarried there until the opening of the gates. Then I went in and began to pray before the face of the goddess. The priest prepared and set the divine things of each altar and pulled out the fountain and holy vessel with solemn supplication. Then they began to sing the matins of the morning, signifying the hour of the prime. By and by behold, there arrived the servant whom I had left in the country, when Fotis by error made me an ass. He brought my horse whom he had recovered by certain signs and tokens which I had put on its back. Then I perceived the interpretation of my dream: by the promise of gain, my white horse was restored to me, which was signified by the argument of my servant Candidus. 11.23. This done, I gave charge to certain of my companions to buy liberally whatever was necessary and appropriate. Then the priest brought me to the baths nearby, accompanied with all the religious sort. He, demanding pardon of the goddess, washed me and purified my body according to custom. After this, when no one approached, he brought me back again to the temple and presented me before the face of the goddess. He told me of certain secret things that it was unlawful to utter, and he commanded me, and generally all the rest, to fast for the space of ten continual days. I was not allowed to eat any beast or drink any wine. These strictures I observed with marvelous continence. Then behold, the day approached when the sacrifice was to be made. And when night came there arrived on every coast a great multitude of priests who, according to their order, offered me many presents and gifts. Then all the laity and profane people were commanded to depart. When they had put on my back a linen robe, they brought me to the most secret and sacred place of all the temple. You will perhaps ask (o studious reader) what was said and done there. Verily I would tell you if it were lawful for me to tell. You would know if it were appropriate for you to hear. But both your ears and my tongue shall incur similar punishment for rash curiosity. However, I will content your mind for this present time, since it is perhaps somewhat religious and given to devotion. Listen therefore and believe it to be true. You shall understand that I approached near to Hell, and even to the gates of Proserpina. After I was brought through all the elements, I returned to my proper place. About midnight I saw the sun shine, and I saw likewise the celestial and infernal gods. Before them I presented myself and worshipped them. Behold, now have I told you something which, although you have heard it, it is necessary for you to conceal. This much have I declared without offence for the understanding of the profane. |
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| 189. Hierocles Stoicus, Commentary On The Golden Verses of Pythagoras, 14.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 211 |
| 190. Alcinous, Handbook of Platonism, 14.36-14.41 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 189 |
191. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 2.2.6, 2.4.6-2.4.7, 2.7.6, 8.37.5, 8.54.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophical Found in books: Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 87, 141, 144| 2.2.6. λόγου δὲ ἄξια ἐν τῇ πόλει τὰ μὲν λειπόμενα ἔτι τῶν ἀρχαίων ἐστίν, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκμῆς ἐποιήθη τῆς ὕστερον. ἔστιν οὖν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς— ἐνταῦθα γὰρ πλεῖστά ἐστι τῶν ἱερῶν—Ἄρτεμίς τε ἐπίκλησιν Ἐφεσία καὶ Διονύσου ξόανα ἐπίχρυσα πλὴν τῶν προσώπων· τὰ δὲ πρόσωπα ἀλοιφῇ σφισιν ἐρυθρᾷ κεκόσμηται· Λύσιον δέ, τὸν δὲ Βάκχειον ὀνομάζουσι. 2.4.6. ἀνιοῦσι δὲ ἐς τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον—ἡ δέ ἐστιν ὄρους ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν κορυφή, Βριάρεω μὲν Ἡλίῳ δόντος αὐτὴν ὅτε ἐδίκαζεν, Ἡλίου δὲ ὡς οἱ Κορίνθιοί φασιν Ἀφροδίτῃ παρέντος—ἐς δὴ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον τοῦτον ἀνιοῦσίν ἐστιν Ἴσιδος τεμένη, ὧν τὴν μὲν Πελαγίαν, τὴν δὲ Αἰγυπτίαν αὐτῶν ἐπονομάζουσιν, καὶ δύο Σαράπιδος, ἐν Κανώβῳ καλουμένου τὸ ἕτερον. μετὰ δὲ αὐτὰ Ἡλίῳ πεποίηνται βωμοί, καὶ Ἀνάγκης καὶ Βίας ἐστὶν ἱερόν· ἐσιέναι δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ οὐ νομίζουσιν. 2.4.7. ὑπὲρ τοῦτο Μητρὸς θεῶν ναός ἐστι καὶ στήλη καὶ θρόνος· λίθων καὶ αὐτὴ καὶ ὁ θρόνος. ὁ δὲ τῶν Μοιρῶν καὶ ὁ Δήμητρος καὶ Κόρης οὐ φανερὰ ἔχουσι τὰ ἀγάλματα. ταύτῃ καὶ τὸ τῆς Βουναίας ἐστὶν Ἥρας ἱερὸν ἱδρυσαμένου Βούνου τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ· καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ ἡ θεὸς καλεῖται Βουναία. 2.7.6. ἡγεῖται μὲν οὖν ὃν Βάκχειον ὀνομάζουσιν—Ἀνδροδάμας σφίσιν ὁ Φλάντος τοῦτον ἱδρύσατο—, ἕπεται δὲ ὁ καλούμενος Λύσιος, ὃν Θηβαῖος Φάνης εἰπούσης τῆς Πυθίας ἐκόμισεν ἐκ Θηβῶν. ἐς δὲ Σικυῶνα ἦλθεν ὁ Φάνης, ὅτε Ἀριστόμαχος ὁ Κλεοδαίου τῆς γενομένης μαντείας ἁμαρτὼν διʼ αὐτὸ καὶ καθόδου τῆς ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἥμαρτεν. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ Διονυσίου βαδίζουσιν ἐς τὴν ἀγοράν, ἔστι ναὸς Ἀρτέμιδος ἐν δεξιᾷ Λιμναίας. καὶ ὅτι μὲν κατερρύηκεν ὁ ὄροφος, δῆλά ἐστιν ἰδόντι· περὶ δὲ τοῦ ἀγάλματος οὔτε ὡς κομισθέντος ἑτέρωσε οὔτε ὅντινα αὐτοῦ διεφθάρη τρόπον εἰπεῖν ἔχουσιν. 8.37.5. πρὸς δὲ τῆς Δεσποίνης τῷ ἀγάλματι ἕστηκεν Ἄνυτος σχῆμα ὡπλισμένου παρεχόμενος· φασὶ δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τραφῆναι τὴν Δέσποιναν ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀνύτου, καὶ εἶναι τῶν Τιτάνων καλουμένων καὶ τὸν Ἄνυτον. Τιτᾶνας δὲ πρῶτος ἐς ποίησιν ἐσήγαγεν Ὅμηρος, θεοὺς εἶναι σφᾶς ὑπὸ τῷ καλουμένῳ Ταρτάρῳ, καὶ ἔστιν ἐν Ἥρας ὅρκῳ τὰ ἔπη· παρὰ δὲ Ὁμήρου Ὀνομάκριτος παραλαβὼν τῶν Τιτάνων τὸ ὄνομα Διονύσῳ τε συνέθηκεν ὄργια καὶ εἶναι τοὺς Τιτᾶνας τῷ Διονύσῳ τῶν παθημάτων ἐποίησεν αὐτουργούς. 8.54.5. ἡ δὲ ἐς Ἄργος ἐκ Τεγέας ὀχήματι ἐπιτηδειοτάτη καὶ τὰ μάλιστά ἐστι λεωφόρος. ἔστι δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ πρῶτα μὲν ναὸς καὶ ἄγαλμα Ἀσκληπιοῦ· μετὰ δὲ ἐκτραπεῖσιν ἐς ἀριστερὰ ὅσον στάδιον Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπίκλησιν Πυθίου καταλελυμένον ἐστὶν ἱερὸν καὶ ἐρείπια ἐς ἅπαν. κατὰ δὲ τὴν εὐθεῖαν αἵ τε δρῦς εἰσι πολλαὶ καὶ Δήμητρος ἐν τῷ ἄλσει τῶν δρυῶν ναὸς ἐν Κορυθεῦσι καλουμένης· πλησίον δὲ ἄλλο ἐστὶν ἱερὸν Διονύσου Μύστου. | 2.2.6. The things worthy of mention in the city include the extant remains of antiquity, but the greater number of them belong to the period of its second ascendancy. On the market-place, where most of the sanctuaries are, stand Artemis surnamed Ephesian and wooden images of Dionysus, which are covered with gold with the exception of their faces; these are ornamented with red paint. They are called Lysius and Baccheus, 2.4.6. The Acrocorinthus is a mountain peak above the city, assigned to Helius by Briareos when he acted as adjudicator, and handed over, the Corinthians say, by Helius to Aphrodite. As you go up this Acrocorinthus you see two precincts of Isis, one if Isis surnamed Pelagian (Marine) and the other of Egyptian Isis, and two of Serapis, one of them being of Serapis called “in Canopus .” After these are altars to Helius, and a sanctuary of Necessity and Force, into which it is not customary to enter. 2.4.7. Above it are a temple of the Mother of the gods and a throne; the image and the throne are made of stone. The temple of the Fates and that of Demeter and the Maid have images that are not exposed to view. Here, too, is the temple of Hera Bunaea set up by Bunus the son of Hermes. It is for this reason that the goddess is called Bunaea. 2.7.6. The first is the one named Baccheus, set up by Androdamas, the son of Phlias, and this is followed by the one called Lysius (Deliverer), brought from Thebes by the Theban Phanes at the command of the Pythian priestess. Phanes came to Sicyon when Aristomachus, the son of Cleodaeus, failed to understand the oracle I To wait for “the third fruit,” i.e. the third generation. It was interpreted to mean the third year. given him, and therefore failed to return to the Peloponnesus . As you walk from the temple of Dionysus to the market-place you see on the right a temple of Artemis of the lake. A look shows that the roof has fallen in, but the inhabitants cannot tell whether the image has been removed or how it was destroyed on the spot. 8.37.5. By the image of the Mistress stands Anytus, represented as a man in armour. Those about the sanctuary say that the Mistress was brought up by Anytus, who was one of the Titans, as they are called. The first to introduce Titans into poetry was Homer, See Hom. Il. 14.279 . representing them as gods down in what is called Tartarus; the lines are in the passage about Hera's oath. From Homer the name of the Titans was taken by Onomacritus, who in the orgies he composed for Dionysus made the Titans the authors of the god's sufferings. 8.54.5. The road from Tegea to Argos is very well suited for carriages, in fact a first-rate highway. On the road come first a temple and image of Asclepius. Next, turning aside to the left for about a stade, you see a dilapidated sanctuary of Apollo surnamed Pythian which is utterly in ruins. Along the straight road there are many oaks, and in the grove of oaks is a temple of Demeter called “in Corythenses.” Hard by is another sanctuary, that of Mystic Dionysus. |
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| 192. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 7.74, 15.1, 38.1-38.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 139 |
| 193. Alexander of Aphrodisias, On Fate, 197.10, 204.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 331 |
| 194. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Commentaries On Metaphysics, 737-749, 751, 750 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 46 |
| 195. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 5.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326 |
| 196. Lucian, Hermotimus, Or Sects, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 148 |
| 197. Galen, On The Doctrines of Hippocrates And Plato, 4.5.12, 5.5.3-5.5.14 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical •philosophical psychology guides education, galen, posidonius, philosophy cannot on its own train the irrational capacities of the soul Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 174; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 257 |
| 198. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 5.11.76, 5.12.78, 5.14.126-5.14.127, 5.14.133 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 322 |
| 199. Lucian, Nigrinus, 1, 15, 7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 330 |
200. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.109, 1.112, 2.22, 2.48, 2.65, 2.116-2.117, 2.125, 3.5, 4.16, 4.24, 4.29, 4.47, 6.20, 6.22, 6.36, 6.82, 6.87, 6.94-6.96, 7.2-7.3, 7.5, 7.26-7.27, 7.31, 7.85-7.89, 7.111, 7.129, 7.179, 7.181, 7.183, 8.2-8.3, 8.10, 8.57, 8.70, 8.87, 9.6, 9.21, 9.25, 9.52, 9.61-9.63, 9.96, 9.112, 10.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 165, 174, 179, 195, 213, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 231, 233; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 42, 46, 274 | 1.109. 10. EPIMEDESEpimenides, according to Theopompus and many other writers, was the son of Phaestius; some, however, make him the son of Dosiadas, others of Agesarchus. He was a native of Cnossos in Crete, though from wearing his hair long he did not look like a Cretan. One day he was sent into the country by his father to look for a stray sheep, and at noon he turned aside out of the way, and went to sleep in a cave, where he slept for fifty-seven years. After this he got up and went in search of the sheep, thinking he had been asleep only a short time. And when he could not find it, he came to the farm, and found everything changed and another owner in possession. Then he went back to the town in utter perplexity; and there, on entering his own house, he fell in with people who wanted to know who he was. At length he found his younger brother, now an old man, and learnt the truth from him. 1.112. He also compiled prose works On Sacrifices and the Cretan Constitution, also On Minos and Rhadamanthus, running to about 4000 lines. At Athens again he founded the sanctuary of the Solemn Gods (Semnai Theai), as Lobon of Argos tells us in his work On Poets. He is stated to have been the first who purified houses and fields, and the first who founded sanctuaries. Some are found to maintain that he did not go to sleep but withdrew himself for a while, engaged in gathering simples.There is extant a letter of his to Solon the lawgiver, containing a scheme of government which Minos drew up for the Cretans. But Demetrius of Magnesia, in his work on poets and writers of the same name, endeavours to discredit the letter on the ground that it is late and not written in the Cretan dialect but in Attic, and New Attic too. However, I have found another letter by him which runs as follows:Epimenides to Solon 2.22. Unlike most philosophers, he had no need to travel, except when required to go on an expedition. The rest of his life he stayed at home and engaged all the more keenly in argument with anyone who would converse with him, his aim being not to alter his opinion but to get at the truth. They relate that Euripides gave him the treatise of Heraclitus and asked his opinion upon it, and that his reply was, The part I understand is excellent, and so too is, I dare say, the part I do not understand; but it needs a Delian diver to get to the bottom of it.He took care to exercise his body and kept in good condition. At all events he served on the expedition to Amphipolis; and when in the battle of Delium Xenophon had fallen from his horse, he stepped in and saved his life. 2.48. 6. XENOPHONXenophon, the son of Gryllus, was a citizen of Athens and belonged to the deme Erchia; he was a man of rare modesty and extremely handsome. The story goes that Socrates met him in a narrow passage, and that he stretched out his stick to bar the way, while he inquired where every kind of food was sold. Upon receiving a reply, he put another question, And where do men become good and honourable? Xenophon was fairly pu2led; Then follow me, said Socrates, and learn. From that time onward he was a pupil of Socrates. He was the first to take notes of, and to give to the world, the conversation of Socrates, under the title of Memorabilia. Moreover, he was the first to write a history of philosophers.Aristippus, in the fourth book of his work On the Luxury of the Ancients, declares that he was enamoured of Clinias, 2.65. 8. ARISTIPPUSAristippus was by birth a citizen of Cyrene and, as Aeschines informs us, was drawn to Athens by the fame of Socrates. Having come forward as a lecturer or sophist, as Phanias of Eresus, the Peripatetic, informs us, he was the first of the followers of Socrates to charge fees and to send money to his master. And on one occasion the sum of twenty minae which he had sent was returned to him, Socrates declaring that the supernatural sign would not let him take it; the very offer, in fact, annoyed him. Xenophon was no friend to Aristippus; and for this reason he has made Socrates direct against Aristippus the discourse in which he denounces pleasure. Not but what Theodorus in his work On Sects abuses him, and so does Plato in the dialogue On the Soul, as has been shown elsewhere. 2.116. And conversing upon the duty of doing good to men he made such an impression on the king that he became eager to hear him. There is a story that he once used the following argument concerning the Athena of Phidias: Is it not Athena the daughter of Zeus who is a goddess? And when the other said Yes, he went on, But this at least is not by Zeus but by Phidias, and, this being granted, he concluded, This then is not a god. For this he was summoned before the Areopagus; he did not deny the charge, but contended that the reasoning was correct, for that Athena was no god but a goddess; it was the male divinities who were gods. However, the story goes that the Areopagites ordered him to quit the city, and that thereupon Theodorus, whose nickname was Θεός, said in derision, Whence did Stilpo learn this? and how could he tell whether she was a god or a goddess? But in truth Theodorus was most impudent, and Stilpo most ingenious. 2.117. When Crates asked him whether the gods take delight in prayers and adorations, he is said to have replied, Don't put such a question in the street, simpleton, but when we are alone! It is said that Bion, when he was asked the same question whether there are gods, replied:Will you not scatter the crowd from me, O much-enduring elder?In character Stilpo was simple and unaffected, and he could readily adapt himself to the plain man. For instance, when Crates the Cynic did not answer the question put to him and only insulted the questioner, I knew, said Stilpo, that you would utter anything rather than what you ought. 3.5. and that he applied himself to painting and wrote poems, first dithyrambs, afterwards lyric poems and tragedies. He had, they say, a weak voice; this is confirmed by Timotheus the Athenian in his book On Lives. It is stated that Socrates in a dream saw a cygnet on his knees, which all at once put forth plumage, and flew away after uttering a loud sweet note. And the next day Plato was introduced as a pupil, and thereupon he recognized in him the swan of his dream.At first he used to study philosophy in the Academy, and afterwards in the garden at Colonus (as Alexander states in his Successions of Philosophers), as a follower of Heraclitus. Afterwards, when he was about to compete for the prize with a tragedy, he listened to Socrates in front of the theatre of Dionysus, and then consigned his poems to the flames, with the words:Come hither, O fire-god, Plato now has need of thee. 4.16. 3. POLEMOPolemo, the son of Philostratus, was an Athenian who belonged to the deme of Oea. In his youth he was so profligate and dissipated that he actually carried about with him money to procure the immediate gratification of his desires, and would even keep sums concealed in lanes and alleys. Even in the Academy a piece of three obols was found close to a pillar, where he had buried it for the same purpose. And one day, by agreement with his young friends, he burst into the school of Xenocrates quite drunk, with a garland on his head. Xenocrates, however, without being at all disturbed, went on with his discourse as before, the subject being temperance. The lad, as he listened, by degrees was taken in the toils. He became so industrious as to surpass all the other scholars, and rose to be himself head of the school in the 116th Olympiad. 4.24. 5. CRANTORCrantor of Soli, though he was much esteemed in his native country, left it for Athens and attended the lectures of Xenocrates at the same time as Polemo. He left memoirs extending to 30,000 lines, some of which are by some critics attributed to Arcesilaus. He is said to have been asked what it was in Polemo that attracted him, and to have replied, The fact that I never heard him raise or lower his voice in speaking. He happened to fall ill, and retired to the Asklepeion, where he proceeded to walk about. At once people flocked round him in the belief that he had retired thither, not on account of illness, but in order to open a school. Among them was Arcesilaus, who wished to be introduced by his means to Polemo, notwithstanding the affection which united the two, as will be related in the Life of Arcesilaus. 4.29. At first, before he left Pitane for Athens, he was a pupil of the mathematician Autolycus, his fellow-countryman, and with him he also travelled to Sardis. Next he studied under Xanthus, the musician, of Athens; then he was a pupil of Theophrastus. Lastly, he crossed over to the Academy and joined Crantor. For while his brother Moereas, who has already been mentioned, wanted to make him a rhetorician, he was himself devoted to philosophy, and Crantor, being enamoured of him, cited the line from the Andromeda of Euripides:O maiden, if I save thee, wilt thou be grateful to me?and was answered with the next line:Take me, stranger, whether for maidservant or for wife. 4.47. And I burnt his books, scraped everything together, came to Athens and turned philosopher.This is the stock and this the blood from which I boast to have sprung. Such is my story. It is high time, then, that Persaeus and Philonides left off recounting it. Judge me by myself.In truth Bion was in other respects a shifty character, a subtle sophist, and one who had given the enemies of philosophy many an occasion to blaspheme, while in certain respects he was even pompous and able to indulge in arrogance. He left very many memoirs, and also sayings of useful application. For example, when he was reproached for not paying court to a youth, his excuse was, You can't get hold of a soft cheese with a hook. 6.20. 2. DIOGENESDiogenes was a native of Sinope, son of Hicesius, a banker. Diocles relates that he went into exile because his father was entrusted with the money of the state and adulterated the coinage. But Eubulides in his book on Diogenes says that Diogenes himself did this and was forced to leave home along with his father. Moreover Diogenes himself actually confesses in his Pordalus that he adulterated the coinage. Some say that having been appointed to superintend the workmen he was persuaded by them, and that he went to Delphi or to the Delian oracle in his own city and inquired of Apollo whether he should do what he was urged to do. When the god gave him permission to alter the political currency, not understanding what this meant, he adulterated the state coinage, and when he was detected, according to some he was banished, while according to others he voluntarily quitted the city for fear of consequences. 6.22. Through watching a mouse running about, says Theophrastus in the Megarian dialogue, not looking for a place to lie down in, not afraid of the dark, not seeking any of the things which are considered to be dainties, he discovered the means of adapting himself to circumstances. He was the first, say some, to fold his cloak because he was obliged to sleep in it as well, and he carried a wallet to hold his victuals, and he used any place for any purpose, for breakfasting, sleeping, or conversing. And then he would say, pointing to the Stoa of Zeus and the Pompeion, that the Athenians had provided him with places to live in. 6.36. To Xeniades, who purchased him, he said, Come, see that you obey orders. When he quoted the line,Backward the streams flow to their founts,Diogenes asked, If you had been ill and had purchased a doctor, would you then, instead of obeying him, have said 'Backward the streams flow to their founts'? Some one wanted to study philosophy under him. Diogenes gave him a tunny to carry and told him to follow him. And when for shame the man threw it away and departed, some time after on meeting him he laughed and said, The friendship between you and me was broken by a tunny. The version given by Diocles, however, is as follows. Some one having said to him, Lay your commands upon us, Diogenes, he took him away and gave him a cheese to carry, which cost half an obol. The other declined; whereupon he remarked, The friendship between you and me is broken by a little cheese worth half an obol. 6.82. 3. MONIMUSMonimus of Syracuse was a pupil of Diogenes; and, according to Sosicrates, he was in the service of a certain Corinthian banker, to whom Xeniades, the purchaser of Diogenes, made frequent visits, and by the account which he gave of his goodness in word and deed, excited in Monimus a passionate admiration of Diogenes. For he forthwith pretended to be mad and proceeded to fling away the small change and all the money on the banker's table, until at length his master dismissed him; and he then straightway devoted himself to Diogenes. He often followed Crates the Cynic as well, and embraced the like pursuits; whereupon his master, seeing him do this, was all the more persuaded that he was mad. 6.87. He flourished in the 113th Olympiad.According to Antisthenes in his Successions, the first impulse to the Cynic philosophy was given to him when he saw Telephus in a certain tragedy carrying a little basket and altogether in a wretched plight. So he turned his property into money, – for he belonged to a distinguished family, – and having thus collected about 200 talents, distributed that sum among his fellow-citizens. And (it is added) so sturdy a philosopher did he become that he is mentioned by the comic poet Philemon. At all events the latter says:In summer-time a thick cloak he would wearTo be like Crates, and in winter rags.Diocles relates how Diogenes persuaded Crates to give up his fields to sheep pasture, and throw into the sea any money he had. 6.94. 6. METROCLESMetrocles of Maroneia was the brother of Hipparchia. He had been formerly a pupil of Theophrastus the Peripatetic, and had been so far corrupted by weakness that, when he made a breach of good manners in the course of rehearsing a speech, it drove him to despair, and he shut himself up at home, intending to starve himself to death. On learning this Crates came to visit him as he had been asked to do, and after advisedly making a meal of lupins, he tried to persuade him by argument as well that he had committed no crime, for a prodigy would have happened if he had not taken the natural means of relieving himself. At last by reproducing the action he succeeded in lifting him from his dejection, using for his consolation the likeness of the occurrences. From that time forward Metrocles was his pupil, and became proficient in philosophy. 6.95. Hecato in the first book of his Anecdotes tells us he burned his compositions with the words:Phantoms are these of dreams o' the world below.Others say that when he set fire to his notes of Theophrastus's lectures, he added the line:Come hither, Hephaestus, Thetis now needeth thee.He divided things into such as are procurable for money, like a house, and such as can be procured by time and trouble, like education. Wealth, he said, is harmful, unless we put it to a worthy use.He died of old age, having choked himself.His disciples were Theombrotus and Cleomenes: Theombrotus had for his pupil Demetrius of Alexandria, while Cleomenes instructed Timarchus of Alexandria and Echecles of Ephesus. Not but what Echecles also heard Theombrotus, whose lectures were attended by Menedemus, of whom we shall speak presently. Menippus of Sinope also became renowned amongst them. 6.96. 7. HIPPARCHIAHipparchia too, sister of Metrocles, was captured by their doctrines. Both of them were born at Maroneia.She fell in love with the discourses and the life of Crates, and would not pay attention to any of her suitors, their wealth, their high birth or their beauty. But to her Crates was everything. She used even to threaten her parents she would make away with herself, unless she were given in marriage to him. Crates therefore was implored by her parents to dissuade the girl, and did all he could, and at last, failing to persuade her, got up, took off his clothes before her face and said, This is the bridegroom, here are his possessions; make your choice accordingly; for you will be no helpmeet of mine, unless you share my pursuits. 7.2. He was a pupil of Crates, as stated above. Next they say he attended the lectures of Stilpo and Xenocrates for ten years – so Timocrates says in his Dion – and Polemo as well. It is stated by Hecato and by Apollonius of Tyre in his first book on Zeno that he consulted the oracle to know what he should do to attain the best life, and that the god's response was that he should take on the complexion of the dead. Whereupon, perceiving what this meant, he studied ancient authors. Now the way he came across Crates was this. He was shipwrecked on a voyage from Phoenicia to Peiraeus with a cargo of purple. He went up into Athens and sat down in a bookseller's shop, being then a man of thirty. 7.3. As he went on reading the second book of Xenophon's Memorabilia, he was so pleased that he inquired where men like Socrates were to be found. Crates passed by in the nick of time, so the bookseller pointed to him and said, Follow yonder man. From that day he became Crates's pupil, showing in other respects a strong bent for philosophy, though with too much native modesty to assimilate Cynic shamelessness. Hence Crates, desirous of curing this defect in him, gave him a potful of lentil-soup to carry through the Ceramicus; and when he saw that he was ashamed and tried to keep it out of sight, with a blow of his staff he broke the pot. As Zeno took to flight with the lentil-soup flowing down his legs, Why run away, my little Phoenician? quoth Crates, nothing terrible has befallen you. 7.5. A different version of the story is that he was staying at Athens when he heard his ship was wrecked and said, It is well done of thee, Fortune, thus to drive me to philosophy. But some say that he disposed of his cargo in Athens, before he turned his attention to philosophy.He used then to discourse, pacing up and down in the Stoa Poikile, which is also called the stoa or Portico of Pisianax, but which received its name from the painting of Polygnotus; his object being to keep the spot clear of a concourse of idlers. It was the spot where in the time of the Thirty 1400 Athenian citizens had been put to death. Hither, then, people came henceforth to hear Zeno, and this is why they were known as men of the Stoa, or Stoics; and the same name was given to his followers, who had formerly been known as Zenonians. So it is stated by Epicurus in his letters. According to Eratosthenes in his eighth book On the Old Comedy, the name of Stoic had formerly been applied to the poets who passed their time there, and they had made the name of Stoic still more famous. 7.26. The reason he gave for this was that the man capable of giving a proper hearing to what is said and profiting by it was superior to him who discovers everything himself. For the one had merely a right apprehension, the other in obeying good counsel superadded conduct.When he was asked why he, though so austere, relaxed at a drinking-party, he said, Lupins too are bitter, but when they are soaked become sweet. Hecato too in the second book of his Anecdotes says that he indulged freely at such gatherings. And he would say, Better to trip with the feet than with the tongue. Well-being is attained by little and little, and nevertheless it is no little thing itself. [Others attribute this to Socrates.] 7.27. He showed the utmost endurance, and the greatest frugality; the food he used required no fire to dress, and the cloak he wore was thin. Hence it was said of him:The cold of winter and the ceaseless rainCome powerless against him: weak the dartof the fierce summer sun or racking painTo bend that iron frame. He stands apartUnspoiled by public feast and jollity:Patient, unwearied night and day doth heCling to his studies of philosophy.Nay more: the comic poets by their very jests at his expense praised him without intending it. Thus Philemon says in a play, Philosophers:This man adopts a new philosophy.He teaches to go hungry: yet he getsDisciples. One sole loaf of bread his food;His best dessert dried figs; water his drink.Others attribute these lines to Poseidippus.By this time he had almost become a proverb. At all events, More temperate than Zeno the philosopher was a current saying about him. Poseidippus also writes in his Men Transported:So that for ten whole daysMore temperate than Zeno's self he seemed. 7.31. We have ourselves mentioned the manner of Zeno's death in the Pammetros (a collection of poems in various metres):The story goes that Zeno of Citium after enduring many hardships by reason of old age was set free, some say by ceasing to take food; others say that once when he had tripped he beat with his hand upon the earth and cried, I come of my own accord; why then call me?For there are some who hold this to have been the manner of his death.So much then concerning his death.Demetrius the Magnesian, in his work on Men of the Same Name, says of him: his father, Mnaseas, being a merchant often went to Athens and brought away many books about Socrates for Zeno while still a boy. 7.85. An animal's first impulse, say the Stoics, is to self-preservation, because nature from the outset endears it to itself, as Chrysippus affirms in the first book of his work On Ends: his words are, The dearest thing to every animal is its own constitution and its consciousness thereof; for it was not likely that nature should estrange the living thing from itself or that she should leave the creature she has made without either estrangement from or affection for its own constitution. We are forced then to conclude that nature in constituting the animal made it near and dear to itself; for so it comes to repel all that is injurious and give free access to all that is serviceable or akin to it. 7.86. As for the assertion made by some people that pleasure is the object to which the first impulse of animals is directed, it is shown by the Stoics to be false. For pleasure, if it is really felt, they declare to be a by-product, which never comes until nature by itself has sought and found the means suitable to the animal's existence or constitution; it is an aftermath comparable to the condition of animals thriving and plants in full bloom. And nature, they say, made no difference originally between plants and animals, for she regulates the life of plants too, in their case without impulse and sensation, just as also certain processes go on of a vegetative kind in us. But when in the case of animals impulse has been superadded, whereby they are enabled to go in quest of their proper aliment, for them, say the Stoics, Nature's rule is to follow the direction of impulse. But when reason by way of a more perfect leadership has been bestowed on the beings we call rational, for them life according to reason rightly becomes the natural life. For reason supervenes to shape impulse scientifically. 7.87. This is why Zeno was the first (in his treatise On the Nature of Man) to designate as the end life in agreement with nature (or living agreeably to nature), which is the same as a virtuous life, virtue being the goal towards which nature guides us. So too Cleanthes in his treatise On Pleasure, as also Posidonius, and Hecato in his work On Ends. Again, living virtuously is equivalent to living in accordance with experience of the actual course of nature, as Chrysippus says in the first book of his De finibus; for our individual natures are parts of the nature of the whole universe. 7.88. And this is why the end may be defined as life in accordance with nature, or, in other words, in accordance with our own human nature as well as that of the universe, a life in which we refrain from every action forbidden by the law common to all things, that is to say, the right reason which pervades all things, and is identical with this Zeus, lord and ruler of all that is. And this very thing constitutes the virtue of the happy man and the smooth current of life, when all actions promote the harmony of the spirit dwelling in the individual man with the will of him who orders the universe. Diogenes then expressly declares the end to be to act with good reason in the selection of what is natural. Archedemus says the end is to live in the performance of all befitting actions. 7.89. By the nature with which our life ought to be in accord, Chrysippus understands both universal nature and more particularly the nature of man, whereas Cleanthes takes the nature of the universe alone as that which should be followed, without adding the nature of the individual.And virtue, he holds, is a harmonious disposition, choice-worthy for its own sake and not from hope or fear or any external motive. Moreover, it is in virtue that happiness consists; for virtue is the state of mind which tends to make the whole of life harmonious. When a rational being is perverted, this is due to the deceptiveness of external pursuits or sometimes to the influence of associates. For the starting-points of nature are never perverse. 7.111. They hold the emotions to be judgements, as is stated by Chrysippus in his treatise On the Passions: avarice being a supposition that money is a good, while the case is similar with drunkenness and profligacy and all the other emotions.And grief or pain they hold to be an irrational mental contraction. Its species are pity, envy, jealousy, rivalry, heaviness, annoyance, distress, anguish, distraction. Pity is grief felt at undeserved suffering; envy, grief at others' prosperity; jealousy, grief at the possession by another of that which one desires for oneself; rivalry, pain at the possession by another of what one has oneself. 7.129. Neither do they think that the divergence of opinion between philosophers is any reason for abandoning the study of philosophy, since at that rate we should have to give up life altogether: so Posidonius in his Exhortations. Chrysippus allows that the ordinary Greek education is serviceable.It is their doctrine that there can be no question of right as between man and the lower animals, because of their unlikeness. Thus Chrysippus in the first book of his treatise On Justice, and Posidonius in the first book of his De officio. Further, they say that the wise man will feel affection for the youths who by their countece show a natural endowment for virtue. So Zeno in his Republic, Chrysippus in book i. of his work On Modes of Life, and Apollodorus in his Ethics. 7.179. 7. CHRYSIPPUSChrysippus, the son of Apollonius, came either from Soli or from Tarsus, as Alexander relates in his Successions. He was a pupil of Cleanthes. Before this he used to practise as a long-distance runner; but afterwards he came to hear Zeno, or, as Diocles and most people say, Cleanthes; and then, while Cleanthes was still living, withdrew from his school and attained exceptional eminence as a philosopher. He had good natural parts and showed the greatest acuteness in every branch of the subject; so much so that he differed on most points from Zeno, and from Cleanthes as well, to whom he often used to say that all he wanted was to be told what the doctrines were; he would find out the proofs for himself. Nevertheless, whenever he had contended against Cleanthes, he would afterwards feel remorse, so that he constantly came out with the lines:Blest in all else am I, save only whereI touch Cleanthes: there I am ill-fortuned. 7.181. Apollodorus of Athens in his Collection of Doctrines, wishing to show that what Epicurus wrote with force and originality unaided by quotations was far greater in amount than the books of Chrysippus, says, to quote his exact words, If one were to strip the books of Chrysippus of all extraneous quotations, his pages would be left bare. So much for Apollodorus. of Chrysippus the old woman who sat beside him used to say, according to Diocles, that he wrote 500 lines a day. Hecato says that he came to the study of philosophy, because the property which he had inherited from his father had been confiscated to the king's treasury. 7.183. At wine-parties he used to behave quietly, though he was unsteady on his legs; which caused the woman-slave to say, As for Chrysippus, only his legs get tipsy. His opinion of himself was so high that when some one inquired, To whom shall I entrust my son? he replied, To me: for, if I had dreamt of there being anyone better than myself, I should myself be studying with him. Hence, it is said, the application to him of the line:He alone has understanding; the others flit shadow-like around;andBut for Chrysippus, there had been no Stoa. 8.2. From Samos he went, it is said, to Lesbos with an introduction to Pherecydes from his uncle Zoilus. He had three silver flagons made and took them as presents to each of the priests of Egypt. He had brothers, of whom Eunomus was the elder and Tyrrhenus the second; he also had a slave, Zamolxis, who is worshipped, so says Herodotus, by the Getans, as Cronos. He was a pupil, as already stated, of Pherecydes of Syros, after whose death he went to Samos to be the pupil of Hermodamas, Creophylus's descendant, a man already advanced in years. While still young, so eager was he for knowledge, he left his own country and had himself initiated into all the mysteries and rites not only of Greece but also of foreign countries. 8.3. Now he was in Egypt when Polycrates sent him a letter of introduction to Amasis; he learnt the Egyptian language, so we learn from Antiphon in his book On Men of Outstanding Merit, and he also journeyed among the Chaldaeans and Magi. Then while in Crete he went down into the cave of Ida with Epimenides; he also entered the Egyptian sanctuaries, and was told their secret lore concerning the gods. After that he returned to Samos to find his country under the tyranny of Polycrates; so he sailed away to Croton in Italy, and there he laid down a constitution for the Italian Greeks, and he and his followers were held in great estimation; for, being nearly three hundred in number, so well did they govern the state that its constitution was in effect a true aristocracy (government by the best). 8.10. He divides man's life into four quarters thus: Twenty years a boy, twenty years a youth, twenty years a young man, twenty years an old man; and these four periods correspond to the four seasons, the boy to spring, the youth to summer, the young man to autumn, and the old man to winter, meaning by youth one not yet grown up and by a young man a man of mature age. According to Timaeus, he was the first to say, Friends have all things in common and Friendship is equality; indeed, his disciples did put all their possessions into one common stock. For five whole years they had to keep silence, merely listening to his discourses without seeing him, until they passed an examination, and thenceforward they were admitted to his house and allowed to see him. They would never use coffins of cypress, because the sceptre of Zeus was made from it, so we are informed by Hermippus in his second book On Pythagoras. 8.57. Aristotle in his Sophist calls Empedocles the inventor of rhetoric as Zeno of dialectic. In his treatise On Poets he says that Empedocles was of Homer's school and powerful in diction, being great in metaphors and in the use of all other poetical devices. He also says that he wrote other poems, in particular the invasion of Xerxes and a hymn to Apollo, which a sister of his (or, according to Hieronymus, his daughter) afterwards burnt. The hymn she destroyed unintentionally, but the poem on the Persian war deliberately, because it was unfinished. 8.70. Diodorus of Ephesus, when writing of Anaximander, declares that Empedocles emulated him, displaying theatrical arrogance and wearing stately robes. We are told that the people of Selinus suffered from pestilence owing to the noisome smells from the river hard by, so that the citizens themselves perished and their women died in childbirth, that Empedocles conceived the plan of bringing two neighbouring rivers to the place at his own expense, and that by this admixture he sweetened the waters. When in this way the pestilence had been stayed and the Selinuntines were feasting on the river bank, Empedocles appeared; and the company rose up and worshipped and prayed to him as to a god. It was then to confirm this belief of theirs that he leapt into the fire. 8.87. After spending two months there, he went home and, aided by the liberality of his friends, he proceeded to Egypt with Chrysippus the physician, bearing with him letters of introduction from Agesilaus to Nectanabis, who recommended him to the priests. There he remained one year and four months with his beard and eyebrows shaved, and there, some say, he wrote his Octateris. From there he went to Cyzicus and the Propontis, giving lectures; afterwards he came to the court of Mausolus. Then at length he returned to Athens, bringing with him a great number of pupils: according to some, this was for the purpose of annoying Plato, who had originally passed him over. 9.6. This book he dedicated in the sanctuary of Artemis and, according to some, he deliberately made it the more obscure in order that none but adepts should approach it, and lest familiarity should breed contempt. of our philosopher Timon gives a sketch in these words:In their midst uprose shrill, cuckoo-like, a mob-reviler, riddling Heraclitus.Theophrastus puts it down to melancholy that some parts of his work are half-finished, while other parts make a strange medley. As a proof of his magimity, Antisthenes in his Successions of Philosophers cites the fact that he renounced his claim to the kingship in favour of his brother. So great fame did his book win that a sect was founded and called the Heracliteans, after him. 9.21. 3. PARMENIDESParmenides, a native of Elea, son of Pyres, was a pupil of Xenophanes (Theophrastus in his Epitome makes him a pupil of Anaximander). Parmenides, however, though he was instructed by Xenophanes, was no follower of his. According to Sotion he also associated with Ameinias the Pythagorean, who was the son of Diochaetas and a worthy gentleman though poor. This Ameinias he was more inclined to follow, and on his death he built a shrine to him, being himself of illustrious birth and possessed of great wealth; moreover it was Ameinias and not Xenophanes who led him to adopt the peaceful life of a student.He was the first to declare that the earth is spherical and is situated in the centre of the universe. He held that there were two elements, fire and earth, and that the former discharged the function of a craftsman, the latter of his material. 9.25. 5. ZENO OF ELEAZeno was a citizen of Elea. Apollodorus in his Chronology says that he was the son of Teleutagoras by birth, but of Parmenides by adoption, while Parmenides was the son of Pyres. of Zeno and Melissus, Timon speaks thus:Great Zeno's strength which, never known to fail,On each side urged, on each side could prevail.In marshalling arguments Melissus too,More skilled than many a one, and matched by few.Zeno, then, was all through a pupil of Parmenides and his bosom friend. He was tall in stature, as Plato says in his Parmenides. The same philosopher [mentions him] in his Sophist, and Phaedrus, and calls him the Eleatic Palamedes. Aristotle says that Zeno was the inventor of dialectic, as Empedocles was of rhetoric. 9.52. For this introduction to his book the Athenians expelled him; and they burnt his works in the market-place, after sending round a herald to collect them from all who had copies in their possession.He was the first to exact a fee of a hundred minae and the first to distinguish the tenses of verbs, to emphasize the importance of seizing the right moment, to institute contests in debating, and to teach rival pleaders the tricks of their trade. Furthermore, in his dialectic he neglected the meaning in favour of verbal quibbling, and he was the father of the whole tribe of eristical disputants now so much in evidence; insomuch that Timon too speaks of him asProtagoras, all mankind's epitome,Cunning, I trow, to war with words. 9.61. 11. PYRRHOPyrrho of Elis was the son of Pleistarchus, as Diocles relates. According to Apollodorus in his Chronology, he was first a painter; then he studied under Stilpo's son Bryson: thus Alexander in his Successions of Philosophers. Afterwards he joined Anaxarchus, whom he accompanied on his travels everywhere so that he even forgathered with the Indian Gymnosophists and with the Magi. This led him to adopt a most noble philosophy, to quote Ascanius of Abdera, taking the form of agnosticism and suspension of judgement. He denied that anything was honourable or dishonourable, just or unjust. And so, universally, he held that there is nothing really existent, but custom and convention govern human action; for no single thing is in itself any more this than that. 9.62. He led a life consistent with this doctrine, going out of his way for nothing, taking no precaution, but facing all risks as they came, whether carts, precipices, dogs or what not, and, generally, leaving nothing to the arbitrament of the senses; but he was kept out of harm's way by his friends who, as Antigonus of Carystus tells us, used to follow close after him. But Aenesidemus says that it was only his philosophy that was based upon suspension of judgement, and that he did not lack foresight in his everyday acts. He lived to be nearly ninety.This is what Antigonus of Carystus says of Pyrrho in his book upon him. At first he was a poor and unknown painter, and there are still some indifferent torch-racers of his in the gymnasium at Elis. 9.63. He would withdraw from the world and live in solitude, rarely showing himself to his relatives; this he did because he had heard an Indian reproach Anaxarchus, telling him that he would never be able to teach others what is good while he himself danced attendance on kings in their courts. He would maintain the same composure at all times, so that, even if you left him when he was in the middle of a speech, he would finish what he had to say with no audience but himself, although in his youth he had been hasty. often, our informant adds, he would leave his home and, telling no one, would go roaming about with whomsoever he chanced to meet. And once, when Anaxarchus fell into a slough, he passed by without giving him any help, and, while others blamed him, Anaxarchus himself praised his indifference and sang-froid. 9.96. They deny, too, that there is such a thing as a sign. If there is, they say, it must either be sensible or intelligible. Now it is not sensible, because what is sensible is a common attribute, whereas a sign is a particular thing. Again, the sensible is one of the things which exist by way of difference, while the sign belongs to the category of relative. Nor is a sign an object of thought, for objects of thought are of four kinds, apparent judgements on things apparent, non-apparent judgements on things non-apparent, non-apparent on apparent, or apparent on non-apparent; and a sign is none of these, so that there is no such thing as a sign. A sign is not apparent on apparent, for what is apparent needs no sign; nor is it non-apparent on non-apparent, for what is revealed by something must needs appear; 9.112. The first deals with the same subjects, except that the poem is a monologue. It begins as follows:Ye sophists, ye inquisitives, come! follow!He died at the age of nearly ninety, so we learn from Antigonus and from Sotion in his eleventh book. I have heard that he had only one eye; indeed he used to call himself a Cyclops. There was another Timon, the misanthrope.Now this philosopher, according to Antigonus, was very fond of gardens and preferred to mind his own affairs. At all events there is a story that Hieronymus the Peripatetic said of him, Just as with the Scythians those who are in flight shoot as well as those who pursue, so, among philosophers, some catch their disciples by pursuing them, some by fleeing from them, as for instance Timon. 10.2. For some time he stayed there and gathered disciples, but returned to Athens in the archonship of Anaxicrates. And for a while, it is said, he prosecuted his studies in common with the other philosophers, but afterwards put forward independent views by the foundation of the school called after him. He says himself that he first came into contact with philosophy at the age of fourteen. Apollodorus the Epicurean, in the first book of his Life of Epicurus, says that he turned to philosophy in disgust at the schoolmasters who could not tell him the meaning of chaos in Hesiod. According to Hermippus, however, he started as a schoolmaster, but on coming across the works of Democritus turned eagerly to philosophy. |
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| 201. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 2.2.64, 12.12.5 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 119, 411 |
202. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.34 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 120 | 2.34. 34.Let us therefore also sacrifice, but let us sacrifice in such a manner as is fit, offering different sacrifices to different powers;14 to the God indeed who is above all things, as a certain wise man said, neither sacrificing with incense, nor consecrating any thing sensible. For there is nothing material, which is not immediately impure to an immaterial nature. Hence, neither is vocal language, nor internal speech, adapted to the highest God, when it is defiled by any passion of the soul; but we should venerate him in profound silence with a pure soul, and with pure conceptions about him. It is necessary, therefore, that being conjoined with and assimilated to him, we should offer to him, as a sacred sacrifice, the elevation of our intellect, which offering will be both a hymn and our salvation. In an impassive contemplation, therefore, of this divinity by the soul, the sacrifice to him is effected in perfection; |65 but to his progeny, the intelligible Gods, hymns, orally enunciated, are to be offered. For to each of the divinities, a sacrifice is to be made of the first-fruits of the things which he bestows, and through which he nourishes and preserves us. As therefore, the husbandman offers handfuls of the fruits and berries which the season first produces; thus also we should offer to the divinities the first-fruits of our conceptions of their transcendent excellence, giving them thanks for the contemplation which they impart to us, and for truly nourishing us through the vision of themselves, which they afford us, associating with, appearing to, and shining upon us, for our salvation. SPAN |
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| 203. Pseudo-Justinus, De Monarchia, 2.2.4, 2.4 (3rd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 119, 122 |
| 204. Origen, Commentary On Romans, 5.8 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophical Found in books: Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 277 |
| 205. Origen, Commentary On John, 13.15 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 444 |
| 206. Origen, Commentary On Romans, 5.8 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophical Found in books: Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 277 |
| 207. Origen, Commentary On Romans, 5.8 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy/philosophical Found in books: Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 277 |
208. Origen, Against Celsus, 3.59-3.69 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 421, 422, 423 | 3.59. Immediately after this, Celsus, perceiving that he has slandered us with too great bitterness, as if by way of defense expresses himself as follows: That I bring no heavier charge than what the truth compels me, any one may see from the following remarks. Those who invite to participation in other mysteries, make proclamation as follows: 'Every one who has clean hands, and a prudent tongue;' others again thus: 'He who is pure from all pollution, and whose soul is conscious of no evil, and who has lived well and justly.' Such is the proclamation made by those who promise purification from sins. But let us hear what kind of persons these Christians invite. Every one, they say, who is a sinner, who is devoid of understanding, who is a child, and, to speak generally, whoever is unfortunate, him will the kingdom of God receive. Do you not call him a sinner, then, who is unjust, and a thief, and a housebreaker, and a poisoner, and a committer of sacrilege, and a robber of the dead? What others would a man invite if he were issuing a proclamation for an assembly of robbers? Now, in answer to such statements, we say that it is not the same thing to invite those who are sick in soul to be cured, and those who are in health to the knowledge and study of divine things. We, however, keeping both these things in view, at first invite all men to be healed, and exhort those who are sinners to come to the consideration of the doctrines which teach men not to sin, and those who are devoid of understanding to those which beget wisdom, and those who are children to rise in their thoughts to manhood, and those who are simply unfortunate to good fortune, or - which is the more appropriate term to use - to blessedness. And when those who have been turned towards virtue have made progress, and have shown that they have been purified by the word, and have led as far as they can a better life, then and not before do we invite them to participation in our mysteries. For we speak wisdom among them that are perfect. 3.60. And as we teach, moreover, that wisdom will not enter into the soul of a base man, nor dwell in a body that is involved in sin, Wisdom 1:4 we say, Whoever has clean hands, and therefore lifts up holy hands to God, and by reason of being occupied with elevated and heavenly things, can say, The lifting up of my hands is as the evening sacrifice, let him come to us; and whoever has a wise tongue through meditating on the law of the Lord day and night, and by reason of habit has his senses exercised to discern between good and evil, let him have no reluctance in coming to the strong and rational sustece which is adapted to those who are athletes in piety and every virtue. And since the grace of God is with all those who love with a pure affection the teacher of the doctrines of immortality, whoever is pure not only from all defilement, but from what are regarded as lesser transgressions, let him be boldly initiated in the mysteries of Jesus, which properly are made known only to the holy and the pure. The initiated of Celsus accordingly says, Let him whose soul is conscious of no evil come. But he who acts as initiator, according to the precepts of Jesus, will say to those who have been purified in heart, He whose soul has, for a long time, been conscious of no evil, and especially since he yielded himself to the healing of the word, let such an one hear the doctrines which were spoken in private by Jesus to His genuine disciples. Therefore in the comparison which he institutes between the procedure of the initiators into the Grecian mysteries, and the teachers of the doctrine of Jesus, he does not know the difference between inviting the wicked to be healed, and initiating those already purified into the sacred mysteries! 3.61. Not to participation in mysteries, then, and to fellowship in the wisdom hidden in a mystery, which God ordained before the world to the glory of His saints, do we invite the wicked man, and the thief, and the housebreaker, and the poisoner, and the committer of sacrilege, and the plunderer of the dead, and all those others whom Celsus may enumerate in his exaggerating style, but such as these we invite to be healed. For there are in the divinity of the word some helps towards the cure of those who are sick, respecting which the word says, They that be whole need not a physician, but they that are sick; others, again, which to the pure in soul and body exhibit the revelation of the mystery, which was kept secret since the world began, but now is made manifest by the Scriptures of the prophets, and by the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ, which appearing is manifested to each one of those who are perfect, and which enlightens the reason in the true knowledge of things. But as he exaggerates the charges against us, adding, after his list of those vile individuals whom he has mentioned, this remark, What other persons would a robber summon to himself by proclamation? we answer such a question by saying that a robber summons around him individuals of such a character, in order to make use of their villainy against the men whom they desire to slay and plunder. A Christian, on the other hand, even though he invite those whom the robber invites, invites them to a very different vocation, viz., to bind up these wounds by His word, and to apply to the soul, festering amid evils, the drugs obtained from the word, and which are analogous to the wine and oil, and plasters, and other healing appliances which belong to the art of medicine. 3.62. In the next place, throwing a slur upon the exhortations spoken and written to those who have led wicked lives, and which invite them to repentance and reformation of heart, he asserts that we say that it was to sinners that God has been sent. Now this statement of his is much the same as if he were to find fault with certain persons for saying that on account of the sick who were living in a city, a physician had been sent them by a very benevolent monarch. God the Word was sent, indeed, as a physician to sinners, but as a teacher of divine mysteries to those who are already pure and who sin no more. But Celsus, unable to see this distinction - for he had no desire to be animated with a love of truth - remarks, Why was he not sent to those who were without sin? What evil is it not to have committed sin? To which we reply, that if by those who were without sin he means those who sin no more, then our Saviour Jesus was sent even to such, but not as a physician. While if by those who were without sin he means such as have never at any time sinned - for he made no distinction in his statement - we reply that it is impossible for a man thus to be without sin. And this we say, excepting, of course, the man understood to be in Christ Jesus, who did no sin. It is with a malicious intent, indeed, that Celsus says of us that we assert that God will receive the unrighteousness man if he humble himself on account of his wickedness, but that He will not receive the righteous man, although he look up to Him, (adorned) with virtue from the beginning. Now we assert that it is impossible for a man to look up to God (adorned) with virtue from the beginning. For wickedness must necessarily first exist in men. As Paul also says, When the commandment came, sin revived, and I died. Moreover, we do not teach regarding the unrighteous man, that it is sufficient for him to humble himself on account of his wickedness in order to his being accepted by God, but that God will accept him if, after passing condemnation upon himself for his past conduct, he walk humbly on account of it, and in a becoming manner for the time to come. 3.63. After this, not understanding how it has been said that every one who exalted himself shall be abased; nor (although taught even by Plato) that the good and virtuous man walks humbly and orderly; and ignorant, moreover, that we give the injunction, Humble yourselves, therefore, under the mighty hand of God, that He may exalt you in due time; he says that those persons who preside properly over a trial make those individuals who bewail before them their evil deeds to cease from their piteous wailings, lest their decisions should be determined rather by compassion than by a regard to truth; whereas God does not decide in accordance with truth, but in accordance with flattery. Now, what words of flattery and piteous wailing are contained in the Holy Scriptures when the sinner says in his prayers to God, I have acknowledged my sin, and mine iniquity have I not hid. I said, I will confess my transgression to the Lord, etc., etc.? For is he able to show that a procedure of this kind is not adapted to the conversion of sinners, who humble themselves in their prayers under the hand of God? And, becoming confused by his efforts to accuse us, he contradicts himself; appearing at one time to know a man without sin, and a righteous man, who can look up to God (adorned) with virtue from the beginning; and at another time accepting our statement that there is no man altogether righteous, or without sin; for, as if he admitted its truth, he remarks, This is indeed apparently true, that somehow the human race is naturally inclined to sin. In the next place, as if all men were not invited by the word, he says, All men, then, without distinction, ought to be invited, since all indeed are sinners. And yet, in the preceding pages, we have pointed out the words of Jesus: Come unto Me, all you that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest. All men, therefore, labouring and being heavy laden on account of the nature of sin, are invited to the rest spoken of in the word of God, for God sent His word, and healed them, and delivered them from their destructions. 3.64. But since he says, in addition to this, What is this preference of sinners over others? and makes other remarks of a similar nature, we have to reply that absolutely a sinner is not preferred before one who is not a sinner; but that sometimes a sinner, who has become conscious of his own sin, and for that reason comes to repentance, being humbled on account of his sins, is preferred before one who is accounted a lesser sinner, but who does not consider himself one, but exalts himself on the ground of certain good qualities which he thinks he possesses, and is greatly elated on their account. And this is manifest to those who are willing to peruse the Gospels in a spirit of fairness, by the parable of the publican, who said, Be merciful to me a sinner, and of the Pharisee who boasted with a certain wicked self-conceit in the words, I thank You that I am not as other men are, extortioners, unjust, adulterers, or even as this publican. For Jesus subjoins to his narrative of them both the words: This man went down to his house justified rather than the other: for every one that exalts himself shall be abased; and he that humbles himself shall be exalted. We utter no blasphemy, then, against God, neither are we guilty of falsehood, when we teach that every man, whoever he may be, is conscious of human infirmity in comparison with the greatness of God, and that we must ever ask from Him, who alone is able to supply our deficiencies, what is wanting to our (mortal) nature. 3.65. He imagines, however, that we utter these exhortations for the conversion of sinners, because we are able to gain over no one who is really good and righteous, and therefore open our gates to the most unholy and abandoned of men. But if any one will fairly observe our assemblies we can present a greater number of those who have been converted from not a very wicked life, than of those who have committed the most abominable sins. For naturally those who are conscious to themselves of better things, desire that those promises may be true which are declared by God regarding the reward of the righteous, and thus assent more readily to the statements (of Scripture) than those do who have led very wicked lives, and who are prevented by their very consciousness (of evil) from admitting that they will be punished by the Judge of all with such punishment as befits those who have sinned so greatly, and as would not be inflicted by the Judge of all contrary to right reason. Sometimes, also, when very abandoned men are willing to accept the doctrine of (future) punishment, on account of the hope which is based upon repentance, they are prevented from so doing by their habit of sinning, being constantly dipped, and, as it were, dyed in wickedness, and possessing no longer the power to turn from it easily to a proper life, and one regulated according to right reason. And although Celsus observes this, he nevertheless, I know not why, expresses himself in the following terms: And yet, indeed, it is manifest to every one that no one by chastisement, much less by merciful treatment, could effect a complete change in those who are sinners both by nature and custom, for to change nature is an exceedingly difficult thing. But they who are without sin are partakers of a better life. 3.66. Now here Celsus appears to me to have committed a great error, in refusing to those who are sinners by nature, and also by habit, the possibility of a complete transformation, alleging that they cannot be cured even by punishment. For it clearly appears that all men are inclined to sin by nature, and some not only by nature but by practice, while not all men are incapable of an entire transformation. For there are found in every philosophical sect, and in the word of God, persons who are related to have undergone so great a change that they may be proposed as a model of excellence of life. Among the names of the heroic age some mention Hercules and Ulysses, among those of later times, Socrates, and of those who have lived very recently, Musonius. Not only against us, then, did Celsus utter the calumny, when he said that it was manifest to every one that those who were given to sin by nature and habit could not by any means - even by punishments - be completely changed for the better, but also against the noblest names in philosophy, who have not denied that the recovery of virtue was a possible thing for men. But although he did not express his meaning with exactness, we shall nevertheless, though giving his words a more favourable construction, convict him of unsound reasoning. For his words were: Those who are inclined to sin by nature and habit, no one could completely reform even by chastisement; and his words, as we understood them, we refuted to the best of our ability. 3.67. It is probable, however, that he meant to convey some such meaning as this, that those who were both by nature and habit given to the commission of those sins which are committed by the most abandoned of men, could not be completely transformed even by punishment. And yet this is shown to be false from the history of certain philosophers. For who is there that would not rank among the most abandoned of men the individual who somehow submitted to yield himself to his master, when he placed him in a brothel, that he might allow himself to be polluted by any one who liked? And yet such a circumstance is related of Ph do! And who will not agree that he who burst, accompanied with a flute-player and a party of revellers, his profligate associates, into the school of the venerable Xenocrates, to insult a man who was the admiration of his friends, was not one of the greatest miscreants among mankind? Yet, notwithstanding this, reason was powerful enough to effect their conversion, and to enable them to make such progress in philosophy, that the one was deemed worthy by Plato to recount the discourse of Socrates on immortality, and to record his firmness in prison, when he evinced his contempt of the hemlock, and with all fearlessness and tranquillity of mind treated of subjects so numerous and important, that it is difficult even for those to follow them who are giving their utmost attention, and who are disturbed by no distraction; while Polemon, on the other hand, who from a profligate became a man of most temperate life, was successor in the school of Xenocrates, so celebrated for his venerable character. Celsus then does not speak the truth when he says that sinners by nature and habit cannot be completely reformed even by chastisement. 3.68. That philosophical discourses, however, distinguished by orderly arrangement and elegant expression, should produce such results in the case of those individuals just enumerated, and upon others who have led wicked lives, is not at all to be wondered at. But when we consider that those discourses, which Celsus terms vulgar, are filled with power, as if they were spells, and see that they at once convert multitudes from a life of licentiousness to one of extreme regularity, and from a life of wickedness to a better, and from a state of cowardice or unmanliness to one of such high-toned courage as to lead men to despise even death through the piety which shows itself within them, why should we not justly admire the power which they contain? For the words of those who at the first assumed the office of (Christian) ambassadors, and who gave their labours to rear up the Churches of God - nay, their preaching also - were accompanied with a persuasive power, though not like that found among those who profess the philosophy of Plato, or of any other merely human philosopher, which possesses no other qualities than those of human nature. But the demonstration which followed the words of the apostles of Jesus was given from God, and was accredited by the Spirit and by power. And therefore their word ran swiftly and speedily, or rather the word of God through their instrumentality, transformed numbers of persons who had been sinners both by nature and habit, whom no one could have reformed by punishment, but who were changed by the word, which moulded and transformed them according to its pleasure. 3.69. Celsus continues in his usual manner, asserting that to change a nature entirely is exceedingly difficult. We, however, who know of only one nature in every rational soul, and who maintain that none has been created evil by the Author of all things, but that many have become wicked through education, and perverse example, and surrounding influences, so that wickedness has been naturalized in some individuals, are persuaded that for the word of God to change a nature in which evil has been naturalized is not only not impossible, but is even a work of no very great difficulty, if a man only believe that he must entrust himself to the God of all things, and do everything with a view to please Him with whom it cannot be that Both good and bad are in the same honour, Or that the idle man and he who laboured much Perish alike. But even if it be exceedingly difficult to effect a change in some persons, the cause must be held to lie in their own will, which is reluctant to accept the belief that the God over all things is a just Judge of all the deeds done during life. For deliberate choice and practice avail much towards the accomplishment of things which appear to be very difficult, and, to speak hyperbolically, almost impossible. Has the nature of man, when desiring to walk along a rope extended in the air through the middle of the theatre, and to carry at the same time numerous and heavy weights, been able by practice and attention to accomplish such a feat; but when desiring to live in conformity with the practice of virtue, does it find it impossible to do so, although formerly it may have been exceedingly wicked? See whether he who holds such views does not bring a charge against the nature of the Creator of the rational animal rather than against the creature, if He has formed the nature of man with powers for the attainment of things of such difficulty, and of no utility whatever, but has rendered it incapable of securing its own blessedness. But these remarks may suffice as an answer to the assertion that entirely to change a nature is exceedingly difficult. He alleges, in the next place, that they who are without sin are partakers of a better life; not making it clear what he means by those who are without sin, whether those who are so from the beginning (of their lives), or those who become so by a transformation. of those who were so from the beginning of their lives, there cannot possibly be any; while those who are so after a transformation (of heart) are found to be few in number, being those who have become so after giving in their allegiance to the saving word. And they were not such when they gave in their allegiance. For, apart from the aid of the word, and that too the word of perfection, it is impossible for a man to become free from sin. |
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| 209. Theodoret of Cyrus, Cure of The Greek Maladies, 1.2.30 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 122 |
| 210. Synesius of Cyrene, Dion, 10, 8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 412 |
| 211. John Chrysostom, In Kalendas, 3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 336 |
| 212. Augustine, Confessions, 8.29 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 227 |
| 213. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 13.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 111 |
| 214. Libanius, Orations, 12.28 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 148 |
| 215. Jerome, Adversus Jovinianum, 2.14 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 228 |
| 220. Babylonian Talmud, Shab, None Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332 |
| 223. Epicurus, Vatican Sayings, 32 Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332 |
| 224. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 377-378, 543 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 137 |
| 225. Anon., Joseph And Aseneth, 15.6-15.8 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 211 |
| 228. Aetius, Opinions of The Philosophers, None Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 165 |
| 229. Stobaeus, Eclogues, 2.57.9, 2.75-2.77, 2.104-2.105 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 165, 166, 174 |
| 230. Epigraphy, Ricis, 113/0537, 501/0174, 504/0701 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jeong (2023), Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation. 141 |
| 231. Bacch., Etymologicum Magnum, 10 Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 42 |
| 232. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 1.264 Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 46 |
| 234. Xenocrates Historicus, Fragments, 161 (missingth cent. CE - Unknownth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 333 |
241. Strabo, Geography, 6.2.8, 10.14.9 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 233; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 111 | 6.2.8. Near Centoripa is the town of Aetna, which was mentioned a little above, whose people entertain and conduct those who ascend the mountain; for the mountain-summit begins here. The upper districts are bare and ash-like and full of snow during the winter, whereas the lower are divided up by forests and plantations of every sort. The topmost parts of the mountain appear to undergo many changes because of the way the fire distributes itself, for at one time the fire concentrates in one crater, but at another time divides, while at one time the mountain sends forth lava, at another, flames and fiery smoke, and at still other times it also emits red-hot masses; and the inevitable result of these disturbances is that not only the underground passages, but also the orifices, sometimes rather numerous, which appear on the surface of the mountain all round, undergo changes at the same time. Be this as it may, those who recently made the ascent gave me the following account: They found at the top a level plain, about twenty stadia in circuit, enclosed by a rim of ashes the height of a house-wall, so that any who wished to proceed into the plain had to leap down from the wall; they saw in the center of the plain a mound of the color of ashes, in this respect being like the surface of the plain as seen from above, and above the mound a perpendicular cloud rising straight up to a height of about two hundred feet, motionless (for it was a windless day) and resembling smoke; and two of the men had the hardihood to proceed into the plain, but because the sand they were walking on got hotter and deeper, they turned back, and so were unable to tell those who were observing from a distance anything more than what was already apparent. But they believed, from such a view as they had, that many of the current stories are mythical, and particularly those which some tell about Empedocles, that he leaped down into the crater and left behind, as a trace of the fate he suffered, one of the brazen sandals which he wore; for it was found, they say, a short distance outside the rim of the crater, as though it had been thrown up by the force of the fire. Indeed, the place is neither to be approached nor to be seen, according to my informants; and further, they surmised that nothing could be thrown down into it either, owing to the contrary blasts of the winds arising from the depths, and also owing to the heat, which, it is reasonable to suppose, meets one long before one comes near the mouth of the crater; but even if something should be thrown down into it, it would be destroyed before it could be thrown up in anything like the shape it had when first received; and although it is not unreasonable to assume that at times the blasts of the fire die down when at times the fuel is deficient, yet surely this would not last long enough to make possible the approach of man against so great a force. Aetna dominates more especially the seaboard in the region of the Strait and the territory of Catana, but also that in the region of the Tyrrhenian sea and the Liparaean Islands. Now although by night a brilliant light shines from the summit, by day it is covered with smoke and haze. |
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| 245. Mishna, Az, 3.4 Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 334, 335 |
| 246. Various, Corpus Hermeticum, 13.3.39-13.3.41 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 326 |
| 247. Dio Chrysostom, On Kingship, 4.18 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 334 |
| 248. Dio Chrysostom, On Virtue, 10 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 334 |
| 249. Pseudo-Aristotle, On The Cosmos, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 111, 112 |
| 250. Lucian, Funerals, 7 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 322 |
| 251. Dio Chrysostom, On Beauty, 14 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 330 |
| 252. Plutarch, Is “Live Unknown” A Wise Precept?, None Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 210 |
| 253. Epicurus, Aphorisms, None Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical •philosophy, philosophical, life Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 220 |
| 254. Platonic Questions, Against The Stoics On Common Conceptions, None Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 223 |
| 255. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Anonymous Life of Plato, 114-116, 25-30, 46-48, 113 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 227 |
| 256. Olympiodorus The Younger, Commentary On Platos Alcibiades, 20-21, 75-76, 82-85, 74 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 227 |
| 257. Cicero, Parad, 51 Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332 |
| 258. Cicero, Div, 1.125-1.126 Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 331 |
| 259. Babylonian Talmud, Nid, None Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 331 |
| 260. Mishna, Av, 2.4-2.5, 3.15, 4.1 Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 331, 332 |
| 261. Marican, Life of Aristotle, 5, 4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 219 |
| 262. Protagoras, Phaedrus, None Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 323 |
| 263. Aristotle, Protrepticus, 22, 3, 79 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 275 |
| 264. John Chrysostom, Homilies On 1, 4.13, 14.4 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168, 215 |
| 267. Heraclitus Lesbius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 48 |
| 268. Anon., Psalms of Solomon, 9.10, 16.11 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical •philosophy, philosophical, groups in israel Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 102 |
| 269. Protagoras Nicaenus V3. Jh., Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 45, 47 |
| 270. Simonides, Fragment, 579 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 148 |
| 271. Galen, On The Composition of The Art of Medicine, None Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical writing Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 147, 148 |
| 272. Anon., Gj, 1 Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophical criticisms and appropriations Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 45 |
| 273. Cicero, On Academic Skepticism, 2.52 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 184 |
| 274. Ps.-Galen, On The Parts of Philosophy, 2 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 213 |
| 275. Aristophanes Byzantius, Summary of The History of Animals, 1.55.10, 1.55.18, 1.57.7, 1.58.4 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 333 |
| 276. Platonic Questions, Platonic Questions, None Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 207 |
| 277. Platonic Questions, On The Generation of The Soul In The Timaeus, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 207 |
| 278. Anon., Aristobulos, 4-5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 334 |
| 279. Anon., Tübingen Theosophy, 2.3 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 122 |
| 280. Theognis of Megara, Elegies, 467-481, 483-496, 841-844, 482 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 167 |
| 281. Protagoras, Republic, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 331 |
| 282. Aelius Aristides, Discourses, 4 Tagged with subjects: •philosophy, philosophical Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 322 |
