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225 results for "philosophic"
1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 24.3-24.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 86
24.3. "מִי־יַעֲלֶה בְהַר־יְהוָה וּמִי־יָקוּם בִּמְקוֹם קָדְשׁוֹ׃", 24.4. "נְקִי כַפַּיִם וּבַר־לֵבָב אֲשֶׁר לֹא־נָשָׂא לַשָּׁוְא נַפְשִׁי וְלֹא נִשְׁבַּע לְמִרְמָה׃", 24.3. "Who shall ascend into the mountain of the LORD? And who shall stand in His holy place?", 24.4. "He that hath clean hands, and a pure heart; Who hath not taken My name in vain, and hath not sworn deceitfully.",
2. Hebrew Bible, Job, 33.14-33.18 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, stoicism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 67
33.14. "כִּי־בְאַחַת יְדַבֶּר־אֵל וּבִשְׁתַּיִם לֹא יְשׁוּרֶנָּה׃", 33.15. "בַּחֲלוֹם חֶזְיוֹן לַיְלָה בִּנְפֹל תַּרְדֵּמָה עַל־אֲנָשִׁים בִּתְנוּמוֹת עֲלֵי מִשְׁכָּב׃", 33.16. "אָז יִגְלֶה אֹזֶן אֲנָשִׁים וּבְמֹסָרָם יַחְתֹּם׃", 33.17. "לְהָסִיר אָדָם מַעֲשֶׂה וְגֵוָה מִגֶּבֶר יְכַסֶּה׃", 33.18. "יַחְשֹׂךְ נַפְשׁוֹ מִנִּי־שָׁחַת וְחַיָּתוֹ מֵעֲבֹר בַּשָּׁלַח׃", 33.14. "For God speaketh in one way, Yea in two, though man perceiveth it not.", 33.15. "In a dream, in a vision of the night, When deep sleep falleth upon men, In slumberings upon the bed;", 33.16. "Then He openeth the ears of men, And by their chastisement sealeth the decree,", 33.17. "That men may put away their purpose, And that He may hide pride from man;", 33.18. "That He may keep back his soul from the pit, And his life from perishing by the sword.",
3. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 13.2-13.6 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, stoicism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 67
13.2. "כִּי־יָקוּם בְּקִרְבְּךָ נָבִיא אוֹ חֹלֵם חֲלוֹם וְנָתַן אֵלֶיךָ אוֹת אוֹ מוֹפֵת׃", 13.3. "וּבָא הָאוֹת וְהַמּוֹפֵת אֲשֶׁר־דִּבֶּר אֵלֶיךָ לֵאמֹר נֵלְכָה אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יְדַעְתָּם וְנָעָבְדֵם׃", 13.4. "לֹא תִשְׁמַע אֶל־דִּבְרֵי הַנָּבִיא הַהוּא אוֹ אֶל־חוֹלֵם הַחֲלוֹם הַהוּא כִּי מְנַסֶּה יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם אֶתְכֶם לָדַעַת הֲיִשְׁכֶם אֹהֲבִים אֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם בְּכָל־לְבַבְכֶם וּבְכָל־נַפְשְׁכֶם׃", 13.5. "אַחֲרֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם תֵּלֵכוּ וְאֹתוֹ תִירָאוּ וְאֶת־מִצְוֺתָיו תִּשְׁמֹרוּ וּבְקֹלוֹ תִשְׁמָעוּ וְאֹתוֹ תַעֲבֹדוּ וּבוֹ תִדְבָּקוּן׃", 13.6. "וְהַנָּבִיא הַהוּא אוֹ חֹלֵם הַחֲלוֹם הַהוּא יוּמָת כִּי דִבֶּר־סָרָה עַל־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם הַמּוֹצִיא אֶתְכֶם מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם וְהַפֹּדְךָ מִבֵּית עֲבָדִים לְהַדִּיחֲךָ מִן־הַדֶּרֶךְ אֲשֶׁר צִוְּךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לָלֶכֶת בָּהּ וּבִעַרְתָּ הָרָע מִקִּרְבֶּךָ׃", 13.2. "If there arise in the midst of thee a prophet, or a dreamer of dreams—and he give thee a sign or a wonder,", 13.3. "and the sign or the wonder come to pass, whereof he spoke unto thee—saying: ‘Let us go after other gods, which thou hast not known, and let us serve them’;", 13.4. "thou shalt not hearken unto the words of that prophet, or unto that dreamer of dreams; for the LORD your God putteth you to proof, to know whether ye do love the LORD your God with all your heart and with all your soul.", 13.5. "After the LORD your God shall ye walk, and Him shall ye fear, and His commandments shall ye keep, and unto His voice shall ye hearken, and Him shall ye serve, and unto Him shall ye cleave.", 13.6. "And that prophet, or that dreamer of dreams, shall be put to death; because he hath spoken perversion against the LORD your God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, and redeemed thee out of the house of bondage, to draw thee aside out of the way which the LORD thy God commanded thee to walk in. So shalt thou put away the evil from the midst of thee.",
4. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 27.9-27.10, 29.8 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, stoicism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 67
27.9. "וְאַתֶּם אַל־תִּשְׁמְעוּ אֶל־נְבִיאֵיכֶם וְאֶל־קֹסְמֵיכֶם וְאֶל חֲלֹמֹתֵיכֶם וְאֶל־עֹנְנֵיכֶם וְאֶל־כַּשָּׁפֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר־הֵם אֹמְרִים אֲלֵיכֶם לֵאמֹר לֹא תַעַבְדוּ אֶת־מֶלֶךְ בָּבֶל׃", 29.8. "כִּי כֹה אָמַר יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל אַל־יַשִּׁיאוּ לָכֶם נְבִיאֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר־בְּקִרְבְּכֶם וְקֹסְמֵיכֶם וְאַל־תִּשְׁמְעוּ אֶל־חֲלֹמֹתֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם מַחְלְמִים׃", 27.9. "But as for you, hearken ye not to your prophets, nor to your diviners, nor to your dreams, nor to your soothsayers, nor to your sorcerers, that speak unto you, saying: Ye shall not serve the king of Babylon;", 27.10. "for they prophesy a lie unto you, to remove you far from your land; and that I should drive you out and ye should perish.", 29.8. "For thus saith the LORD of hosts, the God of Israel: Let not your prophets that are in the midst of you, and your diviners, beguile you, neither hearken ye to your dreams which ye cause to be dreamed.",
5. Pindar, Fragments, 46 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 191
6. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 653-655, 657-659, 656 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 242
656. πρῶτον μὲν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ θάλατταν ἤγομεν,
7. Herodotus, Histories, 1.75.3-1.75.5, 1.170.3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
1.75.3. When he came to the river Halys , he transported his army across it—by the bridges which were there then, as I maintain; but the general belief of the Greeks is that Thales of Miletus got the army across. 1.75.4. The story is that, as Croesus did not know how his army could pass the river (as the aforesaid bridges did not yet exist then), Thales, who was in the encampment, made the river, which flowed on the left of the army, also flow on the right, in the following way. 1.75.5. Starting from a point on the river upstream from the camp, he dug a deep semi-circular trench, so that the stream, turned from its ancient course, would flow in the trench to the rear of the camp and, passing it, would issue into its former bed, with the result that as soon as the river was thus divided into two, both channels could be forded. 1.170.3. This was the advice which Bias of Priene gave after the destruction of the Ionians; and that given before the destruction by Thales of Miletus , a Phoenician by descent, was good too; he advised that the Ionians have one place of deliberation, and that it be in Teos (for that was the center of Ionia ), and that the other cities be considered no more than demes.Thus Bias and Thales advised.
8. Hebrew Bible, Zechariah, 10.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, stoicism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 67
10.2. "כִּי הַתְּרָפִים דִּבְּרוּ־אָוֶן וְהַקּוֹסְמִים חָזוּ שֶׁקֶר וַחֲלֹמוֹת הַשָּׁוא יְדַבֵּרוּ הֶבֶל יְנַחֵמוּן עַל־כֵּן נָסְעוּ כְמוֹ־צֹאן יַעֲנוּ כִּי־אֵין רֹעֶה׃", 10.2. "For the teraphim have spoken vanity, And the diviners have seen a lie, And the dreams speak falsely, They comfort in vain; Therefore they go their way like sheep, They are afflicted, because there is no shepherd.",
9. Xenophon, Hellenica, 7.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
10. Plato, Theaetetus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 42
179e. ἀρχῆς, ὥσπερ αὐτοὶ ὑποτείνονται. ΘΕΟ. παντάπασι μὲν οὖν. καὶ γάρ, ὦ Σώκρατες, περὶ τούτων τῶν Ἡρακλειτείων ἤ, ὥσπερ σὺ λέγεις, Ὁμηρείων καὶ ἔτι παλαιοτέρων, αὐτοῖς μὲν τοῖς περὶ τὴν Ἔφεσον, ὅσοι προσποιοῦνται ἔμπειροι, οὐδὲν μᾶλλον οἷόν τε διαλεχθῆναι ἢ τοῖς οἰστρῶσιν. ἀτεχνῶς γὰρ κατὰ τὰ συγγράμματα φέρονται, τὸ δʼ ἐπιμεῖναι ἐπὶ λόγῳ καὶ ἐρωτήματι καὶ ἡσυχίως 179e. THEO. Certainly we must. For it is no more possible, Socrates, to discuss these doctrines of Heracleitus (or, as you say, of Homer or even earlier sages) with the Ephesians themselves—those, at least, who profess to be familiar with them—than with madmen. For they are, quite in accordance with their text-books, in perpetual motion; but as for keeping to an argument or a question and quietly answering and asking in turn,
11. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
12. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 42
13. Plato, Laches, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
181b. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν πατρίδα ὀρθοῦντα· ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἀπὸ Δηλίου φυγῇ μετʼ ἐμοῦ συνανεχώρει, κἀγώ σοι λέγω ὅτι εἰ οἱ ἄλλοι ἤθελον τοιοῦτοι εἶναι, ὀρθὴ ἂν ἡμῶν ἡ πόλις ἦν καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἔπεσε τότε τοιοῦτον πτῶμα. ΛΥ. ὦ Σώκρατες, οὗτος μέντοι ὁ ἔπαινός ἐστιν καλός, ὃν σὺ νῦν ἐπαινῇ ὑπʼ ἀνδρῶν ἀξίων πιστεύεσθαι καὶ εἰς ταῦτα εἰς ἃ οὗτοι ἐπαινοῦσιν. εὖ οὖν ἴσθι ὅτι ἐγὼ ταῦτα ἀκούων χαίρω ὅτι εὐδοκιμεῖς, καὶ σὺ δὲ ἡγοῦ με ἐν τοῖς εὐνούστατόν 181b. but his country’s name. He accompanied me in the retreat from Delium , and I assure you that if the rest had chosen to be like him, our city would be holding up her head and would not then have had such a terrible fall. Lys. Socrates, this is indeed splendid praise which you are now receiving from men whose word is of great weight, and for such conduct as wins their praise. So let me tell you that I rejoice to hear this and to know you have such a good reputation; and you in return must count me as one of your warmest well-wishers.
14. Plato, Cratylus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 42
409b. ΕΡΜ. πῶς δή; ΣΩ. τὸ μέν που σέλας καὶ τὸ φῶς ταὐτόν. ΕΡΜ. ναί. ΣΩ. νέον δέ που καὶ ἕνον ἀεί ἐστι περὶ τὴν σελήνην τοῦτο τὸ φῶς, εἴπερ ἀληθῆ οἱ Ἀναξαγόρειοι λέγουσιν· κύκλῳ γάρ που ἀεὶ αὐτὴν περιιὼν νέον ἀεὶ ἐπιβάλλει, ἕνον δὲ ὑπάρχει τὸ τοῦ προτέρου μηνός. ΕΡΜ. πάνυ γε. ΣΩ. Σελαναίαν δέ γε καλοῦσιν αὐτὴν πολλοί. ΕΡΜ. πάνυ γε. ΣΩ. ὅτι δὲ σέλας νέον καὶ ἕνον ἔχει ἀεί , Σελαενονεοάεια 409b. Hermogenes. How is that? Socrates. Σέλας (gleam) and φῶς (light) are the same thing. Hermogenes. Yes. Socrates. Now the light is always new and old about the moon, if the Anaxagoreans are right; for they say the sun, in its continuous course about the moon, always sheds new light upon it, and the light of the previous month persists. Hermogenes. Certainly. Socrates. The moon is often called Σελαναία . Hermogenes. Certainly. Socrates. Because it has always a new and old gleam ( σέλα νέον τε καὶ ἕνον )
15. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
28e. Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ ὅτε μέν με οἱ ἄρχοντες ἔταττον, οὓς ὑμεῖς εἵλεσθε ἄρχειν μου, καὶ ἐν Ποτειδαίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει καὶ ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ, τότε μὲν οὗ ἐκεῖνοι ἔταττον ἔμενον ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλος τις καὶ ἐκινδύνευον ἀποθανεῖν, τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τάττοντος, ὡς ἐγὼ ᾠήθην τε καὶ ὑπέλαβον, φιλοσοφοῦντά με δεῖν ζῆν καὶ ἐξετάζοντα ἐμαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ἐνταῦθα δὲ φοβηθεὶς ἢ θάνατον 28e. if, when the commanders whom you chose to command me stationed me, both at Potidaea and at Amphipolis and at Delium , I remained where they stationed me, like anybody else, and ran the risk of death, but when the god gave me a station, as I believed and understood, with orders to spend my life in philosophy and in examining myself and others,
16. Xenophon, Agesilaus, 1.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
17. Menander, Misoumenai, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •imperial administration and the city, support for philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 123
18. Numenius Heracleensis, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 76
19. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
69. ratio constat, aurum in aerario est; furtum non reprehenditur, invidia quaeritur; a iudicibus oratio avertitur, vox in coronam turbamque effunditur. Sua cuique civitati religio, Laeli, est, nostra nobis. stantibus Hierosolymis pacatisque Iudaeis tamen istorum religio sacrorum a splendore huius imperi, gravitate nominis nostri, maiorum institutis abhorrebat; nunc vero hoc magis, quod illa gens quid de nostro imperio sentiret ostendit armis; quam cara dis immortalibus esset docuit, quod est victa, quod elocata, quod serva facta.
20. Cicero, Lucullus, 70 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 45
21. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 33.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 85
33.16. I was the last on watch;I was like one who gleans after the grape-gatherers;by the blessing of the Lord I excelled,and like a grape-gatherer I filled my wine press.
22. Cicero, Letters, 10.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
23. Cicero, Letters, 10.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
24. Cicero, Letters, 10.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
25. Cicero, On Divination, 1.11, 1.62, 2.119 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, stoicism •philosophical schools, pythagoras/pythagoreanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 3, 626
1.11. Ego vero, inquam, philosophiae, Quinte, semper vaco; hoc autem tempore, cum sit nihil aliud, quod lubenter agere possim, multo magis aveo audire, de divinatione quid sentias. Nihil, inquit, equidem novi, nec quod praeter ceteros ipse sentiam; nam cum antiquissimam sententiam, tum omnium populorum et gentium consensu conprobatam sequor. Duo sunt enim dividi genera, quorum alterum artis est, alterum naturae. 1.62. Epicurum igitur audiemus potius? Namque Carneades concertationis studio modo hoc, modo illud ait; ille, quod sentit; sentit autem nihil umquam elegans, nihil decorum. Hunc ergo antepones Platoni et Socrati? qui ut rationem non redderent, auctoritate tamen hos minutos philosophos vincerent. Iubet igitur Plato sic ad somnum proficisci corporibus adfectis, ut nihil sit, quod errorem animis perturbationemque adferat. Ex quo etiam Pythagoriis interdictum putatur, ne faba vescerentur, quod habet inflationem magnam is cibus tranquillitati mentis quaerenti vera contrariam. 2.119. Similis est error in somniis; quorum quidem defensio repetita quam longe est! Divinos animos censent esse nostros, eosque esse tractos extrinsecus, animorumque consentientium multitudine conpletum esse mundum; hac igitur mentis et ipsius divinitate et coniunctione cum externis mentibus cerni, quae sint futura. Contrahi autem animum Zeno et quasi labi putat atque concidere, id ipsum esse dormire. Iam Pythagoras et Plato, locupletissimi auctores, quo in somnis certiora videamus, praeparatos quodam cultu atque victu proficisci ad dormiendum iubent; faba quidem Pythagorei utique abstinere, quasi vero eo cibo mens, non venter infletur. Sed nescio quo modo nihil tam absurde dici potest, quod non dicatur ab aliquo philosophorum. 1.11. Really, my dear Quintus, said I, I always have time for philosophy. Moreover, since there is nothing else at this time that I can do with pleasure, I am all the more eager to hear what you think about divination.There is, I assure you, said he, nothing new or original in my views; for those which I adopt are not only very old, but they are endorsed by the consent of all peoples and nations. There are two kinds of divination: the first is dependent on art, the other on nature. 1.62. Then shall we listen to Epicurus rather than to Plato? As for Carneades, in his ardour for controversy he asserts this and now that. But, you retort, Epicurus says what he thinks. But he thinks nothing that is ever well reasoned, or worthy of a philosopher. Will you, then, put this man before Plato or Socrates, who though they gave no reason, would yet prevail over these petty philosophers by the mere weight of their name? Now Platos advice to us is to set out for the land of dreams with bodies so prepared that no error or confusion may assail the soul. For this reason, it is thought, the Pythagoreans were forbidden to indulge in beans; for that food produces great flatulence and induces a condition at war with a soul in search for truth. 2.119. There is a like error in regard to dreams. How far-fetched is the argument in their defence! Our souls (according to the view of your school) are divine and are derived from an external source; the universe is filled with a multitude of harmonious souls; therefore, because of its divinity and its contact with other souls, the human soul during sleep foresees what is to come. But Zeno thinks that sleep is nothing more than a contraction — a slipping and a collapse, as it were — of the human soul. Then Pythagoras and Plato, who are most respectable authorities, bid us, if we would have trustworthy dreams, to prepare for sleep by following a prescribed course in conduct and in eating. The Pythagoreans make a point of prohibiting beans, as if thereby the soul and not the belly was filled with wind! Somehow or other no statement is too absurd for some philosophers to make.
26. Cicero, On Friendship, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophers; schools named after Found in books: Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 15
27. Cicero, Academica, 2.22.70 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •heresy, rabbinic judaism, influence of historiographical outlook of the philosophical schools •philosophical schools, as influencing rabbinic treatment of heresy Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 546
28. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 40 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
29. Cicero, Letters, 10.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
30. Cicero, Brutus, 120 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
120. quo magis tuum, Brute, iudicium probo, qui eorum [id est ex vetere Academia id est ... Academia secl. Lambinus ] philosophorum sectam secutus es, quorum in doctrina atque praeceptis disserendi ratio coniungitur cum suavitate dicendi et copia; quamquam ea ipsa Peripateticorum Academicorumque consuetudo in ratione cons. ratione Kayser dicendi docendi Martha talis est ut nec perficere oratorem possit ipsa per sese nec sine ea orator esse perfectus. Nam ut Stoicorum astrictior est oratio aliquantoque contractior quam aures populi requirunt, sic illorum liberior et latior quam patitur consuetudo iudiciorum et fori. Quis enim uberior in dicendo Platone?
31. Cicero, Brutus, 120 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
120. quo magis tuum, Brute, iudicium probo, qui eorum [id est ex vetere Academia id est ... Academia secl. Lambinus ] philosophorum sectam secutus es, quorum in doctrina atque praeceptis disserendi ratio coniungitur cum suavitate dicendi et copia; quamquam ea ipsa Peripateticorum Academicorumque consuetudo in ratione cons. ratione Kayser dicendi docendi Martha talis est ut nec perficere oratorem possit ipsa per sese nec sine ea orator esse perfectus. Nam ut Stoicorum astrictior est oratio aliquantoque contractior quam aures populi requirunt, sic illorum liberior et latior quam patitur consuetudo iudiciorum et fori. Quis enim uberior in dicendo Platone?
32. Philodemus, Herculanensia Volumina, 18.7-18.12, 18.40-18.41, 36.16-36.19, 79.5-79.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 39, 40
33. Philo of Alexandria, On The Preliminary Studies, 16.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 86; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 239
34. Philo of Alexandria, On The Confusion of Tongues, 27 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 331
27. Do you not perceive that they who are barren of wisdom and blinded as to the intellect which it would be natural to expect should be sharp-sighted, having the name of Sodomites from their real character," did, with all their people united together, from young to old, surround the house in a Circle" (that is to say, the house of the soul), in order to pollute and contaminate those strangers from a foreign land, who had been received in hospitality, namely, sacred and holy reasons, the guards and defenders of the soul; no one whatever attempting either to resist those wrong doers, or to avoid doing wrong himself?
35. Philo of Alexandria, On The Cherubim, 105 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 86
105. so the knowledge of the encyclical accomplishments decorates the whole habitation of the soul, while grammar investigates the principles of poetry and follows up the history of ancient events, and geometry labours at equalities according to analogy, and endeavours to remedy whatever in us is deficient in rhythm or in moderation, or in harmony, by giving us rhythm, and moderation, and harmony, by means of a polished system of music; and rhetoric aims at giving us acuteness in everything, and at properly adapting all proper interpretations to everything, claiming for itself the control of all intenseness and all the vehement affections, and again of all relaxations and pleasures, with great freedom of speech, and a successful application of the organs of language and voice. XXXI. 105. For all these reasons, and more besides, the number seven is honoured. But there is no one cause on account of which it has received its precedence so completely, as because it is by its means that the Creator and Father of the universe is most especially made manifest; for the mind beholds God in this as in a mirror, acting, and creating the world, and managing the whole universe. XXII.
36. Philo of Alexandria, On Husbandry, 18 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 239
18. and I will destroy these things, and I will implant in those souls which are of a childlike age, young shoots, whose fruit shall nourish them. And those shoots are as follows: the practice of writing and reading with facility; an accurate study and investigation of the works of wise poets; geometry, and a careful study of rhetorical speeches, and the whole course of encyclical education. And in those souls which have arrived at the age of puberty or of manhood, I will implant things which are even better and more perfect, namely, the tree of prudence, the tree of courage, the tree of temperance, the tree of justice, the tree of every respective virtue.
37. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 31-32 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 331
38. Horace, Sermones, 2.3.158, 2.7.83 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332
39. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 29 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 18
29. They have also writings of ancient men, who having been the founders of one sect or another have left behind them many memorials of the allegorical system of writing and explanation, whom they take as a kind of model, and imitate the general fashion of their sect; so that they do not occupy themselves solely in contemplation, but they likewise compose psalms and hymns to God in every kind of metre and melody imaginable, which they of necessity arrange in more dignified rhythm.
40. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 18
1.5. And I will begin first with that with which it is necessary to begin. Moses was by birth a Hebrew, but he was born, and brought up, and educated in Egypt, his ancestors having migrated into Egypt with all their families on account of the long famine which oppressed Babylon and all the adjacent countries; for they were in search of food, and Egypt was a champaign country blessed with a rich soil, and very productive of every thing which the nature of man requires, and especially of corn and wheat,
41. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 44 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 331
44. For God thought fit to endue nature with a long duration, making the races that he was creating immortal, and giving them a participation in eternity. On which account he led on and hastened the beginning towards the end, and caused the end to turn backwards to the beginning: for from plants comes fruit, as the end might come from the beginning; and from the fruit comes the seed, which again contains the plant within itself, so that a fresh beginning may come from the end. XIV.
42. Plutarch, On The Sign of Socrates, 580 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 244
43. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 42
44. Plutarch, It Is Impossible To Live Pleasantly In The Manner of Epicurus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 41
45. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 41
46. Plutarch, Themistocles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 41
47. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 62.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 304
62.3. καὶ ταῦτα τοσούτῳ ἥδιον ὑπεμνήσαμεν, ἐπειδὴ σαφῶς ᾔδειμεν γράφειν ἡμᾶς ἀνδράσιν πιστοῖς καὶ ἐλλογιμωτάτοις καὶ ἐγκεκυφόσιν εἰς τὰ λόγια τῆς παιδείας τοῦ θεοῦ.
48. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 10-13, 2, 8-9, 14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allison (2020), Saving One Another: Philodemus and Paul on Moral Formation in Community, 6
49. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.19.20-1.19.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 41
50. New Testament, Matthew, 23.25-23.28, 24.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 42; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 86
23.25. Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, γραμματεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι ὑποκριταί, ὅτι καθαρίζετε τὸ ἔξωθεν τοῦ ποτηρίου καὶ τῆς παροψίδος, ἔσωθεν δὲ γέμουσιν ἐξ ἁρπαγῆς καὶ ἀκρασίας. 23.26. Φαρισαῖε τυφλέ, καθάρισον πρῶτον τὸ ἔντος τοῦ ποτηρίου [καὶ τῆς παροψίδος], ἵνα γένηται καὶ τὸ ἐκτὸς αὐτοῦ καθαρόν. 23.27. Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, γραμματεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι ὑποκριταί, ὅτι παρομοιάζετε τάφοις κεκονιαμένοις, οἵτινες ἔξωθεν μὲν φαίνονται ὡραῖοι ἔσωθεν δὲ γέμουσιν ὀστέων νεκρῶν καὶ πάσης ἀκαθαρσίας· 23.28. οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς ἔξωθεν μὲν φαίνεσθε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις δίκαιοι, ἔσωθεν δέ ἐστε μεστοὶ ὑποκρίσεως καὶ ἀνομίας. 24.5. πολλοὶ γὰρ ἐλεύσονται ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματί μου λέγοντες Ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ χριστός, καὶ πολλοὺς πλανήσουσιν. 23.25. "Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you clean the outside of the cup and of the platter, but within they are full of extortion and unrighteousness. 23.26. You blind Pharisee, first clean the inside of the cup and of the platter, that the outside of it may become clean also. 23.27. "Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you are like whitened tombs, which outwardly appear beautiful, but inwardly are full of dead men's bones, and of all uncleanness. 23.28. Even so you also outwardly appear righteous to men, but inwardly you are full of hypocrisy and iniquity. 24.5. For many will come in my name, saying, 'I am the Christ,' and will lead many astray.
51. New Testament, Luke, 11.38-11.41 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 86
11.38. ὁ δὲ Φαρισαῖος ἰδὼν ἐθαύμασεν ὅτι οὐ πρῶτον ἐβαπτίσθη πρὸ τοῦ ἀρίστου. 11.39. εἶπεν δὲ ὁ κύριος πρὸς αὐτόν Νῦν ὑμεῖς οἱ Φαρισαῖοι τὸ ἔσωθεν τοῦ ποτηρίου καὶ τοῦ πίνακος καθαρίζετε, τὸ δὲ ἔσωθεν ὑμῶν γέμει ἁρπαγῆς καὶ πονηρίας. 11.40. ἄφρονες, οὐχ ὁ ποιήσας τὸ ἔξωθεν καὶ τὸ ἔσωθεν ἐποίησεν; 11.41. πλὴν τὰ ἐνόντα δότε ἐλεημοσύνην, καὶ ἰδοὺ πάντα καθαρὰ ὑμῖν ἐστίν. 11.38. When the Pharisee saw it, he marveled that he had not first washed himself before dinner. 11.39. The Lord said to him, "Now you Pharisees cleanse the outside of the cup and of the platter, but your inward part is full of extortion and wickedness. 11.40. You foolish ones, didn't he who made the outside make the inside also? 11.41. But give for gifts to the needy those things which are within, and behold, all things will be clean to you.
52. New Testament, Galatians, 1.6, 1.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 417
1.6. Θαυμάζω ὅτι οὕτως ταχέως μετατίθεσθε ἀπὸ τοῦ καλέσαντος ὑμᾶς ἐν χάριτι Χριστοῦ εἰς ἕτερον εὐαγγέλιον, 1.8. ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐὰν ἡμεῖς ἢ ἄγγελος ἐξ οὐρανοῦ εὐαγγελίσηται [ὑμῖν] παρʼ ὃ εὐηγγελισάμεθα ὑμῖν, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. 1.6. I marvel that you are so quickly deserting him who called you in the grace of Christ to a different gospel; 1.8. But even though we, or an angelfrom heaven, should preach to you any gospel other than that which wepreached to you, let him be cursed.
53. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 10.277, 13.5.9, 13.171-13.174, 15.371, 18.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools •schools, philosophical Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 330, 331; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 18
10.277. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error, 13.171. 9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essenes. 13.172. Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. 13.173. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War. 13.174. 10. But now the generals of Demetrius being willing to recover the defeat they had had, gathered a greater army together than they had before, and came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was informed of their coming, he went suddenly to meet them, to the country of Hamoth, for he resolved to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea; 15.371. The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. 18.12. 3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced;
54. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.8.1, 2.8.14, 2.119 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools •schools, philosophical •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 330; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 18; Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have.
55. Josephus Flavius, Life, 12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 330
56. New Testament, Colossians, 2.8, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 10, 78, 80; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 208
2.8. Βλέπετε μή τις ὑμᾶς ἔσται ὁ συλαγωγῶν διὰ τῆς φιλοσοφίας καὶ κενῆς ἀπάτης κατὰ τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, κατὰ τὰ στοιχεῖα τοῦ κόσμου καὶ οὐ κατὰ Χριστόν· 3.1. Εἰ οὖν συνηγέρθητε τῷ χριστῷ, τὰ ἄνω ζητεῖτε, οὗ ὁ χριστός ἐστινἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ θεοῦ καθήμενος· 2.8. Be careful that you don't let anyone rob you through his philosophy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the elements of the world, and not after Christ. 3.1. If then you were raised together with Christ, seek the things that are above, where Christ is, seated on the right hand of God.
57. Mishnah, Oholot, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 85
16.1. "כָּל הַמִּטַּלְטְלִין מְבִיאִין אֶת הַטֻּמְאָה כָּעֳבִי הַמַּרְדֵּעַ. אָמַר רַבִּי טַרְפוֹן, אֲקַפַּח אֶת בָּנַי שֶׁזּוֹ הֲלָכָה מְקֻפַּחַת, שֶׁשָּׁמַע הַשּׁוֹמֵעַ, וְטָעָה, שֶׁהָאִכָּר עוֹבֵר וְהַמַּרְדֵּעַ עַל כְּתֵפוֹ, וְהֶאֱהִיל צִדּוֹ אֶחָד עַל הַקֶּבֶר, וְטִמְּאוּהוּ מִשּׁוּם כֵּלִים הַמַּאֲהִילִים עַל הַמֵּת. אָמַר רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא, אֲנִי אֲתַקֵּן שֶׁיְּהוּ דִבְרֵי חֲכָמִים קַיָּמִין, שֶׁיְּהוּ כָל הַמִּטַּלְטְלִין מְבִיאִין אֶת הַטֻּמְאָה עַל אָדָם הַנּוֹשְׂאָן בָּעֳבִי הַמַּרְדֵּעַ, וְעַל עַצְמָן בְּכָל שֶׁהֵן, וְעַל שְׁאָר אָדָם וְכֵלִים בְּפוֹתֵחַ טָפַח: \n", 16.1. "All movable things convey uncleanness when they are of the thickness of an ox-goad. Rabbi Tarfon said: May I [see the] demise of my sons if this is [not] a demised halakhah which someone heard and misunderstood. For a farmer was passing by and over his shoulder was an ox-goad, and one end overshadowed a grave. He was declared unclean on account of vessels that were overshadowing a corpse. Rabbi Akiva said: I can fix [the halakhah] so that the words of the sages can exist [as they are]: All movable things convey uncleanness to come upon a person carrying them, when they are of the thickness of an ox-goad; Upon themselves when they are of whatever thickness; And upon other men or vessels [which they overshadow] when they are one handbreadth wide.",
58. Anon., Didache, 2018-11-12 00:00:00 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 303
59. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 35.1 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 237
35.1. Gentlemen, I have come before you not to display my talents as a speaker nor because I want money from you, or expect your praise. For I know not only that I myself am not sufficiently well equipped to satisfy you by my eloquence, but also that your circumstances are not such as to need my message. Furthermore, the disparity between what you demand of a speaker and my own powers is very great. For it is my nature to talk quite simply and unaffectedly and in a manner in no wise better than that of any ordinary person; whereas you are devoted to oratory to a degree that is remarkable, I may even say excessive, and you tolerate as speakers only those who are very clever.
60. New Testament, Acts, 4.17, 17.8, 17.13-17.34, 18.1, 18.12-18.17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 2, 10, 76, 80; Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 208
4.17. ἀλλʼ ἵνα μὴ ἐπὶ πλεῖον διανεμηθῇ εἰς τὸν λαόν, ἀπειλησώμεθα αὐτοῖς μηκέτι λαλεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ μηδενὶ ἀνθρώπων. 17.8. ἐτάραξαν δὲ τὸν ὄχλον καὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας ἀκούοντας ταῦτα, 17.13. Ὡς δὲ ἔγνωσαν οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης Ἰουδαῖοι ὅτι καὶ ἐν τῇ Βεροίᾳ κατηγγέλη ὑπὸ τοῦ Παύλου ὁ λόγος τοῦ θεοῦ, ἦλθον κἀκεῖ σαλεύοντες καὶ ταράσσοντες τοὺς ὄχλους. 17.14. εὐθέως δὲ τότε τὸν Παῦλον ἐξαπέστειλαν οἱ ἀδελφοὶ πορεύεσθαι-ἕως ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν· ὑπέμεινάν τε ὅ τε Σίλας καὶ ὁ Τιμόθεος ἐκεῖ. 17.15. οἱ δὲ καθιστάνοντες τὸν Παῦλον ἤγαγον ἕως Ἀθηνῶν, καὶ λαβόντες ἐντολὴν πρὸς τὸν Σίλαν καὶ τὸν Τιμόθεον ἵνα ὡς τάχιστα ἔλθωσιν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐξῄεσαν. 17.16. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἐκδεχομένου αὐτοὺς τοῦ Παύλου, παρωξύνετο τὸ πνεῦμα αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ θεωροῦντος κατείδωλον οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν. 17.17. διελέγετο μὲν οὖν ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις καὶ τοῖς σεβομένοις καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν πρὸς τοὺς παρατυγχάνοντας. 17.18. τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἐπικουρίων καὶ Στωικῶν φιλοσόφων συνέβαλλον αὐτῷ, καί τινες ἔλεγον Τί ἂν θέλοι ὁ σπερμολόγος οὗτος λέγειν; οἱ δέ Ξένων δαιμονίων δοκεῖ καταγγελεὺς εἶναι· 17.19. ὅτι τὸν Ἰησοῦν καὶ τὴν ἀνάστασιν εὐηγγελίζετο. ἐπιλαβόμενοι δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἄρειον Πάγον ἤγαγον, λέγοντες Δυνάμεθα γνῶναι τίς ἡ καινὴ αὕτη [ἡ] ὑπὸ σοῦ λαλουμένη διδαχή; 17.20. ξενίζοντα γάρ τινα εἰσφέρεις εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς ἡμῶν·βουλόμεθα οὖν γνῶναι τίνα θέλει ταῦτα εἶναι. 17.21. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ πάντες καὶ οἱ ἐπιδημοῦντες ξένοι εἰς οὐδὲν ἕτερον ηὐκαίρουν ἢ λέγειν τι ἢ ἀκούειν τι καινότερον. 17.22. σταθεὶς δὲ Παῦλος ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ Ἀρείου Πάγου ἔφη Ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, κατὰ πάντα ὡς δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ· 17.23. διερχόμενος γὰρ καὶ ἀναθεωρῶν τὰ σεβάσματα ὑμῶν εὗρον καὶ βωμὸν ἐν ᾧ ἐπεγέγραπτο ΑΓΝΩΣΤΩ ΘΕΩ. ὃ οὖν ἀγνοοῦντες εὐσεβεῖτε, τοῦτο ἐγὼ καταγγέλλω ὑμῖν. 17.24. ὁ θεὸς ὁ ποιήσας τὸν κόσμον καὶ πάντατὰ ἐν αὐτῷ, οὗτος οὐρανοῦ καὶ γῆς ὑπάρχων κύριος οὐκ ἐν χειροποιήτοις ναοῖς κατοικεῖ 17.25. οὐδὲ ὑπὸ χειρῶν ἀνθρωπίνων θεραπεύεται προσδεόμενός τινος, αὐτὸςδιδοὺς πᾶσι ζωὴν καὶ πνοὴν καὶ τὰ πάντα· 17.26. ἐποίησέν τε ἐξ ἑνὸς πᾶν ἔθνος ανθρώπων κατοικεῖν ἐπὶ παντὸς προσώπου τῆς γῆς, ὁρίσας προστεταγμένους καιροὺς καὶ τὰς ὁροθεσίας τῆς κατοικίας αὐτῶν, 17.27. ζητεῖν τὸν θεὸν εἰ ἄρα γε ψηλαφήσειαν αὐτὸν καὶ εὕροιεν, καί γε οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ ἑνὸς ἑκάστου ἡμῶν ὑπάρχοντα. 17.28. ἐν αὐτῷ γὰρ ζῶμεν καὶ κινούμεθα καὶ ἐσμέν, ὡς καί τινες τῶν καθʼ ὑμᾶς ποιητῶν εἰρήκασιν q type="spoken" 17.29. γένος οὖν ὑπάρχοντες τοῦ θεοῦ οὐκ ὀφείλομεν νομίζειν χρυσῷ ἢ ἀργύρῳ ἢ λίθῳ, χαράγματι τέχνής καὶ ἐνθυμήσεως ἀνθρώπου, τὸ θεῖον εἶναι ὅμοιον. 17.30. τοὺς μὲν οὖν χρόνους τῆς ἀγνοίας ὑπεριδὼν ὁ θεὸς τὰ νῦν ἀπαγγέλλει τοῖς ἀνθρώποις πάντας πανταχοῦ μετανοεῖν, 17.31. καθότι ἔστησεν ἡμέραν ἐν ᾗ μέλλει κρίνειν τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ ἐν ἀνδρὶ ᾧ ὥρισεν, πίστιν παρασχὼν πᾶσιν ἀναστήσας αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν. 17.32. ἀκούσαντες δὲ ἀνάστασιν νεκρῶν οἱ μὲν ἐχλεύαζον οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Ἀκουσόμεθά σου περὶ τούτου καὶ πάλιν. 17.33. οὕτως ὁ Παῦλος ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ μέσου αὐτῶν· 17.34. τινὲς δὲ ἄνδρες κολληθέντες αὐτῷ ἐπίστευσαν, ἐν οἷς καὶ Διονύσιος [ὁ] Ἀρεοπαγίτης καὶ γυνὴ ὀνόματι Δάμαρις καὶ ἕτεροι σὺν αὐτοῖς. pb n="289" / 18.1. Μετὰ ταῦτα χωρισθεὶς ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἦλθεν εἰς Κόρινθον. 18.12. Γαλλίωνος δὲ ἀνθυπάτου ὄντος τῆς Ἀχαίας κατεπέστησαν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ὁμοθυμαδὸν τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ ἤγαγον αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα, 18.13. λέγοντες ὅτι Παρὰ τὸν νόμον ἀναπείθει οὗτος τοὺς ἀνθρώπους σέβεσθαι τὸν θεόν. 18.14. μέλλοντος δὲ τοῦ Παύλου ἀνοίγειν τὸ στόμα εἶπεν ὁ Γαλλίων πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους Εἰ μὲν ἦν ἀδίκημά τι ἢ ῥᾳδιούργημα πονηρόν, ὦ Ἰουδαῖοι, κατὰ λόγον ἂν ἀνεσχόμην ὑμῶν· 18.15. εἰ δὲ ζητήματά ἐστιν περὶ λόγου καὶ ὀνομάτων καὶ νόμου τοῦ καθʼ ὑμᾶς, ὄψεσθε αὐτοί· κριτὴς ἐγὼ τούτων οὐ βούλομαι εἶναι. 18.16. καὶ ἀπήλασεν αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος. 18.17. ἐπιλαβόμενοι δὲ πάντες Σωσθένην τὸν ἀρχισυνάγωγον ἔτυπτον ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ βήματος· καὶ οὐδὲν τούτων τῷ Γαλλίωνι ἔμελεν. 4.17. But so that this spreads no further among the people, let's threaten them, that from now on they don't speak to anyone in this name." 17.8. The multitude and the rulers of the city were troubled when they heard these things. 17.13. But when the Jews of Thessalonica had knowledge that the word of God was proclaimed by Paul at Beroea also, they came there likewise, agitating the multitudes. 17.14. Then the brothers immediately sent out Paul to go as far as to the sea, and Silas and Timothy still stayed there. 17.15. But those who escorted Paul brought him as far as Athens. Receiving a commandment to Silas and Timothy that they should come to him with all speed, they departed. 17.16. Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was provoked within him as he saw the city full of idols. 17.17. So he reasoned in the synagogue with Jews and the devout persons, and in the marketplace every day with those who met him. 17.18. Some of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers also encountered him. Some said, "What does this babbler want to say?"Others said, "He seems to be advocating foreign demons," because he preached Jesus and the resurrection. 17.19. They took hold of him, and brought him to the Areopagus, saying, "May we know what this new teaching is, which is spoken by you? 17.20. For you bring certain strange things to our ears. We want to know therefore what these things mean." 17.21. Now all the Athenians and the strangers living there spent their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing. 17.22. Paul stood in the midst of the Areopagus, and said, "You men of Athens, I perceive that you are very religious in all things. 17.23. For as I passed along, and observed the objects of your worship, I found also an altar with this inscription: 'TO AN UNKNOWN GOD.' What therefore you worship in ignorance, this I announce to you. 17.24. The God who made the world and all things in it, he, being Lord of heaven and earth, dwells not in temples made with hands, 17.25. neither is he served by men's hands, as though he needed anything, seeing he himself gives to all life and breath, and all things. 17.26. He made from one blood every nation of men to dwell on all the surface of the earth, having determined appointed seasons, and the bounds of their habitation, 17.27. that they should seek the Lord, if perhaps they might reach out for him and find him, though he is not far from each one of us. 17.28. 'For in him we live, and move, and have our being.' As some of your own poets have said, 'For we are also his offspring.' 17.29. Being then the offspring of God, we ought not to think that the Divine Nature is like gold, or silver, or stone, engraved by art and device of man. 17.30. The times of ignorance therefore God overlooked. But now he commands that all men everywhere should repent, 17.31. because he has appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness by the man whom he has ordained; whereof he has given assurance to all men, in that he has raised him from the dead." 17.32. Now when they heard of the resurrection of the dead, some mocked; but others said, "We want to hear you yet again concerning this." 17.33. Thus Paul went out from among them. 17.34. But certain men joined with him, and believed, among whom also was Dionysius the Areopagite, and a woman named Damaris, and others with them. 18.1. After these things Paul departed from Athens, and came to Corinth. 18.12. But when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews with one accord rose up against Paul and brought him before the judgment seat, 18.13. saying, "This man persuades men to worship God contrary to the law." 18.14. But when Paul was about to open his mouth, Gallio said to the Jews, "If indeed it were a matter of wrong or of wicked crime, Jews, it would be reasonable that I should bear with you; 18.15. but if they are questions about words and names and your own law, look to it yourselves. For I don't want to be a judge of these matters." 18.16. He drove them from the judgment seat. 18.17. Then all the Greeks laid hold on Sosthenes, the ruler of the synagogue, and beat him before the judgment seat. Gallio didn't care about any of these things.
61. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 2.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 232
62. Tosefta, Sanhedrin, 7.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 85
63. Tosefta, Oholot, 15.12-15.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 85
64. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams (2012), The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions', 263
65. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 2.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332
66. Suetonius, Claudius, 25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophers; schools named after Found in books: Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 14
67. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 10.10.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philip ii of macedon, philosophical schools, alleged decline of Found in books: Williams (2012), The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions', 91
68. Lucian, Hermotimus, Or Sects, 47, 82-86 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
69. Tertullian, Against Marcion, 1.9, 1.15, 1.27.5, 4.36 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools •schools, philosophical •philosophical schools Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 331, 388; Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 101; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 208
1.9. Now I know full well by what perceptive faculty they boast of their new god; even their knowledge. It is, however, this very discovery of a novel thing - so striking to common minds - as well as the natural gratification which is inherent in novelty, that I wanted to refute, and thence further to challenge a proof of this unknown god. For him whom by their knowledge they present to us as new, they prove to have been unknown previous to that knowledge. Let us keep within the strict limits and measure of our argument. Convince me there could have been an unknown god. I find, no doubt, that altars have been lavished on unknown gods; that, however, is the idolatry of Athens. And on uncertain gods; but that, too, is only Roman superstition. Furthermore, uncertain gods are not well known, because no certainty about them exists; and because of this uncertainty they are therefore unknown. Now, which of these two titles shall we carve for Marcion's god? Both, I suppose, as for a being who is still uncertain, and was formerly unknown. For inasmuch as the Creator, being a known God, caused him to be unknown; so, as being a certain God, he made him to be uncertain. But I will not go so far out of my way, as to say: If God was unknown and concealed, He was overshadowed in such a region of darkness, as must have been itself new and unknown, and be even now likewise uncertain - some immense region indeed, one undoubtedly greater than the God whom it concealed. But I will briefly state my subject, and afterwards most fully pursue it, promising that God neither could have been, nor ought to have been, unknown. Could not have been, because of His greatness; ought not to have been, because of His goodness, especially as He is (supposed, by Marcion) more excellent in both these attributes than our Creator. Since, however, I observe that in some points the proof of every new and heretofore unknown god ought, for its test, to be compared to the form of the Creator, it will be my duty first of all to show that this very course is adopted by me in a settled plan, such as I might with greater confidence use in support of my argument. Before every other consideration, (let me ask) how it happens that you, who acknowledge the Creator to be God, and from your knowledge confess Him to be prior in existence, do not know that the other god should be examined by you in exactly the same course of investigation which has taught you how to find out a god in the first case? Every prior thing has furnished the rule for the latter. In the present question two gods are propounded, the unknown and the known. Concerning the known there is no question. It is plain that He exists, else He would not be known. The dispute is concerning the unknown god. Possibly he has no existence; because, if he had, he would have been known. Now that which, so long as it is unknown, is an object to be questioned, is an uncertainty so long as it remains thus questionable; and all the while it is in this state of uncertainty, it possibly has no existence at all. You have a god who is so far certain, as he is known; and uncertain, as unknown. This being the case, does it appear to you to be justly defensible, that uncertainties should be submitted for proof to the rule, and form, and standard of certainties? Now, if to the subject before us, which is in itself full of uncertainty thus far, there be applied also arguments derived from uncertainties, we shall be involved in such a series of questions arising out of our treatment of these same uncertain arguments, as shall by reason of their uncertainty be dangerous to the faith, and we shall drift into those insoluble questions which the apostle has no affection for. If, again, in things wherein there is found a diversity of condition, they shall prejudge, as no doubt they will, uncertain, doubtful, and intricate points, by the certain, undoubted, and clear sides of their rule, it will probably happen that (those points) will not be submitted to the standard of certainties for determination, as being freed by the diversity of their essential condition from the application of such a standard in all other respects. As, therefore, it is two gods which are the subject of our proposition, their essential condition must be the same in both. For, as concerns their divinity, they are both unbegotten, unmade, eternal. This will be their essential condition. All other points Marcion himself seems to have made light of, for he has placed them in a different category. They are subsequent in the order of treatment; indeed, they will not have to be brought into the discussion, since on the essential condition there is no dispute. Now there is this absence of our dispute, because they are both of them gods. Those things, therefore, whose community of condition is evident, will, when brought to a test on the ground of that common condition, have to be submitted, although they are uncertain, to the standard of those certainties with which they are classed in the community of their essential condition, so as on this account to share also in their manner of proof. I shall therefore contend with the greatest confidence that he is not God who is today uncertain, because he has been hitherto unknown; for of whomsoever it is evident that he is God, from this very fact it is (equally) evident, that he never has been unknown, and therefore never uncertain. 1.15. After all, or, if you like, before all, since you have said that he has a creation of his own, and his own world, and his own sky; we shall see, indeed, about that third heaven, when we come to discuss even your own apostle. Meanwhile, whatever is the (created) substance, it ought at any rate to have made its appearance in company with its own god. But now, how happens it that the Lord has been revealed since the twelfth year of Tiberius C sar, while no creation of His at all has been discovered up to the fifteenth of the Emperor Severus; although, as being more excellent than the paltry works of the Creator, it should certainly have ceased to conceal itself, when its lord and author no longer lies hid? I ask, therefore, if it was unable to manifest itself in this world, how did its Lord appear in this world? If this world received its Lord, why was it not able to receive the created substance, unless perchance it was greater than its Lord? But now there arises a question about place, having reference both to the world above and to the God thereof. For, behold, if he has his own world beneath him, above the Creator, he has certainly fixed it in a position, the space of which was empty between his own feet and the Creator's head. Therefore God both Himself occupied local space, and caused the world to occupy local space; and this local space, too, will be greater than God and the world together. For in no case is that which contains not greater than that which is contained. And indeed we must look well to it that no small patches be left here and there vacant, in which some third god also may be able with a world of his own to foist himself in. Now, begin to reckon up your gods. There will be local space for a god, not only as being greater than God, but as being also unbegotten and unmade, and therefore eternal, and equal to God, in which God has ever been. Then, inasmuch as He too has fabricated a world out of some underlying material which is unbegotten, and unmade, and contemporaneous with God, just as Marcion holds of the Creator, you reduce this likewise to the dignity of that local space which has enclosed two gods, both God and matter. For matter also is a god according to the rule of Deity, being (to be sure) unbegotten, and unmade, and eternal. If, however, it was out of nothing that he made his world, this also (our heretic) will be obliged to predicate of the Creator, to whom he subordinates matter in the substance of the world. But it will be only right that he too should have made his world out of matter, because the same process occurred to him as God which lay before the Creator as equally God. And thus you may, if you please, reckon up so far, three gods as Marcion's - the Maker, local space, and matter. Furthermore, he in like manner makes the Creator a god in local space, which is itself to be appraised on a precisely identical scale of dignity; and to Him as its lord he subordinates matter, which is notwithstanding unbegotten, and unmade, and by reason hereof eternal. With this matter he further associates evil, an unbegotten principle with an unbegotten object, an unmade with an unmade, and an eternal with an eternal; so here he makes a fourth God. Accordingly you have three substances of Deity in the higher instances, and in the lower ones four. When to these are added their Christs - the one which appeared in the time of Tiberius, the other which is promised by the Creator - Marcion suffers a manifest wrong from those persons who assume that he holds two gods, whereas he implies no less than nine, though he knows it not. 4.36. When He recommends perseverance and earnestness in prayer, He sets before us the parable of the judge who was compelled to listen to the widow, owing to the earnestness and importunity of her requests. Luke 18:1-8 He show us that it is God the judge whom we must importune with prayer, and not Himself, if He is not Himself the judge. But He added, that God would avenge His own elect. Luke 18:7-8 Since, then, He who judges will also Himself be the avenger, He proved that the Creator is on that account the specially good God, whom He represented as the avenger of His own elect, who cry day and night to Him. And yet, when He introduces to our view the Creator's temple, and describes two men worshipping therein with diverse feelings - the Pharisee in pride, the publican in humility - and shows us how they accordingly went down to their homes, one rejected, the other justified, Luke 18:10-14 He surely, by thus teaching us the proper discipline of prayer, has determined that that God must be prayed to from whom men were to receive this discipline of prayer- whether condemnatory of pride, or justifying in humility. I do not find from Christ any temple, any suppliants, any sentence (of approval or condemnation) belonging to any other god than the Creator. Him does He enjoin us to worship in humility, as the lifter-up of the humble, not in pride, because He brings down the proud. What other god has He manifested to me to receive my supplications? With what formula of worship, with what hope (shall I approach him?) I trow, none. For the prayer which He has taught us suits, as we have proved, none but the Creator. It is, of course, another matter if He does not wish to be prayed to, because He is the supremely and spontaneously good God! But who is this good God? There is, He says, none but one. Luke 18:19 It is not as if He had shown us that one of two gods was the supremely good; but He expressly asserts that there is one only good God, who is the only good, because He is the only God. Now, undoubtedly, He is the good God who sends rain on the just and on the unjust, and makes His sun to rise on the evil and on the good; Matthew 5:45 sustaining and nourishing and assisting even Marcionites themselves! When afterwards a certain man asked him, 'Good Master, what shall I do to inherit eternal life?' (Jesus) inquired whether he knew (that is, in other words, whether he kept) the commandments of the Creator, in order to testify that it was by the Creator's precepts that eternal life is acquired. Luke 18:18-20 Then, when he affirmed that from his youth up he had kept all the principal commandments, (Jesus) said to him: One thing you yet lack: sell all that you have, and give to the poor, and you shall have treasure in heaven; and come, follow me. Luke 18:21-22 Well now, Marcion, and all you who are companions in misery, and associates in hatred with that heretic, what will you dare say to this? Did Christ rescind the forementioned commandments: Do not kill, Do not commit adultery, Do not steal, Do not bear false witness, Honour your father and your mother? Or did He both keep them, and then add what was wanting to them? This very precept, however, about giving to the poor, was very largely diffused through the pages of the law and the prophets. This vainglorious observer of the commandments was therefore convicted of holding money in much higher estimation (than charity). This verity of the gospel then stands unimpaired: I am not come to destroy the law and the prophets, but rather to fulfil them. Matthew 5:17 He also dissipated other doubts, when He declared that the name of God and of the Good belonged to one and the same being, at whose disposal were also the everlasting life and the treasure in heaven and Himself too - whose commandments He both maintained and augmented with His own supplementary precepts. He may likewise be discovered in the following passage of Micah, saying: He has showed you, O man, what is good; and what does the Lord require of you, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to be ready to follow the Lord your God? Now Christ is the man who tells us what is good, even the knowledge of the law. You know, says He, the commandments. To do justly- Sell all that you have; to love mercy - Give to the poor: and to be ready to walk with God - And come, says He, follow me. The Jewish nation was from its beginning so carefully divided into tribes and clans, and families and houses, that no man could very well have been ignorant of his descent - even from the recent assessments of Augustus, which were still probably extant at this time. But the Jesus of Marcion (although there could be no doubt of a person's having been born, who was seen to be a man), as being unborn, could not, of course, have possessed any public testimonial of his descent, but was to be regarded as one of that obscure class of whom nothing was in any way known. Why then did the blind man, on hearing that He was passing by, exclaim, Jesus, You Son of David, have mercy on me? Luke 18:38 unless he was considered, in no uncertain manner, to be the Son of David (in other words, to belong to David's family) through his mother and his brethren, who at some time or other had been made known to him by public notoriety? Those, however, who went before rebuked the blind man, that he should hold his peace. Luke 18:39 And properly enough; because he was very noisy, not because he was wrong about the son of David. Else you must show me, that those who rebuked him were aware that Jesus was not the Son of David, in order that they may be supposed to have had this reason for imposing silence on the blind man. But even if you could show me this, still (the blind man) would more readily have presumed that they were ignorant, than that the Lord could possibly have permitted an untrue exclamation about Himself. But the Lord stood patient. Luke 18:40 Yes; but not as confirming the error, for, on the contrary, He rather displayed the Creator. Surely He could not have first removed this man's blindness, in order that he might afterwards cease to regard Him as the Son of David! However, that you may not slander His patience, nor fasten on Him any charge of dissimulation, nor deny Him to be the Son of David, He very pointedly confirmed the exclamation of the blind man - both by the actual gift of healing, and by bearing testimony to his faith: Your faith, say Christ, has made you whole. Luke 18:42 What would you have the blind man's faith to have been? That Jesus was descended from that (alien) god (of Marcion), to subvert the Creator and overthrow the law and the prophets? That He was not the destined offshoot from the root of Jesse, and the fruit of David's loins, the restorer also of the blind? But I apprehend there were at that time no such stone-blind persons as Marcion, that an opinion like this could have constituted the faith of the blind man, and have induced him to confide in the mere name, of Jesus, the Son of David. He, who knew all this of Himself, and wished others to know it also, endowed the faith of this man - although it was already gifted with a better sight, and although it was in possession of the true light - with the external vision likewise, in order that we too might learn the rule of faith, and at the same time find its recompense. Whosoever wishes to see Jesus the Son of David must believe in Him; through the Virgin's birth. He who will not believe this will not hear from Him the salutation, Your faith has saved you. And so he will remain blind, falling into Antithesis after Antithesis, which mutually destroy each other, just as the blind man leads the blind down into the ditch. For (here is one of Marcion's Antitheses): whereas David in old time, in the capture of Sion, was offended by the blind who opposed his admission (into the stronghold) - in which respect (I should rather say) that they were a type of people equally blind, who in after-times would not admit Christ to be the son of David - so, on the contrary, Christ succoured the blind man, to show by this act that He was not David's son, and how different in disposition He was, kind to the blind, while David ordered them to be slain. If all this were so, why did Marcion allege that the blind man's faith was of so worthless a stamp? The fact is, the Son of David so acted, that the Antithesis must lose its point by its own absurdity. Those persons who offended David were blind, and the man who now presents himself as a suppliant to David's son is afflicted with the same infirmity. Therefore the Son of David was appeased with some sort of satisfaction by the blind man when He restored him to sight, and added His approval of the faith which had led him to believe the very truth, that he must win to his help the Son of David by earnest entreaty. But, after all, I suspect that it was the audacity (of the old Jebusites) which offended David, and not their malady.
70. Tertullian, Apology, 3.6, 39.5, 40.7, 46.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 267; Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
3.6. stationum suarum Stoici, Academici? aeque medici ab Erasistrato et grammatici ab Aristarcho, coci etiam ab Apicio? nec tamen quemquam offendit professio nominis cum institutione transmissa ab institutore. 39.5. quasi deposita pietatis sunt. 40.7. tenus, ceterum contacta cinerescunt. Sed nec Tuscia iam tunc atque Campania de Christianis querebantur, cum Vulsinios de caelo, Pompeios de suo monte perfudit ignis. 46.2.
71. Tertullian, On The Flesh of Christ, 17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 304
17. But, leaving Alexander with his syllogisms, which he so perversely applies in his discussions, as well as with the hymns of Valentinus, which, with consummate assurance, he interpolates as the production of some respectable author, let us confine our inquiry to a single point - Whether Christ received flesh from the virgin?- that we may thus arrive at a certain proof that His flesh was human, if He derived its substance from His mother's womb, although we are at once furnished with clear evidences of the human character of His flesh, from its name and description as that of a man, and from the nature of its constitution, and from the system of its sensations, and from its suffering of death. Now, it will first be necessary to show what previous reason there was for the Son of God's being born of a virgin. He who was going to consecrate a new order of birth, must Himself be born after a novel fashion, concerning which Isaiah foretold how that the Lord Himself would give the sign. What, then, is the sign? Behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son. Isaiah 7:14 Accordingly, a virgin did conceive and bear Emmanuel, God with us. Matthew 1:23 This is the new nativity; a man is born in God. And in this man God was born, taking the flesh of an ancient race, without the help, however, of the ancient seed, in order that He might reform it with a new seed, that is, in a spiritual manner, and cleanse it by the re-moval of all its ancient stains. But the whole of this new birth was prefigured, as was the case in all other instances, in ancient type, the Lord being born as man by a dispensation in which a virgin was the medium. The earth was still in a virgin state, reduced as yet by no human labour, with no seed as yet cast into its furrows, when, as we are told, God made man out of it into a living soul. Genesis 2:7 As, then, the first Adam is thus introduced to us, it is a just inference that the second Adam likewise, as the apostle has told us, was formed by God into a quickening spirit out of the ground - in other words, out of a flesh which was unstained as yet by any human generation. But that I may lose no opportunity of supporting my argument from the name of Adam, why is Christ called Adam by the apostle, unless it be that, as man, He was of that earthly origin? And even reason here maintains the same conclusion, because it was by just the contrary operation that God recovered His own image and likeness, of which He had been robbed by the devil. For it was while Eve was yet a virgin, that the ensnaring word had crept into her ear which was to build the edifice of death. Into a virgin's soul, in like manner, must be introduced that Word of God which was to raise the fabric of life; so that what had been reduced to ruin by this sex, might by the selfsame sex be recovered to salvation. As Eve had believed the serpent, so Mary believed the angel. The delinquency which the one occasioned by believing, the other by believing effaced. But (it will be said) Eve did not at the devil's word conceive in her womb. Well, she at all events conceived; for the devil's word afterwards became as seed to her that she should conceive as an outcast, and bring forth in sorrow. Indeed she gave birth to a fratricidal devil; while Mary, on the contrary, bare one who was one day to secure salvation to Israel, His own brother after the flesh, and the murderer of Himself. God therefore sent down into the virgin's womb His Word, as the good Brother, who should blot out the memory of the evil brother. Hence it was necessary that Christ should come forth for the salvation of man, in that condition of flesh into which man had entered ever since his condemnation.
72. Tertullian, On Fasting, Against The Psychics, 12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 101
73. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 2.1-2.2, 2.10, 2.20 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 77, 90
2.1. περὶ δὲ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ ̓Αθηναίου τάδε χρὴ εἰδέναι: ὁ σοφιστὴς ̔Ηρώδης ἐτέλει μὲν ἐκ πατέρων ἐς τοὺς δισυπάτους, ἀνέφερε δὲ ἐς τὸν τῶν Αἰακιδῶν, οὓς ξυμμάχους ποτὲ ἡ ̔Ελλὰς ἐπὶ τὸν Πέρσην ἐποιεῖτο, ἀπηξίου δὲ οὐδὲ τὸν Μιλτιάδην, οὐδὲ τὸν Κίμωνα, ὡς ἄνδρε ἀρίστω καὶ πολλοῦ ἀξίω ̓Αθηναίοις τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ̔́Ελλησι περὶ τὰ Μηδικά, ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἦρξε τροπαίων Μηδικῶν, ὁ δὲ ἀπῄτησε δίκας τοὺς βαρβάρους ὧν μετὰ ταῦτα ὕβρισαν. ἄριστα δὲ ἀνθρώπων πλούτῳ ἐχρήσατο. τουτὶ δὲ μὴ τῶν εὐμεταχειρίστων ἡγώμεθα, ἀλλὰ τῶν παγχαλέπων τε καὶ δυσκόλων, οἱ γὰρ πλούτῳ μεθύοντες  ὕβριν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐπαντλοῦσιν. προσδιαβάλλουσι δὲ ὡς καὶ τυφλὸν τὸν πλοῦτον, ὃς εἰ καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἐδόκει τυφλός, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ ̔Ηρώδου ἀνέβλεψεν, ἔβλεψε μὲν γὰρ ἐς φίλους, ἔβλεψε δὲ ἐς πόλεις, ἔβλεψε δὲ ἐς ἔθνη, πάντων περιωπὴν ἔχοντος τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ θησαυρίζοντος τὸν πλοῦτον ἐν ταῖς τῶν μετεχόντων αὐτοῦ γνώμαις. ἔλεγε γὰρ δή, ὡς προσήκοι τὸν ὀρθῶς πλούτῳ χρώμενον τοῖς μὲν δεομένοις ἐπαρκεῖν, ἵνα μὴ δέωνται, τοῖς δὲ μὴ δεομένοις, ἵνα μὴ δεηθῶσιν, ἐκάλει τε τὸν μὲν ἀσύμβολον πλοῦτον καὶ φειδοῖ κεκολασμένον νεκρὸν πλοῦτον, τοὺς δὲ θησαυρούς, ἐς οὓς ἀποτίθενται τὰ χρήματα ἔνιοι, πλούτου δεσμωτήρια, τοὺς δὲ καὶ θύειν ἀξιοῦντας ἀποθέτοις χρήμασιν ̓Αλωάδας ἐπωνόμαζε θύοντας ̓́Αρει μετὰ τὸ δῆσαι αὐτόν. πηγαὶ δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ πλούτου πολλαὶ μὲν κἀκ πολλῶν οἴκων, μέγισται δὲ ἥ τε πατρῴα καὶ ἡ μητρόθεν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ πάππος αὐτοῦ ̔́Ιππαρχος ἐδημεύθη τὴν οὐσίαν ἐπὶ τυραννικαῖς αἰτίαις, ἃς ̓Αθηναῖοι μὲν οὐκ ἐπῆγον, ὁ δὲ αὐτοκράτωρ οὐκ ἠγνόησεν, ̓Αττικὸν δὲ τὸν μὲν ἐκείνου παῖδα, ̔Ηρώδου δὲ πατέρα οὐ περιεῖδεν ἡ Τύχη πένητα ἐκ πλουσίου γενόμενον, ἀλλ' ἀνέδειξεν αὐτῷ θησαυροῦ χρῆμα ἀμύθητον ἐν μιᾷ τῶν οἰκιῶν, ἃς πρὸς τῷ θεάτρῳ ἐκέκτητο, οὗ διὰ μέγεθος εὐλαβὴς μᾶλλον ἢ περιχαρὴς γενόμενος ἔγραψε πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα ἐπιστολὴν ὧδε ξυγκειμένην: “θησαυρόν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἐπὶ τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ οἰκίας εὕρηκα: τί οὖν περὶ αὐτοῦ κελεύεις;” καὶ ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ, Νερούας δὲ ἦρχε τότε, “χρῶ” ἔφη “οἷς εὕρηκας.” τοῦ δὲ ̓Αττικοῦ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς εὐλαβείας μείναντος καὶ γράψαντος ὑπὲρ ἑαυτὸν εἶναι τὰ τοῦ θησαυροῦ μέτρα “καὶ παραχρῶ” ἔφη “τῷ ἑρμαίῳ, σὸν γάρ ἐστιν.” ἐντεῦθεν μέγας μὲν ὁ ̓Αττικός, μείζων δὲ ὁ ̔Ηρώδης, πρὸς γὰρ τῷ πατρῴῳ πλούτῳ καὶ ὁ μητρῷος αὐτῷ πλοῦτος οὐ παρὰ πολὺ τούτου ἐπερρύη. μεγαλοψυχία δὲ λαμπρὰ καὶ περὶ τὸν ̓Αττικὸν τοῦτον: ἦρχε μὲν γὰρ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἐλευθέρων πόλεων ὁ ̔Ηρώδης, ἰδὼν δὲ τὴν Τρῳάδα βαλανείων τε πονήρως ἔχουσαν καὶ γεῶδες ὕδωρ ἐκ φρεάτων ἀνιμῶντας ὀμβρίων τε ὑδάτων θήκας ὀρύττοντας ἐπέστειλεν ̓Αδριανῷ αὐτοκράτορι μὴ περιιδεῖν πόλιν ἀρχαίαν καὶ εὐθάλαττον αὐχμῷ φθαρεῖσαγ, ἀλλ' ἐπιδοῦναί σφισι τριακοσίας μυριάδας ἐς ὕδωρ, ὧν πολλαπλασίους ἤδη καὶ κώμαις ἐπιδεδώκοι. ἐπῄνεσεν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ τὰ ἐπεσταλμένα ὡς πρὸς τρόπου ἑαυτῷ ὄντα καὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην αὐτὸν ἐπέταξε τῷ ὕδατι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς ἑπτακοσίας μυριάδας ἡ δαπάνη προὔβαινεν ἐπέστελλόν τε τῷ αὐτοκράτορι οἱ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἐπιτροπεύοντες, ὡς δεινὸν πεντακοσίων πόλεων φόρον ἐς μιᾶς πόλεως δαπανᾶσθαι κρήνην, ἐμέμψατο πρὸς τὸν ̓Αττικὸν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ταῦτα, καὶ ὁ ̓Αττικὸς μεγαλοφρονέστατα ἀνθρώπων “ὦ βασιλεῦ”, εἶπεν “ὑπὲρ μικρῶν μὴ παροξύνου, τὸ γὰρ ὑπὲρ τὰς τριακοσίας μυριάδας ἀναλωθὲν ἐγὼ μὲν τῷ υἱῷ ἐπιδίδωμι, ὁ δὲ υἱὸς τῇ πόλει ἐπιδίδωσι.” καὶ αἱ διαθῆκαι δέ, ἐν αἷς τῷ ̓Αθηναίων δήμῳ κατέλειπε καθ' ἕκαστον ἔτος μνᾶν καθ' ἕνα, μεγαλοφροσύνην κατηγοροῦσι τοῦ ἀνδρός, ᾗ καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα ἐχρῆτο, ἑκατὸν μὲν βοῦς τῇ θεῷ θύων ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πολλάκις, ἑστιῶν δὲ τῇ θυσίᾳ τὸν ̓Αθηναίων δῆμον κατὰ φυλὰς καὶ γένη, ὁπότε δὲ ἥκοι Διονύσια καὶ κατίοι ἐς ̓Ακαδημίαν τὸ τοῦ Διονύσου ἕδος, ἐν Κεραμεικῷ ποτίζων ἀστοὺς ὁμοίως καὶ ξένους κατακειμένους ἐπὶ στιβάδων κιττοῦ. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν τοῦ ̓Αττικοῦ διαθηκῶν ἐπεμνήσθην, ἀνάγκη καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἀναγράψαι, δι' ἃς προσέκρουσεν ̔Ηρώδης ̓Αθηναίοις: εἶχον μὲν γὰρ αἱ διαθῆκαι, ὡς εἶπον, ἔγραψε δὲ αὐτὰς ξυμβουλίᾳ τῶν ἀμφ' ἑαυτὸν ἀπελευθέρων, οἳ χαλεπὴν ὁρῶντες τὴν ̔Ηρώδου φύσιν ἀπελευθέροις τε καὶ δούλοις ἀποστροφὴν ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ ̓Αθηναίων δήμου, ὡς τῆς δωρεᾶς αὐτοὶ αἴτιοι. καὶ ὁποῖα μὲν τῶν ἀπελευθέρων τὰ πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, δηλούτω ἡ κατηγορία, ἣν πεποίηται σφῶν πᾶν κέντρον ἠρμένος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γλώττης. ἀναγνωσθεισῶν δὲ τῶν διαθηκῶν ξυνέβησαν οἰ ̓Αθηναῖοι πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην πέντε μνᾶς αὐτὸν ἐσ2άπαξ ἑκάστῳ καταβάλλοντα πρίασθαι παρ' αὐτῶν τὸ μὴ ἀεὶ διδόναι: ἀλλ' ἐπεὶ προσῄεσαν μὲν ταῖς τραπέζαις ὑπὲρ τῶν ὡμολογημένων, ἐπανεγιγνώσκετο δὲ αὐτοῖς ξυμβόλαια πατέρων τε καὶ πάππων ὡς ὀφειλόντων τοῖς ̔Ηρώδου γονεῦσιν ἀντιλογισμοῖς τε ὑπήγοντο καὶ οἱ μὲν μικρὰ ἠριθμοῦντο, οἱ δὲ οὐδέν, οἱ δὲ συνείχοντο ἐπ' ἀγορᾶς ὡς καὶ ἀποδώσοντες, παρώξυνε ταῦτα τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους ὡς ἡρπασμένους τὴν δωρεὰν καὶ οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο μισοῦντες, οὐδὲ ὁπότε τὰ μέγιστα εὐεργετεῖν ᾤετο. τὸ οὖν στάδιον ἔφασαν ̔εὖ̓ἐπωνομάσθαι Παναθηναικόν, κατεσκευάσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸ ἐξ ὧν ἀπεστεροῦντο ̓Αθηναῖοι πάντες. καὶ μὴν καὶ ἐλειτούργησεν ̓Αθηναίοις τήν τε ἐπώνυμον καὶ τὴν τῶν Πανελληνίων, στεφανωθεὶς δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν Παναθηναίων “καὶ ὑμᾶς”, εἶπεν “ὦ ̓Αθηναῖοι, καὶ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων τοὺς ἥξοντας καὶ τῶν ἀθλητῶν τοὺς ἀγωνιουμένους ὑποδέξομαι σταδίῳ λίθου λευκοῦ.” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα τὸ στάδιον τὸ ὑπὲρ τὸν ̓Ιλισσὸν ἔσω τεττάρων ἐτῶν ἀπετέλεσεν ἔργον ξυνθεὶς ὑπὲρ πάντα τὰ θαύματα, οὐδὲν γὰρ θέατρον αὐτῷ ἁμιλλᾶται. κἀκεῖνα περὶ τῶν Παναθηναίων τούτων ἤκουον: πέπλον μὲν ἀνῆφθαι τῆς νεὼς ἡδίω γραφῆς ξὺν οὐρίῳ τῷ κόλπῳ, δραμεῖν δὲ τὴν ναῦν οὐχ ὑποζυγίων ἀγόντων, ἀλλ' ὑπογείοις μηχαναῖς ἐπολισθάνουσαν, ἐκ Κεραμεικοῦ δὲ ἄρασαν χιλίᾳ κώπῃ ἀφεῖναι ἐπὶ τὸ ̓Ελευσίνιον καὶ περιβαλοῦσαν αὐτὸ παραμεῖψαι τὸ Πελασγικὸν κομιζομένην τε παρὰ τὸ Πύθιον ἐλθεῖν, οἷ νῦν ὥρμισται. τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ θάτερα τοῦ σταδίου νεὼς ἐπέχει Τύχης καὶ ἄγαλμα ἐλεφάντινον ὡς κυβερνώσης πάντα. μετεκόσμησε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ̓Αθηναίων ἐφήβους ἐς τὸ νῦν σχῆμα χλαμύδας πρῶτος ἀμφιέσας λευκάς, τέως γὰρ δὴ μελαίνας ἐνημμένοι τὰς ἐκκλησίας περιεκάθηντο καὶ τὰς πομπὰς ἔπεμπον πενθούντων δημοσίᾳ τῶν ̓Αθηναίων τὸν κήρυκα τὸν Κοπέα, ὃν αὐτοὶ ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς ̔Ηρακλείδας τοῦ βωμοῦ ἀποσπῶντα. ἀνέθηκε δὲ ̔Ηρώδης ̓Αθηναίοις καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ ̔Ρηγίλλῃ θέατρον κέδρου ξυνθεὶς τὸν ὄροφον, ἡ δὲ ὕλη καὶ ἐν ἀγαλματοποιίαις σπουδαία: δύο μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ̓Αθήνησιν, ἃ οὐχ ἑτέρωθι τῆς ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις, ἀξιούσθω δὲ λόγου καὶ τὸ ὑπωρόφιον θέατρον, ὃ ἐδείματο Κορινθίοις, παρὰ πολὺ μὲν τοῦ ̓Αθήνησιν, ἐν ὀλίγοις δὲ τῶν παρ' ἄλλοις ἐπαινουμένων, καὶ τὰ ̓Ισθμοῖ ἀγάλματα ὅ τε τοῦ ̓Ισθμίου κολοσσὸς καὶ ὁ τῆς ̓Αμφιτρίτης καὶ τὰ ἄλλα, ὧν τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνέπλησεν, οὐδὲ τὸν τοῦ Μελικέρτου παρελθὼν δελφῖνα. ἀνέθηκε δὲ καὶ τῷ Πυθίῳ τὸ Πυθοῖ στάδιον καὶ τῷ Διὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ολυμπίᾳ ὕδωρ, Θετταλοῖς τε καὶ τοῖς περὶ Μηλιακὸν κόλπον ̔́Ελλησι τὰς ἐν Θερμοπύλαις κολυμβήθρας τοῖς νοσοῦσι παιωνίους. ᾤκισε δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ηπείρῳ ̓Ωρικὸν ὑποδεδωκὸς ἤδη καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ιταλίᾳ Κανύσιον ἡμερώσας ὕδατι μάλα τούτου δεόμενον, ὤνησε δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ καὶ Πελοποννήσῳ καὶ Βοιωτίᾳ πόλεις ἄλλο ἄλλην. καὶ τοσοῦτος ὢν ἐν μεγαλουργίᾳ μέγα οὐδὲν εἰργάσθαι ᾤετο, ἐπεὶ μὴ τὸν ̓Ισθμὸν ἔτεμεν, λαμπρὸν ἡγούμενος ἤπειρον ἀποτεμεῖν καὶ πελάγη ξυνάψαι διττὰ καὶ ̔ἐς' περίπλουν σταδίων ἓξ καὶ εἴκοσι θαλάττης ξυνελεῖν μήκη. καὶ τούτου ἤρα μέν, οὐκ ἐθάρρει δὲ αὐτὸ αἰτεῖν ἐκ βασιλέως, ὡς μὴ διαβληθείη διανοίας δοκῶν ἅπτεσθαι, ᾗ μηδὲ Νέρων ἤρκεσεν. ἐξελάλησε δὲ αὐτὸ ὧδε: ὡς γὰρ ἐγὼ Κτησιδήμου τοῦ ̓Αθηναίου ἤκουον, ἤλαυνε μὲν τὴν ἐπὶ Κορίνθου ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ξυγκαθημένου τοῦ Κτησιδήμου, γενόμενος δὲ κατὰ τὸν ̓Ισθμὸν “Πόσειδον,” εἶπεν “βούλομαι μέν, ξυγχωρήσει δὲ οὐδείς.” θαυμάσας οὖν ὁ Κτησίδημος τὸ εἰρημένον ἤρετο αὐτὸν τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ λόγου. καὶ ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “ἐγὼ” ἔφη “πολὺν χρόνον ἀγωνίζομαι σημεῖον ὑπολείπεσθαι τοῖς μετ' ἐμὲ ἀνθρώποις διανοίας δηλούσης ἄνδρα καὶ οὔπω δοκῶ μοι τῆς δόξης ταύτης τυγχάνειν.” ὁ μὲν δὴ Κτησίδημος ἐπαίνους διῄει τῶν τε λόγων αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἔργων ὡς οὐκ ἐχόντων ὑπερβολὴν ἑτέρῳ, ὁ δὲ ̔Ηρώδης “φθαρτὰ” ἔφη “λέγεις ταῦτα, καὶ γάρ ἐστι χρόνῳ ἁλωτά, καὶ τοὺς λόγους ἡμῶν τοιχωρυχοῦσιν ἕτεροι ὁ μὲν τὸ μεμφόμενος, ὁ δὲ τό, ἡ δὲ τοῦ ̓Ισθμοῦ τομὴ ἔργον ἀθάνατον καὶ ἀπιστούμενον τῇ φύσει, δοκεῖ γάρ μοι τὸ ῥῆξαι τὸν ̓Ισθμὸν Ποσειδῶνος δεῖσθαι ἢ ἀνδρός.” ὃν ̔δ̓̓ ἐκάλουν οἱ πολλοὶ ̔Ηρώδου ̔Ηρακλέα, νεανίας οὗτος ἦν ἐν ὑπήνῃ πρῴτῃ Κελτῷ μεγάλῳ ἴσος καὶ ἐς ὀκτὼ πόδας τὸ μέγεθος. διαγράφει δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐν μιᾷ τῶν πρὸς τὸν ̓Ιουλιανὸν  ἐπιστολῶν, κομᾶν τε ξυμμέτρως καὶ τῶν ὀφρύων λασίως ἔχειν, ἃς καὶ ξυμβάλλειν ἀλλήλαις οἷον μίαν, χαροπήν τε ἀκτῖνα ἐκ τῶν ὀμμάτων ἐκδίδοσθαι παρεχομένην τι ὁρμῆς ἦθος καὶ γρυπὸν εἶναι καὶ εὐτραφῶς ἔχοντα τοῦ αὐχένος, τουτὶ δὲ ἐκ πόνων ἥκειν αὐτῷ μᾶλλον ἢ σίτου. εἶναι δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ στέρνα εὐπαγῆ καὶ ξὺν ὥρᾳ κατεσκληκότα, καὶ κνήμην μικρὸν ἐς τὰ ἔξω κυρτουμένην καὶ παρέχουσαν τῇ βάσει τὸ εὖ βεβηκέναι. ἐνῆφθαι δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ δορὰς λύκων, ῥαπτὸν ἔσθημα, ἄθλους τε ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς ἀγρίους τῶν συῶν καὶ τοὺς θῶας καὶ τοὺς λύκους καὶ τῶν ταύρων τοὺς ὑβρίζοντας, καὶ ὠτειλὰς δὲ δεικνύναι τούτων τῶν ἀγώνων. γενέσθαι δὲ τὸν ̔Ηρακλέα τοῦτον οἱ μὲν γηγενῆ φασιν ἐν τῷ Βοιωτίῳ δήμῳ, ̔Ηρώδης δὲ ἀκοῦσαι λέγοντός φησιν, ὡς μήτηρ μὲν αὐτῷ γένοιτο γυνὴ βουκόλος οὕτω τι ἐπερρωμένη, ὡς βουκολεῖν, πατὴρ δὲ Μαραθών, οὗ τὸ ἐν Μαραθῶνι ἄγαλμα, ἔστι δὲ ἥρως γεωργός. ἤρετό τε τὸν ̔Ηρακλέα τοῦτον ὁ ̔Ηρώδης, εἰ καὶ ἀθάνατος εἴη, ὁ δὲ “θνητοῦ” ἔφη “μακροημερώτερος.” ἤρετο αὐτὸν καὶ ὅ τι σιτοῖτο, ὁ δὲ “γαλακτοφαγῶ” ἔφη “τὸν πλείω τοῦ χρόνου καί με βόσκουσιν αἶγές τε καὶ ποιμένες τῶν τε βοῶν καὶ τῶν ἵππων αἱ τοκάδες, ἐκδίδοται δέ τι καὶ θηλῆς ὄνων γάλα εὔποτόν τε καὶ κοῦφον, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀλφίτοις προσβάλλω, δέκα σιτοῦμαι χοίνικας, καὶ ξυμφέρουσί μοι τὸν ἔρανον τοῦτον γεωργοὶ Μαραθώνιοί τε καὶ Βοιώτιοι, οἵ με καὶ ̓Αγαθίωνα ἐπονομάζουσιν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ εὐξύμβολος αὐτοῖς φαίνομαι.” “τὴν δὲ δὴ γλῶτταν” ἔφη ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “πῶς ἐπαιδεύθης καὶ ὑπὸ τίνων; οὐ γάρ μοι τῶν ἀπαιδεύτων φαίνῃ.” καὶ ὁ ̓Αγαθίων “ἡ μεσογεία” ἔφη “τῆς ̓Αττικῆς ἀγαθὸν διδασκαλεῖον ἀνδρὶ βουλομένῳ διαλέγεσθαι, οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῷ ἄστει ̓Αθηναῖοι μισθοῦ δεχόμενοι Θρᾴκια καὶ Ποντικὰ μειράκια καὶ ἐξ ἄλλων ἐθνῶν βαρβάρων ξυνερρυηκότα παραφθείρονται παρ' αὐτῶν τὴν φωνὴν μᾶλλον ἢ ξυμβάλλονταί τι αὐτοῖς ἐς εὐγλωττίαν, ἡ μεσογεία δὲ ἄμικτος βαρβάροις οὖσα ὑγιαίνει αὐτοῖς ἡ φωνὴ καὶ ἡ γλῶττα τὴν ἄκραν ̓Ατθίδα ἀποψάλλει.” “πανηγύρει δὲ” ἦ δ' ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “παρέτυχες”; καὶ ὁ ̓Αγαθίων “τῇ γε Πυθοῖ” ἔφη “οὐκ ἐπιμιγνὺς τῷ ὁμίλῳ, ἀλλ' ἐκ περιωπῆς τοῦ Παρνασοῦ ἀκούων τῶν τῆς μουσικῆς ἀγωνιστῶν, ὅτε Παμμένης ἐπὶ τραγῳδίᾳ ἐθαυμάσθη, καί μοι ἔδοξαν οἱ σοφοὶ ̔́Ελληνες οὐ χρηστὸν πρᾶγμα ἐργάζεσθαι τὰ τῶν Πελοπιδῶν καὶ τὰ τῶν Λαβδακιδῶν κακὰ ξὺν ἡδονῇ ἀκούοντες, ξύμβουλοι γὰρ σχετλίων ἔργων μῦθοι μὴ ἀπιστούμενοι.” φιλοσοφοῦντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἰδὼν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἤρετο καὶ περὶ τῆς γυμνικῆς ἀγωνίας ὅπως γιγνώσκοι, καὶ ὃς “ἐκείνων” ἔφη “καταγελῶ μᾶλλον ὁρῶν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους διαγωνιζομένους ἀλλήλοις παγκράτιον καὶ πυγμὴν καὶ δρόμον καὶ πάλην καὶ στεφανουμένους ὑπὲρ τούτου: στεφανούσθω δὲ ὁ μὲν δρομικὸς ἀθλητὴς ἔλαφον παρελθὼν ἢ ἵππον, ὁ δὲ τὰ βαρύτερα ἀσκῶν ταύρῳ συμπλακεὶς ἢ ἄρκτῳ, ὃ ἐγὼ ὁσημέραι πράττω μέγαν ἆθλον ἀφῃρημένης μοι τῆς τύχης, ἐπεὶ μηκέτι βόσκει λέοντας ̓Ακαρνανία.” ἀγασθεὶς οὖν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐδεῖτο αὐτοῦ ξυσσιτῆσαί οἱ. καὶ ὁ ̓Αγαθίων “αὔριον” ἔφη “ἀφίξομαί σοι κατὰ μεσημβρίαν ἐς τὸ τοῦ Κανώβου ἱερόν, ἔστω δέ σοι κρατὴρ ὁ μέγιστος τῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ γάλακτος πλέως, ὃ μὴ γυνὴ ἤμελξεν.” καὶ ἀφίκετο μὲν ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίαν καθ' ὃν ὡμολόγησε καιρόν, τὴν δὲ ῥῖνα ἐρείσας ἐς τὸν κρατῆρα “οὐ καθαρὸν” ἔφη “τὸ γάλα, προσβάλλει γάρ με χεὶρ γυναικός.” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα ἀπῆλθε μὴ ἐπισπασάμενος τοῦ γάλακτος. ἐπιστήσας οὖν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης τῷ περὶ τῆς γυναικὸς λόγῳ ἔπεμψεν ἐς τὰ ἐπαύλια τοὺς ἐπισκεψομένους τἀληθές, καὶ μαθὼν αὐτὸ οὕτως ἔχον ξυνῆκεν, ὡς δαιμονία φύσις εἴη περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα. οἱ δὲ ποιούμενοι κατηγορίαν τῶν ̔Ηρώδου χειρῶν ὡς ἐπενεχθεισῶν ̓Αντωνίνῳ ἐν τῇ ̓́Ιδῃ τῷ ὄρει κατὰ χρόνους, οὓς ὁ μὲν τῶν ἐλευθέρων πόλεων, ὁ δὲ πασῶν τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἦρχον, ἠγνοηκέναι μοι δοκοῦσι τὸν Δημοστράτου πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἀγῶνα, ἐν ᾧ πλεῖστα διαβάλλων αὐτὸν οὐδαμοῦ τῆς παροινίας ταύτης ἐπεμνήσθη, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ἐγένετο. ὠθισμὸς μὲν γάρ τις αὐτοῖς ξυνέπεσεν, ὡς ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ καὶ στενοῖς, αἱ δὲ χεῖρες οὐδὲν παρηνόμησαν, ὥστε οὐκ ἂν παρῆκεν ὁ Δημόστρατος διελθεῖν αὐτὰ ἐν τῇ πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην δίκῃ πικρῶς οὕτω καθαψάμενος τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς διαβάλλειν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ ἐπαινούμενα. ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην καὶ φόνου δίκη ὧδε ξυντεθεῖσα: κύειν μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν γυναῖκα ̔Ρήγιλλαν ὄγδοόν που μῆνα, τὸν δὲ ̔Ηρώδην οὐχ ὑπὲρ μεγάλων ̓Αλκιμέδοντι ἀπελευθέρῳ προστάξαι τυπτῆσαι αὐτήν, πληγεῖσαν δὲ ἐς τὴν γαστέρα τὴν γυναῖκα ἀποθανεῖν ἐν ὠμῷ τῷ τόκῳ. ἐπὶ τούτοις ὡς ἀληθέσι γράφεται αὐτὸν φόνου Βραδούας ὁ τῆς ̔Ρηγίλλης ἀδελφὸς εὐδοκιμώτατος ὢν ἐν ὑπάτοις καὶ τὸ ξύμβολον τῆς εὐγενείας περιηρτημένος τῷ ὑποδήματι, τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν ἐπισφύριον ἐλεφάντινον μηνοειδές, καὶ παρελθὼν ἐς τὸ ̔Ρωμαίων βουλευτήριον πιθανὸν μὲν οὐδὲν διῄει περὶ τῆς αἰτίας, ἣν ἐπῆγεν, ἑαυτοῦ δὲ ἔπαινον ἐμακρηγόρει περὶ τοῦ γένους, ὅθεν ἐπισκώπτων αὐτὸν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “σὺ” ἔφη “τὴν εὐγένειαν ἐν τοῖς ἀστραγάλοις ἔχεις.” μεγαλαυχουμένου δὲ τοῦ κατηγόρου καὶ ἐπ' εὐεργεσίᾳ μιᾶς τῶν ἐν ̓Ιταλίᾳ πόλεων μάλα γενναίως ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “κἀγὼ” ἔφη “πολλὰ τοιαῦτα περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ διῄειν ἄν, εἰ ἐν ἁπάσῃ τῇ γῇ ἐκρινόμην.” ξυνήρατο δὲ αὐτῷ τῆς ἀπολογίας πρῶτον μὲν τὸ μηδὲν προστάξαι τοιοῦτον ἐπὶ τὴν ̔Ρήγιλλαν, ἔπειτα τὸ ὑπερπενθῆσαι ἀποθανοῦσαν: διεβάλλετο μὲν γὰρ καὶ ταῦτα ὡς πλάσμα, ἀλλ' ὅμως τἀληθὲς ἴσχυεν, οὐ γάρ ποτε οὔτ' ἂν θέατρον αὐτῇ ἀναθεῖναι τοιοῦτον, οὔτ' ἂν δευτέραν κλήρωσιν τῆς ὑπάτου ἀρχῆς ἐπ' αὐτῇ ἀναβαλέσθαι μὴ καθαρῶς ἔχοντα τῆς αἰτίας, οὔτ' ἂν τὸν κόσμον αὐτῆς ἐς τὸ ἐν ̓Ελευσῖνι ἱερὸν ἀναθεῖναι φέροντα φόνῳ μεμιασμένον, τουτὶ γὰρ τιμωροὺς τοῦ φόνου ποιοῦντος ἦν τὰς θεὰς μᾶλλον ἢ ξυγγνώμονας. ὁ δὲ καὶ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς οἰκίας ἐπ' αὐτῇ ὑπήλλαξε μελαίνων τὰ τῶν οἴκων ἄνθη παραπετάσμασι καὶ χρώμασι καὶ λίθῳ Λεσβίῳ — κατηφὴς δὲ ὁ λίθος καὶ μέλας — ὑπὲρ ὧν λέγεται καὶ Λούκιος ἀνὴρ σοφὸς ἐς ξυμβουλίαν τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ καθιστάμενος, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθε μεταβαλεῖν αὐτὸν διασκῶψαι. ἄξιον δὲ μηδὲ τοῦτο παρελθεῖν λόγου παρὰ τοῖς σπουδαίοις ἀξιούμενον: ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς φανεροῖς σπουδαῖος ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος, Μουσωνίῳ δὲ τῷ Τυρίῳ προσφιλοσοφήσας εὐσκόπως εἶχε τῶν ἀποκρίσεων καὶ τὸ ἐπίχαρι σὺν καιρῷ ἐπετήδευεν, ἐπιτηδειότατος δὲ ὢν τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ παρῆν αὐτῷ πονήρως διατιθεμένῳ τὸ πένθος καὶ ἐνουθέτει τοιαῦτα λέγων: “ὦ ̔Ηρώδη, πᾶν τὸ ἀποχρῶν μεσότητι ὥρισται, καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτου πολλὰ μὲν ἤκουσα Μουσωνίου διαλεγομένου, πολλὰ δὲ αὐτὸς διείλεγμαι, καὶ σοῦ δὲ ἠκροώμην ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ ἐπαινοῦντος αὐτὸ πρὸς τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας, ὅτε δὴ καὶ τοὺς ποταμοὺς ἐκέλευες μέσους τῆς ὄχθης ῥεῖν. ἀλλὰ μὴν νῦν ποῦ ταῦτα; σεαυτοῦ γὰρ ἐκπεσὼν ἄξια τοῦ πενθεῖσθαι πράττεις περὶ τῇ δόξῃ κινδυνεύων” καὶ πλείω ἕτερα. ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀπῄει δυσχεράνας. ἰδὼν δὲ παῖδας ἐν κρήνῃ τινὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν ῥαφανῖδας πλύνοντας ἤρετο αὐτούς, ὅτου εἴη τὸ δεῖπνον, οἱ δὲ ἔφασαν ̔Ηρώδῃ εὐτρεπίζειν αὐτὸ. καὶ ὁ Λούκιος “ἀδικεῖ” ἔφη “̔Ρήγιλλαν ̔Ηρώδης λευκὰς ῥαφανῖδας σιτούμενος ἐν μελαίνῃ οἰκίᾳ.” ταῦτα ὡς ἤκουσεν ἐσαγγελθέντα ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἀφεῖλε τὴν ἀχλὺν τῆς οἰκίας, ὡς μὴ ἄθυρμα γένοιτο ἀνδρῶν σπουδαίων. Λουκίου τούτου κἀκεῖνο θαυμάσιον: ἐσπούδαζε μὲν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ Μάρκος περὶ Σέξτον τὸν ἐκ Βοιωτίας φιλόσοφον, θαμίζων αὐτῷ καὶ φοιτῶν ἐπὶ θύρας, ἄρτι δὲ ἥκων ἐς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ὁ Λούκιος ἤρετο τὸν αὐτοκράτορα προιόντα, ποῖ βαδίζοι καὶ ἐφ' ὅ τι, καὶ ὁ Μάρκος “καλὸν” ἔφη “καὶ γηράσκοντι τὸ μανθάνειν: εἶμι δὴ πρὸς Σέξτον τὸν φιλόσοφον μαθησόμενος, ἃ οὔπω οἶδα.” καὶ ὁ Λούκιος ἐξάρας τὴν χεῖρα ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν “ὦ Ζεῦ,” ἔφη “ὁ ̔Ρωμαίων βασιλεὺς γηράσκων ἤδη δέλτον ἐξαψάμενος ἐς διδασκάλου φοιτᾷ, ὁ δὲ ἐμὸς βασιλεὺς ̓Αλέξανδρος δύο καὶ τριάκοντα ἐτῶν ἀπέθανεν.” ἀπόχρη καὶ τὰ εἰρημένα δεῖξαι τὴν ἰδέαν, ἣν ἐφιλοσόφει Λούκιος, ἱκανὰ γάρ που ταῦτα δηλῶδαι τὸν ἄνδρα, καθάπερ τὸν ἀνθοσμίαν τὸ γεῦμα. τὸ μὲν δὴ ἐπὶ ̔Ρηγίλλῃ πένθος ὧδε ἐσβέσθη, τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ Παναθηναίδι τῇ θυγατρὶ ̓Αθηναῖοι ἐπράυναν ἐν ἄστει τε αὐτὴν θάψαντες καὶ ψηφισάμενοι τὴν ἡμέραν, ἐφ' ἧς ἀπέθανεν, ἐξαιρεῖν τοῦ ἔτους. ἀποθανούσης δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς ἄλλης θυγατρός, ἣν  ̓Ελπινίκην ὠνόμαζεν, ἔκειτο μὲν ἐν τῷ δαπέδῳ τὴν γῆν παίων καὶ βοῶν “τί σοι, θύγατερ, καθαγίσω; τί σοι ξυνθάψω;” παρατυχὼν δὲ αὐτῷ Σέξτος ὁ φιλόσοφος “μεγάλα” ἔφη “τῇ θυγατρὶ δώσεις ἐγκρατῶς αὐτὴν πενθήσας.” ἐπένθει δὲ ταῖς ὑπερβολαῖς ταύταις τὰς θυγατέρας, ἐπειδὴ ̓Αττικὸν τὸν υἱὸν ἐν ὀργῇ εἶχεν. διεβέβλητο δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς ἠλιθιώδη καὶ δυσγράμματον καὶ παχὺν τὴν μνήμην: τὰ γοῦν πρῶτα γράμματα παραλαβεῖν μὴ δυνηθέντος ἦλθεν ἐς ἐπίνοιαν τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ ξυντρέφειν αὐτῷ τέτταρας παῖδας καὶ εἴκοσιν ἰσήλικας ὠνομασμένους ἀπὸ τῶν γραμμάτων, ἵνα ἐν τοῖς τῶν παίδων ὀνόμασι τὰ γράμματα ἐξ ἀνάγκης αὐτῷ μελετῷτο. ἑώρα δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ μεθυστικὸν καὶ ἀνοήτως ἐρῶντα, ὅθεν ζῶν μὲν ἐπεχρησμῴδει τῇ ἑαυτοῦ οὐσίᾳ ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔπος: εἷς δ' ἔτι που μωρὸς καταλείπεται εὐρέι οἴκῳ, τελευτῶν δὲ τὰ μὲν μητρῷα αὐτῷ ἀπέδωκεν, ἐς ἑτέρους δὲ κληρονόμους τὸν ἑαυτοῦ οἶκον μετέστησεν. ἀλλ' ̓Αθηναίοις ἀπάνθρωπα ἐδόκει ταῦτα οὐκ ἐνθυμουμένοις τὸν ̓Αχιλλέα καὶ τὸν Πολυδεύκην καὶ τὸν Μέμνονα, οὓς ἴσα γνησίοις ἐπένθησε τροφίμους ὄντας, ἐπειδὴ καλοὶ μάλιστα καὶ ἀγαθοὶ ἦσαν γενναῖοί τε καὶ φιλομαθεῖς καὶ τῇ παρ' αὐτῷ τροφῇ πρέποντες. εἰκόνας γοῦν ἀνετίθει σφῶν θηρώντων καὶ τεθηρακότων καὶ θηρασόντων τὰς μὲν ἐν δρυμοῖς, τὰς δὲ ἐπ' ἀγροῖς, τὰς δὲ πρὸς πηγαῖς, τὰς δὲ ὑπὸ σκιαῖς πλατάνων, οὐκ ἀφανῶς, ἀλλὰ ξὺν ἀραῖς τοῦ περικόψοντος ἢ κινήσοντος, οὓς οὐκ ἂν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἦρεν, εἰ μὴ ἐπαίνων ἀξίους ἐγίγνωσκεν. Κυντιλίων δέ, ὁπότε ἦρχον τῆς ̔Ελλάδος, αἰτιωμένων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς τῶν μειρακίων τούτων εἰκόσιν ὡς περιτταῖς “τί δὲ ὑμῖν” ἔφη “διενήνοχεν, εἰ ἐγὼ τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἐμπαίζω λιθαρίοις;” ἦρξε δὲ αὐτῷ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Κυντιλίους διαφορᾶς, ὡς μὲν οἱ πολλοί φασι, Πυθικὴ πανήγυρις, ἐπειδὴ ἑτεροδόξως τῆς μουσικῆς ἠκροῶντο, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι, τὰ παισθέντα περὶ αὐτῶν ̔Ηρώδῃ πρὸς Μάρκον: ὁρῶν γὰρ αὐτοὺς Τρῶας μέν, μεγάλων δὲ ἀξιουμένους παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως “ἐγὼ” ἔφη “καὶ τὸν Δία μέμφομαι τὸν ̔Ομηρικόν, ὅτι τοὺς Τρῶας φιλεῖ.” ἡ δὲ ἀληθεστέρα αἰτία ἥδε: τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω, ὁπότε ἄμφω τῆς ̔Ελλάδος ἠρχέτην, καλέσαντες ἐς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ̓Αθηναῖοι φωνὰς ἀφῆκαν τυραννουμένων πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἀποσημαίνοντες καὶ δεόμενοι ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐς τὰ βασίλεια ὦτα παραπεμφθῆναι τὰ εἰρημένα. τῶν δὲ Κυντιλίων παθόντων τι πρὸς τὸν δῆμον καὶ ξὺν ὁρμῇ ἀναπεμψάντων ἃ ἤκουσαν, ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι παρ' αὐτῶν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἔφασκεν ὡς ἀναθολούντων ἐπ' αὐτὸν τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους. μετ' ἐκείνην γὰρ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν Δημόστρατοι ἀνέφυσαν καὶ Πραξαγόραι καὶ Μαμερτῖνοι καὶ ἕτεροι πλείους ἐς τὸ ἀντίξοον τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ πολιτεύοντες. γραψάμενος δὲ αὐτοὺς ̔Ηρώδης ὡς ἐπισυνιστάντας αὐτῷ τὸν δῆμον ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, οἱ δὲ ὑπεξῆλθον ἀφανῶς παρὰ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα Μάρκον, θαρροῦντες τῇ τε φύσει τοῦ βασιλέως δημοτικωτέρᾳ οὔσῃ καὶ τῷ καιρῷ: ὧν γὰρ ὑπώπτευσε Λούκιον κοινωνὸν αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς γενόμενον, οὐδὲ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἠφίει τοῦ μὴ οὐ ξυμμετέχειν αὐτῷ. ὁ μὲν δὴ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐκάθητο ἐς τὰ Παιόνια ἔθνη ὁρμητηρίῳ τῷ Σιρμίῳ χρώμενος, κατέλυον δὲ οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Δημόστρατον περὶ τὰ βασίλεια, παρέχοντος αὐτοῖς ἀγορὰν τοῦ Μάρκου καὶ θαμὰ ἐρωτῶντος, εἴ του δέοιντο. φιλανθρώπως δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔχειν αὐτός τε ἑαυτὸν ἐπεπείκει καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ ἐπέπειστο καὶ τῷ θυγατρίῳ ψελλιζομένῳ ἔτι, τοῦτο γὰρ μάλιστα ξὺν πολλοῖς θωπεύμασι περιπῖπτον τοῖς γόνασι τοῦ πατρὸς ἐδεῖτο σῶσαί οἱ τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους. ὁ δὲ ̔Ηρώδης ἐν προαστείῳ ἐσκήνου, ἐν ὧ πύργοι ἐξῳκοδόμηντο καὶ ἡμιπύργια, καὶ δὴ ξυναπεδήμουν αὐτῷ καὶ δίδυμοι κόραι πρὸς ἀκμῇ γάμων θαυμαζόμεναι ἐπὶ τῷ εἴδει, ἃς ἐκνηπιώσας ὁ ̔Ηρώδης οἰνοχόους ἑαυτῷ καὶ ὀψοποιοὺς ἐπεποίητο θυγάτρια ἐπονομάζων καὶ ὧδε ἀσπαζόμενος — ̓Αλκιμέδοντος μὲν δὴ αὗται θυγατέρες, ὁ δὲ ̓Αλκιμέδων ἀπελεύθερος τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου — καθευδούσας δὲ αὐτὰς ἐν ἑνὶ τῶν πύργων, ὃς ἦν ἐχυρώτατος, σκηπτὸς ἐνεχθεὶς νύκτωρ ἀπέκτεινεν. ὑπὸ τούτου δὴ τοῦ πάθους ἔκφρων ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐγένετο καὶ παρῆλθεν ἐς τὸ βασίλειον δικαστήριον οὔτε ἔννους καὶ θανάτου ἐρῶν. παρελθὼν γὰρ καθίστατο ἐς διαβολὰς τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος οὐδὲ σχηματίσας τὸν λόγον, ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν ἄνδρα γεγυμνασμένον τῆς τοιᾶσδε ἰδέας μεταχειρίσασθαι τὴν ἑαυτοῦ χολήν, ἀλλ' ἀπηγκωνισμένῃ τῇ γλώττῃ καὶ γυμνῇ διετείνετο λέγων “ταῦτά μοι ἡ Λουκίου ξενία, ὃν σύ μοι ἔπεμψας: ὅθεν δικάζεις, γυναικί με καὶ τριετεῖ παιδίῳ καταχαριζόμενος.” Βασσαίου δὲ τοῦ πεπιστευμένου τὸ ξίφος θάνατον αὐτῷ φήσαντος ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “ὦ λῷστε”, ἔφη “γέρων ὀλίγα φοβεῖται.” ὁ μὲν οὖν ̔Ηρώδης ἀπῆλθε τοῦ δικαστηρίου εἰπὼν ταῦτα καὶ μετέωρον καταλείψας πολὺ τοῦ ὕδατος, ἡμεῖς δὲ τῶν ἐπιδήλως τῷ Μάρκῳ φιλοσοφηθέντων καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν δίκην ταύτην ἡγώμεθα: οὐ γὰρ ξυνήγαγε τὰς ὀφρῦς, οὐδὲ ἔτρεψε τὸ ὄμμα, ὃ κἂν διαιτητής τις ἔπαθεν, ἀλλ' ἐπιστρέψας ἑαυτὸν ἐς τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους “ἀπολογεῖσθε”, ἔφη, “ὦ ̓Αθηναῖοι, εἰ καὶ μὴ ξυγχωρεῖ ̔Ηρώδης.” καὶ ἀκούων ἀπολογουμένων ἐπὶ πολλοῖς μὲν ἀφανῶς ἤλγησεν, ἀναγιγνωσκομένης δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ̓Αθηναίων ἐκκλησίας, ἐν ᾗ ἐφαίνοντο καθαπτόμενοι τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου, ὡς τοὺς ἄρχοντας τῆς ̔Ελλάδος ὑποποιουμένου πολλῷ τῷ μέλιτι καί που καὶ βεβοηκότες “ὢ πικροῦ μέλιτος” καὶ πάλιν “μακάριοι οἱ ἐν τῷ λοιμῷ ἀποθνήσκοντες” οὕτως ἐσείσθη τὴν καρδίαν ὑφ' ὧν ἤκουσεν, ὡς ἐς δάκρυα φανερὰ ὑπαχθῆναι. τῆς δὲ τῶν ̓Αθηναίων ἀπολογίας ἐχούσης κατηγορίαν τοῦ τε ̔Ηρώδου καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων τὴν ὀργὴν ὁ Μάρκος ἐς τοὺς ἀπελευθέρους ἔτρεψε κολάσει χρησάμενος ὡς οἷόν τε ἐπιεικεῖ, οὕτω γὰρ αὐτὸς χαρακτηρίζει τὴν ἑαυτοῦ κρίσιν, μόνῳ δὲ ̓Αλκιμέδοντι τὴν τιμωρίαν ἐπανῆκεν ἀποχρῶσαν εἶναί οἱ φήσας τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς τέκνοις συμφοράν. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὧδε ἐφιλοσοφεῖτο τῷ Μάρκῳ. ἐπιγράφουσι δὲ ἔνιοι καὶ φυγὴν οὐ φυγόντι καί φασιν αὐτὸν οἰκῆσαι τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ηπείρῳ ̓Ωρικόν, ὃ καὶ πολίσαι αὐτόν, ὡς εἴη δίαιτα ἐπιτηδεία τῷ σώματι. ὁ δὲ ̔Ηρώδης ᾤκησε μὲν τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο νοσήσας ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ θύσας ἐκβατήρια τῆς νόσου, φυγεῖν δὲ οὔτε προσετάχθη οὔτε ἔτλη. καὶ μάρτυρα τοῦ λόγου τούτου ποιήσομαι τὸν θεσπέσιον Μάρκον: μετὰ γὰρ τὰ ἐν τῇ Παιονίᾳ διῃτᾶτο μὲν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐν τῇ ̓Αττικῇ περὶ τοὺς φιλτάτους ἑαυτῷ δήμους Μαραθῶνα καὶ Κηφισίαν ἐξηρτημένης αὐτοῦ τῆς πανταχόθεν νεότητος, οἳ κατ' ἔρωτα τῶν ἐκείνου λόγων ἐφοίτων ̓Αθήναζε, πεῖραν δὲ ποιούμενος, μὴ χαλεπὸς αὐτῷ εἴη διὰ τὰ ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ πέμπει πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπιστολὴν οὐκ ἀπολογίαν ἔχουσαν, ἀλλ' ἔγκλημα, θαυμάζειν γὰρ ἔφη, τοῦ χάριν οὐκέτι αὐτῷ ἐπιστέλλοι καίτοι τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον θαμὰ οὕτω γράφων, ὡς καὶ τρεῖς γραμματοφόρους ἀφικέσθαι ποτὲ παρ' αὐτὸν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ κατὰ πόδας ἀλλήλων. καὶ ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ διὰ πλειόνων μὲν καὶ ὑπὲρ πλειόνων, θαυμάσιον δὲ ἦθος ἐγκαταμίξας τοῖς γράμμασιν ἐπέστειλε πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, ὧν ἐγὼ τὰ ξυντείνοντα ἐς τὸν παρόντα μοι λόγον ἐξελὼν τῆς ἐπιστολῆς δηλώσω: τὸ μὲν δὴ προοίμιον τῶν ἐπεσταλμένων “χαῖρέ μοι, φίλε ̔Ηρώδη.” διαλεχθεὶς δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν τοῦ πολέμου χειμαδίων, ἐν οἷς ἦν τότε, καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα ὀλοφυράμενος ἄρτι αὐτῷ τεθνεῶσαν εἰπών τέ τι καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ σώματος ἀσθενείας ἐφεξῆς γράφει “σοὶ δὲ ὑγιαίνειν τε εὔχομαι καὶ περὶ ἐμοῦ ὡς εὔνου σοι διανοεῖσθαι, μηδὲ ἡγεῖσθαι ἀδικεῖσθαι, εἰ καταφωράσας τινὰς τῶν σῶν πλημμελοῦντας κολάσει ἐπ' αὐτοὺς ἐχρησάμην ὡς οἷόν τε ἐπιεικεῖ. διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα μή μοι ὀργίζου, εἰ δέ τι λελύπηκά σε ἢ λυπῶ, ἀπαίτησον παρ' ἐμοῦ δίκας ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς ἐν ἄστει ̓Αθηνᾶς ἐν μυστηρίοις. ηὐξάμην γάρ, ὁπότε ὁ πόλεμος μάλιστα ἐφλέγμαινε, καὶ μυηθῆναι, εἴη δὲ καὶ σοῦ μυσταγωγοῦντος.” τοιάδε ἡ ἀπολογία τοῦ Μάρκου καὶ οὕτω φιλάνθρωπος καὶ ἐρρωμένη. τίς ἂν οὖν ποτε ἢ ὃν φυγῇ περιέβαλεν οὕτω προσεῖπεν ἢ τὸν ἄξιον οὕτω προσειρῆσθαι φεύγειν προσέταξεν; ἔστι δέ τις λόγος, ὡς νεώτερα μὲν ὁ τὴν ἑῴαν ἐπιτροπεύων Κάσσιος ἐπὶ τὸν Μάρκον βουλεύοι, ὁ δὲ ̔Ηρώδης ἐπιπλήξειεν αὐτῷ δι' ἐπιστολῆς ὧδε ξυγκειμένης “̔Ηρώδης Κασσίῳ: ἐμάνης.” τήνδε τὴν ἐπιστολὴν μὴ μόνον ἐπίπληξιν ἡγώμεθα, ἀλλὰ  καὶ ῥώμην ἀνδρὸς ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως τιθεμένου τὰ τῆς γνώμης ὅπλα. ὁ δὲ λόγος, ὃν διῆλθε πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ὁ Δημόστρατος, ἐν θαυμασίοις δοκεῖ. ἰδέα δὲ αὐτοῦ ἡ μὲν τοῦ ἤθους μία, τὸ γὰρ ἐμβριθὲς ἐκ προοιμίων ἐς τέλος διήκει τοῦ λόγου, αἱ δὲ τῆς ἑρμηνείας ἰδέαι πολλαὶ καὶ ἀνόμοιαι μὲν ἀλλήλαις, λόγου δὲ ἄξιαι. ἔστω που καὶ τὸ δι' ̔Ηρώδην παρὰ τοῖς βασκάνοις εὐδοκιμεῖν τὸν λόγον, ἐπειδὴ ἀνὴρ τοιοῦτος ἐν αὐτῷ κακῶς ἤκουσεν. ἀλλ' ὅπως γε καὶ πρὸς τὰς λοιδορίας ἔρρωτο, δηλώσει καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὸν κύνα Πρωτέα λεχθέντα ποτὲ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ̓Αθήνησιν: ἦν μὲν γὰρ τῶν οὕτω θαρραλέως φιλοσοφούντων ὁ Πρωτεὺς οὗτος, ὡς καὶ ἐς πῦρ ἑαυτὸν ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ ῥῖψαι, ἐπηκολούθει δὲ τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ κακῶς ἀγορεύων αὐτὸν ἡμιβαρβάρῳ γλώττῃ: ἐπιστραφεὶς οὖν ὁ ̔Ηρώδης “ἔστω”, ἔφη “κακῶς με ἀγορεύεις, πρὸς τί καὶ οὕτως”; ἐπικειμένου δὲ τοῦ Πρωτέως ταῖς λοιδορίαις “γεγηράκαμεν” ἔφη “σὺ μὲν κακῶς με ἀγορεύων, ἐγὼ δὲ ἀκούων” ἐνδεικνύμενος δήπου τὸ ἀκούειν μέν, καταγελᾶν δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πεπεῖσθαι τὰς ψευδεῖς λοιδορίας μὴ περαιτέρω ἀκοῆς ἥκειν. ἑρμηνεύσω καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐς χαρακτῆρα ἰὼν τοῦ λόγου: ὡς μὲν δὴ Πολέμωνα καὶ Φαβωρῖνον καὶ Σκοπελιανὸν ἐν διδασκάλοις ἑαυτοῦ ἦγε καὶ ὡς Σεκούνδῳ τῷ ̓Αθηναίῳ ἐφοίτησεν, εἰρημένον μοι ἤδη, τοὺς δὲ κριτικοὺς τῶν λόγων Θεαγένει τε τῷ Κνιδίῳ καὶ Μουνατίῳ τῷ ἐκ Τραλλέων συνεγένετο καὶ Ταύρῳ τῷ Τυρίῳ ἐπὶ ταῖς Πλάτωνος δόξαις. ἡ δὲ ἁρμονία τοῦ λόγου ἱκανῶς κεκολασμένη καὶ ἡ δεινότης ὑφέρπουσα μᾶλλον ἢ ἐγκειμένη κρότος τε σὺν ἀφελείᾳ καὶ κριτιάζουσα ἠχὼ καὶ ἔννοιαι οἷαι μὴ ἑτέρῳ ἐνθυμηθῆναι κωμική τε εὐγλωττία οὐκ ἐπέσακτος, ἀλλ' ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων, καὶ ἡδὺς ὁ λόγος καὶ πολυσχήματος καὶ εὐσχήμων καὶ σοφῶς ἐξαλλάττων τὸ πνεῦμά τε οὐ σφοδρόν, ἀλλὰ λεῖον καὶ καθεστηκὸς καὶ ἡ ἐπίπαν ἰδέα τοῦ λόγου χρυσοῦ ψῆγμα ποταμῷ ἀργυροδίνῃ ὑπαυγάζον. προσέκειτο μὲν γὰρ πᾶσι τοῖς παλαιοῖς, τῷ δὲ Κριτίᾳ καὶ προσετετήκει καὶ παρήγαγεν αὐτὸν ἐς ἤθη ̔Ελλήνων τέως ἀμελούμενον καὶ περιορώμενον. βοώσης δὲ ἐπ' αὐτῷ τῆς ̔Ελλάδος καὶ καλούσης αὐτὸν ἕνα τῶν δέκα οὐχ ἡττήθη τοῦ ἐπαίνου μεγάλου δοκοῦντος, ἀλλ' ἀστειότατα πρὸς τοὺς ἐπαινέσαντας “̓Ανδοκίδου μὲν” ἔφη “βελτίων εἰμί.” εὐμαθέστατος δὲ ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος οὐδὲ τοῦ μοχθεῖν ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ πότον ἐσπούδαζε καὶ νύκτωρ ἐν τοῖς διαλείμμασι τῶν ὕπνων, ὅθεν ἐκάλουν αὐτὸν σιτευτὸν ῥήτορα οἱ ὀλίγωροί τε καὶ λεπτοί. ἄλλος μὲν οὖν ἄλλο ἀγαθὸς καὶ ἄλλος ἐν ἄλλῳ βελτίων ἑτέρου, ὁ μὲν γὰρ σχεδιάσαι θαυμάσιος, ὁ δὲ ἐκπονῆσαι λόγον, ὁ δὲ τὰ ξύμπαντα ἄριστα τῶν σοφιστῶν διέθετο καὶ τὸ παθητικὸν οὐκ ἐκ τῆς τραγῳδίας μόνον, ἀλλὰ κἀκ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων συνελέξατο. ἐπιστολαὶ δὲ πλεῖσται ̔Ηρώδου καὶ διαλέξεις καὶ ἐφημερίδες ἐγχειρίδιά τε καὶ καίρια τὴν ἀρχαίαν πολυμάθειαν ἐν βραχεῖ ἀπηνθισμένα. οἱ δὲ προφέροντες αὐτῷ νέῳ ἔτι τὸ λόγου τινὸς ἐν Παιονίᾳ ἐκπεσεῖν ἐπὶ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἠγνοηκέναι μοι δοκοῦσιν, ὅτι καὶ Δημοσθένης ἐπὶ Φιλίππου λέγων ταὐτὸν ἔπαθεν: κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἥκων ̓Αθήναζε τιμὰς προσῄτει καὶ στεφάνους ἀπολωλυίας ̓Αθηναίοις ̓Αμφιπόλεως, ̔Ηρώδης δέ, ἐπεὶ τοῦτο ἔπαθεν, ἐπὶ τὸν ̓́Ιστρον ἦλθεν ὡς ῥίψων ἑαυτὸν, τοσοῦτον γὰρ αὐτῷ περιῆν τοῦ ἐν λόγοις βούλεσθαι ὀνομαστῷ εἶναι, ὡς θανάτου τιμᾶσθαι τὸ σφαλῆναι. ἐτελεύτα μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὰ ἓξ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ξυντακὴς γενόμενος. ἀποθανόντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ Μαραθῶνι καὶ ἐπισκήψαντος τοῖς ἀπελευθέροις ἐκεῖ θάπτειν ̓Αθηναῖοι ταῖς τῶν ἐφήβων χερσὶν ἁρπάσαντες ἐς ἄστυ ἤνεγκαν προαπαντῶντες τῷ λέχει πᾶσα ἡλικία δακρύοις ἅμα καὶ ἀνευφημοῦντες, ὅσα παῖδες χρηστοῦ πατρὸς χηρεύσαντες, καὶ ἔθαψαν ἐν τῷ Παναθηναικῷ ἐπιγράψαντες αὐτῷ βραχὺ καὶ πολὺ ἐπίγραμμα τόδε: ̓Αττικοῦ ̔Ηρώδης Μαραθώνιος, οὗ τάδε πάντα κεῖται τῷδε τάφῳ, πάντοθεν εὐδόκιμος. τοσαῦτα περὶ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ ̓Αθηναίου, τὰ μὲν εἰρημένα, τὰ δὲ ἠγνοημένα ἑτέροις. 2.2. ἐπὶ τὸν σοφιστὴν Θεόδοτον καλεῖ με ὁ λόγος. Θεόδοτος μὲν προὔστη καὶ τοῦ ̓Αθηναίων δήμου κατὰ χρόνους, οὓς προσέκρουον ̔Ηρώδῃ ̓Αθηναῖοι, καὶ ἐς ἀπέχθειαν φανερὰν οὐδεμίαν τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἀφίκετο, ἀλλ' ἀφανῶς αὐτὸν ὑπεκάθητο δεινὸς ὢν χρῆσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ τῶν ἀγοραίων εἷς οὗτος: τοῖς γοῦν ἀμφὶ τὸν Δημόστρατον οὕτω ξυνεκέκρατο, ὡς καὶ ξυνάρασθαί σφισι τῶν λόγων, οὓς ἐξεπόνουν πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην. προὔστη δὲ καὶ τῆς ̓Αθηναίων νεότητος πρῶτος ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκ βασιλέως μυρίαις. καὶ οὐ τοῦτό πω λόγου ἄξιον, οὐδὲ γὰρ πάντες οἱ ἐπιβατεύοντες τοῦ θρόνου τούτου λόγου ἄξιοι, ἀλλ' ὅτι τοὺς μὲν Πλατωνείους καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Στοᾶς καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ Περιπάτου καὶ αὐτοῦ ̓Επικούρου προσέταξεν ὁ Μάρκος τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ κρῖναι, τὸν δὲ ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν δόξης αὐτὸς ἐπέκρινε τοῖς νέοις ἀγωνιστὴν τῶν πολιτικῶν προσειπὼν λόγων καὶ ῥητορικῆς ὄφελος. ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος Λολλιανοῦ μὲν ἀκροατής, ̔Ηρώδου δὲ οὐκ ἀνήκοος. ἐβίω μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τὰ πεντήκοντα δυοῖν ἐτοῖν κατασχὼν τὸν θρόνον, τὴν δὲ ἰδέαν τῶν λόγων ἀποχρῶν καὶ τοῖς δικανικοῖς καὶ τοῖς ὑπερσοφιστεύουσιν. 2.10. ̓Αδριανὸν δὲ τὸν Φοίνικα Τύρος μὲν ἤνεγκεν, ̓Αθῆναι δὲ ἤσκησαν. ὡς γὰρ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ διδασκάλων ἤκουον, ἀφίκετο μὲν ἐς αὐτὰς κατὰ ̔Ηρώδην, φύσεως δὲ ἰσχὺν σοφιστικωτάτην ἐνδεικνύμενος καὶ οὐκ ἄδηλος ὢν ὡς ἐπὶ μέγα ἥξοι: ἐφοίτησε μὲν γὰρ τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ ὀκτὼ καὶ δέκα ἴσως γεγονὼς ἔτη καὶ ταχέως ἀξιωθείς, ὧν Σκέπτος τε καὶ ̓Αμφικλῆς ἠξιοῦντο, ἐνεγράφη καὶ τῇ τοῦ Κλεψυδρίου ἀκροάσει. τὸ δὲ Κλεψύδριον ὧδε εἶχεν: τῶν τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου ἀκροατῶν δέκα οἱ ἀρετῆς ἀξιούμενοι ἐπεσιτίζοντο τῇ ἐς πάντας ἀκροάσει κλεψύδραν ξυμμεμετρημένην ἐς ἑκατὸν ἔπη, ἃ διῄει ἀποτάδην ὁ ̔Ηρώδης παρῃτημένος τὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀκροατῶν ἔπαινον καὶ μόνου γεγονὼς τοῦ λέγειν. παραδεδωκότος δὲ αὐτοῦ τοῖς γνωρίμοις τὸ μηδὲ τὸν τοῦ πότου καιρὸν ἀνιέναι, ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖ τι ἐπισπουδάζειν τῷ οἴνῳ ξυνέπινε μὲν ὁ ̓Αδριανὸς τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς κλεψύδρας ὡς κοινωνὸς μεγάλου ἀπορρήτου, λόγου δὲ αὐτοῖς περὶ τῆς ἑκάστου τῶν σοφιστῶν ἰδέας προβαίνοντος παρελθὼν ἐς μέσους ὁ ̓Αδριανὸς “ἐγὼ” ἔφη “ὑπογράψω τοὺς χαρακτῆρας οὐ κομματίων ἀπομνημονεύων ἢ νοιδίων ἢ κώλων ἢ ῥυθμῶν, ἀλλ' ἐς μίμησιν ἐμαυτὸν καθιστὰς καὶ τὰς ἁπάντων ἰδέας ἀποσχεδιάζων σὺν εὐροίᾳ καὶ ἐφιεὶς τῇ γλώττῃ.” παραλιπόντος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ὁ μὲν ̓Αμφικλῆς ἤρετο τοῦ χάριν τὸν διδάσκαλον αὐτῶν παρέλθοι αὐτός τε ἐρῶν τῆς ἰδέας ἐκείνους τε ἰδὼν ἐρῶντας “ὅτι” ἔφη “οὗτοι μὲν οἷοι καὶ μεθύοντι παραδοῦναι μίμησιν, ̔Ηρώδην δὲ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν λόγων ἀγαπητὸν ἢν ἄοινός τε καὶ νήφων ὑποκρίνωμαι.” ταῦτα ἀπαγγελθέντα τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ διέχεεν αὐτὸν ὄντα καὶ ἄλλως ἥττω εὐδοξίας. ἐπήγγειλε δὲ τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ ἀκρόασιν σχεδίου λόγου νεάζων ἔτι, καὶ ὁ ̔Ηρώδης  οὐχ ὡς διαβάλλουσί τινες, βασκαίνων τε καὶ τωθάζων, ἀλλ' ἀπὸ τοῦ διακειμένου τε καὶ ἵλεω ἀκροασάμενος ἐπέρρωσε τὸν νεανίαν εἰπὼν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν “κολοσσοῦ ταῦτα μεγάλα σπαράγματ' ἂν εἴη”, ἅμα μὲν διορθούμενος αὐτὸν ὡς ὑφ' ἡλικίας διεσπασμένον τε καὶ μὴ ξυγκείμενον, ἅμα δὲ ἐπαινῶν ὡς μεγαλόφωνόν τε καὶ μεγαλογνώμονα. καὶ λόγον τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ ἀποθανόντι ἐπεφθέγξατο ἐπάξιον τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς ἐς δάκρυα ἐκκληθῆναι τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους ἐν τῇ τοῦ λόγου ἀκροάσει. μεστὸς δὲ οὕτω παρρησίας ἐπὶ τὸν θρόνον παρῆλθε τὸν ̓Αθήνησιν, ὡς προοίμιόν οἱ γενέσθαι τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς διαλέξεως μὴ τὴν ἐκείνων σοφίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ, ἤρξατο γὰρ δὴ ὧδε: “πάλιν ἐκ Φοινίκης γράμματα.” τὸ μὲν δὴ προοίμιον τοῦτο ὑπερπνέοντος ἦν τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους καὶ διδόντος τι αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὸν μᾶλλον ἢ λαμβάνοντος, μεγαλοπρεπέστατα δὲ τοῦ ̓Αθήνησι θρόνου ἐπεμελήθη ἐσθῆτα μὲν πλείστου ἀξίαν ἀμπεχόμενος, ἐξηρτημένος δὲ τὰς θαυμασιωτέρας τῶν λίθων καὶ κατιὼν μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς σπουδὰς ἐπ' ἀργυροχαλίνου ὀχήματος, ἐπεὶ δὲ σπουδάσειε, ζηλωτὸς αὖ ἐπανιὼν ξὺν πομπῇ τοῦ πανταχόθεν ̔Ελληνικοῦ. οἵδε γὰρ ἐθεράπευον αὐτόν, ὥσπερ τὰ γένη τῆς ̓Ελευσῖνος ἱεροφάντην λαμπρῶς ἱερουργοῦντα. ὑπεποιεῖτο δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ παιδιαῖς καὶ πότοις καὶ θήραις καὶ κοινωνίᾳ πανηγύρεων ̔Ελληνικῶν, ἄλλα ἄλλῳ ξυννεάζων, ὅθεν διέκειντο πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς πρὸς πατέρα παῖδες ἡδύν τε καὶ πρᾷον καὶ ξυνδιαφέροντα αὐτοῖς τὸ ̔Ελληνικὸν σκίρτημα. ἐγώ τοι καὶ δακρύοντας αὐτῶν ἐνίους οἶδα, ὁπότε ἐς μνήμην τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου καθίσταιντο, καὶ τοὺς μὲν τὸ φθέγμα ὑποκοριζομένους, τοὺς δὲ τὸ βάδισμα, τοὺς δὲ τὸ εὔσχημον τῆς στολῆς. ἐπαχθεῖσαν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ φονικὴν αἰτίαν ὧδε ἀπέφυγεν: ἦν ̓Αθήνησιν ἀνθρώπιον οὐκ ἀγύμναστον τοῦ περὶ τοὺς σοφιστὰς δρόμου: τούτῳ ἀμφορέα μέν τις οἴνου προσάγων ἢ ὄψα ἢ ἐσθῆτα ἢ ἀργύριον εὐμεταχειρίστῳ ἐχρῆτο, καθάπερ οἱ τὰ πεινῶντα τῶν θρεμμάτων τῷ θαλλῷ ἄγοντες, εἰ δὲ ἀμελοῖτο, φιλολοιδόρως εἶχε. καὶ ὑλάκτει. τῷ μὲν οὖν ̓Αδριανῷ προσκεκρούκει διὰ τὴν εὐχέρειαν τοῦ ἤθους, Χρῆστον δὲ τὸν ἐκ τοῦ Βυζαντίου σοφιστὴν ἐθεράπευεν, καὶ ὁ μὲν ̓Αδριανὸς ἐκαρτέρει τὰ ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντα, δήγματα κόρεων τὰς ἐκ τῶν τοιούτων λοιδορίας καλῶν, οἱ γνώριμοι δὲ οὐκ ἐνεγκόντες παρεκελεύσαντο τοῖς ἑαυτῶν οἰκέταις παίειν αὐτόν, καὶ ἀνοιδησάντων αὐτῷ τῶν σπλάγχνων ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τριακοστῇ ἀπέθανε παρασχών τινα καὶ αὐτὸς τῷ θανάτῳ λόγον, ἐπειδὴ ἀκράτου νοσῶν ἔσπασεν. οἱ δὲ προσήκοντες τῷ τεθνεῶτι γράφονται τὸν σοφιστὴν φόνου παρὰ τῷ τῆς ̔Ελλάδος ἄρχοντι ὡς ἕνα ̓Αθηναίων, ἐπειδὴ φυλή τε ἦν αὐτῷ καὶ δῆμος ̓Αθήνησιν, ὁ δὲ ἀπέγνω τὴν αἰτίαν ὡς μήτε ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ χερσὶ μήτε ταῖς τῶν ἑαυτοῦ δούλων τετυπτηκότος τὸν τεθνάναι λεγόμενον. ξυνήρατο δὲ αὐτῷ τῆς ἀπολογίας πρῶτον μὲν τὸ ̔Ελληνικὸν τίνας οὐχὶ ἀφιέντες ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ φωνὰς δακρύοις ἅμα, ἔπειτα ἡ τοῦ ἰατροῦ μαρτυρία ἡ ἐπὶ τῷ οἴνῳ. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς χρόνους, οὓς ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ Μάρκος ̓Αθήναζε ὑπὲρ μυστηρίων ἐστάλη, ἐκράτει μὲν ἤδη τοῦ τῶν σοφιστῶν θρόνου ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος, ἐν μέρει δὲ ὁ Μάρκος τῆς τῶν ̓Αθηνῶν ἱστορίας ἔθετο μηδὲ τὴν ἐκείνου σοφίαν ἀγνοῆσαι: καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐπέταξεν αὐτὸν τοῖς νέοις οὐκ ἀκροάσει βασανίσας, ἀλλὰ ξυνθέμενος τῇ περὶ αὐτοῦ φήμῃ. Σεβήρου δὲ ἀνδρὸς ὑπάτου διαβάλλοντος αὐτὸν ὡς τὰς σοφιστικὰς ὑποθέσεις ἐκβακχεύοντα διὰ τὸ ἐρρῶσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἔλεγχον τούτου ποιούμενος ὁ Μάρκος προὔβαλε μὲν αὐτῷ τὸν ̔Υπερείδην τὸν ἐς μόνας ἐπιστρέφοντα τὰς Δημοσθένους γνώμας, ὅτε δὴ ἐν ̓Ελατείᾳ Φίλιππος ἦν, ὁ δὲ οὕτως τὸν ἀγῶνα εὐηνίως διέθετο, ὡς μηδὲ τοῦ Πολέμωνος ῥοίζου λείπεσθαι δόξαι. ἀγασθεὶς δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐπὶ μέγα ἦρε δωρεαῖς τε καὶ δώροις. καλῶ δὲ δωρεὰς μὲν τάς τε σιτήσεις καὶ τὰς προεδρίας καὶ τὰς ἀτελείας καὶ τὸ ἱερᾶσθαι καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα λαμπρύνει ἄνδρας, δῶρα δὲ χρυσὸν ἄργυρον ἵππους ἀνδράποδα καὶ ὅσα ἑρμηνεύει πλοῦτον, ὧν αὐτόν τε ἐνέπλησε καὶ γένος τὸ ἐκείνου πάντας. κατασχὼν δὲ καὶ τὸν ἄνω θρόνον οὕτως τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἐς ἑαυτὸν ἐπέστρεψεν, ὡς καὶ τοῖς ἀξυνέτοις γλώττης ̔Ελλάδος ἔρωτα παρασχεῖν ἀκροάσεως. ἠκροῶντο δὲ ὥσπερ εὐστομούσης ἀηδόνος, τὴν εὐγλωττίαν ἐκπεπληγμένοι καὶ τὸ σχῆμα καὶ τὸ εὔστροφον τοῦ φθέγματος καὶ τοὺς πεζῇ τε καὶ ξὺν ᾠδῇ ῥυθμούς. ὁπότε οὖν σπουδάζοιεν περὶ τὰς ἐγκυκλίους θέας, ὀρχηστῶν δὲ αὗται τὸ ἐπίπαν, φανέντος ἂν περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ τῆς ἀκροάσεως ἀγγέλου ἐξανίσταντο μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς, ἐξανίσταντο δὲ τῶν δημοσίᾳ ἱππευόντων οὐχ οἱ τὰ ̔Ελλήνων σπουδάζοντες μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁπόσοι τὴν ἑτέραν γλῶτταν ἐπαιδεύοντο ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ καὶ δρόμῳ ἐχώρουν ἐς τὸ ̓Αθήναιον ὁρμῆς μεστοὶ καὶ τοὺς βάδην πορευομένους κακίζοντες. νοσοῦντι δὲ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρώμην, ὅτε δὴ καὶ ἐτελεύτα, ἐψηφίσατο μὲν τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ὁ Κόμμοδος ξὺν ἀπολογίᾳ τοῦ μὴ καὶ θᾶττον, ὁ δὲ ἐπιθειάσας μὲν ταῖς Μούσαις, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, προσκυνήσας δὲ τὰς βασιλείους δέλτους τὴν ψυχὴν πρὸς αὐταῖς ἀφῆκεν ἐνταφίῳ τῇ τιμῇ χρησάμενος: ἐτελεύτα δὲ ἀμφὶ τὰ ὀγδοήκοντα ἔτη, οὕτω τι εὐδόκιμος, ὡς καὶ πολλοῖς γόης δόξαι: ὅτι μὲν οὖν ἀνὴρ πεπαιδευμένος οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἐς γοήτων ὑπαχθείη τέχνας, ἱκανῶς ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ Διονυσίου λόγοις εἴρηκα, ὁ δέ, οἶμαι, τερατευόμενος ἐν ταῖς ὑποθέσεσι περὶ τὰ τῶν μάγων ἤθη τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ταύτην παρ' αὐτῶν ἔσπασεν. διαβάλλουσι δὲ αὐτὸν ὡς καὶ ἀναιδῆ τὸ ἦθος, πέμψαι μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ τινα τῶν γνωρίμων ἰχθῦς διακειμένους ἐπὶ δίσκου ἀργυροῦ πεποικιλμένου χρυσῷ, τὸν δὲ ὑπερησθέντα τῷ δίσκῳ μήτε ἀποδοῦναι καὶ ἀποκρίνασθαι τῷ πέμψαντι “εὖγε, ὅτι καὶ τοὺς ἰχθῦς.” τουτὶ δὲ διατριβῆς μὲν ἕνεκα παῖξαι λέγεται πρός τινα τῶν ἑαυτοῦ γνωρίμων, ὃν ἤκουε μικροπρεπῶς τῷ πλούτῳ χρώμενον, τὸν δὲ ἄργυρον ἀποδοῦναι σωφρονίσας τὸν ἀκροατὴν τῷ ἀστεισμῶ. ὁ δὲ σοφιστὴς οὗτος πολὺς μὲν περὶ τὰς ἐννοίας καὶ λαμπρὸς καὶ τὰς διασκευὰς τῶν ὑποθέσεων ποικιλώτατος ἐκ τῆς τραγῳδίας τοῦτο ᾑρηκώς, οὐ μὴν τεταγμένος γε, οὐδὲ τῇ τέχνῃ ἑπόμενος, τὴν δὲ παρασκευὴν τῆς λέξεως ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων σοφιστῶν περιεβάλλετο ἤχῳ προσάγων μᾶλλον ἢ κρότῳ. πολλαχοῦ δὲ τῆς μεγαλοφωνίας ἐξέπεσεν ἀταμιεύτως τῇ τραγῳδίᾳ χρησάμενος. 2.20. ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος ὁ ̓Αθηναῖος ὀνόματος μὲν ἠξιώθη καθ' ̔́Ελληνας, ὡς ἱκανὸς τὰ δικανικὰ καὶ τὰ ἀμφὶ μελέτην οὐ μεμπτός, ἐπαίδευσε δὲ ̓Αθήνησι καθ' ̔Ηρακλείδην τε καὶ τὸν ὁμώνυμον τοῦ πολιτικοῦ θρόνου προεστὼς ἐπὶ ταλάντῳ. διαπρεπὴς δὲ καὶ τὰ πολιτικὰ γενόμενος ἔν τε πρεσβείαις ὑπὲρ τῶν μεγίστων ἐπρέσβευσεν ἔν τε λειτουργίαις, ἃς μεγίστας ̓Αθηναῖοι νομίζουσι, τήν τε ἐπώνυμον καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων ἐπετράπη καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἀνακτόρου φωνὰς ἤδη γηράσκων, ̔Ηρακλείδου μὲν καὶ Λογίμου καὶ Γλαύκου καὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἱεροφαντῶν εὐφωνίᾳ μὲν ἀποδέων, σεμνότητι δὲ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπείᾳ καὶ κόσμῳ παρὰ πολλοὺς δοκῶν τῶν ἄνω. πρεσβεύων δὲ παρὰ Σεβῆρον ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα ἀπεδύσατο πρὸς ̔Ηρακλείδην τὸν σοφιστὴν τὸν ὑπὲρ μελέτης ἀγῶνα, καὶ ἀπῆλθεν ὁ μὲν τὴν ἀτέλειαν ἀφαιρεθείς, ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος δῶρα ἔχων. διαδόντος δὲ τοῦ ̔Ηρακλείδου λόγον οὐκ ἀληθῆ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου, ὡς αὐτίκα δὴ βαδιουμένου ἐς Λιβύην, ἡνίκα Λεπτίνης ἦν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐκεῖ καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἁπάσης γῆς ἀρετὰς συνῆγεν, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος “ὥρα σοι ἀναγιγνώσκειν τὸν πρὸς Λεπτίνην” “σοὶ μὲν οὖν”, ἦ δ' ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, “καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀτελείας γέγραπται”. βαλβῖδα μὲν δὴ τοῦ λόγου ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος ἐκ τῆς ̓Αδριανοῦ ἰδέας βέβληται ἅτε δὴ καὶ ἀκροατὴς γενόμενος, παραλλάττει δὲ ὅμως ἐς ῥυθμοὺς ἐμμέτρους τε καὶ ἀναπαίοντας, οὓς εἰ φυλάξαιτο, σεμνοπρεπὴς τὴν ἀπαγγελίαν δοκεῖ καὶ βεβηκώς. τουτὶ δέ ἐστιν εὑρεῖν καὶ ἐπ' ἄλλων μὲν ὑποθέσεων, μάλιστα δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Καλλίου, ὃς ἀπαγορεύει τοῖς ̓Αθηναίοις πυρὶ μὴ θάπτειν: “ὑψηλὴν ἆρον, ἄνθρωπε, τὴν δᾷδα. τί βιάζῃ καὶ κατάγεις κάτω καὶ βασανίζεις τὸ πῦρ; οὐράνιόν ἐστιν, αἰθέριόν ἐστιν, πρὸς τὸ ξυγγενὲς ἔρχεται τὸ πῦρ. οὐ κατάγει νεκρούς, ἀλλ' ἀνάγει θεούς. ἰὼ Προμηθεῦ δᾳδοῦχε καὶ πυρφόρε, οἷά σου τὸ δῶρον ὑβρίζεται: νεκροῖς ἀναισθήτοις ἀναμίγνυται. ἐπάρηξον βοήθησον κλέψον, εἰ δυνατόν, κἀκεῖθεν τὸ πῦρ.” παρεθέμην δὲ ταῦτα οὐ παραιτούμενος αὐτὸν τῶν ἀκολάστων ῥυθμῶν, ἀλλὰ διδάσκων, ὅτι μηδὲ τοὺς σωφρονεστέρους ῥυθμοὺς ἠγνόει ἐτελεύτα μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὰ πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτη πολὺς καὶ ἐν τῷ ̓Αθηναίων δήμῳ πνεύσας, ἐτάφη δὲ ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ τῆς ̓Ελευσῖνάδε λεωφόρου. ὄνομα μὲν δὴ τῷ προαστείῳ ̔Ιερὰ συκῆ, τὰ δὲ ̓Ελευσινόθεν ἱερά, ἐπειδὰν ἐς ἄστυ ἄγωσιν, ἐκεῖ ἀναπαύουσιν.
74. Aelian, Fragments, 92 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, epicureanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 23
75. Tertullian, Prescription Against Heretics, 7.2, 7.6-7.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 208
76. Apuleius, On The God of Socrates, 3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 101
77. Athenagoras, Apology Or Embassy For The Christians, 1.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 102
1.3. Διόπερ τὸ πρᾶον ὑμῶν καὶ ἥμερον καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἅπαντα εἰρηνικὸν καὶ φιλάνθρωπον θαυμάζοντες οἱ μὲν καθ᾿ ἕνα ἰσονομοῦνται, αἱ δὲ πόλεις πρὸς ἀξίαν τῆς ἴσης μετέχουσι τιμῆς, καὶ ἡ σύμπασα οἰκουμένη τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ συνέσει βαθείας
78. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 3.19.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 101
79. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 76
80. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 76
81. Gellius, Attic Nights, 15.2.1-15.2.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 43, 44, 45
82. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.7, 2.37.2, 7.26-8.5, 8.8, 8.9, 8.10, 8.11, 8.12, 8.30 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 45; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
1.7. προϊὼν δὲ ἐς ἡλικίαν, ἐν ᾗ γράμματα, μνήμης τε ἰσχὺν ἐδήλου καὶ μελέτης κράτος, καὶ ἡ γλῶττα ̓Αττικῶς εἶχεν, οὐδ' ἀπήχθη τὴν φωνὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους, ὀφθαλμοί τε πάντες ἐς αὐτὸν ἐφέροντο, καὶ γὰρ περίβλεπτος ἦν τὴν ὥραν. γεγονότα δὲ αὐτὸν ἔτη τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα ἄγει ἐς Ταρσοὺς ὁ πατὴρ παρ' Εὐθύδημον τὸν ἐκ Φοινίκης. ὁ δὲ Εὐθύδημος ῥήτωρ τε ἀγαθὸς ἦν καὶ ἐπαίδευε τοῦτον, ὁ δὲ τοῦ μὲν διδασκάλου εἴχετο, τὸ δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἦθος ἄτοπόν τε ἡγεῖτο καὶ οὐ χρηστὸν ἐμφιλοσοφῆσαι, τρυφῆς τε γὰρ οὐδαμοῦ μᾶλλον ἅπτονται σκωπτόλαι τε καὶ ὑβρισταὶ πάντες καὶ δεδώκασι τῇ ὀθόνῃ μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ σοφίᾳ ̓Αθηναῖοι, ποταμός τε αὐτοὺς διαρρεῖ Κύδνος, ᾧ παρακάθηνται, καθάπερ τῶν ὀρνίθων οἱ ὑγροί. τό τοι“ παύσασθε μεθύοντες τῷ ὕδατι” ̓Απολλωνίῳ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐν ἐπιστολῇ εἴρηται. μεθίστησιν οὖν τὸν διδάσκαλον δεηθεὶς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐς Αἰγὰς τὰς πλησίον, ἐν αἷς ἡσυχία τε πρόσφορος τῷ φιλοσοφήσοντι καὶ σπουδαὶ νεανικώτεραι καὶ ἱερὸν ̓Ασκληπιοῦ καὶ ὁ ̓Ασκληπιὸς αὐτὸς ἐπίδηλος τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. ἐνταῦθα ξυνεφιλοσόφουν μὲν αὐτῷ Πλατώνειοί τε καὶ Χρυσίππειοι καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τοῦ περιπάτου, διήκουε δὲ καὶ τῶν ̓Επικούρου λόγων, οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτους ἀπεσπούδαζε, τοὺς δέ γε Πυθαγορείους ἀρρήτῳ τινὶ σοφίᾳ ξυνέλαβε: διδάσκαλος μὲν γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ τῶν Πυθαγόρου λόγων οὐ πάνυ σπουδαῖος, οὐδὲ ἐνεργῷ τῇ φιλοσοφίᾳ χρώμενος, γαστρός τε γὰρ ἥττων ἦν καὶ ἀφροδισίων καὶ κατὰ τὸν ̓Επίκουρον ἐσχημάτιστο: ἦν δὲ οὗτος Εὔξενος ὁ ἐξ ̔Ηρακλείας τοῦ Πόντου, τὰς δὲ Πυθαγόρου δόξας ἐγίγνωσκεν, ὥσπερ οἱ ὄρνιθες ἃ μανθάνουσι παρὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων, τὸ γὰρ “χαῖρε” καὶ τὸ “εὖ πρᾶττε” καὶ τὸ “Ζεὺς ἵλεως” καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα οἱ ὄρνιθες εὔχονται οὔτε εἰδότες ὅ τι λέγουσιν οὔτε διακείμενοι πρὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ἀλλὰ ἐρρυθμισμένοι τὴν γλῶτταν: ὁ δέ, ὥσπερ οἱ νέοι τῶν ἀετῶν ἐν ἁπαλῷ μὲν τῷ πτερῷ παραπέτονται τοῖς γειναμένοις αὐτοὺς μελετώμενοι ὑπ' αὐτῶν τὴν πτῆσιν, ἐπειδὰν δὲ αἴρεσθαι δυνηθῶσιν, ὑπερπέτονται τοὺς γονέας ἄλλως τε κἂν λίχνους αἴσθωνται καὶ κνίσης ἕνεκα πρὸς τῇ γῇ πετομένους, οὕτω καὶ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος προσεῖχέ τε τῷ Εὐξένῳ παῖς ἔτι καὶ ἤγετο ὑπ' αὐτοῦ βαίνων ἐπὶ τοῦ λόγου, προελθὼν δὲ ἐς ἔτος δέκατον καὶ ἕκτον ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ Πυθαγόρου βίον, πτερωθεὶς ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὑπό τινος κρείττονος. οὐ μὴν τόν γε Εὔξενον ἐπαύσατο ἀγαπῶν, ἀλλ' ἐξαιτήσας αὐτῷ προάστειον παρὰ τοῦ πατρός, ἐν ᾧ κῆποί τε ἁπαλοὶ ἦσαν καὶ πηγαί, “σὺ μὲν ζῆθι τὸν σεαυτοῦ τρόπον” ἔφη “ἐγὼ δὲ τὸν Πυθαγόρου ζήσομαι”. 1.7. ON reaching the age when children are taught their letters, he showed great strength of memory and power of application; and his tongue affected the Attic dialect, nor was his accent corrupted by the race he lived among. All eyes were turned upon him, for he was, moreover, conspicuous for his beauty. When he reached his fourteenth year, his father brought him to Tarsus, to Euthydemus the teacher from Phoenicia. Now Euthydemus was a good rhetor, and began his education; but, though he was attached to his teacher, he found the atmosphere of the city harsh and strange and little conducive to the philosophic life, for nowhere are men more addicted than here to luxury; jesters and full of insolence are they all; and they attend more to their fine linen than the Athenians did to wisdom; and a stream called the Cydnus runs through their city, along the banks of which they sit like so many water-fowl. Hence the words which Apollonius addresses to them in his letter: Be done with getting drunk upon your water. He therefore transferred his teacher, with his father's consent, to the town of Aegae, which was close by, where he found a peace congenial to one who would be a philosopher, and a more serious school of study and a sanctuary of Asclepius, where that god reveals himself in person to men. There he had as his companions in philosophy followers of Plato and Chrysippus and peripatetic philosophers. And he diligently attended also to the discourses of Epicurus, for he did not despise these either, although it was to those of Pythagoras that he applied himself with unspeakable wisdom and ardor. However, his teacher of the Pythagorean system was not a very serious person, nor one who practiced in his conduct the philosophy he taught; for he was the slave of his belly and appetites, and modeled himself upon Epicurus. And this man was Euxenus from the town of Heraclea in Pontus, and he knew the principles of Pythagoras just as birds know what they learn from men; for the birds will wish you farewell, and say Good day or Zeus help you, and such like, without understanding what they say and without any real sympathy for mankind, merely because they have been trained to move their tongue in a certain manner. Apollonius, however, was like the young eagles who, as long as they are not fully fledged, fly alongside of their parents and are trained by them in flight, but who, as soon as they are able to rise in the air, outsoar the parent birds, especially when they perceive the latter to be greedy and to be flying along the ground in order to snuff the quarry; like them Apollonius attended Euxenus as long as he was a child and was guided by him in the path of argument, but when he reached his sixteenth year he indulged his impulse towards the life of Pythagoras, being fledged and winged thereto by some higher power. Notwithstanding he did not cease to love Euxenus, nay, he persuaded his father to present him with a villa outside the town, where there were tender groves and fountains, and he said to him: Now you live there your own life, but I will live that of Pythagoras.
83. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 5.1, 6.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 101
84. Sextus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1.16-1.17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 40, 270
85. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 42
86. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 1.2, 2.1-2.2, 2.4, 2.6, 3.3, 5.1, 5.6, 7.1-7.3, 8.1-8.2, 35.4-35.6, 48.3, 65.2, 68.3, 71.2, 113.1, 120.6, 123.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 55, 56, 57; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 546; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 298, 299, 305, 306, 308, 311
87. Justin, Second Apology, 13.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 55
88. Justin, First Apology, 1.1, 4.8-4.9, 7.1-7.5, 18.5, 23.1, 26.1-26.4, 26.6-26.8, 53.3-53.6, 59.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 55, 57; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 17, 298, 303, 306, 310
89. Lucian, Alexander The False Prophet, 25 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •alexander of abonouteichos, and philosophical schools Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 109
90. Lucian, The Passing of Peregrinus, 18, 37-41, 43-45, 34 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 242
91. Aristides of Athens, Apology, 15.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 102
92. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 2.431, 3.98 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 237
93. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 54.7.1-54.7.4, 71.8, 72.31.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 66, 77, 90, 102; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 241
54.7.1.  While Agrippa was thus occupied, Augustus, after arranging various matters in Sicily and making Roman colonies of Syracuse and certain other cities, crossed over into Greece. 54.7.2.  He honoured the Lacedaemonians by giving them Cythera and attending their public mess, because Livia, when she fled from Italy with her husband and son, had spent some time there. But from the Athenians he took away Aegina and Eretria, from which they received tribute, because, as some say, they had espoused the cause of Antony; and he furthermore forbade them to make anyone a citizen for money. 54.7.3.  And it seemed to them that the thing which had happened to the statue of Athena was responsible for this misfortune: for this statue on the Acropolis, which was placed to face the east, had turned around to the west and spat blood. 54.7.4.  Augustus, now, after transacting what business he had in Greece, sailed to Samos, where he passed the winter; and in the spring of the year when Marcus Apuleius and Publius Silius were consuls, he went on into Asia, and settled everything there and in Bithynia.
94. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 3.8.59, 6.6.52 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools •schools, philosophical Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 40, 270, 271, 272; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 304
95. Lucian, The Lover of Lies, 10-23, 29-30, 6-9, 31 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 241
96. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.27.1, 2.27.1, 3.11, 3.13.1, 3.13.11, 4.33.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical •heresy, rabbinic judaism, influence of historiographical outlook of the philosophical schools •philosophical schools, as influencing rabbinic treatment of heresy Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 544; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 310, 331, 417
97. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 3.5.1 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, stoicism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 67
98. Clement of Alexandria, Extracts From The Prophets, 29.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 271
99. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.5, 1.7.2, 2.4, 8.10, 14.1, 19.6, 22.3, 29.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 2, 80
1.7.2. καὶ Πτολεμαῖος μὲν τὴν ἐσβολὴν φραξάμενος ὑπέμενεν ἐπιόντας Κυρηναίους, Μάγᾳ δὲ ἀπαγγέλλεται καθʼ ὁδὸν ἀφεστηκέναι Μαρμαρίδας· εἰσὶ δὲ Λιβύων οἱ Μαρμαρίδαι τῶν νομάδων. καὶ τότε μὲν ἐς Κυρήνην ἀπηλλάσσετο· Πτολεμαῖον δὲ ὡρμημένον διώκειν αἰτία τοιάδε ἐπέσχεν. ἡνίκα παρεσκευάζετο ἐπιόντα ἀμύνεσθαι Μάγαν, ξένους ἐπηγάγετο καὶ ἄλλους καὶ Γαλάτας ἐς τετρακισχιλίους· τούτους λαβὼν ἐπιβουλεύοντας κατασχεῖν Αἴγυπτον, ἀνήγαγε σφᾶς ἐς νῆσον ἔρημον διὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐνταῦθα ἀπώλοντο ὑπό τε ἀλλήλων καὶ τοῦ λιμοῦ· 1.7.2. Ptolemy fortified the entrance into Egypt and awaited the attack of the Cyrenians. But while on the march Magas was in formed that the Marmaridae,a tribe of Libyan nomads, had revolted, and thereupon fell back upon Cyrene . Ptolemy resolved to pursue, but was checked owing to the following circumstance. When he was preparing to meet the attack of Magas, he engaged mercenaries, including some four thousand Gauls. Discovering that they were plotting to seize Egypt , he led them through the river to a deserted island. There they perished at one another's hands or by famine.
100. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 15.65, 24.107, 25.114, 28.150 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 43; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 67
101. Iamblichus, Concerning The Mysteries, 1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 244
102. Origen, Against Celsus, 1.15, 3.12, 15.57 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools •heresy, rabbinic judaism, influence of historiographical outlook of the philosophical schools •philosophical schools, as influencing rabbinic treatment of heresy Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 76; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 546
1.15. How much more impartial than Celsus is Numenius the Pythagorean, who has given many proofs of being a very eloquent man, and who has carefully tested many opinions, and collected together from many sources what had the appearance of truth; for, in the first book of his treatise On the Good, speaking of those nations who have adopted the opinion that God is incorporeal, he enumerates the Jews also among those who hold this view; not showing any reluctance to use even the language of their prophets in his treatise, and to give it a metaphorical signification. It is said, moreover, that Hermippus has recorded in his first book, On Lawgivers, that it was from the Jewish people that Pythagoras derived the philosophy which he introduced among the Greeks. And there is extant a work by the historian Hecat us, treating of the Jews, in which so high a character is bestowed upon that nation for its learning, that Herennius Philo, in his treatise on the Jews, has doubts in the first place, whether it is really the composition of the historian; and says, in the second place, that if really his, it is probable that he was carried away by the plausible nature of the Jewish history, and so yielded his assent to their system. 3.12. In the next place, since he reproaches us with the existence of heresies in Christianity as being a ground of accusation against it, saying that when Christians had greatly increased in numbers, they were divided and split up into factions, each individual desiring to have his own party; and further, that being thus separated through their numbers, they confute one another, still having, so to speak, one name in common, if indeed they still retain it. And this is the only thing which they are yet ashamed to abandon, while other matters are determined in different ways by the various sects. In reply to which, we say that heresies of different kinds have never originated from any matter in which the principle involved was not important and beneficial to human life. For since the science of medicine is useful and necessary to the human race, and many are the points of dispute in it respecting the manner of curing bodies, there are found, for this reason, numerous heresies confessedly prevailing in the science of medicine among the Greeks, and also, I suppose, among those barbarous nations who profess to employ medicine. And, again, since philosophy makes a profession of the truth, and promises a knowledge of existing things with a view to the regulation of life, and endeavours to teach what is advantageous to our race, and since the investigation of these matters is attended with great differences of opinion, innumerable heresies have consequently sprung up in philosophy, some of which are more celebrated than others. Even Judaism itself afforded a pretext for the origination of heresies, in the different acceptation accorded to the writings of Moses and those of the prophets. So, then, seeing Christianity appeared an object of veneration to men, not to the more servile class alone, as Celsus supposes, but to many among the Greeks who were devoted to literary pursuits, there necessarily originated heresies - not at all, however, as the result of faction and strife, but through the earnest desire of many literary men to become acquainted with the doctrines of Christianity. The consequence of which was, that, taking in different acceptations those discourses which were believed by all to be divine, there arose heresies, which received their names from those individuals who admired, indeed, the origin of Christianity, but who were led, in some way or other, by certain plausible reasons, to discordant views. And yet no one would act rationally in avoiding medicine because of its heresies; nor would he who aimed at that which is seemly entertain a hatred of philosophy, and adduce its many heresies as a pretext for his antipathy. And so neither are the sacred books of Moses and the prophets to be condemned on account of the heresies in Judaism.
103. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 2.11 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 76
104. Lactantius, Deaths of The Persecutors, 34.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 100
105. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 546
106. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.7, 1.17-1.21, 2.65, 2.87-2.88, 2.92, 2.130, 3.41-3.43, 4.16-4.20, 4.60-4.61, 4.63, 5.2, 5.11-5.16, 5.37, 5.51-5.58, 5.61-5.64, 5.69-5.74, 6.8, 7.179, 7.191, 8.19, 9.115-9.116, 10.3, 10.9, 10.16-10.21, 10.27 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering •philosophical schools •philosophical schools, handling of succession •school, philosophical schools •heresy, rabbinic judaism, influence of historiographical outlook of the philosophical schools •philosophical schools, as influencing rabbinic treatment of heresy •schools, philosophical Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 270; Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 48, 267; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 72, 77, 80, 81, 85, 545, 546; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 18; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 231, 233
2.65. 8. ARISTIPPUSAristippus was by birth a citizen of Cyrene and, as Aeschines informs us, was drawn to Athens by the fame of Socrates. Having come forward as a lecturer or sophist, as Phanias of Eresus, the Peripatetic, informs us, he was the first of the followers of Socrates to charge fees and to send money to his master. And on one occasion the sum of twenty minae which he had sent was returned to him, Socrates declaring that the supernatural sign would not let him take it; the very offer, in fact, annoyed him. Xenophon was no friend to Aristippus; and for this reason he has made Socrates direct against Aristippus the discourse in which he denounces pleasure. Not but what Theodorus in his work On Sects abuses him, and so does Plato in the dialogue On the Soul, as has been shown elsewhere. 2.87. The one state is agreeable and the other repellent to all living things. However, the bodily pleasure which is the end is, according to Panaetius in his work On the Sects, not the settled pleasure following the removal of pains, or the sort of freedom from discomfort which Epicurus accepts and maintains to be the end. They also hold that there is a difference between end and happiness. Our end is particular pleasure, whereas happiness is the sum total of all particular pleasures, in which are included both past and future pleasures. 2.88. Particular pleasure is desirable for its own sake, whereas happiness is desirable not for its own sake but for the sake of particular pleasures. That pleasure is the end is proved by the fact that from our youth up we are instinctively attracted to it, and, when we obtain it, seek for nothing more, and shun nothing so much as its opposite, pain. Pleasure is good even if it proceed from the most unseemly conduct, as Hippobotus says in his work On the Sects. For even if the action be irregular, still, at any rate, the resultant pleasure is desirable for its own sake and is good. 2.92. and that wealth too is productive of pleasure, though not desirable for its own sake.They affirm that mental affections can be known, but not the objects from which they come; and they abandoned the study of nature because of its apparent uncertainty, but fastened on logical inquiries because of their utility. But Meleager in his second book On Philosophical Opinions, and Clitomachus in his first book On the Sects, affirm that they maintain Dialectic as well as Physics to be useless, since, when one has learnt the theory of good and evil, it is possible to speak with propriety, to be free from superstition, and to escape the fear of death. 2.130. The tyrant having replied to this by saying that on this day he had the leisure to hear philosophers, he pressed the point still more stubbornly, declaring, while the feast was going on, that any and every occasion should be employed in listening to philosophers. The consequence was that, if a certain flute-player had not got them away, they would have been put to death. Hence when they were in a storm in the boat Asclepiades is reported to have said that the fluteplayer through good playing had proved their salvation when the free speech of Menedemus had been their undoing.He shirked work, it is said, and was indifferent to the fortunes of his school. At least no order could be seen in his classes, and no circle of benches; but each man would listen where he happened to be, walking or sitting, Menedemus himself behaving in the same way. 3.41. He was buried in the Academy, where he spent the greatest part of his life in philosophical study. And hence the school which he founded was called the Academic school. And all the students there joined in the funeral procession. The terms of his will were as follows:These things have been left and devised by Plato: the estate in Iphistiadae, bounded on the north by the road from the sanctuary at Cephisia, on the south by the Heracleum in Iphistiadae, on the east by the property of Archestratus of Phrearrhi, on the west by that of Philippus of Chollidae: this it shall be unlawful for anyone to sell or alienate, but it shall be the property of the boy Adeimantus to all intents and purposes: 3.42. the estate in Eiresidae which I bought of Callimachus, bounded on the north by the property of Eurymedon of Myrrhinus, on the south by the property of Demostratus of Xypete, on the east by that of Eurymedon of Myrrhinus, and on the west by the Cephisus; three minae of silver; a silver vessel weighing 165 drachmas; a cup weighing 45 drachmas; a gold signet-ring and earring together weighing four drachmas and three obols. Euclides the lapidary owes me three minae. I enfranchise Artemis. I leave four household servants, Tychon, Bictas, Apollonides and Dionysius. 3.43. Household furniture, as set down in the inventory of which Demetrius has the duplicate. I owe no one anything. My executors are Leosthenes, Speusippus, Demetrius, Hegias, Eurymedon, Callimachus and Thrasippus.Such were the terms of his will. The following epitaphs were inscribed upon his tomb:Here lies the god-like man Aristocles, eminent among men for temperance and the justice of his character. And he, if ever anyone, had the fullest meed of praise for wisdom, and was too great for envy.Next: 4.16. 3. POLEMOPolemo, the son of Philostratus, was an Athenian who belonged to the deme of Oea. In his youth he was so profligate and dissipated that he actually carried about with him money to procure the immediate gratification of his desires, and would even keep sums concealed in lanes and alleys. Even in the Academy a piece of three obols was found close to a pillar, where he had buried it for the same purpose. And one day, by agreement with his young friends, he burst into the school of Xenocrates quite drunk, with a garland on his head. Xenocrates, however, without being at all disturbed, went on with his discourse as before, the subject being temperance. The lad, as he listened, by degrees was taken in the toils. He became so industrious as to surpass all the other scholars, and rose to be himself head of the school in the 116th Olympiad. 4.17. Antigonus of Carystus in his Biographies says that his father was foremost among the citizens and kept horses to compete in the chariot-race; that Polemo himself had been defendant in an action brought by his wife, who charged him with cruelty owing to the irregularities of his life; but that, from the time when he began to study philosophy, he acquired such strength of character as always to maintain the same unruffled calm of demeanour. Nay more, he never lost control of his voice. This in fact accounts for the fascination which he exercised over Crantor. Certain it is that, when a mad dog bit him in the back of his thigh, he did not even turn pale, but remained undisturbed by all the clamour which arose in the city at the news of what had happened. In the theatre too he was singularly unmoved. 4.18. For instance, Nicostratus, who was nicknamed Clytemnestra, was once reading to him and Crates something from Homer; and, while Crates was deeply affected, he was no more moved than if he had not heard him. Altogether he was a man such as Melanthius the painter describes in his work On Painting. There he says that a certain wilfulness and stubbornness should be stamped on works of art, and that the same holds good of character. Polemo used to say that we should exercise ourselves with facts and not with mere logical speculations, which leave us, like a man who has got by heart some paltry handbook on harmony but never practised, able, indeed, to win admiration for skill in asking questions, but utterly at variance with ourselves in the ordering of our lives.He was, then, refined and generous, and would beg to be excused, in the words of Aristophanes about Euripides, the acid, pungent style, 4.19. which, as the same author says, is strong seasoning for meat when it is high. Further, he would not, they say, even sit down to deal with the themes of his pupils, but would argue walking up and down. It was, then, for his love of what is noble that he was honoured in the state. Nevertheless would he withdraw from society and confine himself to the Garden of the Academy, while close by his scholars made themselves little huts and lived not far from the shrine of the Muses and the lecture-hall. It would seem that in all respects Polemo emulated Xenocrates. And Aristippus in the fourth book of his work On the Luxury of the Ancients affirms him to have been his favourite. Certainly he always kept his predecessor before his mind and, like him, wore that simple austere dignity which is proper to the Dorian mode. 4.20. He loved Sophocles, particularly in those passages where it seemed as if, in the phrase of the comic poet,A stout Molossian mastiff lent him aid,and where the poet was, in the words of Phrynichus,Nor must, nor blended vintage, but true Pramnian.Thus he would call Homer the Sophocles of epic, and Sophocles the Homer of tragedyHe died at an advanced age of gradual decay, leaving behind him a considerable number of works. I have composed the following epigram upon him:Dost thou not hear? We have buried Polemo, laid here by that fatal scourge of wasted strength. Yet not Polemo, but merely his body, which on his way to the stars he left to moulder in the ground. 4.60. Lacydes used to lecture in the Academy, in the garden which had been laid out by King Attalus, and from him it derived its name of Lacydeum. He did what none of his predecessors had ever done; in his lifetime he handed over the school to Telecles and Evander, both of Phocaea. Evander was succeeded by Hegesinus of Pergamum, and he again by Carneades. A good saying is attributed to Lacydes. When Attalus sent for him, he is said to have remarked that statues are best seen from a distance. He studied geometry late, and some one said to him, Is this a proper time? To which he replied, Nay, is it not even yet the proper time? 4.61. He assumed the headship of the school in the fourth year of the 134th Olympiad, and at his death he had been head for twenty-six years. His end was a palsy brought on by drinking too freely. And here is a quip of my own upon the fact:of thee too, O Lacydes, I have heard a tale, that Bacchus seized thee and dragged thee on tip-toe to the underworld. Nay, was it not clear that when the wine-god comes in force into the frame, he loosens our limbs? Perhaps this is why he gets his name of the Loosener. 4.63. His voice was extremely powerful, so that the keeper of the gymnasium sent to him and requested him not to shout so loud. To which he replied, Then give me something by which to regulate my voice. Thereupon by a happy hit the man replied in the words, You have a regulator in your audience. His talent for criticizing opponents was remarkable, and he was a formidable controversialist. And for the reasons already given he further declined invitations to dine out. One of his pupils was Mentor the Bithynian, who tried to ingratiate himself with a concubine of Carneades; so on one occasion (according to Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History), when Mentor came to lecture, Carneades in the course of his remarks let fall these lines by way of parody at his expense: 5.2. He seceded from the Academy while Plato was still alive. Hence the remark attributed to the latter: Aristotle spurns me, as colts kick out at the mother who bore them. Hermippus in his Lives mentions that he was absent as Athenian envoy at the court of Philip when Xenocrates became head of the Academy, and that on his return, when he saw the school under a new head, he made choice of a public walk in the Lyceum where he would walk up and down discussing philosophy with his pupils until it was time to rub themselves with oil. Hence the name Peripatetic. But others say that it was given to him because, when Alexander was recovering from an illness and taking daily walks, Aristotle joined him and talked with him on certain matters. 5.11. Theocritus of Chios, according to Ambryon in his book On Theocritus, ridiculed him in an epigram which runs as follows:To Hermias the eunuch, the slave withal of Eubulus, an empty monument was raised by empty-witted Aristotle, who by constraint of a lawless appetite chose to dwell at the mouth of the Borborus [muddy stream] rather than in the Academy.Timon again attacked him in the line:No, nor yet Aristotle's painful futility.Such then was the life of the philosopher. I have also come across his will, which is worded thus:All will be well; but, in case anything should happen, Aristotle has made these dispositions. Antipater is to be executor in all matters and in general; 5.12. but, until Nicanor shall arrive, Aristomenes, Timarchus, Hipparchus, Dioteles and (if he consent and if circumstances permit him) Theophrastus shall take charge as well of Herpyllis and the children as of the property. And when the girl shall be grown up she shall be given in marriage to Nicanor; but if anything happen to the girl (which heaven forbid and no such thing will happen) before her marriage, or when she is married but before there are children, Nicanor shall have full powers, both with regard to the child and with regard to everything else, to administer in a manner worthy both of himself and of us. Nicanor shall take charge of the girl and of the boy Nicomachus as he shall think fit in all that concerns them as if he were father and brother. And if anything should happen to Nicanor (which heaven forbid!) either before he marries the girl, or when he has married her but before there are children, any arrangements that he may make shall be valid. 5.13. And if Theophrastus is willing to live with her, he shall have the same rights as Nicanor. Otherwise the executors in consultation with Antipater shall administer as regards the daughter and the boy as seems to them to be best. The executors and Nicanor, in memory of me and of the steady affection which Herpyllis has borne towards me, shall take care of her in every other respect and, if she desires to be married, shall see that she be given to one not unworthy; and besides what she has already received they shall give her a talent of silver out of the estate and three handmaids whomsoever she shall choose besides the maid she has at present and the man-servant Pyrrhaeus; 5.14. and if she chooses to remain at Chalcis, the lodge by the garden, if in Stagira, my father's house. Whichever of these two houses she chooses, the executors shall furnish with such furniture as they think proper and as Herpyllis herself may approve. Nicanor shall take charge of the boy Myrmex, that he be taken to his own friends in a manner worthy of me with the property of his which we received. Ambracis shall be given her freedom, and on my daughter's marriage shall receive 500 drachmas and the maid whom she now has. And to Thale shall be given, in addition to the maid whom she has and who was bought, a thousand drachmas and a maid. 5.15. And Simon, in addition to the money before paid to him towards another servant, shall either have a servant purchased for him or receive a further sum of money. And Tycho, Philo, Olympius and his child shall have their freedom when my daughter is married. None of the servants who waited upon me shall be sold but they shall continue to be employed; and when they arrive at the proper age they shall have their freedom if they deserve it. My executors shall see to it, when the images which Gryllion has been commissioned to execute are finished, that they be set up, namely that of Nicanor, that of Proxenus, which it was my intention to have executed, and that of Nicanor's mother; also they shall set up the bust which has been executed of Arimnestus, to be a memorial of him seeing that he died childless, 5.16. and shall dedicate my mother's statue to Demeter at Nemea or wherever they think best. And wherever they bury me, there the bones of Pythias shall be laid, in accordance with her own instructions. And to commemorate Nicanor's safe return, as I vowed on his behalf, they shall set up in Stagira stone statues of life size to Zeus and Athena the Saviours.Such is the tenor of Aristotle's will. It is said that a very large number of dishes belonging to him were found, and that Lyco mentioned his bathing in a bath of warm oil and then selling the oil. Some relate that he placed a skin of warm oil on his stomach, and that, when he went to sleep, a bronze ball was placed in his hand with a vessel under it, in order that, when the ball dropped from his hand into the vessel, he might be waked up by the sound. 5.37. Furthermore, he was ever ready to do a kindness and fond of discussion. Casander certainly granted him audience and Ptolemy made overtures to him. And so highly was he valued at Athens that, when Agnonides ventured to prosecute him for impiety, the prosecutor himself narrowly escaped punishment. About 2000 pupils used to attend his lectures. In a letter to Phanias the Peripatetic, among other topics, he speaks of a tribunal as follows: To get a public or even a select circle such as one desires is not easy. If an author reads his work, he must re-write it. Always to shirk revision and ignore criticism is a course which the present generation of pupils will no longer tolerate. And in this letter he has called some one pedant. 5.51. I have also come across his will, couched in the following terms:All will be well; but in case anything should happen, I make these dispositions. I give and bequeath all my property at home to Melantes and Pancreon, the sons of Leon. It is my wish that out of the trust funds at the disposal of Hipparchus the following appropriations should be made. First, they should be applied to finish the rebuilding of the Museum with the statues of the goddesses, and to add any improvements which seem practicable to beautify them. Secondly, to replace in the sanctuary the bust of Aristotle with the rest of the dedicated offerings which formerly were in the sanctuary. Next, to rebuild the small stoa adjoining the Museum at least as handsomely as before, and to replace in the lower stoa the tablets containing maps of the countries traversed by explorers. 5.52. Further, to repair the altar so that it may be perfect and elegant. It is also my wish that the statue of Nicomachus should be completed of life size. The price agreed upon for the making of the statue itself has been paid to Praxiteles, but the rest of the cost should be defrayed from the source above mentioned. The statue should be set up in whatever place seems desirable to the executors entrusted with carrying out my other testamentary dispositions. Let all that concerns the sanctuary and the offerings set up be arranged in this manner. The estate at Stagira belonging to me I give and bequeath to Callinus. All the books I give to Neleus. The garden and the walk and the houses adjoining the garden, all and sundry, I give and bequeath to such of my friends hereinafter named as may wish to study literature and philosophy there in common, 5.53. ince it is not possible for all men to be always in residence, on condition that no one alienates the property or devotes it to his private use, but so that they hold it like a sanctuary in joint possession and live, as is right and proper, on terms of familiarity and friendship. Let the community consist of Hipparchus, Neleus, Strato, Callinus, Demotimus, Demaratus, Callisthenes, Melantes, Pancreon, Nicippus. Aristotle, the son of Metrodorus and Pythias, shall also have the right to study and associate with them if he so desire. And the oldest of them shall pay every attention to him, in order to ensure for him the utmost proficiency in philosophy. Let me be buried in any spot in the garden which seems most suitable, without unnecessary outlay upon my funeral or upon my monument. 5.54. And according to previous agreement let the charge of attending, after my decease, to the sanctuary and the monument and the garden and the walk be shared by Pompylus in person, living close by as he does, and exercising the same supervision over all other matters as before; and those who hold the property shall watch over his interests. Pompylus and Threpta have long been emancipated and have done me much service; and I think that 2000 drachmas certainly ought to belong to them from previous payments made to them by me, from their own earnings, and my present bequest to them to be paid by Hipparchus, as I stated many times in conversation with Melantes and Pancreon themselves, who agreed with me. I give and bequeath to them the maidservant Somatale. 5.55. And of my slaves I at once emancipate Molon and Timon and Parmeno; to Manes and Callias I give their freedom on condition that they stay four years in the garden and work there together and that their conduct is free from blame. of my household furniture let so much as the executors think right be given to Pompylus and let the rest be sold. I also devise Carion to Demotimus, and Donax to Neleus. But Euboeus must be sold. Let Hipparchus pay to Callinus 3000 drachmas. And if I had not seen that Hipparchus had done great service to Melantes and Pancreon and formerly to me, and that now in his private affairs he has made shipwreck, I would have appointed him jointly with Melantes and Pancreon to carry out my wishes. 5.56. But, since I saw that it was not easy for them to share the management with him, and I thought it more advantageous for them to receive a fixed sum from Hipparchus, let Hipparchus pay Melantes and Pancreon one talent each and let Hipparchus provide funds for the executors to defray the expenses set down in the will, as each disbursement falls due. And when Hipparchus shall have carried out all these injunctions, he shall be released in full from his liabilities to me. And any advance that he has made in Chalcis in my name belongs to him alone. Let Hipparchus, Neleus, Strato, Callinus, Demotimus, Callisthenes and Ctesarchus be executors to carry out the terms of the will. 5.57. One copy of the will, sealed with the signet-ring of Theophrastus, is deposited with Hegesias, the son of Hipparchus, the witnesses being Callippus of Pallene, Philomelus of Euonymaea, Lysander of Hyba, and Philo of Alopece. Olympiodorus has another copy, the witnesses being the same. The third copy was received by Adeimantus, the bearer being Androsthenes junior; and the witnesses are Arimnestus the son of Cleobulus, Lysistratus the son of Pheidon of Thasos, Strato the son of Arcesilaus of Lampsacus, Thesippus the son of Thesippus of Cerameis, and Dioscurides the son of Dionysius of Epicephisia.Such is the tenor of his will.There are some who say that Erasistratus the physician was also a pupil of his, and it is not improbable. 5.58. 3. STRATOHis successor in the school was Strato, the son of Arcesilaus, a native of Lampsacus, whom he mentioned in his will; a distinguished man who is generally known as the physicist, because more than anyone else he devoted himself to the most careful study of nature. Moreover, he taught Ptolemy Philadelphus and received, it is said, 80 talents from him. According to Apollodorus in his Chronology he became head of the school in the 123rd Olympiad, and continued to preside over it for eighteen years. 5.61. There have been eight men who bore the name of Strato: (1) a pupil of Isocrates; (2) our subject; (3) a physician, a disciple, or, as some say, a fosterchild, of Erasistratus; (4) a historian, who treated of the struggle of Philip and Perseus against the Romans; (5) * *; (6) a poet who wrote epigrams; (7) a physician who lived in ancient times, mentioned by Aristotle; (8) a Peripatetic philosopher who lived in Alexandria.But to return to Strato the physicist. His will is also extant and it runs as follows:In case anything should happen to me I make these dispositions. All the goods in my house I give and bequeath to Lampyrio and Arcesilaus. From the money belonging to me in Athens, in the first place my executors shall provide for my funeral and for all that custom requires to be done after the funeral, without extravagance on the one hand or meanness on the other. 5.62. The executors of this my will shall be Olympichus, Aristides, Mnesigenes, Hippocrates, Epicrates, Gorgylus, Diocles, Lyco, Athanes. I leave the school to Lyco, since of the rest some are too old and others too busy. But it would be well if the others would co-operate with him. I also give and bequeath to him all my books, except those of which I am the author, and all the furniture in the dining-hall, the cushions and the drinking-cups. The trustees shall give Epicrates 500 drachmas and one of the servants whom Arcesilaus shall approve. 5.63. And in the first place Lampyrio and Arcesilaus shall cancel the agreement which Daippus made on behalf of Iraeus. And he shall not owe anything either to Lampyrio or to Lampyrio's heirs, but shall have a full discharge from the whole transaction. Next, the executors shall give him 500 drachmas in money and one of the servants whom Arcesilaus shall approve, so that, in return for all the toil he has shared with me and all the services he has rendered me, he may have the means to maintain himself respectably. Further, I emancipate Diophantus, Diocles and Abus; and Simias I make over to Arcesilaus. I also emancipate Dromo. 5.64. As soon as Arcesilaus has arrived, Iraeus shall, with Olympichus, Epicrates, and the other executors, prepare an account of the money expended upon the funeral and the other customary charges. Whatever money remains over, Arcesilaus shall take over from Olympichus, without however pressing him as to times and seasons. Arcesilaus shall also cancel the agreement made by Strato with Olympichus and Ameinias and deposited with Philocrates the son of Tisamenus. With regard to my monument they shall make it as Arcesilaus, Olympichus and Lyco shall approve.Such are the terms of his extant will, according to the Collection of Ariston of Ceos. Strato himself, however, was, as stated above, a man entitled to full approbation, since he excelled in every branch of learning, and most of all in that which is styled physics, a branch of philosophy more ancient and important than the others. 5.69. Other men have borne the name of Lyco: (1) a Pythagorean, (2) our present subject, (3) an epic poet, (4) a poet who wrote epigrams.I have also come across this philosopher's will. It is this:These are my dispositions concerning my property, in case I should be unable to sustain my present ailment. All the goods in my house I give to my brothers Astyanax and Lyco, and from this source should, I think, be paid all the money I have laid out at Athens, whether by borrowing or by purchase, as well as all the cost of my funeral and the other customary charges. 5.70. But my property in town and at Aegina I give to Lyco because he bears the same name with me, and has resided for a long time with me to my entire satisfaction, as became one whom I treated as my son. I leave the Peripatus to such of my friends as choose to make use of it, to Bulo, Callinus, Ariston, Amphion, Lyco, Pytho, Aristomachus, Heracleus, Lycomedes, and my nephew Lyco. They shall put over it any such person as in their opinion will persevere in the work of the school and will be most capable of extending it. And all my other friends should co-operate for love of me and of the spot. Bulo and Callinus, together with their colleagues, shall provide for my funeral and cremation, so as to avoid meanness on the one hand and extravagance on the other. 5.71. After my decease Lyco shall make over, for the use of the young men, the oil from the olive-trees belonging to me in Aegina for the due commemoration – so long as they use it – of myself and the benefactor who did me honour. He shall also set up my statue, and shall choose a convenient site where it shall be erected, with the assistance of Diophantus and Heraclides the son of Demetrius. From my property in town Lyco shall repay all from whom I have borrowed anything after his departure. Bulo and Callinus shall provide the sums expended upon my funeral and other customary charges. These sums they shall recover from the moneys in the house bequeathed by me to them both in common. 5.72. They shall also remunerate the physicians Pasithemis and Medias who for their attention to me and their skill deserve far higher reward. I bequeath to the child of Callinus a pair of Thericlean cups, and to his wife a pair of Rhodian vessels, a smooth carpet, a rug with nap on both sides, a sofa cover and two cushions the best that are left, that, so far as I have the means of recompensing them, I may prove not ungrateful. With regard to the servants who have waited upon me, my wishes are as follows. To Demetrius I remit the purchase-money for the freedom which he has long enjoyed, and bequeath to him five minas and a suit of clothes to ensure him a decent maintece, in return for all the toil he has borne with me. To Crito of Chalcedon I also remit the purchase money for his freedom and bequeath to him four minas. And Micrus I emancipate; and Lyco shall keep him and educate him for the next six years. 5.73. And Chares I emancipate, and Lyco shall maintain him, and I bequeath him two minas and my published writings, while those which have not been given to the world I entrust to Callinus, that he may carefully edit them. To Syrus who has been set free I give four minas and Menodora, and I remit to him any debt he owes me. And to Hilara I give five minas and a double-napped rug, two cushions, a sofa-cover and a bed, whichever she prefers. I also set free the mother of Micrus as well as Noemon, Dion, Theon, Euphranor and Hermias. Agathon should be set free after two years, and the litter-bearers Ophelio and Posidonius after four years' further service. 5.74. To Demetrius, to Crito and to Syrus I give a bed apiece and such bed-furniture out of my estate as Lyco shall think proper. These shall be given them for properly performing their appointed tasks. As regards my burial, let Lyco bury me here if he chooses, or if he prefers to bury me at home let him do so, for I am persuaded that his regard for propriety is not less than my own. When he has managed all these things, he can dispose of the property there, and such disposition shall be binding. Witnesses are Callinus of Hermione, Ariston of Ceos, Euphronius of Paeania.Thus while his shrewdness is seen in all his actions, in his teaching and in all his studies, in some ways his will is no less remarkable for carefulness and wise management, so that in this respect also he is to be admired 6.8. He used to recommend the Athenians to vote that asses are horses. When they deemed this absurd, his reply was, But yet generals are found among you who had had no training, but were merely elected. Many men praise you, said one. Why, what wrong have I done? was his rejoinder. When he turned the torn part of his cloak so that it came into view, Socrates no sooner saw this than he said, I spy your love of fame peeping through your cloak. Phanias in his work on the Socratics tells us how some one asked him what he must do to be good and noble, and he replied, You must learn from those who know that the faults you have are to be avoided. When some one extolled luxury his reply was, May the sons of your enemies live in luxury. 7.179. 7. CHRYSIPPUSChrysippus, the son of Apollonius, came either from Soli or from Tarsus, as Alexander relates in his Successions. He was a pupil of Cleanthes. Before this he used to practise as a long-distance runner; but afterwards he came to hear Zeno, or, as Diocles and most people say, Cleanthes; and then, while Cleanthes was still living, withdrew from his school and attained exceptional eminence as a philosopher. He had good natural parts and showed the greatest acuteness in every branch of the subject; so much so that he differed on most points from Zeno, and from Cleanthes as well, to whom he often used to say that all he wanted was to be told what the doctrines were; he would find out the proofs for himself. Nevertheless, whenever he had contended against Cleanthes, he would afterwards feel remorse, so that he constantly came out with the lines:Blest in all else am I, save only whereI touch Cleanthes: there I am ill-fortuned. 7.191. Choosing from Alternatives, addressed to Gorgippides, one book.A Contribution to the Subject of Consequents, one book.On the Argument which employs three Terms, also addressed to Gorgippides, one book.On Judgements of Possibility, addressed to Clitus, four books.A Reply to the Work of Philo on Meanings, one book.On the Question what are False Judgements, one book.Third series:of Imperatives, two books.of Asking Questions, two books.of Inquiry, four books.Epitome of Interrogation and Inquiry, one book.Epitome of Reply, one book.of Investigation, two books.of Answering Questions, four books.Fourth series:of Predicates, addressed to Metrodorus, ten books.of Nominatives and Oblique Cases, addressed to Phylarchus, one book.of Hypothetical Syllogisms, addressed to Apollonides, one book.A Work, addressed to Pasylus, on Predicates, four books. 8.19. Above all, he forbade as food red mullet and blacktail, and he enjoined abstinence from the hearts of animals and from beans, and sometimes, according to Aristotle, even from paunch and gurnard. Some say that he contented himself with just some honey or a honeycomb or bread, never touching wine in the daytime, and with greens boiled or raw for dainties, and fish but rarely. His robe was white and spotless, his quilts of white wool, for linen had not yet reached those parts. 9.115. Asked once by Arcesilaus why he had come there from Thebes, he replied, Why, to laugh when I have you all in full view! Yet, while attacking Arcesilaus in his Silli, he has praised him in his work entitled the Funeral Banquet of Arcesilaus.According to Menodotus he left no successor, but his school lapsed until Ptolemy of Cyrene re-established it. Hippobotus and Sotion, however, say that he had as pupils Dioscurides of Cyprus, Nicolochus of Rhodes, Euphranor of Seleucia, and Pralus of the Troad. The latter, as we learn from the history of Phylarchus, was a man of such unflinching courage that, although unjustly accused, he patiently suffered a traitor's death, without so much as deigning to speak one word to his fellow-citizens. 9.116. Euphranor had as pupil Eubulus of Alexandria; Eubulus taught Ptolemy, and he again Sarpedon and Heraclides; Heraclides again taught Aenesidemus of Cnossus, the compiler of eight books of Pyrrhonean discourses; the latter was the instructor of Zeuxippus his fellow-citizen, he of Zeuxis of the angular foot, he again of Antiochus of Laodicea on the Lycus, who had as pupils Menodotus of Nicomedia, an empiric physician, and Theiodas of Laodicea; Menodotus was the instructor of Herodotus of Tarsus, son of Arieus, and Herodotus taught Sextus Empiricus, who wrote ten books on Scepticism, and other fine works. Sextus taught Saturninus called Cythenas, another empiricist. 10.3. Hence the point of Timon's allusion in the lines:Again there is the latest and most shameless of the physicists, the schoolmaster's son from Samos, himself the most uneducated of mortals.At his instigation his three brothers, Neocles, Chaeredemus, and Aristobulus, joined in his studies, according to Philodemus the Epicurean in the tenth book of his comprehensive work On Philosophers; furthermore his slave named Mys, as stated by Myronianus in his Historical Parallels. Diotimus the Stoic, who is hostile to him, has assailed him with bitter slanders, adducing fifty scandalous letters as written by Epicurus; and so too did the author who ascribed to Epicurus the epistles commonly attributed to Chrysippus. 10.9. But these people are stark mad. For our philosopher has abundance of witnesses to attest his unsurpassed goodwill to all men – his native land, which honoured him with statues in bronze; his friends, so many in number that they could hardly be counted by whole cities, and indeed all who knew him, held fast as they were by the siren-charms of his doctrine, save Metrodorus of Stratonicea, who went over to Carneades, being perhaps burdened by his master's excessive goodness; the School itself which, while nearly all the others have died out, continues for ever without interruption through numberless reigns of one scholarch after another; 10.16. and then, having bidden his friends remember his doctrines, breathed his last.Here is something of my own about him:Farewell, my friends; the truths I taught hold fast:Thus Epicurus spake, and breathed his last.He sat in a warm bath and neat wine quaff'd,And straightway found chill death in that same draught.Such was the life of the sage and such his end.His last will was as follows: On this wise I give and bequeath all my property to Amynomachus, son of Philocrates of Bate and Timocrates, son of Demetrius of Potamus, to each severally according to the items of the deed of gift laid up in the Metroon, 10.17. on condition that they shall place the garden and all that pertains to it at the disposal of Hermarchus, son of Agemortus, of Mitylene, and the members of his society, and those whom Hermarchus may leave as his successors, to live and study in. And I entrust to my School in perpetuity the task of aiding Amynomachus and Timocrates and their heirs to preserve to the best of their power the common life in the garden in whatever way is best, and that these also (the heirs of the trustees) may help to maintain the garden in the same way as those to whom our successors in the School may bequeath it. And let Amynomachus and Timocrates permit Hermarchus and his fellow-members to live in the house in Melite for the lifetime of Hermarchus. 10.18. And from the revenues made over by me to Amynomachus and Timocrates let them to the best of their power in consultation with Hermarchus make separate provision (1) for the funeral offerings to my father, mother, and brothers, and (2) for the customary celebration of my birthday on the tenth day of Gamelion in each year, and for the meeting of all my School held every month on the twentieth day to commemorate Metrodorus and myself according to the rules now in force. Let them also join in celebrating the day in Poseideon which commemorates my brothers, and likewise the day in Metageitnion which commemorates Polyaenus, as I have done hitherto. 10.19. And let Amynomachus and Timocrates take care of Epicurus, the son of Metrodorus, and of the son of Polyaenus, so long as they study and live with Hermarchus. Letthem likewise provide for the maintece of Metrodorus's daughter, so long as she is well-ordered and obedient to Hermarchus; and, when she comes of age, give her in marriage to a husband selected by Hermarchus from among the members of the School; and out of the revenues accruing to me let Amynomachus and Timocrates in consultation with Hermarchus give to them as much as they think proper for their maintece year by year. 10.20. Let them make Hermarchus trustee of the funds along with themselves, in order that everything may be done in concert with him, who has grown old with me in philosophy and is left at the head of the School. And when the girl comes of age, let Amynomachus and Timocrates pay her dowry, taking from the property as much as circumstances allow, subject to the approval of Hermarchus. Let them provide for Nicanor as I have hitherto done, so that none of those members of the school who have rendered service to me in private life and have shown me kindness in every way and have chosen to grow old with me in the School should, so far as my means go, lack the necessaries of life. 10.21. All my books to be given to Hermarchus.And if anything should happen to Hermarchus before the children of Metrodorus grow up, Amynomachus and Timocrates shall give from the funds bequeathed by me, so far as possible, enough for their several needs, as long as they are well ordered. And let them provide for the rest according to my arrangements; that everything may be carried out, so far as it lies in their power. of my slaves I manumit Mys, Nicias, Lycon, and I also give Phaedrium her liberty. 10.27. hence he has frequently repeated himself and set down the first thought that occurred to him, and in his haste has left things unrevised, and he has so many citations that they alone fill his books: nor is this unexampled in Zeno and Aristotle. Such, then, in number and character are the writings of Epicurus, the best of which are the following:of Nature, thirty-seven books.of Atoms and Void.of Love.Epitome of Objections to the Physicists.Against the Megarians.Problems.Sovran Maxims.of Choice and Avoidance.of the End.of the Standard, a work entitled Canon.Chaeredemus.of the Gods.of Piety.
107. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.7.7, 4.18.6, 5.38.13-5.38.19, 6.2-6.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 43, 44, 45; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 299, 310; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 239
4.7.7. While exposing his mysteries he says that Basilides wrote twenty-four books upon the Gospel, and that he invented prophets for himself named Barcabbas and Barcoph, and others that had no existence, and that he gave them barbarous names in order to amaze those who marvel at such things; that he taught also that the eating of meat offered to idols and the unguarded renunciation of the faith in times of persecution were matters of indifference; and that he enjoined upon his followers, like Pythagoras, a silence of five years. 4.18.6. He composed also a dialogue against the Jews, which he held in the city of Ephesus with Trypho, a most distinguished man among the Hebrews of that day. In it he shows how the divine grace urged him on to the doctrine of the faith, and with what earnestness he had formerly pursued philosophical studies, and how ardent a search he had made for the truth.
108. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 86
72b. אלמלא בגדי כהונה לא נשתייר משונאיהן של ישראל שריד ופליט,רבי שמואל בר נחמני אמר דבי ר"ש תנא בגדים שגורדין אותן כברייתן מכליהן ומשרדין מהן כלום מאי היא ריש לקיש אמר אלו מעשה מחט,מיתיבי בגדי כהונה אין עושין אותן מעשה מחט אלא מעשה אורג שנאמר (שמות כח, לב) מעשה אורג אמר אביי לא נצרכה אלא לבית יד שלהם כדתניא בית יד של בגדי כהונה נארגת בפני עצמה ונדבקת עם הבגד ומגעת עד פיסת היד,אמר רחבה אמר רב יהודה שלש ארונות עשה בצלאל אמצעי של עץ תשעה פנימי של זהב שמונה חיצון עשרה ומשהו,והתניא אחד עשר ומשהו לא קשיא הא כמ"ד יש בעביו טפח הא כמ"ד אין בעביו טפח ומאי משהו זיר,א"ר יוחנן שלשה זירים הן של מזבח ושל ארון ושל שלחן של מזבח זכה אהרן ונטלו של שלחן זכה דוד ונטלו של ארון עדיין מונח הוא כל הרוצה ליקח יבא ויקח שמא תאמר פחות הוא ת"ל (משלי ח, טו) בי מלכים ימלוכו,רבי יוחנן רמי כתיב זר וקרינן זיר זכה נעשית לו זיר לא זכה זרה הימנו,ר' יוחנן רמי כתיב (דברים י, א) ועשית לך ארון עץ וכתיב (שמות כה, י) ועשו ארון עצי שטים מכאן לתלמיד חכם שבני עירו מצווין לעשות לו מלאכתו,(שמות כה, יא) מבית ומחוץ תצפנו אמר רבא כל תלמיד חכם שאין תוכו כברו אינו תלמיד חכם,(אמר) אביי ואיתימא רבה בר עולא נקרא נתעב שנאמר (איוב טו, טז) אף כי נתעב ונאלח איש שותה כמים עולה,אמר רבי שמואל בר נחמני אמר ר' יונתן מאי דכתיב (משלי יז, טז) למה זה מחיר ביד כסיל לקנות חכמה ולב אין אוי להם לשונאיהן של תלמידי חכמים שעוסקין בתורה ואין בהן יראת שמים,מכריז ר' ינאי חבל על דלית ליה דרתא ותרעא לדרתיה עביד,אמר להו רבא לרבנן במטותא מינייכו לא תירתון תרתי גיהנם,אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי מאי דכתיב (דברים ד, מד) וזאת התורה אשר שם משה זכה נעשית לו סם חיים לא זכה נעשית לו סם מיתה והיינו דאמר רבא דאומן לה סמא דחייא דלא אומן לה סמא דמותא,אמר רבי שמואל בר נחמני רבי יונתן רמי כתיב (תהלים יט, ט) פקודי ה' ישרים משמחי לב וכתיב (תהלים יח, לא) אמרת ה' צרופה זכה משמחתו לא זכה צורפתו ריש לקיש אמר מגופיה דקרא נפקא זכה צורפתו לחיים לא זכה צורפתו למיתה,(תהלים יט, י) יראת ה' טהורה עומדת לעד אמר רבי חנינא זה הלומד תורה בטהרה מאי היא נושא אשה ואחר כך לומד תורה,עדות ה' נאמנה אמר רבי חייא בר אבא נאמנה היא להעיד בלומדיה,(שמות כו, לו) מעשה רוקם (שמות כו, א) מעשה חושב אמר רבי אלעזר שרוקמין במקום שחושבין,תנא משמיה דרבי נחמיה רוקם מעשה מחט לפיכך פרצוף אחד חושב מעשה אורג לפיכך שני פרצופות,באלו נשאלין באורים ותומים כי אתא רב דימי אמר בגדים שכהן גדול משמש בהן משוח מלחמה משמש בהן שנאמר (שמות כט, כט) ובגדי הקודש אשר לאהרן יהיו לבניו אחריו למי שבא בגדולה אחריו,מתיב רב אדא בר אהבה ואמרי לה כדי יכול יהא בנו של משוח מלחמה משמש תחתיו כדרך שבנו של כהן גדול משמש תחתיו 72b. He offers a homiletic interpretation: b Were it not for the priestly vestments, /b which provide atonement for the Jewish people, b there would not remain a remt /b [ b i sarid /i /b ] b or survivor from the haters of the Jewish people, /b a euphemism used to refer to the Jewish people themselves. Due to the atonement provided by the priestly vestments, a remt [ i sarid /i ] of the Jewish people does survive.,Another interpretation: b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said /b that b the school /b of b Rabbi Shimon taught: /b The priestly vestments are referred to as “ i serad /i garments” because they are b garments that are woven in their completed form upon the loom, /b as opposed to weaving the material and then cutting and sewing pieces of the material together to create the required form, b and /b then just b a small part of them remains /b [ b i masridin /i /b ] which is not completed upon the loom. b What is /b the remt, the part that was not woven? b Reish Lakish said: This is the needle-work /b required to complete the garment.,The Gemara b raises an objection to this /b from a i baraita /i : b Priestly vestments /b should b not be made through needle-work but /b though b woven work, as it is stated: “Woven work” /b (Exodus 28:32). The Gemara answers that b Abaye said: /b Reish Lakish’s statement b is necessary only for, /b i.e., refers only to, b the sleeves. As it was taught /b in a i baraita /i : b A sleeve /b made for the b priestly vestments is woven separately and /b then b attached to the garment /b by sewing, b and /b the sleeve is made to b reach as far as the palm of the hand. /b However, the main body of the garment must indeed be made exclusively though weaving.,§ The Gemara cites statements concerning other Temple vessels: b Raḥava said /b that b Rav Yehuda said: /b The Torah states that the Ark should be made of wood with gold plating inside and out (Exodus 25:10–11). In order to achieve this b Bezalel made three arks: A middle one /b made b of wood, /b whose height was b nine /b handbreadths; b an inner one /b made b of gold, /b whose height was b eight /b handbreadths; and an b outer one /b of gold, whose height was b ten /b handbreadths b and a bit. /b These arks were nested.,The Gemara asks: b But wasn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i that the outer ark was b eleven /b handbreadths b and a bit? /b The Gemara explains: b This is not difficult: This /b statement in the i baraita /i b is in accordance with the one who said /b that b the thickness /b of the gold plating b was one handbreadth. /b According to this opinion, the outer ark’s base took up one handbreadth of its height, ten handbreadths were then needed to contain the middle ark within it, and then a bit more was needed so it could also contain the Ark’s cover. b That /b statement of Rav Yehuda b is in accordance with the one who said /b that b the thickness /b of the gold plating b was not one handbreadth /b but was a plate of gold of negligible thickness. According to this opinion, the outer ark needed to be only ten handbreadths and a bit and could still contain the outer ark and have room for the cover. b And what is /b this additional b bit? /b It is the ornamental b crown /b on the edge of the outer ark., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: There /b were b three crowns /b on the sacred vessels in the Temple: The crown b of the altar, and of the Ark, and of the table. /b The regal appearance they provided symbolized power and authority: The crown b of the altar /b symbolized the crown of priesthood; b Aaron was deserving and took it, /b and the priesthood continues exclusively through his descendants. The crown b of the table /b symbolized the abundance and blessing associated with the crown of kingship; b David was deserving and took it /b for himself and his descendants after him. The crown b of the Ark /b symbolized the crown of Torah; b it is still sitting /b and waiting to be acquired, b and anyone who wishes to take /b it may b come and take /b it and be crowned with the crown of Torah. b Perhaps you will say it is inferior /b to the other two crowns and that is why nobody has taken it; therefore, b the verse states /b about the wisdom of Torah: b “Through me kings will reign” /b (Proverbs 8:15), indicating that the strength of the other crowns is derived from the crown of Torah, which is greater than them all.,§ The Gemara presents a number of statements based on the idea that the Ark symbolizes the Torah: b Rabbi Yoḥa raised a contradiction: /b According to the way the word crown b is written /b in the Torah (Exodus 25:11), without vowels, it should be pronounced b i zar /i , /b meaning strange, b but /b according to the traditional vocalization b we read /b it as b i zeir /i , /b meaning crown. These two ways of understanding the word appear to contradict each other. Rabbi Yoḥa explains: The two understandings apply to two different situations: If one b is deserving /b by performing mitzvot, b it becomes a crown [ i zeir /i ] for him; /b but if one b is not deserving, /b the Torah b will be a stranger [ i zara /i ] to him /b and he will forget his studies., b Rabbi Yoḥa raised a contradiction: It is written: “And you shall make for yourself a wooden Ark” /b (Deuteronomy 10:1), implying that Moses alone was commanded to construct the Ark; b and it is written: “And they shall make an Ark of acacia wood” /b (Exodus 25:10), implying that the Jewish people were all commanded to be involved in its construction. The apparent resolution to this contradiction is that although only Moses actually constructed the Ark, everyone was required to support the endeavor. So too, b from here /b it is derived with regard b to a Torah scholar that the members of his town should perform his work for him /b to support him and allow him to focus on his studies, since it is also the town’s responsibility to enable him to study.,The verse states concerning the Ark: b “From within and from without you shall cover it” /b (Exodus 25:11). b Rava said: /b This alludes to the idea that b any Torah scholar whose inside is not like his outside, /b i.e., whose outward expression of righteousness is insincere, b is not /b to be considered b a Torah scholar. /b , b Abaye said, and some say /b it was b Rabba bar Ulla /b who said: Not only is such a person not to be considered a Torah scholar, but he is b called loathsome, as it is stated: “What then of one loathsome and foul, man who drinks iniquity like water” /b (Job 15:16). Although he drinks the Torah like water, since he sins, his Torah is considered iniquitous and this makes him loathsome and foul., b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said /b that b Rabbi Yonatan said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “Why is there a price in the hand of a fool to buy wisdom, as he has no heart?” /b (Proverbs 17:16)? This expresses the following sentiment: b Woe to them, haters of Torah scholars, /b a euphemism for the Torah scholars themselves, b who immerse themselves in Torah and have no fear of Heaven. /b They are fools; they try to acquire the wisdom of Torah, but since they have no fear of Heaven in their hearts they lack the ability to do so., b Rabbi Yannai declared /b that the situation may be expressed by the following sentiment: b Pity /b him b who has no courtyard but /b senselessly b makes a gate for his courtyard. /b Fear of Heaven is like the courtyard, and the study of Torah is the gate that provides entrance to the courtyard. The study of Torah is purposeful only if it leads to fear of Heaven., b Rava said to the Sages /b in the study hall: b I beg of you, do not inherit Gehenna twice. /b By studying Torah without the accompanying fear of Heaven, not only are you undeserving of the World-to-Come, but even in this world you experience Gehenna, as you spend all your time in study and fail to benefit from worldly pleasure., b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “And this is the Torah which Moses put /b [ b i sam /i /b ] before the children of Israel” (Deuteronomy 4:44)? The word i sam /i is written with the letter i sin /i and means put; it is phonetically similar to the word i sam /i written with the letter i samekh /i , meaning a drug. This use of this word therefore alludes to the following: If one b is deserving, /b the Torah b becomes a potion [ i sam /i ] of life for him. /b If one b is not deserving, /b the Torah b becomes a potion of death for him. And this /b idea b is what Rava said: For one who is skillful /b in his study of Torah and immerses himself in it with love, it is b a potion of life; /b but b for one who is not skillful /b in his studies, b it is a potion of death. /b , b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said /b that b Rabbi Yonatan raised a contradiction: It was written: “The precepts of the Lord are upright, gladdening the heart” /b (Psalms 19:9), but it is also written: b “The word of the Lord is refining” /b (Psalms 18:31), which implies that the study of Torah can be a distressing process by which a person is refined like metal smelted in a smith’s fire. He reconciles these verses as follows: For one who b is deserving, /b the Torah b gladdens him; /b for one who b is not deserving, /b it b refines him. Reish Lakish said: /b This lesson b emerges from that /b second b verse itself: /b For one who b is deserving, /b the Torah b refines him for life; /b for one who b is not deserving, it refines him for death. /b ,The verse states: b “Fear of the Lord is pure, it stands forever” /b (Psalms 19:10). b Rabbi Ḥanina said: This /b is referring to b one who studies Torah in purity; /b for such a person the Torah will remain with him forever. b What is this; /b what does it mean to study in purity? b One /b first b marries a woman and afterward studies Torah. /b Since he is married, his heart will not be occupied with thoughts of sin, which could lead him to become impure.,In the same Psalm the verse states: b “The testimony of God is faithful” /b (Psalms 19:8). b Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said: /b This alludes to the fact that the Torah b is faithful to testify about those who study it /b and those who do not.,The Gemara returns to its discussion concerning the sacred vessels: The verse states with regard to the covers for the Tabernacle that they are b “work of an embroiderer” /b (Exodus 26:36), and it also states they are b “work of a designer” /b (Exodus 26:31). How can both descriptions be reconciled? b Rabbi Elazar said: They embroidered the place where they had designed. /b They first marked a design on the material in paint, and then they embroidered it.,A Sage b taught in the name of Rabbi Neḥemya: /b “Work of b an embroiderer” /b refers to b needlework, /b which b therefore /b produces only b one face. /b The design is made with a needle passing back and forth from both sides of the curtain, and consequently an identical parallel image, or one face, is formed on both sides. “Work of b a designer” /b refers to b woven work, /b which b therefore /b produces b two faces. /b Although formed together, the two sides of the material were not identical; for example, sometimes an eagle appeared on one side while a lion was on the other side.,§ It was taught in the mishna: When dressed b in these /b eight garments, the High Priest may b be consulted for /b the decision of the b i Urim VeTummim /i . When Rav Dimi came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he b said: /b The b garments in which the High Priest serves /b are also worn when the b priest anointed for war serves. /b This priest is appointed to recite words of encouragement to the nation before it goes out to war (see Deuteronomy 20:2). b As it is stated: “And the sacred garments of Aaron shall be for his sons after him” /b (Exodus 29:29), which is taken to refer b to the one who comes after him in greatness, /b meaning the priest whose rank is one lower than the High Priest, i.e., the priest anointed for war., b Rav Adda bar Ahava raised an objection, and some say it unattributed: /b It is taught in a i baraita /i : One b might /b have thought that b the son of the priest anointed for war serves in his place, /b i.e., he inherits the position, b in the same way that the son of a High Priest serves in his place /b if he is fit for the job;
109. Eusebius of Caesarea, Demonstration of The Gospel, 7.3.18 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 310
110. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, rules and procedures Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 88
111. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, prohibitions upon entering •philosophical schools, rules and procedures Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 85, 87, 88
28a. דלמא מעברין לך אמר לה [לשתמש אינש] יומא חדא בכסא דמוקרא ולמחר ליתבר אמרה ליה לית לך חיורתא ההוא יומא בר תמני סרי שני הוה אתרחיש ליה ניסא ואהדרו ליה תמני סרי דרי חיורתא היינו דקאמר ר' אלעזר בן עזריה הרי אני כבן שבעים שנה ולא בן שבעים שנה,תנא אותו היום סלקוהו לשומר הפתח ונתנה להם רשות לתלמידים ליכנס שהיה ר"ג מכריז ואומר כל תלמיד שאין תוכו כברו לא יכנס לבית המדרש,ההוא יומא אתוספו כמה ספסלי א"ר יוחנן פליגי בה אבא יוסף בן דוסתאי ורבנן חד אמר אתוספו ארבע מאה ספסלי וחד אמר שבע מאה ספסלי הוה קא חלשא דעתיה דר"ג אמר דלמא ח"ו מנעתי תורה מישראל אחזו ליה בחלמיה חצבי חיורי דמליין קטמא ולא היא ההיא ליתובי דעתיה הוא דאחזו ליה,תנא עדיות בו ביום נשנית וכל היכא דאמרינן בו ביום ההוא יומא הוה ולא היתה הלכה שהיתה תלויה בבית המדרש שלא פירשוה ואף ר"ג לא מנע עצמו מבית המדרש אפילו שעה אחת,דתנן בו ביום בא יהודה גר עמוני לפניהם בבית המדרש אמר להם מה אני לבא בקהל,א"ל ר"ג אסור אתה לבא בקהל א"ל ר' יהושע מותר אתה לבא בקהל א"ל ר"ג והלא כבר נאמר (דברים כג, ד) לא יבא עמוני ומואבי בקהל ה' א"ל ר' יהושע וכי עמון ומואב במקומן הן יושבין כבר עלה סנחריב מלך אשור ובלבל את כל האומות שנאמר (ישעיהו י, יג) ואסיר גבולות עמים ועתידותיהם שוסתי ואוריד כאביר יושבים וכל דפריש מרובא פריש,אמר לו ר"ג והלא כבר נאמר (ירמיהו מט, ו) ואחרי כן אשיב את שבות בני עמון נאם ה' וכבר שבו,אמר לו ר' יהושע והלא כבר נאמר (עמוס ט, יד) ושבתי את שבות עמי ישראל ועדיין לא שבו מיד התירוהו לבא בקהל,אר"ג הואיל והכי הוה איזיל ואפייסיה לר' יהושע כי מטא לביתיה חזינהו לאשיתא דביתיה דמשחרן א"ל מכותלי ביתך אתה ניכר שפחמי אתה א"ל אוי לו לדור שאתה פרנסו שאי אתה יודע בצערן של ת"ח במה הם מתפרנסים ובמה הם נזונים,אמר לו נעניתי לך מחול לי לא אשגח ביה עשה בשביל כבוד אבא פייס,אמרו מאן ניזיל ולימא להו לרבנן אמר להו ההוא כובס אנא אזילנא שלח להו ר' יהושע לבי מדרשא מאן דלביש מדא ילבש מדא ומאן דלא לביש מדא יימר ליה למאן דלביש מדא שלח מדך ואנא אלבשיה אמר להו ר"ע לרבנן טרוקו גלי דלא ליתו עבדי דר"ג ולצערו לרבנן,א"ר יהושע מוטב דאיקום ואיזיל אנא לגבייהו אתא טרף אבבא א"ל מזה בן מזה יזה ושאינו לא מזה ולא בן מזה יאמר למזה בן מזה מימיך מי מערה ואפרך אפר מקלה א"ל ר"ע רבי יהושע נתפייסת כלום עשינו אלא בשביל כבודך למחר אני ואתה נשכים לפתחו,אמרי היכי נעביד נעבריה גמירי מעלין בקדש ואין מורידין נדרוש מר חדא שבתא ומר חדא שבתא אתי לקנאויי אלא לדרוש ר"ג תלתא שבתי וראב"ע חדא שבתא והיינו דאמר מר שבת של מי היתה של ראב"ע היתה ואותו תלמיד ר' שמעון בן יוחאי הוה:,ושל מוספין כל היום: א"ר יוחנן ונקרא פושע,ת"ר היו לפניו שתי תפלות אחת של מנחה ואחת של מוסף מתפלל של מנחה ואח"כ מתפלל של מוסף שזו תדירה וזו אינה תדירה ר' יהודה אומר מתפלל של מוסף ואח"כ מתפלל של מנחה שזו מצוה עוברת וזו מצוה שאינה עוברת א"ר יוחנן הלכה מתפלל של מנחה ואח"כ מתפלל של מוסף,ר' זירא כי הוה חליש מגירסיה הוה אזיל ויתיב אפתחא דבי ר' נתן בר טובי אמר כי חלפי רבנן אז איקום מקמייהו ואקבל אגרא נפק אתא ר' נתן בר טובי א"ל מאן אמר הלכה בי מדרשא א"ל הכי א"ר יוחנן אין הלכה כר' יהודה דאמר מתפלל אדם של מוסף ואח"כ מתפלל של מנחה,א"ל רבי יוחנן אמרה אמר ליה אין תנא מיניה ארבעין זמנין א"ל חדא היא לך או חדת היא לך א"ל חדת היא לי משום דמספקא לי בר' יהושע בן לוי:,אריב"ל כל המתפלל תפלה של מוספין לאחר שבע שעות לר' יהודה עליו הכתוב אומר (צפניה ג, יח) נוגי ממועד אספתי ממך היו מאי משמע דהאי נוגי לישנא דתברא הוא כדמתרגם רב יוסף תברא אתי על שנאיהון דבית ישראל על דאחרו זמני מועדיא דבירושלים,א"ר אלעזר כל המתפלל תפלה של שחרית לאחר ארבע שעות לר' יהודה עליו הכתוב אומר נוגי ממועד אספתי ממך היו מאי משמע דהאי נוגי לישנא דצערא הוא דכתיב (תהלים קיט, כח) דלפה נפשי מתוגה רב נחמן בר יצחק אמר מהכא (איכה א, ד) בתולותיה נוגות והיא מר לה 28a. There is room for concern. b Perhaps they will remove you /b from office just as they removed Rabban Gamliel. b He said to her, /b based on the folk saying: b Let a person use an expensive goblet one day and let it break tomorrow. /b In other words, one should take advantage of an opportunity that presents itself and he need not concern himself whether or not it will last. b She said to him: You have no white /b hair, and it is inappropriate for one so young to head the Sages. The Gemara relates: b That day, he was eighteen years old, a miracle transpired for him and eighteen rows of hair turned white. /b The Gemara comments: b That /b explains b that which Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya said: I am as one who is seventy years old and he did not say: I am seventy years old, /b because he looked older than he actually was., b It was taught: On that day /b that they removed Rabban Gamliel from his position and appointed Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya in his place, there was also a fundamental change in the general approach of the study hall as b they dismissed the guard at the door and permission was granted to the students to enter. /b Instead of Rabban Gamliel’s selective approach that asserted that the students must be screened before accepting them into the study hall, the new approach asserted that anyone who seeks to study should be given opportunity to do so. b As Rabban Gamliel would proclaim and say: Any student whose inside, /b his thoughts and feelings, b are not like his outside, /b i.e., his conduct and his character traits are lacking, b will not enter the study hall. /b ,The Gemara relates: b On that day several benches were added /b to the study hall to accommodate the numerous students. b Rabbi Yoḥa said: Abba Yosef ben Dostai and the Rabbis disputed this /b matter. b One said: Four hundred benches were added /b to the study hall. b And one said: Seven hundred benches were added /b to the study hall. When he saw the tremendous growth in the number of students, b Rabban Gamliel was disheartened. He said: Perhaps, Heaven forbid, I prevented Israel from /b engaging in b Torah /b study. b They showed him in his dream white jugs filled with ashes /b alluding to the fact that the additional students were worthless idlers. The Gemara comments: b That is not /b the case, but b that /b dream b was shown to him to ease his mind /b so that he would not feel bad., b It was taught: /b There is a tradition that tractate b i Eduyyot /i was taught that day. And everywhere /b in the Mishna or in a i baraita /i b that they say: On that day, it is /b referring to b that day. There was no i halakha /i whose ruling was pending in the study hall that they did not explain /b and arrive at a practical halakhic conclusion. b And even Rabban Gamliel did not avoid the study hall for even one moment, /b as he held no grudge against those who removed him from office and he participated in the halakhic discourse in the study hall as one of the Sages., b As we learned /b in a mishna: b On that day, Yehuda, the Ammonite convert, came before /b the students in the study hall b and he said to them: What is my /b legal status in terms of b entering into the congregation /b of Israel, i.e., to marry a Jewish woman?, b Rabban Gamliel said to him: You are forbidden to enter into the congregation. Rabbi Yehoshua said to him: You are permitted to enter into the congregation. Rabban Gamliel said to /b Rabbi Yehoshua: b Wasn’t it already stated: “An Ammonite and a Moabite shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord; /b even to the tenth generation shall none of them enter into the congregation of the Lord forever” (Deuteronomy 23:4)? How can you permit him to enter the congregation? b Rabbi Yehoshua said to /b Rabban Gamliel: b Do Ammon and Moab reside in their place? Sennacherib already came and, /b through his policy of population transfer, b scrambled all the nations /b and settled other nations in place of Ammon. Consequently, the current residents of Ammon and Moab are not ethnic Ammonites and Moabites, b as it is stated in /b reference to Sennacherib: b “I have removed the bounds of the peoples, and have robbed their treasures, and have brought down as one mighty the inhabitants” /b (Isaiah 10:13). b And /b although it is conceivable that this particular convert is an ethnic Ammonite, nevertheless, there is no need for concern due to the halakhic principle: b Anything that parts /b from a group b parts from the majority, /b and the assumption is that he is from the majority of nations whose members are permitted to enter the congregation., b Rabban Gamliel said to /b Rabbi Yehoshua: b But wasn’t it already stated: “But afterward I will bring back the captivity of the children of Ammon, says the Lord” /b (Jeremiah 49:6) b and they have already returned /b to their land? Therefore, he is an ethnic Ammonite and he may not convert., b Rabbi Yehoshua said to /b Rabban Gamliel: That is no proof. b Wasn’t it already stated /b in another prophecy: b “And I will turn the captivity of My people Israel /b and they shall build the waste cities, and inhabit them; and they shall plant vineyards, and drink the wine thereof; they shall also make gardens, and eat the fruit of them” (Amos 9:14), b and they have not yet returned? /b In rendering the ruling, only proven facts may be taken into consideration. b They immediately permitted him to enter the congregation. /b This proves that Rabban Gamliel did not absent himself from the study hall that day and participated in the halakhic discourse., b Rabban Gamliel said /b to himself: b Since this is /b the situation, that the people are following Rabbi Yehoshua, apparently he was right. Therefore, it would be appropriate for me to b go and appease Rabbi Yehoshua. When he reached /b Rabbi Yehoshua’s b house, he saw /b that b the walls of his house were black. /b Rabban Gamliel b said to /b Rabbi Yehoshua in wonderment: b From the walls of your house it is apparent that you are a blacksmith, /b as until then he had no idea that Rabbi Yehoshua was forced to engage in that arduous trade in order to make a living. Rabbi Yehoshua b said to him: Woe unto a generation that you are its leader as you are unaware of the difficulties of Torah scholars, how they make a living and how they feed themselves. /b ,Rabban Gamliel b said to him: I insulted you, forgive me. /b Rabbi Yehoshua b paid him no attention /b and did not forgive him. He asked him again: b Do it in deference to my father, /b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel, who was one of the leaders of Israel at the time of the destruction of the Temple. b He was appeased. /b ,Now that Rabbi Yehoshua was no longer offended, it was only natural that Rabban Gamliel would be restored to his position. b They said: Who will go and inform the Sages? /b Apparently, they were not eager to carry out the mission that would undo the previous actions and remove Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya from his position as i Nasi /i . b This launderer said to them: I will go. Rabbi Yehoshua sent to /b the Sages b to the study hall: The one who wears the uniform will /b continue to b wear the uniform, /b the original i Nasi /i will remain in his position so that b the one who did not wear the uniform will /b not b say to the one who wears the uniform, remove your uniform and I will wear it. /b Apparently, the Sages believed that this emissary was dispatched at the initiative of Rabban Gamliel and they ignored him. b Rabbi Akiva said to the Sages: Lock the gates so that Rabban Gamliel’s servants will not come and disturb the Sages. /b ,When he heard what happened, b Rabbi Yehoshua said: It is best if I go to them. He came and knocked on the door. He said to them /b with a slight variation: b One who sprinkles /b pure water on those who are ritually impure, b son of one who sprinkles /b water b shall /b continue b to sprinkle /b water. And it is inappropriate that he who is b neither one who sprinkles nor son of one who sprinkles will say to one who sprinkles son of one who sprinkles: Your water is cave water /b and not the running water required to purify one exposed to ritual impurity imparted by a corpse b and your ashes are burnt ashes /b and not the ashes of a red heifer. b Rabbi Akiva said to him: Rabbi Yehoshua, have you been appeased? Everything we did was to /b defend b your honor. /b If you have forgiven him, none of us is opposed. b Early tomorrow you and I will go to /b Rabban Gamliel’s b doorway /b and offer to restore him to his position as i Nasi /i .,The question arose what to do with Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya? b They said: What shall we do? Remove him /b from his position. That is inappropriate as we b learned /b a i halakha /i through tradition: One b elevates /b to a higher level of b sanctity and does not downgrade. /b Therefore, one who was the i Nasi /i of the Sanhedrin cannot be demoted. b Let /b one b Sage lecture one week and /b the other b Sage one week, they will come to be jealous /b one of another, as they will be forced to appoint one as the acting head of the Sanhedrin. b Rather, Rabban Gamliel will lecture three weeks and Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya /b will lecture as head of the yeshiva b one week. /b That arrangement was adopted b and that is /b the explanation of the exchange in tractate i Ḥagiga /i : b Whose week was it? It was the week of Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya. /b One final detail: b That student /b who asked the original question that sparked this entire incident b was Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai. /b ,We learned in the mishna: b And the additional prayer /b may be recited b all day. Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b Nevertheless, b one /b who postpones his prayer excessively b is called negligent. /b , b The Rabbis taught /b in a i baraita /i : b If /b the obligation to recite b two prayers was before him, one, the afternoon prayer and one, the additional prayer, he recites the afternoon prayer /b first b and the additional prayer thereafter, /b because b this, /b the afternoon prayer, b is /b recited on a b frequent /b basis, b and this one, /b the additional prayer, b is /b recited on a relatively b infrequent /b basis. b Rabbi Yehuda says: He recites the additional prayer /b first b and the afternoon prayer thereafter, /b because b this, the additional prayer, is a mitzva /b whose time soon b elapses, /b as it may only be recited until the seventh hour b and this, the afternoon prayer, is a mitzva /b whose time does b not /b soon b elapse /b as one may recite it until the midpoint of the afternoon. b Rabbi Yoḥa said: The i halakha /i /b is that b he recites the afternoon prayer /b first b and the additional prayer thereafter, /b in accordance with the opinion of the Rabbis.,The Gemara cites additional sources relating to this issue: b When Rabbi Zeira would tire of his studies, he would go and sit in the doorway of Rabbi Natan bar Tovi’s study hall. He said /b to himself: b When the /b entering and exiting b Sages pass, I will rise before them and be rewarded /b for the mitzva of honoring Torah scholars. b Rabbi Natan bar Tovi /b himself b emerged and came /b to where Rabbi Zeira was seated. Rabbi Zeira b said to him: Who /b just b stated a i halakha /i in the study hall? /b Rabbi Natan bar Tovi b said to him: Rabbi Yoḥa /b just b said as follows: The i halakha /i is not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda who said: He recites the additional prayer /b first b and the afternoon prayer thereafter. /b ,Rabbi Zeira b said to him: /b Did b Rabbi Yoḥa /b himself b say /b this i halakha /i ? Rabbi Natan b said to him: Yes. He learned /b this statement b from him forty times, /b etching it into his memory. Rabbi Natan b said to him: /b Is this i halakha /i so dear to you because b it is singular for you, /b as it is the only i halakha /i that you learned in the name of Rabbi Yoḥa, b or is it new to you, /b as you were previously unaware of this ruling? Rabbi Zeira b said to him: /b It b is /b somewhat b new to me, as I was uncertain /b whether this i halakha /i was said in the name of Rabbi Yoḥa or in the name of b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi. /b Now it is clear to me that this i halakha /i is in the name of Rabbi Yoḥa., b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: /b With regard to b anyone who recites the additional prayer after seven hours /b of the day, b according to Rabbi Yehuda, the verse states: “Those who are destroyed [ i nugei /i ] far from the Festivals, I shall gather from you, /b they who carried for you the burden of insult” (Zephaniah 3:18). b From where /b may it b be inferred that i nugei /i is an expression of destruction? As Rav Yosef translated /b the verse into Aramaic: b Destruction comes upon the enemies /b of b the house of Israel, /b a euphemism for Israel itself, b for they have delayed the times of the Festivals in Jerusalem. /b This proves both that i nugei /i means destruction and that destruction comes upon those who fail to fulfill a mitzva at its appointed time.,Similarly, b Rabbi Elazar said: Regarding anyone who recites the morning prayer after four hours /b of the day, b according to Rabbi Yehuda, the verse states: “Those who are in sorrow [ i nugei /i ] far from the Festivals, I shall gather from you, /b they who carried for you the burden of insult” (Zephaniah 3:18). b From where /b may it b be inferred that i nugei /i is an expression of sorrow? As it is written: “My soul drips in sorrow [ i tuga /i ]” /b (Psalms 119:28). b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: /b The proof that i nugei /i indicates suffering is b from here: “Her virgins are sorrowed [ i nugot /i ] and she is embittered” /b (Lamentations 1:4).
112. Plotinus, Enneads, 2.9 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 545; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 243
113. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 20 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
114. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 29.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 245
115. Augustine, De Catechizandis Rudibus, 37 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 218
116. Claudianus, In Rufinium Libri Ii, 2.191 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •edict / decree / law, justinian’s edict against philosophical schools •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 127
117. Augustine, On The Work of Monks, 21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 218
118. Libanius, Declamationes, 13.26 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •imperial administration and the city, support for philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 123
119. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 61 (36) (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •imperial administration and the city, support for philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 129
120. Augustine, Contra Cresconium Grammaticum Partis Donati, 1.15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 218
121. Libanius, Orations, 1.17.23, 1.140, 1.169, 13.18 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools •philosophical schools, epicureanism •alexandria, philosophical schools •imperial administration and the city, support for philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 123; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 23; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 184, 250
122. Augustine, The City of God, 1.36, 2.7, 16.4, 16.10-16.11, 16.17, 17.16, 18.2, 18.22, 18.27, 18.41-18.44, 18.51 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 218, 219
1.36. But I have still some things to say in confutation of those who refer the disasters of the Roman republic to our religion, because it prohibits the offering of sacrifices to the gods. For this end I must recount all, or as many as may seem sufficient, of the disasters which befell that city and its subject provinces, before these sacrifices were prohibited; for all these disasters they would doubtless have attributed to us, if at that time our religion had shed its light upon them, and had prohibited their sacrifices. I must then go on to show what social well-being the true God, in whose hand are all kingdoms, vouchsafed to grant to them that their empire might increase. I must show why He did so, and how their false gods, instead of at all aiding them, greatly injured them by guile and deceit. And, lastly, I must meet those who, when on this point convinced and confuted by irrefragable proofs, endeavor to maintain that they worship the gods, not hoping for the present advantages of this life, but for those which are to be enjoyed after death. And this, if I am not mistaken, will be the most difficult part of my task, and will be worthy of the loftiest argument; for we must then enter the lists with the philosophers, not the mere common herd of philosophers, but the most renowned, who in many points agree with ourselves, as regarding the immortality of the soul, and that the true God created the world, and by His providence rules all He has created. But as they differ from us on other points, we must not shrink from the task of exposing their errors, that, having refuted the gainsaying of the wicked with such ability as God may vouchsafe, we may assert the city of God, and true piety, and the worship of God, to which alone the promise of true and everlasting felicity is attached. Here, then, let us conclude, that we may enter on these subjects in a fresh book. 2.7. But will they perhaps remind us of the schools of the philosophers, and their disputations? In the first place, these belong not to Rome, but to Greece; and even if we yield to them that they are now Roman, because Greece itself has become a Roman province, still the teachings of the philosophers are not the commandments of the gods, but the discoveries of men, who, at the prompting of their own speculative ability, made efforts to discover the hidden laws of nature, and the right and wrong in ethics, and in dialectic what was consequent according to the rules of logic, and what was inconsequent and erroneous. And some of them, by God's help, made great discoveries; but when left to themselves they were betrayed by human infirmity, and fell into mistakes. And this was ordered by divine providence, that their pride might be restrained, and that by their example it might be pointed out that it is humility which has access to the highest regions. But of this we shall have more to say, if the Lord God of truth permit, in its own place. However, if the philosophers have made any discoveries which are sufficient to guide men to virtue and blessedness, would it not have been greater justice to vote divine honors to them? Were it not more accordant with every virtuous sentiment to read Plato's writings in a Temple of Plato, than to be present in the temples of devils to witness the priests of Cybele mutilating themselves, the effeminate being consecrated, the raving fanatics cutting themselves, and whatever other cruel or shameful, or shamefully cruel or cruelly shameful, ceremony is enjoined by the ritual of such gods as these? Were it not a more suitable education, and more likely to prompt the youth to virtue, if they heard public recitals of the laws of the gods, instead of the vain laudation of the customs and laws of their ancestors? Certainly all the worshippers of the Roman gods, when once they are possessed by what Persius calls the burning poison of lust, prefer to witness the deeds of Jupiter rather than to hear what Plato taught or Cato censured. Hence the young profligate in Terence, when he sees on the wall a fresco representing the fabled descent of Jupiter into the lap of Danaë in the form of a golden shower, accepts this as authoritative precedent for his own licentiousness, and boasts that he is an imitator of God. And what God? he says. He who with His thunder shakes the loftiest temples. And was I, a poor creature compared to Him, to make bones of it? No; I did it, and with all my heart. 16.4. But though these nations are said to have been dispersed according to their languages, yet the narrator recurs to that time when all had but one language, and explains how it came to pass that a diversity of languages was introduced. The whole earth, he says, was of one lip, and all had one speech. And it came to pass, as they journeyed from the east, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar, and dwelt there. And they said one to another, Come, and let us make bricks, and burn them thoroughly. And they had bricks for stone, and slime for mortar. And they said, Come, and let us build for ourselves a city, and a tower whose top shall reach the sky; and let us make us a name, before we be scattered abroad on the face of all the earth. And the Lord came down to see the city and the tower, which the children of men built. And the Lord God said, Behold, the people is one, and they have all one language; and this they begin to do: and now nothing will be restrained from them, which they have imagined to do. Come, and let us go down, and confound there their language, that they may not understand one another's speech. And God scattered them thence on the face of all the earth: and they left off to build the city and the tower. Therefore the name of it is called Confusion; because the Lord did there confound the language of all the earth: and the Lord God scattered them thence on the face of all the earth. Genesis 11:1-9 This city, which was called Confusion, is the same as Babylon, whose wonderful construction Gentile history also notices. For Babylon means Confusion. Whence we conclude that the giant Nimrod was its founder, as had been hinted a little before, where Scripture, in speaking of him, says that the beginning of his kingdom was Babylon, that is, Babylon had a supremacy over the other cities as the metropolis and royal residence; although it did not rise to the grand dimensions designed by its proud and impious founder. The plan was to make it so high that it should reach the sky, whether this was meant of one tower which they intended to build higher than the others, or of all the towers, which might be signified by the singular number, as we speak of the soldier, meaning the army, and of the frog or the locust, when we refer to the whole multitude of frogs and locusts in the plagues with which Moses smote the Egyptians. Exodus x But what did these vain and presumptuous men intend? How did they expect to raise this lofty mass against God, when they had built it above all the mountains and the clouds of the earth's atmosphere? What injury could any spiritual or material elevation do to God? The safe and true way to heaven is made by humility, which lifts up the heart to the Lord, not against Him; as this giant is said to have been a hunter against the Lord. This has been misunderstood by some through the ambiguity of the Greek word, and they have translated it, not against the Lord, but before the Lord; for ἐναντίον means both before and against. In the Psalm this word is rendered, Let us weep before the Lord our Maker. The same word occurs in the book of Job, where it is written, You have broken into fury against the Lord. Job 15:13 And so this giant is to be recognized as a hunter against the Lord. And what is meant by the term hunter but deceiver, oppressor, and destroyer of the animals of the earth? He and his people therefore, erected this tower against the Lord, and so gave expression to their impious pride; and justly was their wicked intention punished by God, even though it was unsuccessful. But what was the nature of the punishment? As the tongue is the instrument of domination, in it pride was punished; so that man, who would not understand God when He issued His commands, should be misunderstood when he himself gave orders. Thus was that conspiracy disbanded, for each man retired from those he could not understand, and associated with those whose speech was intelligible; and the nations were divided according to their languages, and scattered over the earth as seemed good to God, who accomplished this in ways hidden from and incomprehensible to us. 16.10. It is necessary, therefore, to preserve the series of generations descending from Shem, for the sake of exhibiting the city of God after the flood; as before the flood it was exhibited in the series of generations descending from Seth. And therefore does divine Scripture, after exhibiting the earthly city as Babylon or Confusion, revert to the patriarch Shem, and recapitulate the generations from him to Abraham, specifying besides, the year in which each father begot the son that belonged to this line, and how long he lived. And unquestionably it is this which fulfills the promise I made, that it should appear why it is said of the sons of Heber, The name of the one was Peleg, for in his days the earth was divided. Genesis 10:25 For what can we understand by the division of the earth, if not the diversity of languages? And, therefore, omitting the other sons of Shem, who are not concerned in this matter, Scripture gives the genealogy of those by whom the line runs on to Abraham, as before the flood those are given who carried on the line to Noah from Seth. Accordingly this series of generations begins thus: These are the generations of Shem: Shem was an hundred years old, and begot Arphaxad two years after the flood. And Shem lived after he begot Arphaxad five hundred years, and begot sons and daughters. In like manner it registers the rest, naming the year of his life in which each begot the son who belonged to that line which extends to Abraham. It specifies, too, how many years he lived thereafter, begetting sons and daughters, that we may not childishly suppose that the men named were the only men, but may understand how the population increased, and how regions and kingdoms so vast could be populated by the descendants of Shem; especially the kingdom of Assyria, from which Ninus subdued the surrounding nations, reigning with brilliant prosperity, and bequeathing to his descendants a vast but thoroughly consolidated empire, which held together for many centuries. But to avoid needless prolixity, we shall mention not the number of years each member of this series lived, but only the year of his life in which he begot his heir, that we may thus reckon the number of years from the flood to Abraham, and may at the same time leave room to touch briefly and cursorily upon some other matters necessary to our argument. In the second year, then, after the flood, Shem when he was a hundred years old begot Arphaxad; Arphaxad when he was 135 years old begot Cai; Cai when he was 130 years begot Salah. Salah himself, too, was the same age when he begot Eber. Eber lived 134 years, and begot Peleg, in whose days the earth was divided. Peleg himself lived 130 years, and begot Reu; and Reu lived 132 years, and begot Serug; Serug 130, and begot Nahor; and Nahor 79, and begot Terah; and Terah 70, and begot Abram, whose name God afterwards changed into Abraham. There are thus from the flood to Abraham 1072 years, according to the Vulgate or Septuagint versions. In the Hebrew copies far fewer years are given; and for this either no reason or a not very credible one is given. When, therefore, we look for the city of God in these seventy-two nations, we cannot affirm that while they had but one lip, that is, one language, the human race had departed from the worship of the true God, and that genuine godliness had survived only in those generations which descend from Shem through Arphaxad and reach to Abraham; but from the time when they proudly built a tower to heaven, a symbol of godless exaltation, the city or society of the wicked becomes apparent. Whether it was only disguised before, or non-existent; whether both cities remained after the flood, - the godly in the two sons of Noah who were blessed, and in their posterity, and the ungodly in the cursed son and his descendants, from whom sprang that mighty hunter against the Lord, - is not easily determined. For possibly - and certainly this is more credible - there were despisers of God among the descendants of the two sons, even before Babylon was founded, and worshippers of God among the descendants of Ham. Certainly neither race was ever obliterated from earth. For in both the Psalms in which it is said, They are all gone aside, they are altogether become filthy; there is none that does good, no, not one, we read further, Have all the workers of iniquity no knowledge? Who eat up my people as they eat bread, and call not upon the Lord. There was then a people of God even at that time. And therefore the words, There is none that does good, no, not one, were said of the sons of men, not of the sons of God. For it had been previously said, God looked down from heaven upon the sons of men, to see if any understood and sought after God; and then follow the words which demonstrate that all the sons of men, that is, all who belong to the city which lives according to man, not according to God, are reprobate. 16.11. Wherefore, as the fact of all using one language did not secure the absence of sin-infected men from the race - for even before the deluge there was one language, and yet all but the single family of just Noah were found worthy of destruction by the flood, - so when the nations, by a prouder godlessness, earned the punishment of the dispersion and the confusion of tongues, and the city of the godless was called Confusion or Babylon, there was still the house of Heber in which the primitive language of the race survived. And therefore, as I have already mentioned, when an enumeration is made of the sons of Shem, who each founded a nation, Heber is first mentioned, although he was of the fifth generation from Shem. And because, when the other races were divided by their own peculiar languages, his family preserved that language which is not unreasonably believed to have been the common language of the race, it was on this account thenceforth named Hebrew. For it then became necessary to distinguish this language from the rest by a proper name; though, while there was only one, it had no other name than the language of man, or human speech, it alone being spoken by the whole human race. Some one will say: If the earth was divided by languages in the days of Peleg, Heber's son, that language, which was formerly common to all, should rather have been called after Peleg. But we are to understand that Heber himself gave to his son this name Peleg, which means Division; because he was born when the earth was divided, that is, at the very time of the division, and that this is the meaning of the words, In his days the earth was divided. Genesis 10:25 For unless Heber had been still alive when the languages were multiplied, the language which was preserved in his house would not have been called after him. We are induced to believe that this was the primitive and common language, because the multiplication and change of languages was introduced as a punishment, and it is fit to ascribe to the people of God an immunity from this punishment. Nor is it without significance that this is the language which Abraham retained, and that he could not transmit it to all his descendants, but only to those of Jacob's line, who distinctively and eminently constituted God's people, and received His covets, and were Christ's progenitors according to the flesh. In the same way, Heber himself did not transmit that language to all his posterity, but only to the line from which Abraham sprang. And thus, although it is not expressly stated, that when the wicked were building Babylon there was a godly seed remaining, this indistinctness is intended to stimulate research rather than to elude it. For when we see that originally there was one common language, and that Heber is mentioned before all Shem's sons, though he belonged to the fifth generation from him, and that the language which the patriarchs and prophets used, not only in their conversation, but in the authoritative language of Scripture, is called Hebrew, when we are asked where that primitive and common language was preserved after the confusion of tongues, certainly, as there can be no doubt that those among whom it was preserved were exempt from the punishment it embodied, what other suggestion can we make, than that it survived in the family of him whose name it took, and that this is no small proof of the righteousness of this family, that the punishment with which the other families were visited did not fall upon it? But yet another question is mooted: How did Heber and his son Peleg each found a nation, if they had but one language? For no doubt the Hebrew nation propagated from Heber through Abraham, and becoming through him a great people, is one nation. How, then, are all the sons of the three branches of Noah's family enumerated as founding a nation each, if Heber and Peleg did not so? It is very probable that the giant Nimrod founded also his nation, and that Scripture has named him separately on account of the extraordinary dimensions of his empire and of his body, so that the number of seventy-two nations remains. But Peleg was mentioned, not because he founded a nation (for his race and language are Hebrew), but on account of the critical time at which he was born, all the earth being then divided. Nor ought we to be surprised that the giant Nimrod lived to the time in which Babylon was founded and the confusion of tongues occurred, and the consequent division of the earth. For though Heber was in the sixth generation from Noah, and Nimrod in the fourth, it does not follow that they could not be alive at the same time. For when the generations are few, they live longer and are born later; but when they are many, they live a shorter time, and come into the world earlier. We are to understand that, when the earth was divided, the descendants of Noah who are registered as founders of nations were not only already born, but were of an age to have immense families, worthy to be called tribes or nations. And therefore we must by no means suppose that they were born in the order in which they were set down; otherwise, how could the twelve sons of Joktan, another son of Heber's, and brother of Peleg, have already founded nations, if Joktan was born, as he is registered, after his brother Peleg, since the earth was divided at Peleg's birth? We are therefore to understand that, though Peleg is named first, he was born long after Joktan, whose twelve sons had already families so large as to admit of their being divided by different languages. There is nothing extraordinary in the last born being first named: of the sons of Noah, the descendants of Japheth are first named; then the sons of Ham, who was the second son; and last the sons of Shem, who was the first and oldest. of these nations the names have partly survived, so that at this day we can see from whom they have sprung, as the Assyrians from Assur, the Hebrews from Heber, but partly have been altered in the lapse of time, so that the most learned men, by profound research in ancient records, have scarcely been able to discover the origin, I do not say of all, but of some of these nations. There is, for example, nothing in the name Egyptians to show that they are descended from Misraim, Ham's son, nor in the name Ethiopians to show a connection with Cush, though such is said to be the origin of these nations. And if we take a general survey of the names, we shall find that more have been changed than have remained the same. 16.17. During the same period there were three famous kingdoms of the nations, in which the city of the earth-born, that is, the society of men living according to man under the domination of the fallen angels, chiefly flourished, namely, the three kingdoms of Sicyon, Egypt, and Assyria. of these, Assyria was much the most powerful and sublime; for that king Ninus, son of Belus, had subdued the people of all Asia except India. By Asia I now mean not that part which is one province of this greater Asia, but what is called Universal Asia, which some set down as the half, but most as the third part of the whole world - the three being Asia, Europe, and Africa, thereby making an unequal division. For the part called Asia stretches from the south through the east even to the north; Europe from the north even to the west; and Africa from the west even to the south. Thus we see that two, Europe and Africa, contain one half of the world, and Asia alone the other half. And these two parts are made by the circumstance, that there enters between them from the ocean all the Mediterranean water, which makes this great sea of ours. So that, if you divide the world into two parts, the east and the west, Asia will be in the one, and Europe and Africa in the other. So that of the three kingdoms then famous, one, namely Sicyon, was not under the Assyrians, because it was in Europe; but as for Egypt, how could it fail to be subject to the empire which ruled all Asia with the single exception of India? In Assyria, therefore, the dominion of the impious city had the pre-eminence. Its head was Babylon - an earth-born city, most fitly named, for it means confusion. There Ninus reigned after the death of his father Belus, who first had reigned there sixty-five years. His son Ninus, who, on his father's death, succeeded to the kingdom, reigned fifty-two years, and had been king forty-three years when Abraham was born, which was about the 1200th year before Rome was founded, as it were another Babylon in the west. 17.16. For whatever direct and manifest prophetic utterances there may be about anything, it is necessary that those which are tropical should be mingled with them; which, chiefly on account of those of slower understanding, thrust upon the more learned the laborious task of clearing up and expounding them. Some of them, indeed, on the very first blush, as soon as they are spoken, exhibit Christ and the Church, although some things in them that are less intelligible remain to be expounded at leisure. We have an example of this in that same Book of Psalms: My heart bubbled up a good matter: I utter my words to the king. My tongue is the pen of a scribe, writing swiftly. Your form is beautiful beyond the sons of men; grace is poured out in Your lips: therefore God has blessed You for evermore. Gird Your sword about Your thigh, O Most Mighty. With Your goodliness and Your beauty go forward, proceed prosperously, and reign, because of Your truth, and meekness, and righteousness; and Your right hand shall lead You forth wonderfully. Your sharp arrows are most powerful: in the heart of the king's enemies. The people shall fall under You. Your throne, O God, is for ever and ever: a rod of direction is the rod of Your kingdom. You have loved righteousness, and have hated iniquity: therefore God, Your God, has anointed You with the oil of exultation above Your fellows. Myrrh and drops, and cassia from Your vestments, from the houses of ivory: out of which the daughters of kings have delighted You in Your honor. Who is there, no matter how slow, but must here recognize Christ whom we preach, and in whom we believe, if he hears that He is God, whose throne is for ever and ever, and that He is anointed by God, as God indeed anoints, not with a visible, but with a spiritual and intelligible chrism? For who is so untaught in this religion, or so deaf to its far and wide spread fame, as not to know that Christ is named from this chrism, that is, from this anointing? But when it is acknowledged that this King is Christ, let each one who is already subject to Him who reigns because of truth, meekness, and righteousness, inquire at his leisure into these other things that are here said tropically: how His form is beautiful beyond the sons of men, with a certain beauty that is the more to be loved and admired the less it is corporeal; and what His sword, arrows, and other things of that kind may be, which are set down, not properly, but tropically. Then let him look upon His Church, joined to her so great Husband in spiritual marriage and divine love, of which it is said in these words which follow, The queen stood upon Your right hand in gold-embroidered vestments, girded about with variety. Hearken, O daughter, and look, and incline your ear; forget also your people, and your father's house. Because the King has greatly desired your beauty; for He is the Lord your God. And the daughters of Tyre shall worship Him with gifts; the rich among the people shall entreat Your face. The daughter of the King has all her glory within, in golden fringes, girded about with variety. The virgins shall be brought after her to the King: her neighbors shall be brought to You. They shall be brought with gladness and exultation: they shall be led into the temple of the King. Instead of your fathers, sons shall be born to you: you shall establish them as princes over all the earth. They shall be mindful of your name in every generation and descent. Therefore shall the people acknowledge you for evermore, even for ever and ever. I do not think any one is so stupid as to believe that some poor woman is here praised and described, as the spouse, to wit, of Him to whom it is said, Your throne, O God, is for ever and ever: a rod of direction is the rod of Your kingdom. You have loved righteousness and hated iniquity: therefore God, Your God, has anointed You with the oil of exultation above Your fellows; that is, plainly, Christ above Christians. For these are His fellows, out of the unity and concord of whom in all nations that queen is formed, as it is said of her in another psalm, The city of the great King. The same is Sion spiritually, which name in Latin is interpreted speculatio (discovery); for she descries the great good of the world to come, because her attention is directed there. In the same way she is also Jerusalem spiritually, of which we have already said many things. Her enemy is the city of the devil, Babylon, which is interpreted confusion. Yet out of this Babylon this queen is in all nations set free by regeneration, and passes from the worst to the best King, - that is, from the devil to Christ. Wherefore it is said to her, Forget your people and your father's house. of this impious city those also are a portion who are Israelites only in the flesh and not by faith, enemies also of this great King Himself, and of His queen. For Christ, having come to them, and been slain by them, has the more become the King of others, whom He did not see in the flesh. Whence our King Himself says through the prophecy of a certain psalm, You will deliver me from the contradictions of the people; You will make me head of the nations. A people whom I have not known has served me: in the hearing of the ear it has obeyed me. Therefore this people of the nations, which Christ did not know in His bodily presence, yet has believed in that Christ as announced to it; so that it might be said of it with good reason, In the hearing of the ear it has obeyed me, for faith is by hearing. Romans 10:5 This people, I say, added to those who are the true Israelites both by the flesh and by faith, is the city of God, which has brought forth Christ Himself according to the flesh, since He was in these Israelites only. For thence came the Virgin Mary, in whom Christ assumed flesh that He might be man. of which city another psalm says, Mother Sion, shall a man say, and the man is made in her, and the Highest Himself has founded her. Who is this Highest, save God? And thus Christ, who is God, before He became man through Mary in that city, Himself founded it by the patriarchs and prophets. As therefore was said by prophecy so long before to this queen, the city of God, what we already can see fulfilled, Instead of your fathers, sons are born to you; you shall make them princes over all the earth; so out of her sons truly are set up even her fathers [princes] through all the earth, when the people, coming together to her, confess to her with the confession of eternal praise for ever and ever. Beyond doubt, whatever interpretation is put on what is here expressed somewhat darkly in figurative language, ought to be in agreement with these most manifest things. 18.2. The society of mortals spread abroad through the earth everywhere, and in the most diverse places, although bound together by a certain fellowship of our common nature, is yet for the most part divided against itself, and the strongest oppress the others, because all follow after their own interests and lusts, while what is longed for either suffices for none, or not for all, because it is not the very thing. For the vanquished succumb to the victorious, preferring any sort of peace and safety to freedom itself; so that they who chose to die rather than be slaves have been greatly wondered at. For in almost all nations the very voice of nature somehow proclaims, that those who happen to be conquered should choose rather to be subject to their conquerors than to be killed by all kinds of warlike destruction. This does not take place without the providence of God, in whose power it lies that any one either subdues or is subdued in war; that some are endowed with kingdoms, others made subject to kings. Now, among the very many kingdoms of the earth into which, by earthly interest or lust, society is divided (which we call by the general name of the city of this world), we see that two, settled and kept distinct from each other both in time and place, have grown far more famous than the rest, first that of the Assyrians, then that of the Romans. First came the one, then the other. The former arose in the east, and, immediately on its close, the latter in the west. I may speak of other kingdoms and other kings as appendages of these. Ninus, then, who succeeded his father Belus, the first king of Assyria, was already the second king of that kingdom when Abraham was born in the land of the Chaldees. There was also at that time a very small kingdom of Sicyon, with which, as from an ancient date, that most universally learned man Marcus Varro begins, in writing of the Roman race. For from these kings of Sicyon he passes to the Athenians, from them to the Latins, and from these to the Romans. Yet very little is related about these kingdoms, before the foundation of Rome, in comparison with that of Assyria. For although even Sallust, the Roman historian, admits that the Athenians were very famous in Greece, yet he thinks they were greater in fame than in fact. For in speaking of them he says, The deeds of the Athenians, as I think, were very great and magnificent, but yet somewhat less than reported by fame. But because writers of great genius arose among them, the deeds of the Athenians were celebrated throughout the world as very great. Thus the virtue of those who did them was held to be as great as men of transcendent genius could represent it to be by the power of laudatory words. This city also derived no small glory from literature and philosophy, the study of which chiefly flourished there. But as regards empire, none in the earliest times was greater than the Assyrian, or so widely extended. For when Ninus the son of Belus was king, he is reported to have subdued the whole of Asia, even to the boundaries of Libya, which as to number is called the third part, but as to size is found to be the half of the whole world. The Indians in the eastern regions were the only people over whom he did not reign; but after his death Semiramis his wife made war on them. Thus it came to pass that all the people and kings in those countries were subject to the kingdom and authority of the Assyrians, and did whatever they were commanded. Now Abraham was born in that kingdom among the Chaldees, in the time of Ninus. But since Grecian affairs are much better known to us than Assyrian, and those who have diligently investigated the antiquity of the Roman nation's origin have followed the order of time through the Greeks to the Latins, and from them to the Romans, who themselves are Latins, we ought on this account, where it is needful, to mention the Assyrian kings, that it may appear how Babylon, like a first Rome, ran its course along with the city of God, which is a stranger in this world. But the things proper for insertion in this work in comparing the two cities, that is, the earthly and heavenly, ought to be taken mostly from the Greek and Latin kingdoms, where Rome herself is like a second Babylon. At Abraham's birth, then, the second kings of Assyria and Sicyon respectively were Ninus and Europs, the first having been Belus and Ægialeus. But when God promised Abraham, on his departure from Babylonia, that he should become a great nation, and that in his seed all nations of the earth should be blessed, the Assyrians had their seventh king, the Sicyons their fifth; for the son of Ninus reigned among them after his mother Semiramis, who is said to have been put to death by him for attempting to defile him by incestuously lying with him. Some think that she founded Babylon, and indeed she may have founded it anew. But we have told, in the sixteenth book, when or by whom it was founded. Now the son of Ninus and Semiramis, who succeeded his mother in the kingdom, is also called Ninus by some, but by others Ninias, a patronymic word. Telexion then held the kingdom of the Sicyons. In his reign times were quiet and joyful to such a degree, that after his death they worshipped him as a god by offering sacrifices and by celebrating games, which are said to have been first instituted on this occasion. 18.22. To be brief, the city of Rome was founded, like another Babylon, and as it were the daughter of the former Babylon, by which God was pleased to conquer the whole world, and subdue it far and wide by bringing it into one fellowship of government and laws. For there were already powerful and brave peoples and nations trained to arms, who did not easily yield, and whose subjugation necessarily involved great danger and destruction as well as great and horrible labor. For when the Assyrian kingdom subdued almost all Asia, although this was done by fighting, yet the wars could not be very fierce or difficult, because the nations were as yet untrained to resist, and neither so many nor so great as afterward; forasmuch as, after that greatest and indeed universal flood, when only eight men escaped in Noah's ark, not much more than a thousand years had passed when Ninus subdued all Asia with the exception of India. But Rome did not with the same quickness and facility wholly subdue all those nations of the east and west which we see brought under the Roman empire, because, in its gradual increase, in whatever direction it was extended, it found them strong and warlike. At the time when Rome was founded, then, the people of Israel had been in the land of promise seven hundred and eighteen years. of these years twenty-seven belong to Joshua the Son of Nun, and after that three hundred and twenty-nine to the period of the judges. But from the time when the kings began to reign there, three hundred and sixty-two years had passed. And at that time there was a king in Judah called Ahaz, or, as others compute, Hezekiah his successor, the best and most pious king, who it is admitted reigned in the times of Romulus. And in that part of the Hebrew nation called Israel, Hoshea had begun to reign. 18.27. In order that we may be able to consider these times, let us go back a little to earlier times. At the beginning of the book of the prophet Hosea, who is placed first of twelve, it is written, The word of the Lord which came to Hosea in the days of Uzziah, Jothan, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah. Hosea 1:1 Amos also writes that he prophesied in the days of Uzziah, and adds the name of Jeroboam king of Israel, who lived at the same time. Amos 1:1 Isaiah the son of Amos - either the above-named prophet, or, as is rather affirmed, another who was not a prophet, but was called by the same name - also puts at the head of his book these four kings named by Hosea, saying by way of preface that he prophesied in their days. Micah also names the same times as those of his prophecy, after the days of Uzziah; Micah 1:1 for he names the same three kings as Hosea named - Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah. We find from their own writings that these men prophesied contemporaneously. To these are added Jonah in the reign of Uzziah, and Joel in that of Jotham, who succeeded Uzziah. But we can find the date of these two prophets in the chronicles, not in their own writings, for they say nothing about it themselves. Now these days extend from Procas king of the Latins, or his predecessor Aventinus, down to Romulus king of the Romans, or even to the beginning of the reign of his successor Numa Pompilius. Hezekiah king of Judah certainly reigned till then. So that thus these fountains of prophecy, as I may call them, burst forth at once during those times when the Assyrian kingdom failed and the Roman began; so that, just as in the first period of the Assyrian kingdom Abraham arose, to whom the most distinct promises were made that all nations should be blessed in his seed, so at the beginning of the western Babylon, in the time of whose government Christ was to come in whom these promises were to be fulfilled, the oracles of the prophets were given not only in spoken but in written words, for a testimony that so great a thing should come to pass. For although the people of Israel hardly ever lacked prophets from the time when they began to have kings, these were only for their own use, not for that of the nations. But when the more manifestly prophetic Scripture began to be formed, which was to benefit the nations too, it was fitting that it should begin when this city was founded which was to rule the nations. 18.41. But let us omit further examination of history, and return to the philosophers from whom we digressed to these things. They seem to have labored in their studies for no other end than to find out how to live in a way proper for laying hold of blessedness. Why, then, have the disciples dissented from their masters, and the fellow disciples from one another, except because as men they have sought after these things by human sense and human reasonings? Now, although there might be among them a desire of glory, so that each wished to be thought wiser and more acute than another, and in no way addicted to the judgment of others, but the inventor of his own dogma and opinion, yet I may grant that there were some, or even very many of them, whose love of truth severed them from their teachers or fellow disciples, that they might strive for what they thought was the truth, whether it was so or not. But what can human misery do, or how or where can it reach forth, so as to attain blessedness, if divine authority does not lead it? Finally, let our authors, among whom the canon of the sacred books is fixed and bounded, be far from disagreeing in any respect. It is not without good reason, then, that not merely a few people prating in the schools and gymnasia in captious disputations, but so many and great people, both learned and unlearned, in countries and cities, have believed that God spoke to them or by them, i.e. the canonical writers, when they wrote these books. There ought, indeed, to be but few of them, lest on account of their multitude what ought to be religiously esteemed should grow cheap; and yet not so few that their agreement should not be wonderful. For among the multitude of philosophers, who in their works have left behind them the monuments of their dogmas, no one will easily find any who agree in all their opinions. But to show this is too long a task for this work. But what author of any sect is so approved in this demon-worshipping city, that the rest who have differed from or opposed him in opinion have been disapproved? The Epicureans asserted that human affairs were not under the providence of the gods; and the Stoics, holding the opposite opinion, agreed that they were ruled and defended by favorable and tutelary gods. Yet were not both sects famous among the Athenians? I wonder, then, why Anaxagoras was accused of a crime for saying that the sun was a burning stone, and denying that it was a god at all; while in the same city Epicurus flourished gloriously and lived securely, although he not only did not believe that the sun or any star was a god, but contended that neither Jupiter nor any of the gods dwelt in the world at all, so that the prayers and supplications of men might reach them! Were not both Aristippus and Antisthenes there, two noble philosophers and both Socratic? Yet they placed the chief end of life within bounds so diverse and contradictory, that the first made the delight of the body the chief good, while the other asserted that man was made happy mainly by the virtue of the mind. The one also said that the wise man should flee from the republic; the other, that he should administer its affairs. Yet did not each gather disciples to follow his own sect? Indeed, in the conspicuous and well-known porch, in gymnasia, in gardens, in places public and private, they openly strove in bands each for his own opinion, some asserting there was one world, others innumerable worlds; some that this world had a beginning, others that it had not; some that it would perish, others that it would exist always; some that it was governed by the divine mind, others by chance and accident; some that souls are immortal, others that they are mortal - and of those who asserted their immortality, some said they transmigrated through beasts, others that it was by no means so; while of those who asserted their mortality, some said they perished immediately after the body, others that they survived either a little while or a longer time, but not always; some fixing supreme good in the body, some in the mind, some in both; others adding to the mind and body external good things; some thinking that the bodily senses ought to be trusted always, some not always, others never. Now what people, senate, power, or public dignity of the impious city has ever taken care to judge between all these and other nearly innumerable dissensions of the philosophers, approving and accepting some, and disapproving and rejecting others? Has it not held in its bosom at random, without any judgment, and confusedly, so many controversies of men at variance, not about fields, houses, or anything of a pecuniary nature, but about those things which make life either miserable or happy? Even if some true things were said in it, yet falsehoods were uttered with the same licence; so that such a city has not amiss received the title of the mystic Babylon. For Babylon means confusion, as we remember we have already explained. Nor does it matter to the devil, its king, how they wrangle among themselves in contradictory errors, since all alike deservedly belong to him on account of their great and varied impiety. But that nation, that people, that city, that republic, these Israelites, to whom the oracles of God were entrusted, by no means confounded with similar licence false prophets with the true prophets; but, agreeing together, and differing in nothing, acknowledged and upheld the authentic authors of their sacred books. These were their philosophers, these were their sages, divines, prophets, and teachers of probity and piety. Whoever was wise and lived according to them was wise and lived not according to men, but according to God who has spoken by them. If sacrilege is forbidden there, God has forbidden it. If it is said, Honor your father and your mother, Exodus 20:12 God has commanded it. If it is said, You shall not commit adultery, You shall not kill, You shall not steal, and other similar commandments, not human lips but the divine oracles have enounced them. Whatever truth certain philosophers, amid their false opinions, were able to see, and strove by laborious discussions to persuade men of - such as that God had made this world, and Himself most providently governs it, or of the nobility of the virtues, of the love of country, of fidelity in friendship, of good works and everything pertaining to virtuous manners, although they knew not to what end and what rule all these things were to be referred - all these, by words prophetic, that is, divine, although spoken by men, were commended to the people in that city, and not inculcated by contention in arguments, so that he who should know them might be afraid of contemning, not the wit of men, but the oracle of God. 18.42. One of the Ptolemies, kings of Egypt, desired to know and have these sacred books. For after Alexander of Macedon, who is also styled the Great, had by his most wonderful, but by no means enduring power, subdued the whole of Asia, yea, almost the whole world, partly by force of arms, partly by terror, and, among other kingdoms of the East, had entered and obtained Judea also, on his death his generals did not peaceably divide that most ample kingdom among them for a possession, but rather dissipated it, wasting all things by wars. Then Egypt began to have the Ptolemies as her kings. The first of them, the son of Lagus, carried many captive out of Judea into Egypt. But another Ptolemy, called Philadelphus, who succeeded him, permitted all whom he had brought under the yoke to return free; and more than that, sent kingly gifts to the temple of God, and begged Eleazar, who was the high priest, to give him the Scriptures, which he had heard by report were truly divine, and therefore greatly desired to have in that most noble library he had made. When the high priest had sent them to him in Hebrew, he afterwards demanded interpreters of him, and there were given him seventy-two, out of each of the twelve tribes six men, most learned in both languages, to wit, the Hebrew and Greek and their translation is now by custom called the Septuagint. It is reported, indeed, that there was an agreement in their words so wonderful, stupendous, and plainly divine, that when they had sat at this work, each one apart (for so it pleased Ptolemy to test their fidelity), they differed from each other in no word which had the same meaning and force, or, in the order of the words; but, as if the translators had been one, so what all had translated was one, because in very deed the one Spirit had been in them all. And they received so wonderful a gift of God, in order that the authority of these Scriptures might be commended not as human but divine, as indeed it was, for the benefit of the nations who should at some time believe, as we now see them doing. 18.43. For while there were other interpreters who translated these sacred oracles out of the Hebrew tongue into Greek, as Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, and also that translation which, as the name of the author is unknown, is quoted as the fifth edition, yet the Church has received this Septuagint translation just as if it were the only one; and it has been used by the Greek Christian people, most of whom are not aware that there is any other. From this translation there has also been made a translation in the Latin tongue, which the Latin churches use. Our times, however, have enjoyed the advantage of the presbyter Jerome, a man most learned, and skilled in all three languages, who translated these same Scriptures into the Latin speech, not from the Greek, but from the Hebrew. But although the Jews acknowledge this very learned labor of his to be faithful, while they contend that the Septuagint translators have erred in many places, still the churches of Christ judge that no one should be preferred to the authority of so many men, chosen for this very great work by Eleazar, who was then high priest; for even if there had not appeared in them one spirit, without doubt divine, and the seventy learned men had, after the manner of men, compared together the words of their translation, that what pleased them all might stand, no single translator ought to be preferred to them; but since so great a sign of divinity has appeared in them, certainly, if any other translator of their Scriptures from the Hebrew into any other tongue is faithful, in that case he agrees with these seventy translators, and if he is not found to agree with them, then we ought to believe that the prophetic gift is with them. For the same Spirit who was in the prophets when they spoke these things was also in the seventy men when they translated them, so that assuredly they could also say something else, just as if the prophet himself had said both, because it would be the same Spirit who said both; and could say the same thing differently, so that, although the words were not the same, yet the same meaning should shine forth to those of good understanding; and could omit or add something, so that even by this it might be shown that there was in that work not human bondage, which the translator owed to the words, but rather divine power, which filled and ruled the mind of the translator. Some, however, have thought that the Greek copies of the Septuagint version should be emended from the Hebrew copies; yet they did not dare to take away what the Hebrew lacked and the Septuagint had, but only added what was found in the Hebrew copies and was lacking in the Septuagint, and noted them by placing at the beginning of the verses certain marks in the form of stars which they call asterisks. And those things which the Hebrew copies have not, but the Septuagint have, they have in like manner marked at the beginning of the verses by horizontal spit-shaped marks like those by which we denote ounces; and many copies having these marks are circulated even in Latin. But we cannot, without inspecting both kinds of copies, find out those things which are neither omitted nor added, but expressed differently, whether they yield another meaning not in itself unsuitable, or can be shown to explain the same meaning in another way. If, then, as it behooves us, we behold nothing else in these Scriptures than what the Spirit of God has spoken through men, if anything is in the Hebrew copies and is not in the version of the Seventy, the Spirit of God did not choose to say it through them, but only through the prophets. But whatever is in the Septuagint and not in the Hebrew copies, the same Spirit chose rather to say through the latter, thus showing that both were prophets. For in that manner He spoke as He chose, some things through Isaiah, some through Jeremiah, some through several prophets, or else the same thing through this prophet and through that. Further, whatever is found in both editions, that one and the same Spirit willed to say through both, but so as that the former preceded in prophesying, and the latter followed in prophetically interpreting them; because, as the one Spirit of peace was in the former when they spoke true and concordant words, so the selfsame one Spirit has appeared in the latter, when, without mutual conference they yet interpreted all things as if with one mouth. 18.44. But some one may say, How shall I know whether the prophet Jonah said to the Ninevites, 'Yet three days and Nineveh shall be overthrown,' or forty days? Jonah 3:4 For who does not see that the prophet could not say both, when he was sent to terrify the city by the threat of imminent ruin? For if its destruction was to take place on the third day, it certainly could not be on the fortieth; but if on the fortieth, then certainly not on the third. If, then, I am asked which of these Jonah may have said, I rather think what is read in the Hebrew, Yet forty days and Nineveh shall be overthrown. Yet the Seventy, interpreting long afterward, could say what was different and yet pertinent to the matter, and agree in the self-same meaning, although under a different signification. And this may admonish the reader not to despise the authority of either, but to raise himself above the history, and search for those things which the history itself was written to set forth. These things, indeed, took place in the city of Nineveh, but they also signified something else too great to apply to that city; just as, when it happened that the prophet himself was three days in the whale's belly, it signified besides, that He who is Lord of all the prophets should be three days in the depths of hell. Wherefore, if that city is rightly held as prophetically representing the Church of the Gentiles, to wit, as brought down by penitence, so as no longer to be what it had been, since this was done by Christ in the Church of the Gentiles, which Nineveh represented, Christ Himself was signified both by the forty and by the three days: by the forty, because He spent that number of days with His disciples after the resurrection, and then ascended into heaven, but by the three days, because He rose on the third day. So that, if the reader desires nothing else than to adhere to the history of events, he may be aroused from his sleep by the Septuagint interpreters, as well as the prophets, to search into the depth of the prophecy, as if they had said, In the forty days seek Him in whom you may also find the three days - the one you will find in His ascension, the other in His resurrection. Because that which could be most suitably signified by both numbers, of which one is used by Jonah the prophet, the other by the prophecy of the Septuagint version, the one and self-same Spirit has spoken. I dread prolixity, so that I must not demonstrate this by many instances in which the seventy interpreters may be thought to differ from the Hebrew, and yet, when well understood, are found to agree. For which reason I also, according to my capacity, following the footsteps of the apostles, who themselves have quoted prophetic testimonies from both, that is, from the Hebrew and the Septuagint, have thought that both should be used as authoritative, since both are one, and divine. But let us now follow out as we can what remains. 18.51. But the devil, seeing the temples of the demons deserted, and the human race running to the name of the liberating Mediator, has moved the heretics under the Christian name to resist the Christian doctrine, as if they could be kept in the city of God indifferently without any correction, just as the city of confusion indifferently held the philosophers who were of diverse and adverse opinions. Those, therefore, in the Church of Christ who savor anything morbid and depraved, and, on being corrected that they may savor what is wholesome and right, contumaciously resist, and will not amend their pestiferous and deadly dogmas, but persist in defending them, become heretics, and, going without, are to be reckoned as enemies who serve for her discipline. For even thus they profit by their wickedness those true Catholic members of Christ, since God makes a good use even of the wicked, and all things work together for good to them that love Him. Romans 8:28 For all the enemies of the Church, whatever error blinds or malice depraves them, exercise her patience if they receive the power to afflict her corporally; and if they only oppose her by wicked thought, they exercise her wisdom: but at the same time, if these enemies are loved, they exercise her benevolence, or even her beneficence, whether she deals with them by persuasive doctrine or by terrible discipline. And thus the devil, the prince of the impious city, when he stirs up his own vessels against the city of God that sojourns in this world, is permitted to do her no harm. For without doubt the divine providence procures for her both consolation through prosperity, that she may not be broken by adversity, and trial through adversity, that she may not be corrupted by prosperity; and thus each is tempered by the other, as we recognize in the Psalms that voice which arises from no other cause, According to the multitude of my griefs in my heart, Your consolations have delighted my soul. Hence also is that saying of the apostle, Rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation. Romans 12:12 For it is not to be thought that what the same teacher says can at any time fail, Whoever will live piously in Christ shall suffer persecution. 2 Timothy 3:12 Because even when those who are without do not rage, and thus there seems to be, and really is, tranquillity, which brings very much consolation, especially to the weak, yet there are not wanting, yea, there are many within who by their abandoned manners torment the hearts of those who live piously, since by them the Christian and Catholic name is blasphemed; and the dearer that name is to those who will live piously in Christ, the more do they grieve that through the wicked, who have a place within, it comes to be less loved than pious minds desire. The heretics themselves also, since they are thought to have the Christian name and sacraments, Scriptures, and profession, cause great grief in the hearts of the pious, both because many who wish to be Christians are compelled by their dissensions to hesitate, and many evil-speakers also find in them matter for blaspheming the Christian name, because they too are at any rate called Christians. By these and similar depraved manners and errors of men, those who will live piously in Christ suffer persecution, even when no one molests or vexes their body; for they suffer this persecution, not in their bodies, but in their hearts. Whence is that word, According to the multitude of my griefs in my heart; for he does not say, in my body. Yet, on the other hand, none of them can perish, because the immutable divine promises are thought of. And because the apostle says, The Lord knows them that are His; 2 Timothy 2:19 for whom He did foreknow, He also predestinated [to be] conformed to the image of His Son, Romans 8:29 none of them can perish; therefore it follows in that psalm, Your consolations have delighted my soul. But that grief which arises in the hearts of the pious, who are persecuted by the manners of bad or false Christians, is profitable to the sufferers, because it proceeds from the charity in which they do not wish them either to perish or to hinder the salvation of others. Finally, great consolations grow out of their chastisement, which imbue the souls of the pious with a fecundity as great as the pains with which they were troubled concerning their own perdition. Thus in this world, in these evil days, not only from the time of the bodily presence of Christ and His apostles, but even from that of Abel, whom first his wicked brother slew because he was righteous, 1 John 3:12 and thenceforth even to the end of this world, the Church has gone forward on pilgrimage amid the persecutions of the world and the consolations of God.
123. Augustine, Sermons, 150, 348, 156 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 218
124. Libanius, Letters, 707.1, 742.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 23; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 184, 236
125. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 52
126. Himerius, Orations, 6.7-6.8 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 123
127. Himerius, Eclogues, 31.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 69
128. Marinus, Vita Proclus, 26.1-26.32 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 79; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 18, 168, 371
129. Ephrem, Prose Refutations, 2.94.23-2.94.40 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 331
130. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Acts, 4.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 220
131. Ephrem, Hymns Against The Heresies, 35.4 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 331
132. Augustine, Confessions, 1.26, 2.4, 3.6-3.8, 4.2, 4.5, 4.28-4.30, 5.3, 5.22, 6.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 239
2.4. 9. Theft is punished by Your law, O Lord, and by the law written in men's hearts, which iniquity itself cannot blot out. For what thief will suffer a thief? Even a rich thief will not allow him who is driven to it by want. Yet had I a desire to commit robbery, and did so, compelled neither by hunger, nor poverty through a distaste for well-doing, and a lustiness of iniquity. For I pilfered that of which I had already sufficient, and much better. Nor did I desire to enjoy what I pilfered, but the theft and sin itself. There was a pear-tree close to our vineyard, heavily laden with fruit, which was tempting neither for its color nor its flavour. To shake and rob this some of us wanton young fellows went, late one night (having, according to our disgraceful habit, prolonged our games in the streets until then), and carried away great loads, not to eat ourselves, but to fling to the very swine, having only eaten some of them; and to do this pleased us all the more because it was not permitted. Behold my heart, O my God; behold my heart, which You had pity upon when in the bottomless pit. Behold, now, let my heart tell You what it was seeking there, that I should be gratuitously wanton, having no inducement to evil but the evil itself. It was foul, and I loved it. I loved to perish. I loved my own error- not that for which I erred, but the error itself. Base soul, falling from Your firmament to utter destruction - not seeking anything through the shame but the shame itself! 3.6. 10. Therefore I fell among men proudly raving, very carnal, and voluble, in whose mouths were the snares of the devil- the birdlime being composed of a mixture of the syllables of Your name, and of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of the Paraclete, the Holy Ghost, the Comforter. These names departed not out of their mouths, but so far forth as the sound only and the clatter of the tongue, for the heart was empty of truth. Still they cried, Truth, Truth, and spoke much about it to me, yet was it not in them; 1 John 2:4 but they spoke falsely not of You only - who, verily, art the Truth - but also of these elements of this world, Your creatures. And I, in truth, should have passed by philosophers, even when speaking truth concerning them, for love of You, my Father, supremely good, beauty of all things beautiful. O Truth, Truth! How inwardly even then did the marrow of my soul pant after You, when they frequently, and in a multiplicity of ways, and in numerous and huge books, sounded out Your name to me, though it was but a voice! And these were the dishes in which to me, hungering for You, they, instead of You, served up the sun and moon, Your beauteous works - but yet Your works, not Yourself, nay, nor Your first works. For before these corporeal works are Your spiritual ones, celestial and shining though they be. But I hungered and thirsted not even after those first works of Yours, but after You Yourself, the Truth, with whom is no variableness, neither shadow of turning; James 1:17 yet they still served up to me in those dishes glowing phantasies, than which better were it to love this very sun (which, at least, is true to our sight), than those illusions which deceive the mind through the eye. And yet, because I supposed them to be You, I fed upon them; not with avidity, for You did not taste to my mouth as You are, for You were not these empty fictions; neither was I nourished by them, but the rather exhausted. Food in our sleep appears like our food awake; yet the sleepers are not nourished by it, for they are asleep. But those things were not in any way like You as You have now spoken unto me, in that those were corporeal phantasies, false bodies, than which these true bodies, whether celestial or terrestrial, which we perceive with our fleshly sight, are much more certain. These things the very beasts and birds perceive as well as we, and they are more certain than when we imagine them. And again, we do with more certainty imagine them, than by them conceive of other greater and infinite bodies which have no existence. With such empty husks was I then fed, and was not fed. But You, my Love, in looking for whom I fail that I may be strong, art neither those bodies that we see, although in heaven, nor are You those which we see not there; for You have created them, nor do You reckon them among Your greatest works. How far, then, are You from those phantasies of mine, phantasies of bodies which are not at all, than which the images of those bodies which are, are more certain, and still more certain the bodies themselves, which yet You are not; nay, nor yet the soul, which is the life of the bodies. Better, then, and more certain is the life of bodies than the bodies themselves. But You are the life of souls, the life of lives, having life in Yourself; and You change not, O Life of my soul. 11. Where, then, were You then to me, and how far from me? Far, indeed, was I wandering away from You, being even shut out from the very husks of the swine, whom with husks I fed. For how much better, then, are the fables of the grammarians and poets than these snares! For verses, and poems, and Medea flying, are more profitable truly than these men's five elements, variously painted, to answer to the five caves of darkness, none of which exist, and which slay the believer. For verses and poems I can turn into true food, but the Medea flying, though I sang, I maintained it not; though I heard it sung, I believed it not; but those things I did believe. Woe, woe, by what steps was I dragged down to the depths of hell! Proverbs 9:18 - toiling and turmoiling through want of Truth, when I sought after You, my God - to You I confess it, who had mercy on me when I had not yet confessed, - sought after You not according to the understanding of the mind, in which You desired that I should excel the beasts, but according to the sense of the flesh! You were more inward to me than my most inward part; and higher than my highest. I came upon that bold woman, who is simple, and knows nothing, Proverbs 9:13 the enigma of Solomon, sitting at the door of the house on a seat, and saying, Stolen waters are sweet, and bread eaten in secret is pleasant. This woman seduced me, because she found my soul beyond its portals, dwelling in the eye of my flesh, and thinking on such food as through it I had devoured. 3.7. 12. For I was ignorant as to that which really is, and was, as it were, violently moved to give my support to foolish deceivers, when they asked me, Whence is evil? - and, Is God limited by a bodily shape, and has He hairs and nails?- and, Are they to be esteemed righteous who had many wives at once and did kill men, and sacrificed living creatures? 1 Kings 18:40 At which things I, in my ignorance, was much disturbed, and, retreating from the truth, I appeared to myself to be going towards it; because as yet I knew not that evil was naught but a privation of good, until in the end it ceases altogether to be; which how should I see, the sight of whose eyes saw no further than bodies, and of my mind no further than a phantasm? And I knew not God to be a Spirit, John 4:24 not one who has parts extended in length and breadth, nor whose being was bulk; for every bulk is less in a part than in the whole, and, if it be infinite, it must be less in such part as is limited by a certain space than in its infinity; and cannot be wholly everywhere, as Spirit, as God is. And what that should be in us, by which we were like God, and might rightly in Scripture be said to be after the image of God, I was entirely ignorant. 13. Nor had I knowledge of that true inner righteousness, which does not judge according to custom, but out of the most perfect law of God Almighty, by which the manners of places and times were adapted to those places and times - being itself the while the same always and everywhere, not one thing in one place, and another in another; according to which Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, and Moses, and David, and all those commended by the mouth of God were righteous, Hebrews 11:8-40 but were judged unrighteous by foolish men, judging out of man's judgment, 1 Corinthians 4:3 and gauging by the petty standard of their own manners the manners of the whole human race. Like as if in an armoury, one knowing not what were adapted to the several members should put greaves on his head, or boot himself with a helmet, and then complain because they would not fit. Or as if, on some day when in the afternoon business was forbidden, one were to fume at not being allowed to sell as it was lawful to him in the forenoon. Or when in some house he sees a servant take something in his hand which the butler is not permitted to touch, or something done behind a stable which would be prohibited in the dining-room, and should be indigt that in one house, and one family, the same thing is not distributed everywhere to all. Such are they who cannot endure to hear something to have been lawful for righteous men in former times which is not so now; or that God, for certain temporal reasons, commanded them one thing, and these another, but both obeying the same righteousness; though they see, in one man, one day, and one house, different things to be fit for different members, and a thing which was formerly lawful after a time unlawful - that permitted or commanded in one corner, which done in another is justly prohibited and punished. Is justice, then, various and changeable? Nay, but the times over which she presides are not all alike, because they are times. But men, whose days upon the earth are few, Job 14:1 because by their own perception they cannot harmonize the causes of former ages and other nations, of which they had no experience, with these of which they have experience, though in one and the same body, day, or family, they can readily see what is suitable for each member, season, part, and person - to the one they take exception, to the other they submit. 14. These things I then knew not, nor observed. They met my eyes on every side, and I saw them not. I composed poems, in which it was not permitted me to place every foot everywhere, but in one metre one way, and in another, nor even in any one verse the same foot in all places. Yet the art itself by which I composed had not different principles for these different cases, but comprised all in one. Still I saw not how that righteousness, which good and holy men submitted to, far more excellently and sublimely comprehended in one all those things which God commanded, and in no part varied, though in varying times it did not prescribe all things at once, but distributed and enjoined what was proper for each. And I, being blind, blamed those pious fathers, not only for making use of present things as God commanded and inspired them to do, but also for foreshowing things to come as God was revealing them. 3.8. 15. Can it at any time or place be an unrighteous thing for a man to love God with all his heart, with all his soul, and with all his mind, and his neighbour as himself? Therefore those offenses which be contrary to nature are everywhere and at all times to be held in detestation and punished; such were those of the Sodomites, which should all nations commit, they should all be held guilty of the same crime by the divine law, which has not so made men that they should in that way abuse one another. For even that fellowship which should be between God and us is violated, when that same nature of which He is author is polluted by the perversity of lust. But those offenses which are contrary to the customs of men are to be avoided according to the customs severally prevailing; so that an agreement made, and confirmed by custom or law of any city or nation, may not be violated at the lawless pleasure of any, whether citizen or stranger. For any part which is not consistent with its whole is unseemly. But when God commands anything contrary to the customs or compacts of any nation to be done, though it were never done by them before, it is to be done; and if intermitted it is to be restored, and, if never established, to be established. For if it be lawful for a king, in the state over which he reigns, to command that which neither he himself nor any one before him had commanded, and to obey him cannot be held to be inimical to the public interest, - nay, it were so if he were not obeyed (for obedience to princes is a general compact of human society) - how much more, then, ought we unhesitatingly to obey God, the Governor of all His creatures! For as among the authorities of human society the greater authority is obeyed before the lesser, so must God above all. 16. So also in deeds of violence, where there is a desire to harm, whether by contumely or injury; and both of these either by reason of revenge, as one enemy against another; or to obtain some advantage over another, as the highwayman to the traveller; or for the avoiding of some evil, as with him who is in fear of another; or through envy, as the unfortunate man to one who is happy; or as he that is prosperous in anything to him who he fears will become equal to himself, or whose equality he grieves at; or for the mere pleasure in another's pains, as the spectators of gladiators, or the deriders and mockers of others. These be the chief iniquities which spring forth from the lust of the flesh, of the eye, and of power, whether singly, or two together, or all at once. And so do men live in opposition to the three and seven, that psaltery of ten strings, Your ten commandments, O God most high and most sweet. But what foul offenses can there be against You who cannot be defiled? Or what deeds of violence against you who cannot be harmed? But You avenge that which men perpetrate against themselves, seeing also that when they sin against You, they do wickedly against their own souls; and iniquity gives itself the lie, either by corrupting or perverting their nature, which You have made and ordained, or by an immoderate use of things permitted, or in burning in things forbidden to that use which is against nature; Romans 1:24-29 or when convicted, raging with heart and voice against You, kicking against the pricks; Acts 9:5 or when, breaking through the pale of human society, they audaciously rejoice in private combinations or divisions, according as they have been pleased or offended. And these things are done whenever You are forsaken, O Fountain of Life, who art the only and true Creator and Ruler of the universe, and by a self-willed pride any one false thing is selected therefrom and loved. So, then, by a humble piety we return to You; and you purge us from our evil customs, and art merciful unto the sins of those who confess unto You, and hears the groaning of the prisoner, and loosens us from those fetters which we have forged for ourselves, if we lift not up against You the horns of a false liberty -losing all through craving more, by loving more our own private good than You, the good of all. 4.2. 2. In those years I taught the art of rhetoric, and, overcome by cupidity, put to sale a loquacity by which to overcome. Yet I preferred - Lord, You know- to have honest scholars (as they are esteemed); and these I, without artifice, taught artifices, not to be put in practise against the life of the guiltless, though sometimes for the life of the guilty. And You, O God, from afar saw me stumbling in that slippery path, and amid much smoke sending out some flashes of fidelity, which I exhibited in that my guidance of such as loved vanity and sought after leasing, I being their companion. In those years I had one (whom I knew not in what is called lawful wedlock, but whom my wayward passion, void of understanding, had discovered), yet one only, remaining faithful even to her; in whom I found out truly by my own experience what difference there is between the restraints of the marriage bonds, contracted for the sake of issue, and the compact of a lustful love, where children are born against the parents will, although, being born, they compel love. 3. I remember, too, that when I decided to compete for a theatrical prize, a soothsayer demanded of me what I would give him to win; but I, detesting and abominating such foul mysteries, answered, That if the garland were of imperishable gold, I would not suffer a fly to be destroyed to secure it for me. For he was to slay certain living creatures in his sacrifices, and by those honours to invite the devils to give me their support. But this ill thing I also refused, not out of a pure love for You, O God of my heart; for I knew not how to love You, knowing not how to conceive anything beyond corporeal brightness. And does not a soul, sighing after such-like fictions, commit fornication against You, trust in false things, and nourish the wind? Hosea 12:1 But I would not, forsooth, have sacrifices offered to devils on my behalf, though I myself was offering sacrifices to them by that superstition. For what else is nourishing the wind but nourishing them, that is, by our wanderings to become their enjoyment and derision? 4.5. 10. And now, O Lord, these things are passed away, and time has healed my wound. May I learn from You, who art Truth, and apply the ear of my heart unto Your mouth, that You may tell me why weeping should be so sweet to the unhappy. Have You - although present everywhere - cast away far from You our misery? And You abide in Yourself, but we are disquieted with various trials; and yet, unless we wept in Your ears, there would be no hope for us remaining. Whence, then, is it that such sweet fruit is plucked from the bitterness of life, from groans, tears, sighs, and lamentations? Is it the hope that You hear us that sweetens it? This is true of prayer, for therein is a desire to approach unto You. But is it also in grief for a thing lost, and the sorrow with which I was then overwhelmed? For I had neither hope of his coming to life again, nor did I seek this with my tears; but I grieved and wept only, for I was miserable, and had lost my joy. Or is weeping a bitter thing, and for distaste of the things which aforetime we enjoyed before, and even then, when we are loathing them, does it cause us pleasure? 5.3. 3. Let me lay bare before my God that twenty-ninth year of my age. There had at this time come to Carthage a certain bishop of the Manich ans, by name Faustus, a great snare of the devil, and in any were entangled by him through the allurement of his smooth speech; the which, although I did commend, yet could I separate from the truth of those things which I was eager to learn. Nor did I esteem the small dish of oratory so much as the science, which this their so praised Faustus placed before me to feed upon. Fame, indeed, had before spoken of him to me, as most skilled in all becoming learning, and pre-eminently skilled in the liberal sciences. And as I had read and retained in memory many injunctions of the philosophers, I used to compare some teachings of theirs with those long fables of the Manich ans and the former things which they declared, who could only prevail so far as to estimate this lower world, while its lord they could by no means find out, Wisdom 13:9 seemed to me the more probable. For You are great, O Lord, and hast respect unto the lowly, but the proud You know afar off. Nor do You draw near but to the contrite heart, nor are You found by the proud, - not even could they number by cunning skill the stars and the sand, and measure the starry regions, and trace the courses of the planets. 4. For with their understanding and the capacity which You have bestowed upon them they search out these things; and much have they found out, and foretold many years before - the eclipses of those luminaries, the sun and moon, on what day, at what hour, and from how many particular points they were likely to come. Nor did their calculation fail them; and it came to pass even as they foretold. And they wrote down the rules found out, which are read at this day; and from these others foretell in what year and in what month of the year, and on what day of the month, and at what hour of the day, and at what quarter of its light, either moon or sun is to be eclipsed, and thus it shall be even as it is foretold. And men who are ignorant of these things marvel and are amazed, and they that know them exult and are exalted; and by an impious pride, departing from You, and forsaking Your light, they foretell a failure of the sun's light which is likely to occur so long before, but see not their own, which is now present. For they seek not religiously whence they have the ability where-with they seek out these things. And finding that You have made them, they give not themselves up to You, that You may preserve what You have made, nor sacrifice themselves to You, even such as they have made themselves to be; nor do they slay their own pride, as fowls of the air, nor their own curiosities, by which (like the fishes of the sea) they wander over the unknown paths of the abyss, nor their own extravagance, as the beasts of the field, that Thou, Lord, a consuming fire, Deuteronomy 4:24 may burn up their lifeless cares and renew them immortally. 5. But the way - Your Word, John 1:3 by whom Thou made these things which they number, and themselves who number, and the sense by which they perceive what they number, and the judgment out of which they number - they knew not, and that of Your wisdom there is no number. But the Only-begotten has been made unto us wisdom, and righteousness, and sanctification, 1 Corinthians 1:30 and has been numbered among us, and paid tribute to C sar. Matthew 17:27 This way, by which they might descend to Him from themselves, they knew not; nor that through Him they might ascend unto Him. This way they knew not, and they think themselves exalted with the stars Isaiah 14:13 and shining, and lo! They fell upon the earth, Revelation 12:4 and their foolish heart was darkened. Romans 1:21 They say many true things concerning the creature; but Truth, the Artificer of the creature, they seek not with devotion, and hence they find Him not. Or if they find Him, knowing that He is God, they glorify Him not as God, neither are they thankful, Romans 1:21 but become vain in their imaginations, and say that they themselves are wise, Romans 1:22 attributing to themselves what is Yours; and by this, with most perverse blindness, they desire to impute to You what is their own, forging lies against You who art the Truth, and changing the glory of the incorruptible God into an image made like corruptible man, and to birds, and four-footed beasts, and creeping things, Romans 1:23 - changing Your truth into a lie, and worshipping and serving the creature more than the Creator. Romans 1:25 6. Many truths, however, concerning the creature did I retain from these men, and the cause appeared to me from calculations, the succession of seasons, and the visible manifestations of the stars; and I compared them with the sayings of Manich us, who in his frenzy has written most extensively on these subjects, but discovered not any account either of the solstices, or the equinoxes, the eclipses of the luminaries, or anything of the kind I had learned in the books of secular philosophy. But therein I was ordered to believe, and yet it corresponded not with those rules acknowledged by calculation and my own sight, but was far different.
133. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 2.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 44
134. Epiphanius, Panarion, 33.5.7, 42.7.3-42.7.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 18, 331
135. Gregory of Nyssa, Dialogus De Anima Et Resurrectione, 67 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Zachhuber (2022), Time and Soul: From Aristotle to St. Augustine. 30
136. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Mensibus, 4.58 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •edict / decree / law, justinian’s edict against philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 151
137. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 13.3, 13.3.5, 14.9, 16.5, 16.6.50 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 129; Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 101; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 250
138. Zosimus, New History, 1.29.2-1.29.3, 1.39.1, 5.5 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools •edict / decree / law, justinian’s edict against philosophical schools •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 66, 114; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 127
139. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Ostentis, 16 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 52
140. Proclus, Theologia Platonica ( ), 1.1.6 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 232
141. Jerome, Letters, 133 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 388
142. Damaskios, Vita Isidori, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, stoicism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 67
143. Damaskios, Vita Isidori (Ap. Photium, Bibl. Codd. 181, 242), None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, stoicism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 67
144. Jerome, Letters, 133 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 388
145. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 3, 74
146. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 1.162.12-1.162.13 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 43, 44, 45
147. Aenas of Gaza, Letters, 18 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 168
148. Jerome, Letters, 133 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 388
149. Agathias, Historiae, 2.30-2.31 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 3
150. Augustine, Letters, 88.10 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 218
151. Anon., Abot De Rabbi Nathan, None (7th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 87
152. Epigraphy, Ngsl2, 7  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, pythagoras/pythagoreanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 627
153. Cratinus, Trophonios; Fragments Collected In Kassel-Austin, Pcg Iv, Pp. 239-244, 233  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, pythagoras/pythagoreanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 627
154. Epigraphy, Icg, 1906  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 6
155. Epigraphy, Ilafr, 225  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, pythagoras/pythagoreanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 242, 626, 627
156. Papyri, P.Oxy., 2035, 2988, 3808, 724, 930, 2190  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 230, 232
158. Damasc, Hist. Phil. Fr., 145β  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 79
161. John Malalas, History, 18.47  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 3, 74
162. Romanus Melodus, Cantica, 31.17.22, 59.16  Tagged with subjects: •edict / decree / law, justinian’s edict against philosophical schools •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 220, 221
163. Anon., Martyrdom of Justin, 3  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 299
164. Zonaras, Epitome, 13.5  Tagged with subjects: •imperial administration and the city, support for philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 124
165. Ps.-Plutarch, De Vita Et Poesi Homeri, 212  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, stoicism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 3
166. Epigraphy, I.Pergamon 2, 264  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, pythagoras/pythagoreanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 242
167. Simeon Metaphrastes, Pg, a b c\n0 44-45. 44 44  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 303, 308
168. Epigraphy, Smyrna, 648  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 232
169. Adamantius, Dialogue of Adamantius, 88.31-88.33  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 417
170. Epicurus, Vatican Sayings, 32  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332
171. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium, 1.15 (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 245
172. Epigraphy, Didyma, 310  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 232
173. Strabo, Geography, 9.1.3-9.1.4, 16.2.35  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools •philosophical schools, stoicism Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 2; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 67
9.1.3. Acte is washed by two seas; it is narrow at first, and then it widens out into the interior, though none the less it takes a crescent-like bend towards Oropus in Boeotia, with the convex side towards the sea; and this is the second, the eastern side of Attica. Then comes the remaining side, which faces the north and extends from the Oropian country towards the west as far as Megaris — I mean the mountainous part of Attica, which has many names and separates Boeotia from Attica; so that, as I have said before, Boeotia, since it has a sea on either side, becomes an isthmus of the third peninsula above-mentioned, an isthmus comprising within it the parts that lie towards the Peloponnesus, that is, Megaris and Attica. And it is on this account, they say, that the country which is now, by a slight change of letters, called Attica, was in ancient times called Acte and Actice, because the greatest part of it lies below the mountains, stretches flat along the sea, is narrow, and has considerable length, projecting as far as Sounion. I shall therefore describe these sides, resuming again at that point of the seaboard where I left off. 9.1.4. After Crommyon, and situated above Attica, are the Sceironian Rocks. They leave no room for a road along the sea, but the road from the Isthmus to Megara and Attica passes above them. However, the road approaches so close to the rocks that in many places it passes along the edge of precipices, because the mountain situated above them is both lofty and impracticable for roads. Here is the setting of the myth about Sceiron and the Pityocamptes, the robbers who infested the above-mentioned mountainous country and were killed by Theseus. And the Athenians have given the name Sceiron to the Argestes, the violent wind that blows down on the travellers left from the heights of this mountainous country. After the Sceironian Rocks one comes to Cape Minoa, which projects into the sea and forms the harbor at Nisaea. Nisaea is the naval station of the Megarians; it is eighteen stadia distant from the city and is joined to it on both sides by walls. The naval station, too, used to be called Minoa. 16.2.35. An Egyptian priest named Moses, who possessed a portion of the country called the Lower [Egypt] * * * *, being dissatisfied with the established institutions there, left it and came to Judaea with a large body of people who worshipped the Divinity. He declared and taught that the Egyptians and Africans entertained erroneous sentiments, in representing the Divinity under the likeness of wild beasts and cattle of the field; that the Greeks also were in error in making images of their gods after the human form. For God [said he] may be this one thing which encompasses us all, land and sea, which we call heaven, or the universe, or the nature of things. Who then of any understanding would venture to form an image of this Deity, resembling anything with which we are conversant? on the contrary, we ought not to carve any images, but to set apart some sacred ground and a shrine worthy of the Deity, and to worship Him without any similitude. He taught that those who made fortunate dreams were to be permitted to sleep in the temple, where they might dream both for themselves and others; that those who practised temperance and justice, and none else, might expect good, or some gift or sign from the God, from time to time.
174. Epigraphy, I.Napoli, 2.119  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 232
175. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 231
176. Anon., Pass. Jul., 11  Tagged with subjects: •schools, philosophical Found in books: Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 303
177. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 4.628-4.629  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 114
178. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1099, 11551, 13162, 3571, 3793, 3801, 3803, 3813, 3819, 4514, 3470  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 235
179. Epigraphy, Ig Iv ,1, 742  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, pythagoras/pythagoreanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 309
180. Epigraphy, Igur, 2.361, 2.371, 2.675, 2.707  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 230, 232
181. Epigraphy, Theb. Ostr., 18.1  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools Found in books: Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 101
182. Epigraphy, Inscr. De Delos, 1801  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 230
183. Epigraphy, Seg, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 73
184. Anon., Expositio Totius Mundi Et Gentium, 25  Tagged with subjects: •alexandria, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 250
185. Epigraphy, Ig, 7.3423, 12.1.128, 12.39-12.40  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 230, 232
186. Anon., Geoponica, 2.35.8  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, pythagoras/pythagoreanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 626
187. Epigraphy, I. Prusa, 18  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 232
188. Hier. H., Chron., None  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 3
189. Menander, Or., None  Tagged with subjects: •imperial administration and the city, support for philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 124
190. Eunap., Vs, 9.1.4, 9.2.15-9.2.19, 10.3.8-10.3.9, 10.3.15, 10.4.1, 10.8  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools •imperial administration and the city, support for philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 3, 73, 124
191. Epigraphy, Fouilles De Delphes, 3.2, 3.4  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 232
192. Aristophanes, Amphiaraos; Fragments Collected In Kassel-Austin, 23  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, pythagoras/pythagoreanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 626
193. Epigraphy, Die Inschriften Von Pergamon, 161, 34  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 242
194. Galen, An. Mor., 8  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 44
195. Hierocles, Synecdemus, 643.6-649.2, 645.10, 645.11, 645.12, 645.13, 645.15, 646.6  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 2
196. Plutarch, Comm. Not., 1072  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 41
197. Cicero, Parad, 51  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332
198. Cicero, Div, 1.125-1.126  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 331
199. Babylonian Talmud, Nid, None  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 331
200. Mishna, Av, 2.4-2.5, 3.15, 4.1  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 331, 332
201. Mishna, Az, 3.4  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 334, 335
202. Babylonian Talmud, Shab, None  Tagged with subjects: •hellenism/hellenistic culture, philosophy and philosophical schools Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 332
203. Epigraphy, Amph.-Orop. 3), 60.1333  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, pythagoras/pythagoreanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 242
204. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Letters To Ammaeus, 1.7  Tagged with subjects: •hairesis, as referring to philosophical schools Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 39, 40
205. Epigraphy, Tam, 2.280, 3.1, 5.2  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 232, 235
206. Thphn., Chron., None  Tagged with subjects: •philosophic schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 3
207. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 6.330  Tagged with subjects: •philosophical schools, epicureanism Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 23
208. Jerome, In Hieremiam Prophetam, 4  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 208
209. Jerome, In Isaiam, 16  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 208
210. Julius Pollux, Onomasticon, 1.14, 1.96, 3.12  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 231, 240
211. Akathistos Hymnos, Stanza, 17  Tagged with subjects: •edict / decree / law, justinian’s edict against philosophical schools •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 219, 220, 221
212. Julian (Emperor), Contra Cynicos Ineruditos, None  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 191
213. Epigraphy, I. Ephesus, 1013, 1548, 3901, 4340, 997  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 235
214. Julian (Emperor), In Constantium Imperatorem 2, None  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
215. Phot., Bibl., 77  Tagged with subjects: •imperial administration and the city, support for philosophical schools Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 123
216. Julian (Emperor), In Constantium Imperatorem 1, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 191
217. Julian (Emperor), In Matrem Deorum, None  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 191
218. Julian (Emperor), Contra Heraclium, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
219. Julian (Emperor), Laus Eusebiae, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
220. Eunapius, Vitae Sophistarum Et Philosophorum, 1, 1-2.21, 1-6, 2, 2.1, 3-5, 3, 3.1, 4, 4-5.3, 4.1, 4.2, 5, 5.1, 5.2, 6, 6.1, 7, 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4, 8, 8.1, 9, 9.1, 9.2, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.8, 11, 11-14, 12, 13-15, 15, 16.1, 19.1, 20.1, 21.1, 22.1, 23.1, 23.3, 23.5, 23.6, 24.1  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 18, 231, 236, 238, 239, 244
221. Damaskios, Fr., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 18
222. Philostorgius, Hist., 16.2  Tagged with subjects: •edict / decree / law, justinian’s edict against philosophical schools •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 127
224. Julian (Emperor), Ad Themistium, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 184
225. Jerome, In Epistulam Ad Titum, 1.12-1.14  Tagged with subjects: •school, philosophical schools Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 208