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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

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8 results for "philo"
1. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 68-69, 67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91, 96
67. Italia et ex omnibus nostris provinciis Hierosolymam exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto ne ex Asia exportari liceret. quis est, iudices, qui hoc non vere laudare possit? exportari aurum non oportere cum saepe antea senatus tum me consule gravissime iudicavit. huic autem barbarae superstitioni resistere severitatis, multitudinem Iudaeorum flagrantem non numquam in contionibus pro re publica contemnere gravitatis summae fuit. at Cn. Pompeius captis Hierosolymis victor ex illo fano nihil attigit.
2. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.69, 1.76-1.78, 1.153-1.155 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philo, on temple tax Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91, 94, 98
1.69. And the most evident proof of this may be found in the events which actually took place. For innumerable companies of men from a countless variety of cities, some by land and some by sea, from east and from west, from the north and from the south, came to the temple at every festival, as if to some common refuge and safe asylum from the troubles of this most busy and painful life, seeking to find tranquillity, and to procure a remission of and respite from those cares by which from their earliest infancy they had been hampered and weighed down, 1.76. But the temple has for its revenues not only portions of land, but also other possessions of much greater extent and importance, which will never be destroyed or diminished; for as long as the race of mankind shall last, the revenues likewise of the temple will always be preserved, being coeval in their duration with the universal world. 1.77. For it is commanded that all men shall every year bring their first fruits to the temple, from twenty years old and upwards; and this contribution is called their ransom. On which account they bring in the first fruits with exceeding cheerfulness, being joyful and delighted, inasmuch as simultaneously with their making the offering they are sure to find either a relaxation from slavery, or a relief from disease, and to receive in all respects a most sure freedom and safety for the future. 1.78. And since the nation is the most numerous of all peoples, it follows naturally that the first fruits contributed by them must also be most abundant. Accordingly there is in almost every city a storehouse for the sacred things to which it is customary for the people to come and there to deposit their first fruits, and at certain seasons there are sacred ambassadors selected on account of their virtue, who convey the offerings to the temple. And the most eminent men of each tribe are elected to this office, that they may conduct the hopes of each individual safe to their destination; for in the lawful offering of the first fruits are the hopes of the pious.XV. 1.153. Since, then, these honours are put forth for them, if any of the priests are in any difficulty while living virtuously and irreproachably, they are at once accusers of us as disregarding the law, even though they may not utter a word. For if we were to obey the commands which we have received, and if we were to take care to give the first fruits as we are commanded, they would not only have abundance of all necessary things, but would also be filled with all kinds of supplies calculated for enabling them to live in refinement and luxury. 1.154. And if ever at any subsequent time the tribe of the priests is found to be blessed with a great abundance of all the necessaries and luxuries of life, this will be a great proof of their common holiness, and of their accurate observance of the laws and ordices in every particular. But the neglect of some persons (for it is not safe to blame every one 1.155. For to violate the law is injurious to those who offend, even though it may be an attractive course for a short time; but to obey the ordices of nature is most beneficial, even if at the time it may wear a painful appearance and may show no pleasant character.XXXII.
3. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.254 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philo, on temple tax Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 94
1.254. for, as every pious man offers unto God the first fruits of the fruits of the year, which he collects from his own possessions, so in the same manner did the Hebrews dedicate the whole nation of this mighty country into which they had come as settlers, and that great spoil, the kingdom which they had so speedily subdued, as a sort of first-fruit of their colony; for they did not think it consistent with piety to distribute the land among themselves, or to inherit the cities, before they had offered up to God the first fruits of that country and of those cities.
4. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 156-157, 216, 240, 291, 311-312, 314-316, 313 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91, 94
313. "And, in the next place, he commanded that no one should hinder the Jews, either on their way to the synagogues, or when bringing their contributions, or when proceeding in obedience to their national laws to Jerusalem, for these things were expressly enjoined, if not in so many words, at all events in effect;
5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.50, 12.125-12.127, 14.112-14.113, 14.213-14.216, 14.223-14.227, 16.27-16.64, 16.162-16.172, 17.26, 17.264, 18.60-18.62, 18.310-18.313 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philo, on temple tax Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91, 94, 96, 98, 99
12.125. ̔́Ομοιον δέ τι τούτῳ καὶ Μᾶρκον ̓Αγρίππαν φρονήσαντα περὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οἴδαμεν: τῶν γὰρ ̓Ιώνων κινηθέντων ἐπ' αὐτοὺς καὶ δεομένων τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου, ἵνα τῆς πολιτείας, ἣν αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν ̓Αντίοχος ὁ Σελεύκου υἱωνὸς ὁ παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν Θεὸς λεγόμενος, 12.126. μόνοι μετέλθωσιν, ἀξιούντων δ', εἰ συγγενεῖς εἰσιν αὐτοῖς ̓Ιουδαῖοι, σέβεσθαι τοὺς αὐτῶν θεούς, καὶ δίκης περὶ τούτων συστάσης ἐνίκησαν οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι συνηγορήσαντος αὐτοῖς Νικολάου τοῦ Δαμασκηνοῦ: ὁ γὰρ ̓Αγρίππας ἀπεφήνατο μηδὲν αὐτῷ καινίζειν ἐξεῖναι. 12.127. τὸ δ' ἀκριβὲς εἴ τις βούλεται καταμαθεῖν, ἀναγνώτω τοῦ Νικολάου τὴν ἑκατοστὴν καὶ εἰκοστὴν καὶ τρίτην καὶ τετάρτην. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ὑπ' ̓Αγρίππου κριθέντων οὐκ ἔστιν ἴσως θαυμάζειν: οὐ γὰρ ἐπολέμει τότε ̔Ρωμαίοις τὸ ἡμέτερον ἔθνος: 14.112. “πέμψας δὲ Μιθριδάτης εἰς Κῶ ἔλαβε τὰ χρήματα, ἃ παρέθετο ἐκεῖ Κλεοπάτρα βασίλισσα, 14.113. καὶ τὰ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ὀκτακόσια τάλαντα.” ἡμῖν δὲ δημόσια χρήματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἢ μόνα τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ δῆλον, ὅτι ταῦτα μετήνεγκαν εἰς Κῶ τὰ χρήματα οἱ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ ̓Ιουδαῖοι διὰ τὸν Μιθριδάτου φόβον: οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ πόλιν τε ὀχυρὰν ἔχοντας καὶ τὸν ναὸν πέμπειν χρήματα εἰς Κῶ, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ κατοικοῦντας ̓Ιουδαίους πιθανὸν τοῦτ' ἐστὶ ποιῆσαι μηδὲν Μιθριδάτην δεδιότας. 14.213. ̓Ιούλιος Γάιος ὑιοσο στρατηγὸς ὕπατος ̔Ρωμαίων Παριανῶν ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐνέτυχόν μοι οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ἐν Δήλῳ καί τινες τῶν παροίκων ̓Ιουδαίων παρόντων καὶ τῶν ὑμετέρων πρέσβεων καὶ ἐνεφάνισαν, ὡς ὑμεῖς ψηφίσματι κωλύετε αὐτοὺς τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσι καὶ ἱεροῖς χρῆσθαι. 14.214. ἐμοὶ τοίνυν οὐκ ἀρέσκει κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων τοιαῦτα γίνεσθαι ψηφίσματα καὶ κωλύεσθαι αὐτοὺς ζῆν κατὰ τὰ αὐτῶν ἔθη καὶ χρήματα εἰς σύνδειπνα καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ εἰσφέρειν, τοῦτο ποιεῖν αὐτῶν μηδ' ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ κεκωλυμένων. 14.215. καὶ γὰρ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὁ ἡμέτερος στρατηγὸς καὶ ὕπατος ἐν τῷ διατάγματι κωλύων θιάσους συνάγεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν μόνους τούτους οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν οὔτε χρήματα συνεισφέρειν οὔτε σύνδειπνα ποιεῖν. 14.216. ὁμοίως δὲ κἀγὼ τοὺς ἄλλους θιάσους κωλύων τούτοις μόνοις ἐπιτρέπω κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα συνάγεσθαί τε καὶ ἑστιᾶσθαι. καὶ ὑμᾶς οὖν καλῶς ἔχει, εἴ τι κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων ψήφισμα ἐποιήσατε, τοῦτο ἀκυρῶσαι διὰ τὴν περὶ ἡμᾶς αὐτῶν ἀρετὴν καὶ εὔνοιαν. 14.223. ̓́Επεμψεν δὲ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς Δολαβέλλαν τὸν τῆς ̓Ασίας τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν ἔθη καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐπιτρέπειν: 14.224. οὗ τυχεῖν αὐτῷ ῥᾳδίως ἐγένετο: λαβὼν γὰρ ὁ Δολοβέλλας τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ̔Υρκανοῦ γράμματα, μηδὲ βουλευσάμενος ἐπιστέλλει τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἅπασιν γράψας τῇ ̓Εφεσίων πόλει πρωτευούσῃ τῆς ̓Ασίας περὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων. ἡ δὲ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦτον περιεῖχεν τὸν τρόπον: 14.225. ̓Επὶ πρυτάνεως ̓Αρτέμωνος μηνὸς Ληναιῶνος προτέρᾳ. Δολοβέλλας αὐτοκράτωρ ̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. 14.226. ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευτὴς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν. 14.227. ἐγώ τε οὖν αὐτοῖς, καθὼς καὶ οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνες, δίδωμι τὴν ἀστρατείαν καὶ συγχωρῶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς ἱερῶν ἕνεκα καὶ ἁγίοις συναγομένοις, καθὼς αὐτοῖς νόμιμον, καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀφαιρεμάτων, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι ταῦτα γράψαι κατὰ πόλεις. 16.27. Τότε δὲ περὶ τὴν ̓Ιωνίαν αὐτῶν γενομένων πολὺ πλῆθος ̓Ιουδαίων, ὃ τὰς πόλεις ᾤκει, προσῄει καιροῦ καὶ παρρησίας ἐπειλημμένοι, καὶ τὰς ἐπηρείας ἔλεγον, ἃς ἐπηρεάζοντο μήτε νόμοις οἰκείοις ἐώμενοι χρῆσθαι δίκας τε ἀναγκαζόμενοι διδόναι κατ' ἐπήρειαν τῶν εὐθυνόντων ἐν ἱεραῖς ἡμέραις, 16.27. ἐποιήσατο δὲ καὶ συνθήκας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἐλθεῖν, ἐπειδὴ περὶ τούτων ἐγέγραπτο Καίσαρι, καὶ μέχρις ̓Αντιοχείας ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ παρῆλθον. ἐκεῖ καὶ τὸν ἡγεμόνα Συρίας Τίτιον ἐκ διαφορᾶς ̓Αρχελάῳ κακῶς ἔχοντα διήλλαξεν ̔Ηρώδης καὶ πάλιν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν ὑποστρέφει. 16.28. καὶ τῶν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα χρημάτων ἀνατιθεμένων ἀφαιροῖντο στρατειῶν καὶ λειτουργιῶν ἀναγκαζόμενοι κοινωνεῖν καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα δαπανᾶν τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων, ὧν ἀφείθησαν αἰεὶ ̔Ρωμαίων αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρεψάντων κατὰ τοὺς οἰκείους ζῆν νόμους. 16.28. Σύλλαιος δὲ τὸν μὲν ̓Οβάδαν παρεωσμένος αὐτὸς δὲ ἅπαντα διοικῶν τούς τε λῃστὰς ἔξαρνος ἦν μὴ κατὰ τὴν ̓Αραβίαν εἶναι καὶ περὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἀνεβάλλετο, περὶ ὧν ἐπί τε Σατορνίνου καὶ Οὐολομνίου τῶν Συρίας ἐπιστατούντων ἐγίνοντο λόγοι. 16.31. “̔́Απασι μὲν, ὦ μέγιστε ̓Αγρίππα, τοῖς ἐν χρείᾳ γεγενημένοις ἀνάγκη καταφεύγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀφελέσθαι τὰς ἐπηρείας αὐτῶν δυνησομένους, τοῖς δὲ νῦν ἐντυγχάνουσιν καὶ παρρησία: 16.31. χρηματισάμενος δὲ καὶ παρ' ἐκείνου πρὶν καταφωραθῆναι τῆς κακοηθείας ἀπῄει. Εὐρυκλῆς μὲν οὖν οὐδὲ ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι παυσάμενος εἶναι μοχθηρὸς ἐπὶ πολλοῖς ἀδικήμασιν ἀπεστερήθη τῆς πατρίδος. 16.32. τυχόντες γὰρ πρότερον ὑμῶν οἵους ηὔξαντο πολλάκις, τὸ μὴ τὰς χάριτας ἀφαιρεῖσθαι δι' ὑμῶν αἰτοῦνται τῶν δεδωκότων, καὶ ταῦτα εἰληφότες μὲν αὐτὰς παρὰ τούτων, οἷς μόνοις διδόναι δύναμις, ἀφαιρούμενοι δ' ὑπ' οὐδενὸς κρείττονος, ἀλλ' οὓς ἴσον ἔχειν αὐτοῖς ἀρχομένους ὁμοίως ὑμῶν ἴσασιν. 16.32. Τοὺς δὲ βασανισθέντας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ εἰς τὸ πλῆθος προήγαγεν ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι κατηγοροῦντας τῶν παίδων: καὶ τούτους μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς οἱ πολλοὶ βάλλοντες ἀπέκτειναν. 16.33. καίτοι γε εἴτε μεγάλων ἠξιώθησαν, ἔπαινός ἐστιν τῶν τετυχηκότων ὅτι τοσούτων παρέσχον αὑτοὺς ἀξίους, εἴτε μικρῶν, αἰσχρὸν μὴ καὶ ταῦτα βεβαιοῦν δεδωκότας. 16.33. ὀψὲ δὲ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου, τούτῳ γὰρ ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἐπετέτακτο, φράζειν κελεύοντος εἴ τι τῶν πραττομένων ἡ γυνὴ σύνοιδεν αὐτῷ, 16.34. οἵ γε μὴν ἐμποδὼν ὄντες καὶ πρὸς ἐπήρειαν χρώμενοι ̓Ιουδαίοις εὔδηλον ὡς ἄμφω ἀδικοῦσιν, τοὺς εἰληφότας, εἰ μὴ νομίζοιεν ἀγαθοὺς οἷς οἱ κρατοῦντες ἐμαρτύρησαν ἐν τῷ καὶ τοιαῦτα δεδωκέναι, καὶ τοὺς δεδωκότας, εἰ τὰς χάριτας αὐτῶν ἀβεβαίους ἀξιοῦσιν γενέσθαι. 16.34. χρήματά τε ὡς εἴη δεδανεισμένος ἐπ' οὐδὲν ὑγιές, καὶ μοιχείας ἐξελέγχων οὐ τῶν ἐν ̓Αραβίᾳ μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ γυναικῶν: προσετίθει δὲ τὸ μέγιστον, ὡς ἐξαπατήσειεν Καίσαρα μηδὲν ἀληθὲς διδάξας ὑπὲρ τῶν ̔Ηρώδῃ πεπραγμένων. 16.35. εἰ δέ τις αὐτοὺς ἔροιτο δύο τούτων θάτερον ἐθέλοιεν ἂν ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τὸ ζῆν ἢ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη τὰς πομπὰς τὰς θυσίας τὰς ἑορτάς, ἃς τοῖς νομιζομένοις προσάγουσι θεοῖς, εὖ οἶδ', ὅτι πάντα μᾶλλον αἱρήσονται παθεῖν ἢ καταλῦσαί τι τῶν πατρίων: 16.35. φημὶ γὰρ ἐπελθούσης ἡμῖν τῆς τῶν ̓Αράβων δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν περὶ ̔Ηρώδην πεσόντος ἑνὸς καὶ δευτέρου, τότε μόλις ἀμυνομένου Νάκεβον τὸν στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν καὶ περὶ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι τοὺς πάντας * ὧν ἕκαστον αὐτὸς εἰς ἑκατὸν ἀναφέρων δισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους τοὺς ἀπολωλότας ἔλεγεν.” 16.36. καὶ γὰρ τοὺς πολέμους οἱ πολλοὶ διὰ ταῦτα αἱροῦνται φυλαττόμενοι μὴ παραβαίνειν αὐτά, καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν, ἣν νῦν τὸ σύμπαν τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος δι' ὑμᾶς ἔχει, τούτῳ μετροῦμεν τῷ ἐξεῖναι κατὰ χώραν ἑκάστοις τὰ οἰκεῖα τιμῶσιν αὔξειν καὶ διαζῆν. 16.36. διέπεμπεν οὖν ὅσους ἐδόκει καλεῖν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ̓Αρχελάου χωρίς: ἐκεῖνον δὲ δι' ἔχθος οὐκ ἠξίου παρατυγχάνειν ἢ καὶ τῇ προαιρέσει νομίζων ἐμποδὼν ἔσεσθαι. 16.37. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἂν αὐτοὶ παθεῖν ἑλόμενοι βιάζονται δρᾶν κατ' ἄλλων ὥσπερ οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀσεβοῦντες, εἴτε τῶν οἰκείων εἰς θεοὺς ὁσίων ἀμελοῖεν, εἴτε τὰ οἰκεῖα τισὶν ἀνοσίως καταλύοιεν. 16.37. “κἀκεῖθεν μὲν εὐθὺς ̔Ηρώδης ἧκεν ἄγων αὐτοὺς εἰς Τύρον, καὶ τοῦ τε Νικολάου πλεύσαντος ὡς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς ̔Ρώμης ἐπυνθάνετο προδιηγησάμενος τὰ ἐν Βηρυτῷ, ἥντιν' ἔχοιεν γνώμην περὶ τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ αὐτοῦ φίλοι,” 16.38. τόδ' ἕτερον δ' ἤδη σκοπήσομεν: ἔστι τις δῆμος ἢ πόλις ἢ κοινὸν ἔθνος ἀνθρώπων, οἷς οὐ μέγιστον ἀγαθῶν πέφυκε προστασία τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρχῆς καὶ τὸ ̔Ρωμαϊκὸν κράτος; ἐθέλοι δ' ἄν τις ἀκύρους τὰς ἐντεῦθεν εἶναι χάριτας; 16.38. ποῖ ποτε οἴχονταί σου καὶ πεπτώκασιν ἐκ τῆς ψυχῆς αἱ φρένες; ποῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ περιττὸς ἐκεῖνος νοῦς, ᾧ πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα κατώρθους; τίς δὲ ἡ τῶν φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν ἐρημία; 16.39. οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ μαινόμενος: οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰσὶν οἱ μὴ μετέχοντες αὐτῶν ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ. καὶ μὴν οἱ τινὰς ὧν ὑμεῖς ἔδοτε παραιρούμενοι βέβαιον οὐδ' αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ὧν δι' ὑμᾶς ἔχουσιν ὑπολείπονται. 16.39. δόντος δὲ πίστιν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔλεγεν ὡς εἴη τις συνθήκη ἐπιθέσθαι δι' αὐτοχειρίας βασιλεῖ τὸν Τίρωνα, προσελθεῖν γὰρ εὔπορον εἶναι μόνον μόνῳ καὶ δράσαντα παθεῖν τι τῶν εἰκότων οὐκ ἀγεννὲς ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ χαριζόμενον. 16.41. τὰ δ' ἡμέτερα καὶ λαμπρῶς πραττόντων οὐκ ἔστιν ἐπίφθονα: δι' ὑμᾶς γὰρ καὶ μετὰ πάντων εὐτυχοῦμεν καὶ τούτου μόνου μετέχειν ἠξιώσαμεν, ἀκωλύτως τὴν πάτριον εὐσέβειαν διαφυλάττειν, ὃ καὶ καθ' αὑτὸ δόξειεν οὐκ ἐπίφθονον καὶ πρὸς τῶν συγχωρούντων εἶναι: 16.42. τὸ γὰρ θεῖον, εἰ χαίρει τιμώμενον, χαίρει τοῖς ἐπιτρέπουσι τιμᾶν, ἐθῶν τε τῶν ἡμετέρων ἀπάνθρωπον μὲν οὐδέν ἐστιν, εὐσεβῆ δὲ πάντα καὶ τῇ συνήθει δικαιοσύνῃ συγκαθωσιωμένα. 16.43. καὶ οὔτε ἀποκρυπτόμεθα τὰ παραγγέλματα, οἷς χρώμεθα πρὸς τὸν βίον ὑπομνήμασιν τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἐπιτηδευμάτων, τήν τε ἑβδόμην τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνίεμεν τῇ μαθήσει τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐθῶν καὶ νόμου, μελέτην ὥσπερ ἄλλου τινὸς καὶ τούτων ἀξιοῦντες εἶναι δι' ὧν οὐχ ἁμαρτησόμεθα. 16.44. καλὰ μὲν οὖν, ἐὰν ἐξετάζῃ τις καὶ καθ' αὑτὰ τὰ ἔθη, παλαιὰ δ' ἡμῖν, κἂν μή τισιν δοκῇ, ὥστ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ τοῦ χρόνου τιμητὸν δυσαποδίδακτον εἶναι τοῖς ὁσίως παρειληφόσιν καὶ διαφυλάττουσιν. 16.45. τούτων ἡμᾶς ἀφαιροῦνται κατ' ἐπήρειαν, χρήματα μὲν ἃ τῷ θεῷ συμφέρομεν ἐπώνυμα διαφθείροντες καὶ φανερῶς ἱεροσυλοῦντες, τέλη δ' ἐπιτιθέντες κἀν ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἄγοντες ἐπὶ δικαστήρια καὶ πραγματείας ἄλλας, οὐ κατὰ χρείαν τῶν συναλλαγμάτων, ἀλλὰ κατ' ἐπήρειαν τῆς θρησκείας, ἣν συνίσασιν ἡμῖν, μῖσος οὐ δίκαιον οὐδ' αὐτεξούσιον αὐτοῖς πεπονθότες. 16.46. ἡ γὰρ ὑμετέρα κατὰ πάντων ἀρχὴ γενομένη μία τὴν μὲν εὔνοιαν ἐνεργὸν τὴν δὲ δύσνοιαν ἄνεργον ποιεῖ τοῖς τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀντ' ἐκείνου προαιρουμένοις. 16.47. ταῦτ' οὖν ἀξιοῦμεν, ὦ μέγιστε ̓Αγρίππα, μὴ κακῶς πάσχειν μηδ' ἐπηρεάζεσθαι μηδὲ κωλύεσθαι τοῖς ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἡμετέροις μηδ' ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τῶν ὄντων μηδ' ἃ μὴ βιαζόμεθα τούτους ὑπὸ τούτων βιάζεσθαι: καὶ γὰρ οὐ δίκαια μόνον ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑφ' ὑμῶν δεδομένα πρότερον. 16.48. ἔτι καὶ δυναίμεθ' ἂν πολλὰ δόγματα τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τὰς ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ κειμένας δέλτους ὑπὲρ τούτων ἀναγινώσκειν, ἃ δῆλον μὲν ὡς μετὰ πεῖραν τῆς ἡμετέρας εἰς ὑμᾶς πίστεως ἐδόθη, κύρια δὲ κἂν εἰ μηδενὸς ὕπαρξιν ἐχαρίσασθε. 16.49. σχεδὸν γὰρ οὐ μόνοις ἡμῖν ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις τὰ μὲν ὄντα φυλάξαντες, μείζω δὲ τῶν ἐλπισθέντων προσθέντες εὐεργετεῖτε τῷ κρατεῖν, καὶ δύναιτ' ἄν τις ἐπεξιὼν τὰς ἑκάστων εὐτυχίας, ἃς δι' ὑμῶν ἔχουσιν, ἀπερίληπτον ποιῆσαι τὸν λόγον. 16.51. ᾧ ποία μὲν εὔνοια πρὸς τὸν ὑμέτερον οἶκον παραλέλειπται; ποία δὲ πίστις ἐνδεής ἐστιν; τίς δὲ οὐ νενόηται τιμή; ποία δὲ χρεία μὴ εἰς πρῶτον ὁρᾷ; τί δὴ κωλύει καὶ τὰς ἡμετέρας χάριτας τῶν εἰς τοσούτων εὐεργεσιῶν ἀριθμὸν εἶναι; 16.52. καλὸν δ' ἴσως μηδὲ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ̓Αντιπάτρου παραλιπεῖν ἀνδραγαθίαν ἀμνημόνευτον, ὃς εἰς Αἴγυπτον εἰσβεβληκότος Καίσαρος δισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις βοηθήσας οὔτ' ἐν τοῖς κατὰ γῆν ἀγῶσιν οὔθ' ὅτε νεῶν ἔδει δεύτερος ἐξητάζετο. 16.53. καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν, ὅσην ἐκεῖνοι παρέσχον ῥοπὴν τῷ τότε καιρῷ καὶ πόσων καὶ τίνων δωρεῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἠξιώθησαν καθ' ἕνα, δέον ἀναμνῆσαι τῶν ἐπιστολῶν, ἃς ἔγραψεν τότε Καῖσαρ τῇ συγκλήτῳ, καὶ ὡς δημοσίᾳ τιμὰς καὶ πολιτείαν ἔλαβεν ̓Αντίπατρος; 16.54. ἀρκέσει γὰρ ταῦτα τὰ τεκμήρια τοῦ καὶ τὰς χάριτας ἡμᾶς κατ' ἀξίαν ἔχειν καὶ παρὰ σοῦ τὸ βέβαιον αὐτῶν αἰτεῖν, παρ' οὗ καὶ μὴ πρότερον δοθείσας ἦν ἐλπίσαι τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς ὑμᾶς διάθεσιν καὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁρῶσιν. 16.55. ἀπαγγέλλεται δ' ἡμῖν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖ ̓Ιουδαίων, ὡς μὲν ἐπέβης τῆς χώρας εὐμενής, ὡς δὲ ἀπέδωκας τῷ θεῷ τέλεια θύματα τιμῶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τελείαις εὐχαῖς, ὡς δὲ τὸν δῆμον εἱστίασας καὶ τὰ παρ' ἐκείνου ξένια προσήκω. 16.56. ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα καὶ ἔθνει καὶ πόλει πρὸς ἄνδρα τοσούτων ἐπιστατοῦντα πραγμάτων δεξιώματα καὶ σύμβολα φιλίας χρὴ δοκεῖν, ἣν ἀπέδωκας τῷ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνει τῆς ̔Ηρώδου προξενούσης αὐτὴν ἑστίας. 16.57. τούτων ὑπομιμνήσκοντές σε καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ παρόντος καὶ συγκαθεζομένου βασιλέως ἠξιώκαμεν περιττὸν οὐδέν, ἃ δ' αὐτοὶ δεδώκατε ταῦθ' ὑπ' ἄλλων μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀφαιρουμένους.” 16.58. Τοιαῦτα μὲν τοῦ Νικολάου διελθόντος ἐγένετο οὐδεμία τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἀντικατάστασις: οὐδὲ γὰρ ὡς ἐν δικαστηρίῳ περὶ τῶν προκειμένων διελάμβανον, ἀλλ' ἦν ἔντευξις ὧν ἐβιάζοντο. 16.59. κἀκείνων ἀπολογία μὲν οὐδεμία τοῦ μὴ ταῦτα ποιεῖν, πρόφασις δέ, ὡς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν νεμόμενοι πάντα νῦν ἀδικοῖεν. οἱ δὲ ἐγγενεῖς τε αὑτοὺς ἐδείκνυσαν κἀν τῷ τὰ οἰκεῖα τιμᾶν μηδὲν λυποῦντες οἰκεῖν. 16.61. τοιαῦτα εἰπὼν διέλυε τὸν σύλλογον. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ προσεστὼς κατησπάζετο καὶ τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν διαθέσεως ὡμολόγει χάριν. ὁ δὲ καὶ εἰς ταῦτα φιλοφρονούμενος ἴσον αὑτὸν παρεῖχεν ἀντεμπλεκόμενος καὶ κατασπαζόμενος. 16.62. καὶ τότε μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν: ἀπὸ δὲ Σάμου πλεῖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπ' οἴκου διέγνω καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν παραιτησάμενος ἀνήχθη, κατάγεται δ' εἰς Καισάρειαν οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἡμέραις πνευμάτων ἐπιτηδείων τυχών. κἀκεῖθεν ἐλθὼν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συνήγαγεν ἐκκλησίαν πάνδημον: ἦν δὲ πολὺς κἀκ τῆς χώρας ὄχλος. 16.63. ὁ δὲ παρελθὼν ἀπολογισμόν τε τῆς ὅλης ἐκδημίας ἐποιήσατο καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, ὅσοι κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἦσαν, ὡς δι' αὐτὸν ἀνεπηρεάστως εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἕξουσιν διηγήσατο. 16.64. τό τε σύμπαν ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐτυχίαις καὶ τῇ διοικήσει τῆς ἀρχῆς ὡς οὐδενὸς παραλείποιτο τῶν ἐκείνοις συμφερόντων, ἀγαλλόμενος τὸ τέταρτον τῶν φόρων ἀφίησιν αὐτοῖς τοῦ παρεληλυθότος ἔτους. 16.162. “Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς ἀρχιερεὺς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας λέγει. ἐπειδὴ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων εὐχάριστον εὑρέθη οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ ἐνεστῶτι καιρῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ προγεγενημένῳ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐμοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τὸν ̔Ρωμαίων ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτῶν ̔Υρκανός, 16.163. ἔδοξέ μοι καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συμβουλίῳ μετὰ ὁρκωμοσίας γνώμῃ δήμου ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις θεσμοῖς κατὰ τὸν πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμον, καθὼς ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως θεοῦ ὑψίστου, τά τε ἱερὰ * εἶναι ἐν ἀσυλίᾳ καὶ ἀναπέμπεσθαι εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἀποδοχεῦσιν ̔Ιεροσολύμων, ἐγγύας τε μὴ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν σάββασιν ἢ τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐνάτης. 16.164. ἐὰν δέ τις φωραθῇ κλέπτων τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους αὐτῶν ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα ἔκ τε σαββατείου ἔκ τε ἀνδρῶνος, εἶναι αὐτὸν ἱερόσυλον καὶ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ ἐνεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων. 16.165. τό τε ψήφισμα τὸ δοθέν μοι ὑπ' αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς εὐσεβείας ἧς ἔχω πρὸς πάντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ ὑπὲρ Γαί̈ου Μαρκίου Κηνσωρίνου καὶ τοῦτο τὸ διάταγμα κελεύω ἀνατεθῆναι ἐν ἐπισημοτάτῳ τόπῳ τῷ γενηθέντι μοι ὑπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς ̓Ασίας ἐν ̓Αγκύρῃ. ἐὰν δέ τις παραβῇ τι τῶν προειρημένων, δώσει δίκην οὐ μετρίαν. ἐστηλογραφήθη ἐν τῷ Καίσαρος ναῷ.” 16.166. “Καῖσαρ Νωρβανῷ Φλάκκῳ χαίρειν. ̓Ιουδαῖοι ὅσοι ποτ' οὖν εἰσίν, οἳ δι' ἀρχαίαν συνήθειαν εἰώθασιν χρήματά τε ἱερὰ φέροντες ἀναπέμπειν ἀκωλύτως τοῦτο ποιείτωσαν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα.” καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Καῖσαρ. 16.167. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἔγραψεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον: “̓Αγρίππας ̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. τῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀναφερομένων ἱερῶν χρημάτων τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ φυλακὴν βούλομαι τοὺς ἐν ̓Ασίᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους ποιεῖσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια. 16.168. τούς τε κλέπτοντας ἱερὰ γράμματα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καταφεύγοντάς τε εἰς τὰς ἀσυλίας βούλομαι ἀποσπᾶσθαι καὶ παραδίδοσθαι τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις, ᾧ δικαίῳ ἀποσπῶνται οἱ ἱερόσυλοι. ἔγραψα δὲ καὶ Σιλανῷ τῷ στρατηγῷ, ἵνα σάββασιν μηδεὶς ἀναγκάζῃ ̓Ιουδαῖον ἐγγύας ὁμολογεῖν.” 16.169. “Μᾶρκος ̓Αγρίππας Κυρηναίων ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. οἱ ἐν Κυρήνῃ ̓Ιουδαῖοι, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἤδη ὁ Σεβαστὸς ἔπεμψεν πρὸς τὸν ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατηγὸν τόντε ὄντα Φλάβιον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἐπιμελουμένους, ἵνα ἀνεπικωλύτως ἀναπέμπηται τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα, ὡς ἔστιν αὐτοῖς πάτριον, 16.171. “Γάιος Νωρβανὸς Φλάκκος ἀνθύπατος Σαρδιανῶν ἄρχουσι χαίρειν. Καῖσάρ μοι ἔγραψεν κελεύων μὴ κωλύεσθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ὅσα ἂν ὦσιν κατὰ τὸ πάτριον αὐτοῖς ἔθος συναγαγόντες χρήματα ἀναπέμπειν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα. ἔγραψα οὖν ὑμῖν, ἵν' εἰδῆτε, ὅτι Καῖσαρ κἀγὼ οὕτως θέλομεν γίνεσθαι.” 16.172. Οὐδὲν ἧττον καὶ ̓Ιούλιος ̓Αντώνιος ἀνθύπατος ἔγραψεν “̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. οἱ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ κατοικοῦντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι εἰδοῖς Φεβρουαρίοις δικαιοδοτοῦντί μοι ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ ὑπέδειξαν Καίσαρα τὸν Σεβαστὸν καὶ ̓Αγρίππαν συγκεχωρηκέναι αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις νόμοις καὶ ἔθεσιν, ἀπαρχάς τε, ἃς ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας προαιρέσεως εὐσεβείας ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τὸ θεῖον * ἀνακομιδῆς συμπορευομένους ποιεῖν ἀνεμποδίστως. 17.26. Τούτοις πεισθεὶς ὁ Βαβυλώνιος ἀφικνεῖται καὶ λαβὼν τὴν γῆν φρούρια ᾠκοδομήσατο καὶ κώμην, Βαρθύραν ὄνομα αὐτῇ θέμενος. πρόβλημά τε ἦν οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Τραχωνίτας καὶ ̓Ιουδαίων τοῖς ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἀφικνουμένοις κατὰ θυσίαν ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων τοῦ μὴ λῃστείαις ὑπὸ τῶν Τραχωνιτῶν κακουργεῖσθαι, πολλοί τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἀφίκοντο καὶ ἁπανταχόθεν, οἷς τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων θεραπεύεται πάτρια. 17.26. καὶ οἱ τοξόται πάντες παρατεταγμένοι μεγάλα ἔβλαπτον τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους διὰ τὸ ὑπερδέξιοί τε εἶναι καὶ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι μὲν ἄποροι διὰ τὸ ἀνέφικτον τοῖς εἰσακοντίζειν πειρωμένοις εἶναι, ῥᾴους δὲ κρατεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἔχοντες. καὶ πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἡ μάχη συνέστη τοιάδε οὖσα. 17.264. ἐσώθη τε τῶν ἀνελθόντων ἐπὶ τὸ τέγος οὐδ' ὁστισοῦν. καὶ οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι διὰ τοῦ πυρὸς ᾗ παρείκοι ὠσθέντες ἐκράτουν τοῦ θησαυροῦ, καθ' ὃν ἱερὰ ἦν χρήματα. καὶ διεκλάπη μὲν πολλὰ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, Σαβῖνος δὲ περιεποίησεν εἰς τὸ φανερὸν τετρακόσια τάλαντα. 18.61. ὁ δὲ στολῇ τῇ ἐκείνων πολὺ πλῆθος στρατιωτῶν ἀμπεχόμενον, οἳ ἐφέροντο σκυτάλας ὑπὸ ταῖς στολαῖς, διαπέμψας εἰς ὃ περιέλθοιεν αὐτούς, αὐτὸς ἐκέλευσεν ἀναχωρεῖν. τῶν δὲ ὡρμηκότων εἰς τὸ λοιδορεῖν ἀποδίδωσι τοῖς στρατιώταις ὃ προσυνέκειτο σημεῖον. 18.62. οἱ δὲ καὶ πολὺ μειζόνως ἤπερ ἐπέταξεν Πιλᾶτος ἐχρῶντο πληγαῖς τούς τε θορυβοῦντας ἐν ἴσῳ καὶ μὴ κολάζοντες οἱ δ' εἰσεφέροντο μαλακὸν οὐδέν, ὥστε ἄοπλοι ληφθέντες ὑπ' ἀνδρῶν ἐκ παρασκευῆς ἐπιφερομένων πολλοὶ μὲν αὐτῶν ταύτῃ καὶ ἀπέθνησκον, οἱ δὲ καὶ τραυματίαι ἀνεχώρησαν. καὶ οὕτω παύεται ἡ στάσις. 18.311. Νέερδα τῆς Βαβυλωνίας ἐστὶ πόλις ἄλλως τε πολυανδροῦσα καὶ χώραν ἀγαθὴν καὶ πολλὴν ἔχουσα καὶ σὺν ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς καὶ ἀνθρώπων ἀνάπλεως. ἔστιν δὲ καὶ πολεμίοις οὐκ εὐέμβολος περιόδῳ τε τοῦ Εὐφράτου πᾶσαν ἐντὸς αὐτὴν ἀπολαμβάνοντος καὶ κατασκευαῖς τειχῶν. 18.312. ἔστιν δὲ καὶ Νίσιβις πόλις κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦ ποταμοῦ περίρρουν, ὅθεν ̓Ιουδαῖοι τῇ φύσει τῶν χωρίων πεπιστευκότες τό τε δίδραχμον, ὃ τῷ θεῷ καταβάλλειν ἑκάστοις πάτριον, ταύτῃ κατετίθεντο καὶ ὁπόσα δὲ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα, ἐχρῶντό τε ὥσπερ ταμιείῳ ταῖσδε ταῖς πόλεσιν. 18.313. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἀνεπέμπετο ᾗ καιρός, πολλαί τε ἀνθρώπων μυριάδες τὴν κομιδὴν τῶν χρημάτων παρελάμβανον δεδιότες τὰς Παρθυαίων ἁρπαγὰς ὑποτελούσης ἐκείνοις τῆς Βαβυλωνίας. 12.50. And I have sent to thee Andreas, the captain of my guard, and Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem; by whom I have sent those first-fruits which I have dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value of a hundred talents. And if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou wouldst have further, thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me.” 12.125. 2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them, 12.126. they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate. 12.127. And if any one hath a mind to know this matter accurately, let him peruse the hundred and twenty-third and hundred and twenty-fourth books of the history of this Nicolaus. Now as to this determination of Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired, for at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans. 14.112. “Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews.” 14.113. Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were in no fear of Mithridates. 14.213. 8. “Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. 14.214. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; 14.215. for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. 14.216. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.” 14.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225. 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227. I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 16.27. 3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries which they suffered, while they were not permitted to use their own laws, but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the judges, upon their holy days, 16.27. He also made an agreement with him that he would go to Rome, because he had written to Caesar about these affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and there Herod made a reconciliation between Archelaus and Titus, the president of Syria, who had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea. 16.28. and were deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live according to their own laws. 16.28. but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money; about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the presidents of Syria. 16.31. “It is of necessity incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are complaits, they approach you with great assurance; 16.31. So he got money from him also, and went away, before his pernicious practices were found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not leave off doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of injustice, he was banished from his own country. 16.32. for as they have formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are; 16.32. 5. So the king produced those that had been tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men, which accusers many of the people stoned to death; 16.33. and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors; and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not to confirm them to us. 16.33. but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was conscious of his actions. He replied, “How is it possible that she, whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have had children, should not know what I do?” 16.34. And for those that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated. 16.34. that he had borrowed money for no good design; and he proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only with the Arabian, but Rei women also. And he added, that above all the rest he had alienated Caesar from Herod, and that all that he had said about the actions of Herod were falsities. 16.35. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any of the customs of their forefathers; 16.35. for I venture to affirm that when the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod’s party fell, he then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their general, and in all about twenty-five others, and no more; whence Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons the slain to have been two thousand five hundred.” 16.36. for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to live [in peace]; 16.36. he therefore sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archelaus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs. 16.37. and although they would not be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own towards their gods. 16.37. Immediately after this Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome thought of that matter. 16.38. And let us now consider the one of these practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing ‘. Is there any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted? 16.38. Whither is thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions? 16.39. No one is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own grants made them by you may be taken from them also; 16.39. And when the king had given his word to do so, he said that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favor of Alexander. 16.40. which grants of yours can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider the old governments under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. 16.41. Now the privileges we desire, even when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us; 16.42. for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice; 16.43. nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. 16.44. If any one therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed them. 16.45. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred; 16.46. for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to it. 16.47. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you. 16.48. And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; 16.49. for you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end to his discourse; 16.50. but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us, to say nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king who now governs us, and is now one of thy assessors; 16.51. and indeed in what instance of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been? 16.52. It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the management of the navy; 16.53. and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; 16.54. for these are demonstrations both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to our king’s disposition towards you, and your disposition towards him. 16.55. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee. 16.56. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of Herod. 16.57. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from us.” 16.58. 4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer; 16.59. nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them. 16.60. So when Agrippa perceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he made this answer: That, on account of Herod’s good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to him in themselves just; and that if they requested any thing further, he should not scruple to grant it them, provided they were no way to the detriment of the Roman government; but that while their request was no more than this, that what privileges they had already given them might not be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that they might continue in the observation of their own customs, without any one offering them the least injury. And when he had said thus, he dissolved the assembly; 16.61. upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms; 16.62. after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Caesarea in a few days’ time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also. 16.63. So he came to them, and gave them a particular account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time to come. 16.64. He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. 16.162. 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor, 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 16.165. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar. 16.166. 3. “Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.” These were the decrees of Caesar. 16.167. 4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: “Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; 16.168. and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the Sabbath day.” 16.169. 5. “Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers, 16.171. 6. “Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.” 16.172. 7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. “To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance. 17.26. 2. The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so he took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabitants against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where the ancient Jewish laws were observed, 17.26. All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others, and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this sort of fight lasted a great while, 17.264. insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four hundred talents. 18.60. 2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. 18.61. So he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on; 18.62. who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition. 18.311. There was a city of Babylonia called Neerda; not only a very populous one, but one that had a good and large territory about it, and, besides its other advantages, full of men also. It was, besides, not easily to be assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates encompassing it all round, and from the walls that were built about it. 18.312. There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a treasury, 18.313. whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject.
6. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.50, 2.175-2.177, 2.293, 5.205, 6.335, 6.423-6.425, 7.218 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philo, on temple tax Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91, 98, 99
2.175. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ταραχὴν ἑτέραν ἐκίνει τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρόν, καλεῖται δὲ κορβωνᾶς, εἰς καταγωγὴν ὑδάτων ἐξαναλίσκων: κατῆγεν δὲ ἀπὸ τετρακοσίων σταδίων. πρὸς τοῦτο τοῦ πλήθους ἀγανάκτησις ἦν, καὶ τοῦ Πιλάτου παρόντος εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα περιστάντες τὸ βῆμα κατεβόων. 2.176. ὁ δέ, προῄδει γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν ταραχήν, τῷ πλήθει τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐνόπλους ἐσθῆσιν ἰδιωτικαῖς κεκαλυμμένους ἐγκαταμίξας καὶ ξίφει μὲν χρήσασθαι κωλύσας, ξύλοις δὲ παίειν τοὺς κεκραγότας ἐγκελευσάμενος σύνθημα δίδωσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος. 2.177. τυπτόμενοι δὲ οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πολλοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πληγῶν, πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ καταπατηθέντες ἀπώλοντο. πρὸς δὲ τὴν συμφορὰν τῶν ἀνῃρημένων καταπλαγὲν τὸ πλῆθος ἐσιώπησεν. 2.293. Πρὸς τοῦτο τῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀγανάκτησις ἦν, ἔτι μέντοι τοὺς θυμοὺς κατεῖχον. ὁ δὲ Φλῶρος ὥσπερ ἠργολαβηκὼς ἐκριπίζειν τὸν πόλεμον, πέμψας εἰς τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρὸν ἐξαιρεῖ δεκαεπτὰ τάλαντα σκηψάμενος εἰς τὰς Καίσαρος χρείας. 5.205. πεντήκοντα γὰρ πηχῶν οὖσα τὴν ἀνάστασιν τεσσαρακονταπήχεις τὰς θύρας εἶχε καὶ τὸν κόσμον πολυτελέστερον ἐπὶ δαψιλὲς πάχος ἀργύρου τε καὶ χρυσοῦ. τοῦτον δὲ ταῖς ἐννέα πύλαις ἐπέχεεν ὁ Τιβερίου πατὴρ ̓Αλέξανδρος. 6.335. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, δασμολογεῖν τε ὑμῖν ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ καὶ ἀναθήματα συλλέγειν ἐπετρέψαμεν, καὶ τοὺς ταῦτα φέροντας οὔτε ἐνουθετήσαμεν οὔτε ἐκωλύσαμεν, ἵν' ἡμῖν γένησθε πλουσιώτεροι καὶ παρασκευάσησθε τοῖς ἡμετέροις χρήμασιν καθ' ἡμῶν. 6.423. οἱ δ' ἐνστάσης ἑορτῆς, πάσχα καλεῖται, καθ' ἣν θύουσιν μὲν ἀπὸ ἐνάτης ὥρας μέχρις ἑνδεκάτης, ὥσπερ δὲ φατρία περὶ ἑκάστην γίνεται θυσίαν οὐκ ἐλάσσων ἀνδρῶν δέκα, μόνον γὰρ οὐκ ἔξεστιν δαίνυσθαι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ συνείκοσιν ἀθροίζονται, 6.424. τῶν μὲν θυμάτων εἰκοσιπέντε μυριάδας ἠρίθμησαν, πρὸς δὲ πεντακισχίλια ἑξακόσια. 6.425. γίνονται ἀνδρῶν, ἵν' ἑκάστου δέκα δαιτυμόνας θῶμεν, μυριάδες ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ διακόσιαι καθαρῶν ἁπάντων καὶ ἁγίων: 7.218. φόρον δὲ τοῖς ὁπουδηποτοῦν οὖσιν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέβαλεν δύο δραχμὰς ἕκαστον κελεύσας ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον φέρειν, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰς τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις νεὼν συνετέλουν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων τότε τοιαύτην εἶχε κατάστασιν. 2.50. but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers. 2.175. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. 2.176. Now when he was apprised aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armor with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal themselves under the habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the clamor. He then gave the signal from his tribunal (to do as he had bidden them). 2.177. Now the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received, and many of them perished as trodden to death by themselves; by which means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, and held their peace. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 5.205. for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. 6.335. And what is our chief favor of all we have given you leave to gather up that tribute which is paid to God with such other gifts that are dedicated to him; nor have we called those that carried these donations to account, nor prohibited them; till at length you became richer than we ourselves, even when you were our enemies; and you made preparations for war against us with our own money; 6.423. So these high priests, upon the coming of that feast which is called the Passover, when they slay their sacrifices, from the ninth hour till the eleventh, but so that a company not less than ten belong to every sacrifice (for it is not lawful for them to feast singly by themselves), and many of us are twenty in a company, 6.424. found the number of sacrifices was two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred; 6.425. which, upon the allowance of no more than ten that feast together, amounts to two million seven hundred thousand and two hundred persons that were pure and holy; 7.218. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time.
7. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 65.7.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •philo, on temple tax Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 98
8. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 40, 42, 33  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
33. When this memorial had been presented, the king ordered a letter to be written to Eleazar on the matter, giving also an account of the emancipation of the Jewish captives. And he gave fifty talents weight of gold and seventy talents of silver and a large quantity of precious stones to make bowls and vials and a table and libation cups. He also gave orders to those who had the custody of his coffers to allow the artificers to make a selection of any materials they might require for the purpose, and that a hundred talents in money should be sent to provide sacrifices for the temple and 33. When this memorial had been presented, the king ordered a letter to be written to Eleazar on the matter, giving also an account of the emancipation of the Jewish captives. And he gave fifty talents weight of gold and seventy talents of silver and a large quantity of precious stones to make bowls and vials and a table and libation cups. He also gave orders to those who had the custody of his coffers to allow the artificers to make a selection of any materials they might require for the purpose, and that a hundred talents in money should be sent to provide sacrifices for the temple and 34 for other needs. I shall give you a full account of the workmanship after I have set before you copies of the letters. The letter of the king ran as follows: