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244 results for "persia"

1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 22.1-22.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, emperor of •persia and persians, law of Found in books: Rubenstein, The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings (2018) 230

22.1. לֹא־תִרְאֶה אֶת־שׁוֹר אָחִיךָ אוֹ אֶת־שֵׂיוֹ נִדָּחִים וְהִתְעַלַּמְתָּ מֵהֶם הָשֵׁב תְּשִׁיבֵם לְאָחִיךָ׃ 22.1. לֹא־תַחֲרֹשׁ בְּשׁוֹר־וּבַחֲמֹר יַחְדָּו׃ 22.2. וְאִם־לֹא קָרוֹב אָחִיךָ אֵלֶיךָ וְלֹא יְדַעְתּוֹ וַאֲסַפְתּוֹ אֶל־תּוֹךְ בֵּיתֶךָ וְהָיָה עִמְּךָ עַד דְּרֹשׁ אָחִיךָ אֹתוֹ וַהֲשֵׁבֹתוֹ לוֹ׃ 22.2. וְאִם־אֱמֶת הָיָה הַדָּבָר הַזֶּה לֹא־נִמְצְאוּ בְתוּלִים לנער [לַנַּעֲרָה׃] 22.3. וְכֵן תַּעֲשֶׂה לַחֲמֹרוֹ וְכֵן תַּעֲשֶׂה לְשִׂמְלָתוֹ וְכֵן תַּעֲשֶׂה לְכָל־אֲבֵדַת אָחִיךָ אֲשֶׁר־תֹּאבַד מִמֶּנּוּ וּמְצָאתָהּ לֹא תוּכַל לְהִתְעַלֵּם׃

22.1. Thou shalt not see thy brother’s ox or his sheep driven away, and hide thyself from them; thou shalt surely bring them back unto thy brother. 22.2. And if thy brother be not nigh unto thee, and thou know him not, then thou shalt bring it home to thy house, and it shall be with thee until thy brother require it, and thou shalt restore it to him. 22.3. And so shalt thou do with his ass; and so shalt thou do with his garment; and so shalt thou do with every lost thing of thy brother’s, which he hath lost, and thou hast found; thou mayest not hide thyself.

2. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 28.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 91; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 86

8. Receive my instruction, and not silver, And knowledge rather than choice gold.,Before the mountains were settled, Before the hills was I brought forth;,For wisdom is better than rubies, And all things desirable are not to be compared unto her.,Counsel is mine, and sound wisdom; I am understanding, power is mine.,Happy is the man that hearkeneth to me, Watching daily at my gates, waiting at the posts of my doors.,Hear, for I will speak excellent things, And the opening of my lips shall be right things.,The LORD made me as the beginning of His way, The first of His works of old.,By me princes rule, And nobles, even all the judges of the earth.,I walk in the way of righteousness, In the midst of the paths of justice;,I was set up from everlasting, from the beginning, Or ever the earth was.,But he that misseth me wrongeth his own soul; All they that hate me love death.’,Hear instruction, and be wise, And refuse it not.,Now therefore, ye children, hearken unto me; For happy are they that keep my ways.,By me kings reign, And princes decree justice.,For whoso findeth me findeth life, And obtaineth favour of the LORD.,For my mouth shall utter truth, And wickedness is an abomination to my lips.,In the top of high places by the way, Where the paths meet, she standeth;,The fear of the LORD is to hate evil; Pride, and arrogancy, and the evil way, And the froward mouth, do I hate.,That I may cause those that love me to inherit substance, And that I may fill their treasuries.,Playing in His habitable earth, And my delights are with the sons of men.,Beside the gates, at the entry of the city, At the coming in at the doors, she crieth aloud:,When there were no depths, I was brought forth; When there were no fountains abounding with water.,I love them that love me, And those that seek me earnestly shall find me.,When He established the heavens, I was there; When He set a circle upon the face of the deep,,When He gave to the sea His decree, That the waters should not transgress His commandment, When He appointed the foundations of the earth;,’Unto you, O men, I call, And my voice is to the sons of men.,When He made firm the skies above, When the fountains of the deep showed their might,,O ye thoughtless, understand prudence, And, ye fools, be ye of an understanding heart.,Riches and honour are with me; Yea, enduring riches and righteousness.,Doth not wisdom call, And understanding put forth her voice?,I wisdom dwell with prudence, And find out knowledge of devices.,While as yet He had not made the earth, nor the fields, Nor the beginning of the dust of the world.,Then I was by Him, as a nursling; And I was daily all delight, Playing always before Him,,My fruit is better than gold, yea, than fine gold; And my produce than choice silver.,They are all plain to him that understandeth, And right to them that find knowledge.,All the words of my mouth are in righteousness, There is nothing perverse or crooked in them.

3. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 15.38 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, emperor of Found in books: Rubenstein, The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings (2018) 187

15.38. דַּבֵּר אֶל־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאָמַרְתָּ אֲלֵהֶם וְעָשׂוּ לָהֶם צִיצִת עַל־כַּנְפֵי בִגְדֵיהֶם לְדֹרֹתָם וְנָתְנוּ עַל־צִיצִת הַכָּנָף פְּתִיל תְּכֵלֶת׃

15.38. ’Speak unto the children of Israel, and bid them that they make them throughout their generations fringes in the corners of their garments, and that they put with the fringe of each corner a thread of blue.

4. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 36.1-36.3, 98.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 91; Rubenstein, The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings (2018) 228

36.1. כִּי־עִמְּךָ מְקוֹר חַיִּים בְּאוֹרְךָ נִרְאֶה־אוֹר׃ 36.1. לַמְנַצֵּחַ לְעֶבֶד־יְהוָה לְדָוִד׃ 98.3. זָכַר חַסְדּוֹ וֶאֱמוּנָתוֹ לְבֵית יִשְׂרָאֵל רָאוּ כָל־אַפְסֵי־אָרֶץ אֵת יְשׁוּעַת אֱלֹהֵינוּ׃

36.1. For the Leader. [A Psalm] of David the servant of the LORD. 98.3. He hath remembered His mercy and His faithfulness toward the house of Israel; All the ends of the earth have seen the salvation of our God.

5. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 1.3-1.4, 1.8, 1.10, 2.18, 8.15, 10.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 193, 199, 218, 230, 239

1.3. בִּשְׁנַת שָׁלוֹשׁ לְמָלְכוֹ עָשָׂה מִשְׁתֶּה לְכָל־שָׂרָיו וַעֲבָדָיו חֵיל פָּרַס וּמָדַי הַפַּרְתְּמִים וְשָׂרֵי הַמְּדִינוֹת לְפָנָיו׃ 1.4. בְּהַרְאֹתוֹ אֶת־עֹשֶׁר כְּבוֹד מַלְכוּתוֹ וְאֶת־יְקָר תִּפְאֶרֶת גְּדוּלָּתוֹ יָמִים רַבִּים שְׁמוֹנִים וּמְאַת יוֹם׃ 1.8. וְהַשְּׁתִיָּה כַדָּת אֵין אֹנֵס כִּי־כֵן יִסַּד הַמֶּלֶךְ עַל כָּל־רַב בֵּיתוֹ לַעֲשׂוֹת כִּרְצוֹן אִישׁ־וָאִישׁ׃ 2.18. וַיַּעַשׂ הַמֶּלֶךְ מִשְׁתֶּה גָדוֹל לְכָל־שָׂרָיו וַעֲבָדָיו אֵת מִשְׁתֵּה אֶסְתֵּר וַהֲנָחָה לַמְּדִינוֹת עָשָׂה וַיִּתֵּן מַשְׂאֵת כְּיַד הַמֶּלֶךְ׃ 8.15. וּמָרְדֳּכַי יָצָא מִלִּפְנֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ בִּלְבוּשׁ מַלְכוּת תְּכֵלֶת וָחוּר וַעֲטֶרֶת זָהָב גְּדוֹלָה וְתַכְרִיךְ בּוּץ וְאַרְגָּמָן וְהָעִיר שׁוּשָׁן צָהֲלָה וְשָׂמֵחָה׃ 10.2. וְכָל־מַעֲשֵׂה תָקְפּוֹ וּגְבוּרָתוֹ וּפָרָשַׁת גְּדֻלַּת מָרְדֳּכַי אֲשֶׁר גִּדְּלוֹ הַמֶּלֶךְ הֲלוֹא־הֵם כְּתוּבִים עַל־סֵפֶר דִּבְרֵי הַיָּמִים לְמַלְכֵי מָדַי וּפָרָס׃

1.3. in the third year of his reign, he made a feast unto all his princes and his servants; the army of Persia and Media, the nobles and princes of the provinces, being before him; 1.4. when he showed the riches of his glorious kingdom and the honour of his excellent majesty, many days, even a hundred and fourscore days. 1.8. And the drinking was according to the law; none did compel; for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should do according to every man’s pleasure. 1.10. On the seventh day, when the heart of the king was merry with wine, he commanded Mehuman, Bizzetha, Harbona, Bigtha, and Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas, the seven chamberlains that ministered in the presence of Ahasuerus the king, 2.18. Then the king made a great feast unto all his princes and his servants, even Esther’s feast; and he made a release to the provinces, and gave gifts, according to the bounty of the king. 8.15. And Mordecai went forth from the presence of the king in royal apparel of blue and white, and with a great crown of gold, and with a rob of fine linen and purple; and the city of Shushan shouted and was glad. 10.2. And all the acts of his power and of his might, and the full account of the greatness of Mordecai, how the king advanced him, are they not written in the book of the chronicles of the kings of Media and Persia?

6. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 14.20, 23.13 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 82; Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 71

23.13. וּבְכֹל אֲשֶׁר־אָמַרְתִּי אֲלֵיכֶם תִּשָּׁמֵרוּ וְשֵׁם אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים לֹא תַזְכִּירוּ לֹא יִשָּׁמַע עַל־פִּיךָ׃

14.20. and it came between the camp of Egypt and the camp of Israel; and there was the cloud and the darkness here, yet gave it light by night there; and the one came not near the other all the night. 23.13. And in all things that I have said unto you take ye heed; and make no mention of the name of other gods, neither let it be heard out of thy mouth. .

7. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 9.27-10.12, 10.2, 11.4, 11.5, 11.6, 11.7, 11.8, 11.9 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 93

10.2. אֵלֶּה בְנֵי־חָם לְמִשְׁפְּחֹתָם לִלְשֹׁנֹתָם בְּאַרְצֹתָם בְּגוֹיֵהֶם׃ 10.2. בְּנֵי יֶפֶת גֹּמֶר וּמָגוֹג וּמָדַי וְיָוָן וְתֻבָל וּמֶשֶׁךְ וְתִירָס׃

10.2. The sons of Japheth: Gomer, and Magog, and Madai, and Javan, and Tubal, and Meshech, and Tiras.

8. Homeric Hymns, To Demeter, 441-443, 445-470, 444 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 256

444. To fall upon her neck. Yet in her head,

9. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 393 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, empire of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 213

10. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 1.29, 13.17, 21.5, 45.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 196, 197, 198; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 137

13.17. הִנְנִי מֵעִיר עֲלֵיהֶם אֶת־מָדָי אֲשֶׁר־כֶּסֶף לֹא יַחְשֹׁבוּ וְזָהָב לֹא יַחְפְּצוּ־בוֹ׃ 45.1. הוֹי אֹמֵר לְאָב מַה־תּוֹלִיד וּלְאִשָּׁה מַה־תְּחִילִין׃ 45.1. כֹּה־אָמַר יְהוָה לִמְשִׁיחוֹ לְכוֹרֶשׁ אֲשֶׁר־הֶחֱזַקְתִּי בִימִינוֹ לְרַד־לְפָנָיו גּוֹיִם וּמָתְנֵי מְלָכִים אֲפַתֵּחַ לִפְתֹּחַ לְפָנָיו דְּלָתַיִם וּשְׁעָרִים לֹא יִסָּגֵרוּ׃

13.17. Behold, I will stir up the Medes against them, Who shall not regard silver, And as for gold, they shall not delight in it. 45.1. Thus saith the LORD to His anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him, and to loose the loins of kings; to open the doors before him, and that the gates may not be shut:

11. Homeric Hymns, To Aphrodite, 100-104, 33-52, 92-99, 105 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 167

105. of my prestige in Troy, my progeny

12. Homer, Iliad, 3.182-3.190, 5.311-5.430, 8.245-8.251, 14.153-14.224, 20.4-20.6, 24.306-24.321 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 34, 46, 86, 337

3.182. ὦ μάκαρ Ἀτρεΐδη μοιρηγενὲς ὀλβιόδαιμον, 3.183. ἦ ῥά νύ τοι πολλοὶ δεδμήατο κοῦροι Ἀχαιῶν. 3.184. ἤδη καὶ Φρυγίην εἰσήλυθον ἀμπελόεσσαν, 3.185. ἔνθα ἴδον πλείστους Φρύγας ἀνέρας αἰολοπώλους 3.186. λαοὺς Ὀτρῆος καὶ Μυγδόνος ἀντιθέοιο, 3.187. οἵ ῥα τότʼ ἐστρατόωντο παρʼ ὄχθας Σαγγαρίοιο· 3.188. καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼν ἐπίκουρος ἐὼν μετὰ τοῖσιν ἐλέχθην 3.189. ἤματι τῷ ὅτε τʼ ἦλθον Ἀμαζόνες ἀντιάνειραι· 3.190. ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ οἳ τόσοι ἦσαν ὅσοι ἑλίκωπες Ἀχαιοί. 5.311. καί νύ κεν ἔνθʼ ἀπόλοιτο ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν Αἰνείας, 5.312. εἰ μὴ ἄρʼ ὀξὺ νόησε Διὸς θυγάτηρ Ἀφροδίτη 5.313. μήτηρ, ἥ μιν ὑπʼ Ἀγχίσῃ τέκε βουκολέοντι· 5.314. ἀμφὶ δʼ ἑὸν φίλον υἱὸν ἐχεύατο πήχεε λευκώ, 5.315. πρόσθε δέ οἱ πέπλοιο φαεινοῦ πτύγμα κάλυψεν 5.316. ἕρκος ἔμεν βελέων, μή τις Δαναῶν ταχυπώλων 5.317. χαλκὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσι βαλὼν ἐκ θυμὸν ἕλοιτο. 5.318. ἣ μὲν ἑὸν φίλον υἱὸν ὑπεξέφερεν πολέμοιο· 5.319. οὐδʼ υἱὸς Καπανῆος ἐλήθετο συνθεσιάων 5.320. τάων ἃς ἐπέτελλε βοὴν ἀγαθὸς Διομήδης, 5.321. ἀλλʼ ὅ γε τοὺς μὲν ἑοὺς ἠρύκακε μώνυχας ἵππους 5.322. νόσφιν ἀπὸ φλοίσβου ἐξ ἄντυγος ἡνία τείνας, 5.323. Αἰνείαο δʼ ἐπαΐξας καλλίτριχας ἵππους 5.324. ἐξέλασε Τρώων μετʼ ἐϋκνήμιδας Ἀχαιούς. 5.325. δῶκε δὲ Δηϊπύλῳ ἑτάρῳ φίλῳ, ὃν περὶ πάσης 5.326. τῖεν ὁμηλικίης ὅτι οἱ φρεσὶν ἄρτια ᾔδη, 5.327. νηυσὶν ἔπι γλαφυρῇσιν ἐλαυνέμεν· αὐτὰρ ὅ γʼ ἥρως 5.328. ὧν ἵππων ἐπιβὰς ἔλαβʼ ἡνία σιγαλόεντα, 5.329. αἶψα δὲ Τυδεΐδην μέθεπε κρατερώνυχας ἵππους 5.330. ἐμμεμαώς· ὃ δὲ Κύπριν ἐπῴχετο νηλέϊ χαλκῷ 5.331. γιγνώσκων ὅ τʼ ἄναλκις ἔην θεός, οὐδὲ θεάων 5.332. τάων αἵ τʼ ἀνδρῶν πόλεμον κάτα κοιρανέουσιν, 5.333. οὔτʼ ἄρʼ Ἀθηναίη οὔτε πτολίπορθος Ἐνυώ. 5.334. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δή ῥʼ ἐκίχανε πολὺν καθʼ ὅμιλον ὀπάζων, 5.335. ἔνθʼ ἐπορεξάμενος μεγαθύμου Τυδέος υἱὸς 5.336. ἄκρην οὔτασε χεῖρα μετάλμενος ὀξέϊ δουρὶ 5.337. ἀβληχρήν· εἶθαρ δὲ δόρυ χροὸς ἀντετόρησεν 5.338. ἀμβροσίου διὰ πέπλου, ὅν οἱ Χάριτες κάμον αὐταί, 5.339. πρυμνὸν ὕπερ θέναρος· ῥέε δʼ ἄμβροτον αἷμα θεοῖο 5.340. ἰχώρ, οἷός πέρ τε ῥέει μακάρεσσι θεοῖσιν· 5.341. οὐ γὰρ σῖτον ἔδουσʼ, οὐ πίνουσʼ αἴθοπα οἶνον, 5.342. τοὔνεκʼ ἀναίμονές εἰσι καὶ ἀθάνατοι καλέονται. 5.343. ἣ δὲ μέγα ἰάχουσα ἀπὸ ἕο κάββαλεν υἱόν· 5.344. καὶ τὸν μὲν μετὰ χερσὶν ἐρύσατο Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων 5.345. κυανέῃ νεφέλῃ, μή τις Δαναῶν ταχυπώλων 5.346. χαλκὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσι βαλὼν ἐκ θυμὸν ἕλοιτο· 5.347. τῇ δʼ ἐπὶ μακρὸν ἄϋσε βοὴν ἀγαθὸς Διομήδης· 5.348. εἶκε Διὸς θύγατερ πολέμου καὶ δηϊοτῆτος· 5.349. ἦ οὐχ ἅλις ὅττι γυναῖκας ἀνάλκιδας ἠπεροπεύεις; 5.350. εἰ δὲ σύ γʼ ἐς πόλεμον πωλήσεαι, ἦ τέ σʼ ὀΐω 5.351. ῥιγήσειν πόλεμόν γε καὶ εἴ χʼ ἑτέρωθι πύθηαι. 5.352. ὣς ἔφαθʼ, ἣ δʼ ἀλύουσʼ ἀπεβήσετο, τείρετο δʼ αἰνῶς· 5.353. τὴν μὲν ἄρʼ Ἶρις ἑλοῦσα ποδήνεμος ἔξαγʼ ὁμίλου 5.354. ἀχθομένην ὀδύνῃσι, μελαίνετο δὲ χρόα καλόν. 5.355. εὗρεν ἔπειτα μάχης ἐπʼ ἀριστερὰ θοῦρον Ἄρηα 5.356. ἥμενον· ἠέρι δʼ ἔγχος ἐκέκλιτο καὶ ταχέʼ ἵππω· 5.357. ἣ δὲ γνὺξ ἐριποῦσα κασιγνήτοιο φίλοιο 5.358. πολλὰ λισσομένη χρυσάμπυκας ᾔτεεν ἵππους· 5.359. φίλε κασίγνητε κόμισαί τέ με δός τέ μοι ἵππους, 5.360. ὄφρʼ ἐς Ὄλυμπον ἵκωμαι ἵνʼ ἀθανάτων ἕδος ἐστί. 5.361. λίην ἄχθομαι ἕλκος ὅ με βροτὸς οὔτασεν ἀνὴρ 5.362. Τυδεΐδης, ὃς νῦν γε καὶ ἂν Διὶ πατρὶ μάχοιτο. 5.363. ὣς φάτο, τῇ δʼ ἄρʼ Ἄρης δῶκε χρυσάμπυκας ἵππους· 5.364. ἣ δʼ ἐς δίφρον ἔβαινεν ἀκηχεμένη φίλον ἦτορ, 5.365. πὰρ δέ οἱ Ἶρις ἔβαινε καὶ ἡνία λάζετο χερσί, 5.366. μάστιξεν δʼ ἐλάαν, τὼ δʼ οὐκ ἀέκοντε πετέσθην. 5.367. αἶψα δʼ ἔπειθʼ ἵκοντο θεῶν ἕδος αἰπὺν Ὄλυμπον· 5.368. ἔνθʼ ἵππους ἔστησε ποδήνεμος ὠκέα Ἶρις 5.369. λύσασʼ ἐξ ὀχέων, παρὰ δʼ ἀμβρόσιον βάλεν εἶδαρ· 5.370. ἣ δʼ ἐν γούνασι πῖπτε Διώνης δῖʼ Ἀφροδίτη 5.371. μητρὸς ἑῆς· ἣ δʼ ἀγκὰς ἐλάζετο θυγατέρα ἥν, 5.372. χειρί τέ μιν κατέρεξεν ἔπος τʼ ἔφατʼ ἐκ τʼ ὀνόμαζε· 5.373. τίς νύ σε τοιάδʼ ἔρεξε φίλον τέκος Οὐρανιώνων 5.374. μαψιδίως, ὡς εἴ τι κακὸν ῥέζουσαν ἐνωπῇ; 5.375. τὴν δʼ ἠμείβετʼ ἔπειτα φιλομμειδὴς Ἀφροδίτη· 5.376. οὖτά με Τυδέος υἱὸς ὑπέρθυμος Διομήδης, 5.377. οὕνεκʼ ἐγὼ φίλον υἱὸν ὑπεξέφερον πολέμοιο 5.378. Αἰνείαν, ὃς ἐμοὶ πάντων πολὺ φίλτατός ἐστιν. 5.379. οὐ γὰρ ἔτι Τρώων καὶ Ἀχαιῶν φύλοπις αἰνή, 5.380. ἀλλʼ ἤδη Δαναοί γε καὶ ἀθανάτοισι μάχονται. 5.381. τὴν δʼ ἠμείβετʼ ἔπειτα Διώνη, δῖα θεάων· 5.382. τέτλαθι τέκνον ἐμόν, καὶ ἀνάσχεο κηδομένη περ· 5.383. πολλοὶ γὰρ δὴ τλῆμεν Ὀλύμπια δώματʼ ἔχοντες 5.384. ἐξ ἀνδρῶν χαλέπʼ ἄλγεʼ ἐπʼ ἀλλήλοισι τιθέντες. 5.385. τλῆ μὲν Ἄρης ὅτε μιν Ὦτος κρατερός τʼ Ἐφιάλτης 5.386. παῖδες Ἀλωῆος, δῆσαν κρατερῷ ἐνὶ δεσμῷ· 5.387. χαλκέῳ δʼ ἐν κεράμῳ δέδετο τρισκαίδεκα μῆνας· 5.388. καί νύ κεν ἔνθʼ ἀπόλοιτο Ἄρης ἆτος πολέμοιο, 5.389. εἰ μὴ μητρυιὴ περικαλλὴς Ἠερίβοια 5.390. Ἑρμέᾳ ἐξήγγειλεν· ὃ δʼ ἐξέκλεψεν Ἄρηα 5.391. ἤδη τειρόμενον, χαλεπὸς δέ ἑ δεσμὸς ἐδάμνα. 5.392. τλῆ δʼ Ἥρη, ὅτε μιν κρατερὸς πάϊς Ἀμφιτρύωνος 5.393. δεξιτερὸν κατὰ μαζὸν ὀϊστῷ τριγλώχινι 5.394. βεβλήκει· τότε καί μιν ἀνήκεστον λάβεν ἄλγος. 5.395. τλῆ δʼ Ἀΐδης ἐν τοῖσι πελώριος ὠκὺν ὀϊστόν, 5.396. εὖτέ μιν ωὐτὸς ἀνὴρ υἱὸς Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο 5.397. ἐν Πύλῳ ἐν νεκύεσσι βαλὼν ὀδύνῃσιν ἔδωκεν· 5.398. αὐτὰρ ὃ βῆ πρὸς δῶμα Διὸς καὶ μακρὸν Ὄλυμπον 5.399. κῆρ ἀχέων ὀδύνῃσι πεπαρμένος· αὐτὰρ ὀϊστὸς 5.400. ὤμῳ ἔνι στιβαρῷ ἠλήλατο, κῆδε δὲ θυμόν. 5.401. τῷ δʼ ἐπὶ Παιήων ὀδυνήφατα φάρμακα πάσσων 5.402. ἠκέσατʼ· οὐ μὲν γάρ τι καταθνητός γε τέτυκτο. 5.403. σχέτλιος ὀβριμοεργὸς ὃς οὐκ ὄθετʼ αἴσυλα ῥέζων, 5.404. ὃς τόξοισιν ἔκηδε θεοὺς οἳ Ὄλυμπον ἔχουσι. 5.405. σοὶ δʼ ἐπὶ τοῦτον ἀνῆκε θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη· 5.406. νήπιος, οὐδὲ τὸ οἶδε κατὰ φρένα Τυδέος υἱὸς 5.407. ὅττι μάλʼ οὐ δηναιὸς ὃς ἀθανάτοισι μάχηται, 5.408. οὐδέ τί μιν παῖδες ποτὶ γούνασι παππάζουσιν 5.409. ἐλθόντʼ ἐκ πολέμοιο καὶ αἰνῆς δηϊοτῆτος. 5.410. τὼ νῦν Τυδεΐδης, εἰ καὶ μάλα καρτερός ἐστι, 5.411. φραζέσθω μή τίς οἱ ἀμείνων σεῖο μάχηται, 5.412. μὴ δὴν Αἰγιάλεια περίφρων Ἀδρηστίνη 5.413. ἐξ ὕπνου γοόωσα φίλους οἰκῆας ἐγείρῃ 5.414. κουρίδιον ποθέουσα πόσιν τὸν ἄριστον Ἀχαιῶν 5.415. ἰφθίμη ἄλοχος Διομήδεος ἱπποδάμοιο. 5.416. ἦ ῥα καὶ ἀμφοτέρῃσιν ἀπʼ ἰχῶ χειρὸς ὀμόργνυ· 5.417. ἄλθετο χείρ, ὀδύναι δὲ κατηπιόωντο βαρεῖαι. 5.418. αἳ δʼ αὖτʼ εἰσορόωσαι Ἀθηναίη τε καὶ Ἥρη 5.419. κερτομίοις ἐπέεσσι Δία Κρονίδην ἐρέθιζον. 5.420. τοῖσι δὲ μύθων ἦρχε θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη· 5.421. Ζεῦ πάτερ ἦ ῥά τί μοι κεχολώσεαι ὅττι κεν εἴπω; 5.422. ἦ μάλα δή τινα Κύπρις Ἀχαιϊάδων ἀνιεῖσα 5.423. Τρωσὶν ἅμα σπέσθαι, τοὺς νῦν ἔκπαγλα φίλησε, 5.424. τῶν τινα καρρέζουσα Ἀχαιϊάδων ἐϋπέπλων 5.425. πρὸς χρυσῇ περόνῃ καταμύξατο χεῖρα ἀραιήν. 5.426. ὣς φάτο, μείδησεν δὲ πατὴρ ἀνδρῶν τε θεῶν τε, 5.427. καί ῥα καλεσσάμενος προσέφη χρυσῆν Ἀφροδίτην· 5.428. οὔ τοι τέκνον ἐμὸν δέδοται πολεμήϊα ἔργα, 5.429. ἀλλὰ σύ γʼ ἱμερόεντα μετέρχεο ἔργα γάμοιο, 5.430. ταῦτα δʼ Ἄρηϊ θοῷ καὶ Ἀθήνῃ πάντα μελήσει. 8.245. ὣς φάτο, τὸν δὲ πατὴρ ὀλοφύρατο δάκρυ χέοντα, 8.246. νεῦσε δέ οἱ λαὸν σόον ἔμμεναι οὐδʼ ἀπολέσθαι. 8.247. αὐτίκα δʼ αἰετὸν ἧκε τελειότατον πετεηνῶν, 8.248. νεβρὸν ἔχοντʼ ὀνύχεσσι τέκος ἐλάφοιο ταχείης· 8.249. πὰρ δὲ Διὸς βωμῷ περικαλλέϊ κάββαλε νεβρόν, 8.250. ἔνθα πανομφαίῳ Ζηνὶ ῥέζεσκον Ἀχαιοί. 8.251. οἳ δʼ ὡς οὖν εἴδονθʼ ὅ τʼ ἄρʼ ἐκ Διὸς ἤλυθεν ὄρνις, 14.153. Ἥρη δʼ εἰσεῖδε χρυσόθρονος ὀφθαλμοῖσι 14.154. στᾶσʼ ἐξ Οὐλύμποιο ἀπὸ ῥίου· αὐτίκα δʼ ἔγνω 14.155. τὸν μὲν ποιπνύοντα μάχην ἀνὰ κυδιάνειραν 14.156. αὐτοκασίγνητον καὶ δαέρα, χαῖρε δὲ θυμῷ· 14.157. Ζῆνα δʼ ἐπʼ ἀκροτάτης κορυφῆς πολυπίδακος Ἴδης 14.158. ἥμενον εἰσεῖδε, στυγερὸς δέ οἱ ἔπλετο θυμῷ. 14.159. μερμήριξε δʼ ἔπειτα βοῶπις πότνια Ἥρη 14.160. ὅππως ἐξαπάφοιτο Διὸς νόον αἰγιόχοιο· 14.161. ἥδε δέ οἱ κατὰ θυμὸν ἀρίστη φαίνετο βουλὴ 14.162. ἐλθεῖν εἰς Ἴδην εὖ ἐντύνασαν ἓ αὐτήν, 14.163. εἴ πως ἱμείραιτο παραδραθέειν φιλότητι 14.164. ᾗ χροιῇ, τῷ δʼ ὕπνον ἀπήμονά τε λιαρόν τε 14.165. χεύῃ ἐπὶ βλεφάροισιν ἰδὲ φρεσὶ πευκαλίμῃσι. 14.166. βῆ δʼ ἴμεν ἐς θάλαμον, τόν οἱ φίλος υἱὸς ἔτευξεν 14.167. Ἥφαιστος, πυκινὰς δὲ θύρας σταθμοῖσιν ἐπῆρσε 14.168. κληῗδι κρυπτῇ, τὴν δʼ οὐ θεὸς ἄλλος ἀνῷγεν· 14.169. ἔνθʼ ἥ γʼ εἰσελθοῦσα θύρας ἐπέθηκε φαεινάς. 14.170. ἀμβροσίῃ μὲν πρῶτον ἀπὸ χροὸς ἱμερόεντος 14.171. λύματα πάντα κάθηρεν, ἀλείψατο δὲ λίπʼ ἐλαίῳ 14.172. ἀμβροσίῳ ἑδανῷ, τό ῥά οἱ τεθυωμένον ἦεν· 14.173. τοῦ καὶ κινυμένοιο Διὸς κατὰ χαλκοβατὲς δῶ 14.174. ἔμπης ἐς γαῖάν τε καὶ οὐρανὸν ἵκετʼ ἀϋτμή. 14.175. τῷ ῥʼ ἥ γε χρόα καλὸν ἀλειψαμένη ἰδὲ χαίτας 14.176. πεξαμένη χερσὶ πλοκάμους ἔπλεξε φαεινοὺς 14.177. καλοὺς ἀμβροσίους ἐκ κράατος ἀθανάτοιο. 14.178. ἀμφὶ δʼ ἄρʼ ἀμβρόσιον ἑανὸν ἕσαθʼ, ὅν οἱ Ἀθήνη 14.179. ἔξυσʼ ἀσκήσασα, τίθει δʼ ἐνὶ δαίδαλα πολλά· 14.180. χρυσείῃς δʼ ἐνετῇσι κατὰ στῆθος περονᾶτο. 14.181. ζώσατο δὲ ζώνῃ ἑκατὸν θυσάνοις ἀραρυίῃ, 14.182. ἐν δʼ ἄρα ἕρματα ἧκεν ἐϋτρήτοισι λοβοῖσι 14.183. τρίγληνα μορόεντα· χάρις δʼ ἀπελάμπετο πολλή. 14.184. κρηδέμνῳ δʼ ἐφύπερθε καλύψατο δῖα θεάων 14.185. καλῷ νηγατέῳ· λευκὸν δʼ ἦν ἠέλιος ὥς· 14.186. ποσσὶ δʼ ὑπὸ λιπαροῖσιν ἐδήσατο καλὰ πέδιλα. 14.187. αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δὴ πάντα περὶ χροῒ θήκατο κόσμον 14.188. βῆ ῥʼ ἴμεν ἐκ θαλάμοιο, καλεσσαμένη δʼ Ἀφροδίτην 14.189. τῶν ἄλλων ἀπάνευθε θεῶν πρὸς μῦθον ἔειπε· 14.190. ἦ ῥά νύ μοί τι πίθοιο φίλον τέκος ὅττί κεν εἴπω, 14.191. ἦέ κεν ἀρνήσαιο κοτεσσαμένη τό γε θυμῷ, 14.192. οὕνεκʼ ἐγὼ Δαναοῖσι, σὺ δὲ Τρώεσσιν ἀρήγεις; 14.193. τὴν δʼ ἠμείβετʼ ἔπειτα Διὸς θυγάτηρ Ἀφροδίτη· 14.194. Ἥρη πρέσβα θεὰ θύγατερ μεγάλοιο Κρόνοιο 14.195. αὔδα ὅ τι φρονέεις· τελέσαι δέ με θυμὸς ἄνωγεν, 14.196. εἰ δύναμαι τελέσαι γε καὶ εἰ τετελεσμένον ἐστίν. 14.197. τὴν δὲ δολοφρονέουσα προσηύδα πότνια Ἥρη· 14.198. δὸς νῦν μοι φιλότητα καὶ ἵμερον, ᾧ τε σὺ πάντας 14.199. δαμνᾷ ἀθανάτους ἠδὲ θνητοὺς ἀνθρώπους. 14.200. εἶμι γὰρ ὀψομένη πολυφόρβου πείρατα γαίης, 14.201. Ὠκεανόν τε θεῶν γένεσιν καὶ μητέρα Τηθύν, 14.202. οἵ μʼ ἐν σφοῖσι δόμοισιν ἐῢ τρέφον ἠδʼ ἀτίταλλον 14.203. δεξάμενοι Ῥείας, ὅτε τε Κρόνον εὐρύοπα Ζεὺς 14.204. γαίης νέρθε καθεῖσε καὶ ἀτρυγέτοιο θαλάσσης· 14.205. τοὺς εἶμʼ ὀψομένη, καί σφʼ ἄκριτα νείκεα λύσω· 14.206. ἤδη γὰρ δηρὸν χρόνον ἀλλήλων ἀπέχονται 14.207. εὐνῆς καὶ φιλότητος, ἐπεὶ χόλος ἔμπεσε θυμῷ. 14.208. εἰ κείνω ἐπέεσσι παραιπεπιθοῦσα φίλον κῆρ 14.209. εἰς εὐνὴν ἀνέσαιμι ὁμωθῆναι φιλότητι, 14.210. αἰεί κέ σφι φίλη τε καὶ αἰδοίη καλεοίμην. 14.211. τὴν δʼ αὖτε προσέειπε φιλομειδὴς Ἀφροδίτη· 14.212. οὐκ ἔστʼ οὐδὲ ἔοικε τεὸν ἔπος ἀρνήσασθαι· 14.213. Ζηνὸς γὰρ τοῦ ἀρίστου ἐν ἀγκοίνῃσιν ἰαύεις. 14.214. ἦ, καὶ ἀπὸ στήθεσφιν ἐλύσατο κεστὸν ἱμάντα 14.215. ποικίλον, ἔνθα δέ οἱ θελκτήρια πάντα τέτυκτο· 14.216. ἔνθʼ ἔνι μὲν φιλότης, ἐν δʼ ἵμερος, ἐν δʼ ὀαριστὺς 14.217. πάρφασις, ἥ τʼ ἔκλεψε νόον πύκα περ φρονεόντων. 14.218. τόν ῥά οἱ ἔμβαλε χερσὶν ἔπος τʼ ἔφατʼ ἔκ τʼ ὀνόμαζε· 14.219. τῆ νῦν τοῦτον ἱμάντα τεῷ ἐγκάτθεο κόλπῳ 14.220. ποικίλον, ᾧ ἔνι πάντα τετεύχαται· οὐδέ σέ φημι 14.221. ἄπρηκτόν γε νέεσθαι, ὅ τι φρεσὶ σῇσι μενοινᾷς. 14.222. ὣς φάτο, μείδησεν δὲ βοῶπις πότνια Ἥρη, 14.223. μειδήσασα δʼ ἔπειτα ἑῷ ἐγκάτθετο κόλπῳ. 14.224. ἣ μὲν ἔβη πρὸς δῶμα Διὸς θυγάτηρ Ἀφροδίτη, 20.4. Ζεὺς δὲ Θέμιστα κέλευσε θεοὺς ἀγορὴν δὲ καλέσσαι 20.5. κρατὸς ἀπʼ Οὐλύμποιο πολυπτύχου· ἣ δʼ ἄρα πάντῃ 20.6. φοιτήσασα κέλευσε Διὸς πρὸς δῶμα νέεσθαι. 24.306. εὔχετʼ ἔπειτα στὰς μέσῳ ἕρκεϊ, λεῖβε δὲ οἶνον 24.308. Ζεῦ πάτερ Ἴδηθεν μεδέων κύδιστε μέγιστε 24.309. δός μʼ ἐς Ἀχιλλῆος φίλον ἐλθεῖν ἠδʼ ἐλεεινόν, 24.310. πέμψον δʼ οἰωνὸν ταχὺν ἄγγελον, ὅς τε σοὶ αὐτῷ 24.311. φίλτατος οἰωνῶν, καί εὑ κράτος ἐστὶ μέγιστον, 24.312. δεξιόν, ὄφρά μιν αὐτὸς ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖσι νοήσας 24.313. τῷ πίσυνος ἐπὶ νῆας ἴω Δαναῶν ταχυπώλων. 24.314. ὣς ἔφατʼ εὐχόμενος, τοῦ δʼ ἔκλυε μητίετα Ζεὺς 24.321. γήθησαν, καὶ πᾶσιν ἐνὶ φρεσὶ θυμὸς ἰάνθη.

3.182. And he was husband's brother to shameless me, as sure as ever such a one there was. So spake she, and the old man was seized with wonder, and said:Ah, happy son of Atreus, child of fortune, blest of heaven; now see I that youths of the Achaeans full many are made subject unto thee. Ere now have I journeyed to the land of Phrygia, rich in vines, 3.183. And he was husband's brother to shameless me, as sure as ever such a one there was. So spake she, and the old man was seized with wonder, and said:Ah, happy son of Atreus, child of fortune, blest of heaven; now see I that youths of the Achaeans full many are made subject unto thee. Ere now have I journeyed to the land of Phrygia, rich in vines, 3.184. And he was husband's brother to shameless me, as sure as ever such a one there was. So spake she, and the old man was seized with wonder, and said:Ah, happy son of Atreus, child of fortune, blest of heaven; now see I that youths of the Achaeans full many are made subject unto thee. Ere now have I journeyed to the land of Phrygia, rich in vines, 3.185. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.186. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.187. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.188. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.189. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.190. /Howbeit not even they were as many as are the bright-eyed Achaeans. 5.311. upon the earth; and dark night enfolded his eyes.And now would the king of men, Aeneas, have perished, had not the daughter of Zeus, Aphrodite, been quick to mark, even his mother, that conceived him to Anchises as he tended his kine. About her dear son she flung her white arms, 5.312. upon the earth; and dark night enfolded his eyes.And now would the king of men, Aeneas, have perished, had not the daughter of Zeus, Aphrodite, been quick to mark, even his mother, that conceived him to Anchises as he tended his kine. About her dear son she flung her white arms, 5.313. upon the earth; and dark night enfolded his eyes.And now would the king of men, Aeneas, have perished, had not the daughter of Zeus, Aphrodite, been quick to mark, even his mother, that conceived him to Anchises as he tended his kine. About her dear son she flung her white arms, 5.314. upon the earth; and dark night enfolded his eyes.And now would the king of men, Aeneas, have perished, had not the daughter of Zeus, Aphrodite, been quick to mark, even his mother, that conceived him to Anchises as he tended his kine. About her dear son she flung her white arms, 5.315. and before him she spread a fold of her bright garment to be a shelter against missiles, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. 5.316. and before him she spread a fold of her bright garment to be a shelter against missiles, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. 5.317. and before him she spread a fold of her bright garment to be a shelter against missiles, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. 5.318. and before him she spread a fold of her bright garment to be a shelter against missiles, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. 5.319. and before him she spread a fold of her bright garment to be a shelter against missiles, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. She then was bearing her dear son forth from out the battle; but the son of Capaneus forgat not 5.320. the commands that Diomedes good at the war-cry laid upon him. He held his own single-hooved horses away from the turmoil, binding the reins taut to the chariot rim, but rushed upon the fair-maned horses of Aeneas, and drave them forth from the Trojans into the host of the well-greaved Achaeans, 5.321. the commands that Diomedes good at the war-cry laid upon him. He held his own single-hooved horses away from the turmoil, binding the reins taut to the chariot rim, but rushed upon the fair-maned horses of Aeneas, and drave them forth from the Trojans into the host of the well-greaved Achaeans, 5.322. the commands that Diomedes good at the war-cry laid upon him. He held his own single-hooved horses away from the turmoil, binding the reins taut to the chariot rim, but rushed upon the fair-maned horses of Aeneas, and drave them forth from the Trojans into the host of the well-greaved Achaeans, 5.323. the commands that Diomedes good at the war-cry laid upon him. He held his own single-hooved horses away from the turmoil, binding the reins taut to the chariot rim, but rushed upon the fair-maned horses of Aeneas, and drave them forth from the Trojans into the host of the well-greaved Achaeans, 5.324. the commands that Diomedes good at the war-cry laid upon him. He held his own single-hooved horses away from the turmoil, binding the reins taut to the chariot rim, but rushed upon the fair-maned horses of Aeneas, and drave them forth from the Trojans into the host of the well-greaved Achaeans, 5.325. and gave them to Deïpylus his dear comrade, whom he honoured above all the companions of his youth, because he was like-minded with himself; him he bade drive them to the hollow ships. Then did the warrior mount his own car and take the bright reins, and straightway drive his stout-hooved horses in eager quest of Tydeus' son. 5.326. and gave them to Deïpylus his dear comrade, whom he honoured above all the companions of his youth, because he was like-minded with himself; him he bade drive them to the hollow ships. Then did the warrior mount his own car and take the bright reins, and straightway drive his stout-hooved horses in eager quest of Tydeus' son. 5.327. and gave them to Deïpylus his dear comrade, whom he honoured above all the companions of his youth, because he was like-minded with himself; him he bade drive them to the hollow ships. Then did the warrior mount his own car and take the bright reins, and straightway drive his stout-hooved horses in eager quest of Tydeus' son. 5.328. and gave them to Deïpylus his dear comrade, whom he honoured above all the companions of his youth, because he was like-minded with himself; him he bade drive them to the hollow ships. Then did the warrior mount his own car and take the bright reins, and straightway drive his stout-hooved horses in eager quest of Tydeus' son. 5.329. and gave them to Deïpylus his dear comrade, whom he honoured above all the companions of his youth, because he was like-minded with himself; him he bade drive them to the hollow ships. Then did the warrior mount his own car and take the bright reins, and straightway drive his stout-hooved horses in eager quest of Tydeus' son. 5.330. He the while had gone in pursuit of Cypris with his pitiless bronze, discerning that she was a weakling goddess, and not one of those that lord it in the battle of warriors,—no Athene she, nor Enyo, sacker of cities. But when he had come upon her as he pursued her through the great throng, 5.331. He the while had gone in pursuit of Cypris with his pitiless bronze, discerning that she was a weakling goddess, and not one of those that lord it in the battle of warriors,—no Athene she, nor Enyo, sacker of cities. But when he had come upon her as he pursued her through the great throng, 5.332. He the while had gone in pursuit of Cypris with his pitiless bronze, discerning that she was a weakling goddess, and not one of those that lord it in the battle of warriors,—no Athene she, nor Enyo, sacker of cities. But when he had come upon her as he pursued her through the great throng, 5.333. He the while had gone in pursuit of Cypris with his pitiless bronze, discerning that she was a weakling goddess, and not one of those that lord it in the battle of warriors,—no Athene she, nor Enyo, sacker of cities. But when he had come upon her as he pursued her through the great throng, 5.334. He the while had gone in pursuit of Cypris with his pitiless bronze, discerning that she was a weakling goddess, and not one of those that lord it in the battle of warriors,—no Athene she, nor Enyo, sacker of cities. But when he had come upon her as he pursued her through the great throng, 5.335. then the son of great-souled Tydeus thrust with his sharp spear and leapt upon her, and wounded the surface of her delicate hand, and forthwith through the ambrosial raiment that the Graces themselves had wrought for her the spear pierced the flesh upon the wrist above the palm and forth flowed the immortal blood of the goddess, 5.336. then the son of great-souled Tydeus thrust with his sharp spear and leapt upon her, and wounded the surface of her delicate hand, and forthwith through the ambrosial raiment that the Graces themselves had wrought for her the spear pierced the flesh upon the wrist above the palm and forth flowed the immortal blood of the goddess, 5.337. then the son of great-souled Tydeus thrust with his sharp spear and leapt upon her, and wounded the surface of her delicate hand, and forthwith through the ambrosial raiment that the Graces themselves had wrought for her the spear pierced the flesh upon the wrist above the palm and forth flowed the immortal blood of the goddess, 5.338. then the son of great-souled Tydeus thrust with his sharp spear and leapt upon her, and wounded the surface of her delicate hand, and forthwith through the ambrosial raiment that the Graces themselves had wrought for her the spear pierced the flesh upon the wrist above the palm and forth flowed the immortal blood of the goddess, 5.339. then the son of great-souled Tydeus thrust with his sharp spear and leapt upon her, and wounded the surface of her delicate hand, and forthwith through the ambrosial raiment that the Graces themselves had wrought for her the spear pierced the flesh upon the wrist above the palm and forth flowed the immortal blood of the goddess, 5.340. the ichor, such as floweth in the blessed gods; for they eat not bread neither drink flaming wine, wherefore they are bloodless, and are called immortals. She then with a loud cry let fall her son, and Phoebus Apollo took him in his arms 5.341. the ichor, such as floweth in the blessed gods; for they eat not bread neither drink flaming wine, wherefore they are bloodless, and are called immortals. She then with a loud cry let fall her son, and Phoebus Apollo took him in his arms 5.342. the ichor, such as floweth in the blessed gods; for they eat not bread neither drink flaming wine, wherefore they are bloodless, and are called immortals. She then with a loud cry let fall her son, and Phoebus Apollo took him in his arms 5.343. the ichor, such as floweth in the blessed gods; for they eat not bread neither drink flaming wine, wherefore they are bloodless, and are called immortals. She then with a loud cry let fall her son, and Phoebus Apollo took him in his arms 5.344. the ichor, such as floweth in the blessed gods; for they eat not bread neither drink flaming wine, wherefore they are bloodless, and are called immortals. She then with a loud cry let fall her son, and Phoebus Apollo took him in his arms 5.345. and saved him in a dark cloud, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. But over her shouted aloud Diomedes good at the war-cry:Keep thee away, daughter of Zeus, from war and fighting. Sufficeth it not that thou beguilest weakling women? 5.346. and saved him in a dark cloud, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. But over her shouted aloud Diomedes good at the war-cry:Keep thee away, daughter of Zeus, from war and fighting. Sufficeth it not that thou beguilest weakling women? 5.347. and saved him in a dark cloud, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. But over her shouted aloud Diomedes good at the war-cry:Keep thee away, daughter of Zeus, from war and fighting. Sufficeth it not that thou beguilest weakling women? 5.348. and saved him in a dark cloud, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. But over her shouted aloud Diomedes good at the war-cry:Keep thee away, daughter of Zeus, from war and fighting. Sufficeth it not that thou beguilest weakling women? 5.349. and saved him in a dark cloud, lest any of the Danaans with swift horses might hurl a spear of bronze into his breast and take away his life. But over her shouted aloud Diomedes good at the war-cry:Keep thee away, daughter of Zeus, from war and fighting. Sufficeth it not that thou beguilest weakling women? 5.350. But if into battle thou wilt enter, verily methinks thou shalt shudder at the name thereof, if thou hearest it even from afar. So spake he, and she departed frantic, and was sore distressed; and wind-footed Iris took her and led her forth from out the throng, racked with pain, and her fair flesh was darkened. 5.351. But if into battle thou wilt enter, verily methinks thou shalt shudder at the name thereof, if thou hearest it even from afar. So spake he, and she departed frantic, and was sore distressed; and wind-footed Iris took her and led her forth from out the throng, racked with pain, and her fair flesh was darkened. 5.352. But if into battle thou wilt enter, verily methinks thou shalt shudder at the name thereof, if thou hearest it even from afar. So spake he, and she departed frantic, and was sore distressed; and wind-footed Iris took her and led her forth from out the throng, racked with pain, and her fair flesh was darkened. 5.353. But if into battle thou wilt enter, verily methinks thou shalt shudder at the name thereof, if thou hearest it even from afar. So spake he, and she departed frantic, and was sore distressed; and wind-footed Iris took her and led her forth from out the throng, racked with pain, and her fair flesh was darkened. 5.354. But if into battle thou wilt enter, verily methinks thou shalt shudder at the name thereof, if thou hearest it even from afar. So spake he, and she departed frantic, and was sore distressed; and wind-footed Iris took her and led her forth from out the throng, racked with pain, and her fair flesh was darkened. 5.355. Anon she found furious Ares abiding on the left of the battle, and upon a cloud was his spear leaning, and at hand were his swift horses twain. Then she fell upon her knees and with instant prayer begged for her dear brother's horses with frontlets of gold:Dear brother, save me, and give me thy horses, 5.356. Anon she found furious Ares abiding on the left of the battle, and upon a cloud was his spear leaning, and at hand were his swift horses twain. Then she fell upon her knees and with instant prayer begged for her dear brother's horses with frontlets of gold:Dear brother, save me, and give me thy horses, 5.357. Anon she found furious Ares abiding on the left of the battle, and upon a cloud was his spear leaning, and at hand were his swift horses twain. Then she fell upon her knees and with instant prayer begged for her dear brother's horses with frontlets of gold:Dear brother, save me, and give me thy horses, 5.358. Anon she found furious Ares abiding on the left of the battle, and upon a cloud was his spear leaning, and at hand were his swift horses twain. Then she fell upon her knees and with instant prayer begged for her dear brother's horses with frontlets of gold:Dear brother, save me, and give me thy horses, 5.359. Anon she found furious Ares abiding on the left of the battle, and upon a cloud was his spear leaning, and at hand were his swift horses twain. Then she fell upon her knees and with instant prayer begged for her dear brother's horses with frontlets of gold:Dear brother, save me, and give me thy horses, 5.360. that I may get me to Olympus, where is the abode of the immortals. For sorely am I pained with a wound which a mortal man dealt me, Tydeus' son, that would now fight even with father Zeus. 5.361. that I may get me to Olympus, where is the abode of the immortals. For sorely am I pained with a wound which a mortal man dealt me, Tydeus' son, that would now fight even with father Zeus. 5.362. that I may get me to Olympus, where is the abode of the immortals. For sorely am I pained with a wound which a mortal man dealt me, Tydeus' son, that would now fight even with father Zeus. 5.363. that I may get me to Olympus, where is the abode of the immortals. For sorely am I pained with a wound which a mortal man dealt me, Tydeus' son, that would now fight even with father Zeus. 5.364. that I may get me to Olympus, where is the abode of the immortals. For sorely am I pained with a wound which a mortal man dealt me, Tydeus' son, that would now fight even with father Zeus. So spake she, and Ares gave her his horses with frontlets of gold; and she mounted upon the car, her heart distraught, 5.365. and beside her mounted Iris and took the reins in her hand. She touched the horses with the lash to start them, and nothing loath the pair sped onward. Straightway then they came to the abode of the gods, to steep Olympus and there wind-footed, swift Iris stayed the horses and loosed them from the car, and cast before them food ambrosial; 5.366. and beside her mounted Iris and took the reins in her hand. She touched the horses with the lash to start them, and nothing loath the pair sped onward. Straightway then they came to the abode of the gods, to steep Olympus and there wind-footed, swift Iris stayed the horses and loosed them from the car, and cast before them food ambrosial; 5.367. and beside her mounted Iris and took the reins in her hand. She touched the horses with the lash to start them, and nothing loath the pair sped onward. Straightway then they came to the abode of the gods, to steep Olympus and there wind-footed, swift Iris stayed the horses and loosed them from the car, and cast before them food ambrosial; 5.368. and beside her mounted Iris and took the reins in her hand. She touched the horses with the lash to start them, and nothing loath the pair sped onward. Straightway then they came to the abode of the gods, to steep Olympus and there wind-footed, swift Iris stayed the horses and loosed them from the car, and cast before them food ambrosial; 5.369. and beside her mounted Iris and took the reins in her hand. She touched the horses with the lash to start them, and nothing loath the pair sped onward. Straightway then they came to the abode of the gods, to steep Olympus and there wind-footed, swift Iris stayed the horses and loosed them from the car, and cast before them food ambrosial; 5.370. but fair Aphrodite flung herself upon the knees of her mother Dione. She clasped her daughter in her arms, and stroked her with her hand and spake to her, saying:Who now of the sons of heaven, dear child, hath entreated thee thus wantonly, as though thou wert working some evil before the face of all? 5.371. but fair Aphrodite flung herself upon the knees of her mother Dione. She clasped her daughter in her arms, and stroked her with her hand and spake to her, saying:Who now of the sons of heaven, dear child, hath entreated thee thus wantonly, as though thou wert working some evil before the face of all? 5.372. but fair Aphrodite flung herself upon the knees of her mother Dione. She clasped her daughter in her arms, and stroked her with her hand and spake to her, saying:Who now of the sons of heaven, dear child, hath entreated thee thus wantonly, as though thou wert working some evil before the face of all? 5.373. but fair Aphrodite flung herself upon the knees of her mother Dione. She clasped her daughter in her arms, and stroked her with her hand and spake to her, saying:Who now of the sons of heaven, dear child, hath entreated thee thus wantonly, as though thou wert working some evil before the face of all? 5.374. but fair Aphrodite flung herself upon the knees of her mother Dione. She clasped her daughter in her arms, and stroked her with her hand and spake to her, saying:Who now of the sons of heaven, dear child, hath entreated thee thus wantonly, as though thou wert working some evil before the face of all? 5.375. To her then made answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:Tydeus' son, Diomedes high of heart, wounded me, for that I was bearing forth from out the war my dear son Aeneas, who is in my eyes far the dearest of all men. For no longer is the dread battle one between Trojans and Achaeans; 5.376. To her then made answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:Tydeus' son, Diomedes high of heart, wounded me, for that I was bearing forth from out the war my dear son Aeneas, who is in my eyes far the dearest of all men. For no longer is the dread battle one between Trojans and Achaeans; 5.377. To her then made answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:Tydeus' son, Diomedes high of heart, wounded me, for that I was bearing forth from out the war my dear son Aeneas, who is in my eyes far the dearest of all men. For no longer is the dread battle one between Trojans and Achaeans; 5.378. To her then made answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:Tydeus' son, Diomedes high of heart, wounded me, for that I was bearing forth from out the war my dear son Aeneas, who is in my eyes far the dearest of all men. For no longer is the dread battle one between Trojans and Achaeans; 5.379. To her then made answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:Tydeus' son, Diomedes high of heart, wounded me, for that I was bearing forth from out the war my dear son Aeneas, who is in my eyes far the dearest of all men. For no longer is the dread battle one between Trojans and Achaeans; 5.380. nay, the Danaans now fight even with the immortals. To her then made answer Dione, the fair goddess:Be of good heart, my child, and endure for all thy suffering; for full many of us that have dwellings on Olympus have suffered at the hands of men, in bringing grievous woes one upon the other. 5.381. nay, the Danaans now fight even with the immortals. To her then made answer Dione, the fair goddess:Be of good heart, my child, and endure for all thy suffering; for full many of us that have dwellings on Olympus have suffered at the hands of men, in bringing grievous woes one upon the other. 5.382. nay, the Danaans now fight even with the immortals. To her then made answer Dione, the fair goddess:Be of good heart, my child, and endure for all thy suffering; for full many of us that have dwellings on Olympus have suffered at the hands of men, in bringing grievous woes one upon the other. 5.383. nay, the Danaans now fight even with the immortals. To her then made answer Dione, the fair goddess:Be of good heart, my child, and endure for all thy suffering; for full many of us that have dwellings on Olympus have suffered at the hands of men, in bringing grievous woes one upon the other. 5.384. nay, the Danaans now fight even with the immortals. To her then made answer Dione, the fair goddess:Be of good heart, my child, and endure for all thy suffering; for full many of us that have dwellings on Olympus have suffered at the hands of men, in bringing grievous woes one upon the other. 5.385. So suffered Ares, when Otus and mighty Ephialtes, the sons of Aloeus, bound him in cruel bonds, and in a brazen jar he lay bound for thirteen months; and then would Ares, insatiate of war, have perished, had not the stepmother of the sons of Aloeus, the beauteous Eëriboea, 5.386. So suffered Ares, when Otus and mighty Ephialtes, the sons of Aloeus, bound him in cruel bonds, and in a brazen jar he lay bound for thirteen months; and then would Ares, insatiate of war, have perished, had not the stepmother of the sons of Aloeus, the beauteous Eëriboea, 5.387. So suffered Ares, when Otus and mighty Ephialtes, the sons of Aloeus, bound him in cruel bonds, and in a brazen jar he lay bound for thirteen months; and then would Ares, insatiate of war, have perished, had not the stepmother of the sons of Aloeus, the beauteous Eëriboea, 5.388. So suffered Ares, when Otus and mighty Ephialtes, the sons of Aloeus, bound him in cruel bonds, and in a brazen jar he lay bound for thirteen months; and then would Ares, insatiate of war, have perished, had not the stepmother of the sons of Aloeus, the beauteous Eëriboea, 5.389. So suffered Ares, when Otus and mighty Ephialtes, the sons of Aloeus, bound him in cruel bonds, and in a brazen jar he lay bound for thirteen months; and then would Ares, insatiate of war, have perished, had not the stepmother of the sons of Aloeus, the beauteous Eëriboea, 5.390. brought tidings unto Hermes; and he stole forth Ares, that was now sore distressed, for his grievous bonds were overpowering him. So suffered Hera, when the mighty son of Amphitryon smote her on the right breast with a three-barbed arrow; then upon her too came pain that might in no wise be assuaged. 5.391. brought tidings unto Hermes; and he stole forth Ares, that was now sore distressed, for his grievous bonds were overpowering him. So suffered Hera, when the mighty son of Amphitryon smote her on the right breast with a three-barbed arrow; then upon her too came pain that might in no wise be assuaged. 5.392. brought tidings unto Hermes; and he stole forth Ares, that was now sore distressed, for his grievous bonds were overpowering him. So suffered Hera, when the mighty son of Amphitryon smote her on the right breast with a three-barbed arrow; then upon her too came pain that might in no wise be assuaged. 5.393. brought tidings unto Hermes; and he stole forth Ares, that was now sore distressed, for his grievous bonds were overpowering him. So suffered Hera, when the mighty son of Amphitryon smote her on the right breast with a three-barbed arrow; then upon her too came pain that might in no wise be assuaged. 5.394. brought tidings unto Hermes; and he stole forth Ares, that was now sore distressed, for his grievous bonds were overpowering him. So suffered Hera, when the mighty son of Amphitryon smote her on the right breast with a three-barbed arrow; then upon her too came pain that might in no wise be assuaged. 5.395. And so suffered monstrous Hades even as the rest a bitter arrow, when this same man, the son of Zeus that beareth the aegis, smote him in Pylos amid the dead, and gave him over to pains. But he went to the house of Zeus and to high Olympus with grief at heart, pierced through with pains; 5.396. And so suffered monstrous Hades even as the rest a bitter arrow, when this same man, the son of Zeus that beareth the aegis, smote him in Pylos amid the dead, and gave him over to pains. But he went to the house of Zeus and to high Olympus with grief at heart, pierced through with pains; 5.397. And so suffered monstrous Hades even as the rest a bitter arrow, when this same man, the son of Zeus that beareth the aegis, smote him in Pylos amid the dead, and gave him over to pains. But he went to the house of Zeus and to high Olympus with grief at heart, pierced through with pains; 5.398. And so suffered monstrous Hades even as the rest a bitter arrow, when this same man, the son of Zeus that beareth the aegis, smote him in Pylos amid the dead, and gave him over to pains. But he went to the house of Zeus and to high Olympus with grief at heart, pierced through with pains; 5.399. And so suffered monstrous Hades even as the rest a bitter arrow, when this same man, the son of Zeus that beareth the aegis, smote him in Pylos amid the dead, and gave him over to pains. But he went to the house of Zeus and to high Olympus with grief at heart, pierced through with pains; 5.400. for into his mighty shoulder had the shaft been driven, and distressed his soul. But Paeëon spread thereon simples that slay pain, and healed him; for verily he was in no wise of mortal mould. Rash man, worker of violence, that recked not of his evil deeds, seeing that with his arrows he vexed the gods that hold Olympus. 5.401. for into his mighty shoulder had the shaft been driven, and distressed his soul. But Paeëon spread thereon simples that slay pain, and healed him; for verily he was in no wise of mortal mould. Rash man, worker of violence, that recked not of his evil deeds, seeing that with his arrows he vexed the gods that hold Olympus. 5.402. for into his mighty shoulder had the shaft been driven, and distressed his soul. But Paeëon spread thereon simples that slay pain, and healed him; for verily he was in no wise of mortal mould. Rash man, worker of violence, that recked not of his evil deeds, seeing that with his arrows he vexed the gods that hold Olympus. 5.403. for into his mighty shoulder had the shaft been driven, and distressed his soul. But Paeëon spread thereon simples that slay pain, and healed him; for verily he was in no wise of mortal mould. Rash man, worker of violence, that recked not of his evil deeds, seeing that with his arrows he vexed the gods that hold Olympus. 5.404. for into his mighty shoulder had the shaft been driven, and distressed his soul. But Paeëon spread thereon simples that slay pain, and healed him; for verily he was in no wise of mortal mould. Rash man, worker of violence, that recked not of his evil deeds, seeing that with his arrows he vexed the gods that hold Olympus. 5.405. And upon thee has the goddess, flashing-eyed Athene, set this man—fool that he is; for the heart of Tydeus' son knoweth not this, that verily he endureth not for long who fighteth with the immortals, nor do his children prattle about his knees when he is come back from war and the dread conflict. 5.406. And upon thee has the goddess, flashing-eyed Athene, set this man—fool that he is; for the heart of Tydeus' son knoweth not this, that verily he endureth not for long who fighteth with the immortals, nor do his children prattle about his knees when he is come back from war and the dread conflict. 5.407. And upon thee has the goddess, flashing-eyed Athene, set this man—fool that he is; for the heart of Tydeus' son knoweth not this, that verily he endureth not for long who fighteth with the immortals, nor do his children prattle about his knees when he is come back from war and the dread conflict. 5.408. And upon thee has the goddess, flashing-eyed Athene, set this man—fool that he is; for the heart of Tydeus' son knoweth not this, that verily he endureth not for long who fighteth with the immortals, nor do his children prattle about his knees when he is come back from war and the dread conflict. 5.409. And upon thee has the goddess, flashing-eyed Athene, set this man—fool that he is; for the heart of Tydeus' son knoweth not this, that verily he endureth not for long who fighteth with the immortals, nor do his children prattle about his knees when he is come back from war and the dread conflict. 5.410. Wherefore now let Tydeus' son, for all he is so mighty, beware lest one better than thou fight against him, lest in sooth Aegialeia, the daughter of Adrastus, passing wise, wake from sleep with her long lamentings all her household, as she wails for her wedded husband, the best man of the Achaeans, even she, 5.411. Wherefore now let Tydeus' son, for all he is so mighty, beware lest one better than thou fight against him, lest in sooth Aegialeia, the daughter of Adrastus, passing wise, wake from sleep with her long lamentings all her household, as she wails for her wedded husband, the best man of the Achaeans, even she, 5.412. Wherefore now let Tydeus' son, for all he is so mighty, beware lest one better than thou fight against him, lest in sooth Aegialeia, the daughter of Adrastus, passing wise, wake from sleep with her long lamentings all her household, as she wails for her wedded husband, the best man of the Achaeans, even she, 5.413. Wherefore now let Tydeus' son, for all he is so mighty, beware lest one better than thou fight against him, lest in sooth Aegialeia, the daughter of Adrastus, passing wise, wake from sleep with her long lamentings all her household, as she wails for her wedded husband, the best man of the Achaeans, even she, 5.414. Wherefore now let Tydeus' son, for all he is so mighty, beware lest one better than thou fight against him, lest in sooth Aegialeia, the daughter of Adrastus, passing wise, wake from sleep with her long lamentings all her household, as she wails for her wedded husband, the best man of the Achaeans, even she, 5.415. /the stately wife of horse-taming Diomedes. 5.416. /the stately wife of horse-taming Diomedes. 5.417. /the stately wife of horse-taming Diomedes. 5.418. /the stately wife of horse-taming Diomedes. 5.419. the stately wife of horse-taming Diomedes. She spake, and with both her hands wiped the ichor from the arm; the arm was restored, and the grievous pains assuaged. But Athene and Hera, as they looked upon her, sought to anger Zeus, son of Cronos, with mocking words. 5.420. And among them the goddess flashing-eyed Athene was first to speak:Father Zeus, wilt thou anywise be wroth with me for the word that I shall say? of a surety now Cypris has been urging some one of the women of Achaea to follow after the Trojans, whom now she so wondrously loveth; and while stroking such a one of the fair-robed women of Achaea, 5.421. And among them the goddess flashing-eyed Athene was first to speak:Father Zeus, wilt thou anywise be wroth with me for the word that I shall say? of a surety now Cypris has been urging some one of the women of Achaea to follow after the Trojans, whom now she so wondrously loveth; and while stroking such a one of the fair-robed women of Achaea, 5.422. And among them the goddess flashing-eyed Athene was first to speak:Father Zeus, wilt thou anywise be wroth with me for the word that I shall say? of a surety now Cypris has been urging some one of the women of Achaea to follow after the Trojans, whom now she so wondrously loveth; and while stroking such a one of the fair-robed women of Achaea, 5.423. And among them the goddess flashing-eyed Athene was first to speak:Father Zeus, wilt thou anywise be wroth with me for the word that I shall say? of a surety now Cypris has been urging some one of the women of Achaea to follow after the Trojans, whom now she so wondrously loveth; and while stroking such a one of the fair-robed women of Achaea, 5.424. And among them the goddess flashing-eyed Athene was first to speak:Father Zeus, wilt thou anywise be wroth with me for the word that I shall say? of a surety now Cypris has been urging some one of the women of Achaea to follow after the Trojans, whom now she so wondrously loveth; and while stroking such a one of the fair-robed women of Achaea, 5.425. he hath scratched upon her golden brooch her delicate hand. So spake she, but the father of men and gods smiled, and calling to him golden Aphrodite, said:Not unto thee, my child, are given works of war; nay, follow thou after the lovely works of marriage, 5.426. he hath scratched upon her golden brooch her delicate hand. So spake she, but the father of men and gods smiled, and calling to him golden Aphrodite, said:Not unto thee, my child, are given works of war; nay, follow thou after the lovely works of marriage, 5.427. he hath scratched upon her golden brooch her delicate hand. So spake she, but the father of men and gods smiled, and calling to him golden Aphrodite, said:Not unto thee, my child, are given works of war; nay, follow thou after the lovely works of marriage, 5.428. he hath scratched upon her golden brooch her delicate hand. So spake she, but the father of men and gods smiled, and calling to him golden Aphrodite, said:Not unto thee, my child, are given works of war; nay, follow thou after the lovely works of marriage, 5.429. he hath scratched upon her golden brooch her delicate hand. So spake she, but the father of men and gods smiled, and calling to him golden Aphrodite, said:Not unto thee, my child, are given works of war; nay, follow thou after the lovely works of marriage, 5.430. and all these things shall be the business of swift Ares and Athene. On this wise spake they one to the other; but Diomedes, good at the war-cry, leapt upon Aeneas, though well he knew that Apollo himself held forth his arms above him; yet had he no awe even of the great god, but was still eager 8.245. So spake he, and the Father had pity on him as he wept, and vouchsafed him that his folk should be saved and not perish. Forthwith he sent an eagle, surest of omens among winged birds, holding in his talons a fawn, the young of a swift hind. Beside the fair altar of Zeus he let fall the fawn, 8.246. So spake he, and the Father had pity on him as he wept, and vouchsafed him that his folk should be saved and not perish. Forthwith he sent an eagle, surest of omens among winged birds, holding in his talons a fawn, the young of a swift hind. Beside the fair altar of Zeus he let fall the fawn, 8.247. So spake he, and the Father had pity on him as he wept, and vouchsafed him that his folk should be saved and not perish. Forthwith he sent an eagle, surest of omens among winged birds, holding in his talons a fawn, the young of a swift hind. Beside the fair altar of Zeus he let fall the fawn, 8.248. So spake he, and the Father had pity on him as he wept, and vouchsafed him that his folk should be saved and not perish. Forthwith he sent an eagle, surest of omens among winged birds, holding in his talons a fawn, the young of a swift hind. Beside the fair altar of Zeus he let fall the fawn, 8.249. So spake he, and the Father had pity on him as he wept, and vouchsafed him that his folk should be saved and not perish. Forthwith he sent an eagle, surest of omens among winged birds, holding in his talons a fawn, the young of a swift hind. Beside the fair altar of Zeus he let fall the fawn, 8.250. even where the Achaeans were wont to offer sacrifice to Zeus from whom all omens come. So they, when they saw that it was from Zeus that the bird was come, leapt the more upon the Trojans and bethought them of battle.Then might no man of the Danaans, for all they were so many, vaunt that he before the son of Tydeus guided his swift horses 8.251. even where the Achaeans were wont to offer sacrifice to Zeus from whom all omens come. So they, when they saw that it was from Zeus that the bird was come, leapt the more upon the Trojans and bethought them of battle.Then might no man of the Danaans, for all they were so many, vaunt that he before the son of Tydeus guided his swift horses 14.153. even so mighty a shout did the lord, the Shaker of Earth, send forth from his breast. and in the heart of each man of the Achaeans he put great strength, to war and fight unceasingly. 14.154. even so mighty a shout did the lord, the Shaker of Earth, send forth from his breast. and in the heart of each man of the Achaeans he put great strength, to war and fight unceasingly. Now Hera of the golden throne, standing on a peak of Olympus, therefrom had sight of him, and forthwith knew him 14.155. as he went busily about in the battle where men win glory, her own brother and her lord's withal; and she was glad at heart. And Zeus she marked seated on the topmost peak of many-fountained Ida, and hateful was he to her heart. Then she took thought, the ox-eyed, queenly Hera, 14.156. as he went busily about in the battle where men win glory, her own brother and her lord's withal; and she was glad at heart. And Zeus she marked seated on the topmost peak of many-fountained Ida, and hateful was he to her heart. Then she took thought, the ox-eyed, queenly Hera, 14.157. as he went busily about in the battle where men win glory, her own brother and her lord's withal; and she was glad at heart. And Zeus she marked seated on the topmost peak of many-fountained Ida, and hateful was he to her heart. Then she took thought, the ox-eyed, queenly Hera, 14.158. as he went busily about in the battle where men win glory, her own brother and her lord's withal; and she was glad at heart. And Zeus she marked seated on the topmost peak of many-fountained Ida, and hateful was he to her heart. Then she took thought, the ox-eyed, queenly Hera, 14.159. as he went busily about in the battle where men win glory, her own brother and her lord's withal; and she was glad at heart. And Zeus she marked seated on the topmost peak of many-fountained Ida, and hateful was he to her heart. Then she took thought, the ox-eyed, queenly Hera, 14.160. how she might beguile the mind of Zeus that beareth the aegis. And this plan seemed to her mind the best—to go to Ida, when she had beauteously adorned her person, if so be he might desire to lie by her side and embrace her body in love, and she might shed a warm and gentle sleep 14.161. how she might beguile the mind of Zeus that beareth the aegis. And this plan seemed to her mind the best—to go to Ida, when she had beauteously adorned her person, if so be he might desire to lie by her side and embrace her body in love, and she might shed a warm and gentle sleep 14.162. how she might beguile the mind of Zeus that beareth the aegis. And this plan seemed to her mind the best—to go to Ida, when she had beauteously adorned her person, if so be he might desire to lie by her side and embrace her body in love, and she might shed a warm and gentle sleep 14.163. how she might beguile the mind of Zeus that beareth the aegis. And this plan seemed to her mind the best—to go to Ida, when she had beauteously adorned her person, if so be he might desire to lie by her side and embrace her body in love, and she might shed a warm and gentle sleep 14.164. how she might beguile the mind of Zeus that beareth the aegis. And this plan seemed to her mind the best—to go to Ida, when she had beauteously adorned her person, if so be he might desire to lie by her side and embrace her body in love, and she might shed a warm and gentle sleep 14.165. upon his eyelids and his cunning mind. So she went her way to her chamber, that her dear son Hephaestus had fashioned for her, and had fitted strong doors to the door-posts with a secret bolt, that no other god might open. Therein she entered, and closed the bright doors. 14.166. upon his eyelids and his cunning mind. So she went her way to her chamber, that her dear son Hephaestus had fashioned for her, and had fitted strong doors to the door-posts with a secret bolt, that no other god might open. Therein she entered, and closed the bright doors. 14.167. upon his eyelids and his cunning mind. So she went her way to her chamber, that her dear son Hephaestus had fashioned for her, and had fitted strong doors to the door-posts with a secret bolt, that no other god might open. Therein she entered, and closed the bright doors. 14.168. upon his eyelids and his cunning mind. So she went her way to her chamber, that her dear son Hephaestus had fashioned for her, and had fitted strong doors to the door-posts with a secret bolt, that no other god might open. Therein she entered, and closed the bright doors. 14.169. upon his eyelids and his cunning mind. So she went her way to her chamber, that her dear son Hephaestus had fashioned for her, and had fitted strong doors to the door-posts with a secret bolt, that no other god might open. Therein she entered, and closed the bright doors. 14.170. With ambrosia first did she cleanse from her lovely body every stain, and anointed her richly with oil, ambrosial, soft, and of rich fragrance; were this but shaken in the palace of Zeus with threshold of bronze, even so would the savour thereof reach unto earth and heaven. 14.171. With ambrosia first did she cleanse from her lovely body every stain, and anointed her richly with oil, ambrosial, soft, and of rich fragrance; were this but shaken in the palace of Zeus with threshold of bronze, even so would the savour thereof reach unto earth and heaven. 14.172. With ambrosia first did she cleanse from her lovely body every stain, and anointed her richly with oil, ambrosial, soft, and of rich fragrance; were this but shaken in the palace of Zeus with threshold of bronze, even so would the savour thereof reach unto earth and heaven. 14.173. With ambrosia first did she cleanse from her lovely body every stain, and anointed her richly with oil, ambrosial, soft, and of rich fragrance; were this but shaken in the palace of Zeus with threshold of bronze, even so would the savour thereof reach unto earth and heaven. 14.174. With ambrosia first did she cleanse from her lovely body every stain, and anointed her richly with oil, ambrosial, soft, and of rich fragrance; were this but shaken in the palace of Zeus with threshold of bronze, even so would the savour thereof reach unto earth and heaven. 14.175. Therewith she annointed her lovely body, and she combed her hair, and with her hands pIaited the bright tresses, fair and ambrosial, that streamed from her immortal head. Then she clothed her about in a robe ambrosial, which Athene had wrought for her with cunning skill, and had set thereon broideries full many; 14.176. Therewith she annointed her lovely body, and she combed her hair, and with her hands pIaited the bright tresses, fair and ambrosial, that streamed from her immortal head. Then she clothed her about in a robe ambrosial, which Athene had wrought for her with cunning skill, and had set thereon broideries full many; 14.177. Therewith she annointed her lovely body, and she combed her hair, and with her hands pIaited the bright tresses, fair and ambrosial, that streamed from her immortal head. Then she clothed her about in a robe ambrosial, which Athene had wrought for her with cunning skill, and had set thereon broideries full many; 14.178. Therewith she annointed her lovely body, and she combed her hair, and with her hands pIaited the bright tresses, fair and ambrosial, that streamed from her immortal head. Then she clothed her about in a robe ambrosial, which Athene had wrought for her with cunning skill, and had set thereon broideries full many; 14.179. Therewith she annointed her lovely body, and she combed her hair, and with her hands pIaited the bright tresses, fair and ambrosial, that streamed from her immortal head. Then she clothed her about in a robe ambrosial, which Athene had wrought for her with cunning skill, and had set thereon broideries full many; 14.180. and she pinned it upon her breast with brooches of gold, and she girt about her a girdle set with an hundred tassels, and in her pierced ears she put ear-rings with three clustering drops; and abundant grace shone therefrom. And with a veil over all did the bright goddess 14.181. and she pinned it upon her breast with brooches of gold, and she girt about her a girdle set with an hundred tassels, and in her pierced ears she put ear-rings with three clustering drops; and abundant grace shone therefrom. And with a veil over all did the bright goddess 14.182. and she pinned it upon her breast with brooches of gold, and she girt about her a girdle set with an hundred tassels, and in her pierced ears she put ear-rings with three clustering drops; and abundant grace shone therefrom. And with a veil over all did the bright goddess 14.183. and she pinned it upon her breast with brooches of gold, and she girt about her a girdle set with an hundred tassels, and in her pierced ears she put ear-rings with three clustering drops; and abundant grace shone therefrom. And with a veil over all did the bright goddess 14.184. and she pinned it upon her breast with brooches of gold, and she girt about her a girdle set with an hundred tassels, and in her pierced ears she put ear-rings with three clustering drops; and abundant grace shone therefrom. And with a veil over all did the bright goddess 14.185. veil herself, a fair veil, all glistering, and white was it as the sun; and beneath her shining feet she bound her fair sandals. But when she had decked her body with all adornment, she went forth from her chamber, and calling to her Aphrodite, apart from the other gods, she spake to her, saying: 14.186. veil herself, a fair veil, all glistering, and white was it as the sun; and beneath her shining feet she bound her fair sandals. But when she had decked her body with all adornment, she went forth from her chamber, and calling to her Aphrodite, apart from the other gods, she spake to her, saying: 14.187. veil herself, a fair veil, all glistering, and white was it as the sun; and beneath her shining feet she bound her fair sandals. But when she had decked her body with all adornment, she went forth from her chamber, and calling to her Aphrodite, apart from the other gods, she spake to her, saying: 14.188. veil herself, a fair veil, all glistering, and white was it as the sun; and beneath her shining feet she bound her fair sandals. But when she had decked her body with all adornment, she went forth from her chamber, and calling to her Aphrodite, apart from the other gods, she spake to her, saying: 14.189. veil herself, a fair veil, all glistering, and white was it as the sun; and beneath her shining feet she bound her fair sandals. But when she had decked her body with all adornment, she went forth from her chamber, and calling to her Aphrodite, apart from the other gods, she spake to her, saying: 14.190. Wilt thou now hearken to me, dear child, in what I shall say? or wilt thou refuse me, being angered at heart for that I give aid to the Danaans and thou to the Trojans? 14.191. Wilt thou now hearken to me, dear child, in what I shall say? or wilt thou refuse me, being angered at heart for that I give aid to the Danaans and thou to the Trojans? 14.192. Wilt thou now hearken to me, dear child, in what I shall say? or wilt thou refuse me, being angered at heart for that I give aid to the Danaans and thou to the Trojans? 14.193. Wilt thou now hearken to me, dear child, in what I shall say? or wilt thou refuse me, being angered at heart for that I give aid to the Danaans and thou to the Trojans? 14.194. Wilt thou now hearken to me, dear child, in what I shall say? or wilt thou refuse me, being angered at heart for that I give aid to the Danaans and thou to the Trojans? Then made answer to her Aphrodite, daughter of Zeus:Hera, queenly goddess, daughter of great Cronos, 14.195. peak what is in thy mind; my heart bids me fulfill it, if fulfill it I can, and it is a thing that hath fulfillment. Then with crafty thought spake to her queenly Hera:Give me now love and desire, wherewith thou art wont to subdue all immortals and mortal men. 14.196. peak what is in thy mind; my heart bids me fulfill it, if fulfill it I can, and it is a thing that hath fulfillment. Then with crafty thought spake to her queenly Hera:Give me now love and desire, wherewith thou art wont to subdue all immortals and mortal men. 14.197. peak what is in thy mind; my heart bids me fulfill it, if fulfill it I can, and it is a thing that hath fulfillment. Then with crafty thought spake to her queenly Hera:Give me now love and desire, wherewith thou art wont to subdue all immortals and mortal men. 14.198. peak what is in thy mind; my heart bids me fulfill it, if fulfill it I can, and it is a thing that hath fulfillment. Then with crafty thought spake to her queenly Hera:Give me now love and desire, wherewith thou art wont to subdue all immortals and mortal men. 14.199. peak what is in thy mind; my heart bids me fulfill it, if fulfill it I can, and it is a thing that hath fulfillment. Then with crafty thought spake to her queenly Hera:Give me now love and desire, wherewith thou art wont to subdue all immortals and mortal men. 14.200. For I am faring to visit the limits of the all-nurturing earth, and Oceanus, from whom the gods are sprung, and mother Tethys, even them that lovingly nursed and cherished me in their halls, when they had taken me from Rhea, what time Zeus, whose voice is borne afar, thrust Cronos down to dwell beneath earth and the unresting sea. 14.201. For I am faring to visit the limits of the all-nurturing earth, and Oceanus, from whom the gods are sprung, and mother Tethys, even them that lovingly nursed and cherished me in their halls, when they had taken me from Rhea, what time Zeus, whose voice is borne afar, thrust Cronos down to dwell beneath earth and the unresting sea. 14.202. For I am faring to visit the limits of the all-nurturing earth, and Oceanus, from whom the gods are sprung, and mother Tethys, even them that lovingly nursed and cherished me in their halls, when they had taken me from Rhea, what time Zeus, whose voice is borne afar, thrust Cronos down to dwell beneath earth and the unresting sea. 14.203. For I am faring to visit the limits of the all-nurturing earth, and Oceanus, from whom the gods are sprung, and mother Tethys, even them that lovingly nursed and cherished me in their halls, when they had taken me from Rhea, what time Zeus, whose voice is borne afar, thrust Cronos down to dwell beneath earth and the unresting sea. 14.204. For I am faring to visit the limits of the all-nurturing earth, and Oceanus, from whom the gods are sprung, and mother Tethys, even them that lovingly nursed and cherished me in their halls, when they had taken me from Rhea, what time Zeus, whose voice is borne afar, thrust Cronos down to dwell beneath earth and the unresting sea. 14.205. Them am I faring to visit, and will loose for them their endless strife, since now for a long time's space they hold aloof one from the other from the marriage-bed and from love, for that wrath hath come upon their hearts. If by words I might but persuade the hearts of these twain, and bring them back to be joined together in love, 14.206. Them am I faring to visit, and will loose for them their endless strife, since now for a long time's space they hold aloof one from the other from the marriage-bed and from love, for that wrath hath come upon their hearts. If by words I might but persuade the hearts of these twain, and bring them back to be joined together in love, 14.207. Them am I faring to visit, and will loose for them their endless strife, since now for a long time's space they hold aloof one from the other from the marriage-bed and from love, for that wrath hath come upon their hearts. If by words I might but persuade the hearts of these twain, and bring them back to be joined together in love, 14.208. Them am I faring to visit, and will loose for them their endless strife, since now for a long time's space they hold aloof one from the other from the marriage-bed and from love, for that wrath hath come upon their hearts. If by words I might but persuade the hearts of these twain, and bring them back to be joined together in love, 14.209. Them am I faring to visit, and will loose for them their endless strife, since now for a long time's space they hold aloof one from the other from the marriage-bed and from love, for that wrath hath come upon their hearts. If by words I might but persuade the hearts of these twain, and bring them back to be joined together in love, 14.210. ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone, 14.211. ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone, 14.212. ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone, 14.213. ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone, 14.214. ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone, 14.215. curiously-wrought, wherein are fashioned all manner of allurements; therein is love, therein desire, therein dalliance—beguilement that steals the wits even of the wise. This she laid in her hands, and spake, and addressed her:Take now and lay in thy bosom this zone, 14.216. curiously-wrought, wherein are fashioned all manner of allurements; therein is love, therein desire, therein dalliance—beguilement that steals the wits even of the wise. This she laid in her hands, and spake, and addressed her:Take now and lay in thy bosom this zone, 14.217. curiously-wrought, wherein are fashioned all manner of allurements; therein is love, therein desire, therein dalliance—beguilement that steals the wits even of the wise. This she laid in her hands, and spake, and addressed her:Take now and lay in thy bosom this zone, 14.218. curiously-wrought, wherein are fashioned all manner of allurements; therein is love, therein desire, therein dalliance—beguilement that steals the wits even of the wise. This she laid in her hands, and spake, and addressed her:Take now and lay in thy bosom this zone, 14.219. curiously-wrought, wherein are fashioned all manner of allurements; therein is love, therein desire, therein dalliance—beguilement that steals the wits even of the wise. This she laid in her hands, and spake, and addressed her:Take now and lay in thy bosom this zone, 14.220. curiously-wrought, wherein all things are fashioned; I tell thee thou shalt not return with that unaccomplished, whatsoever in thy heart thou desirest. So spake she, and ox-eyed, queenly Hera smiled, and smiling laid the zone in her bosom.She then went to her house, the daughter of Zeus, Aphrodite, 14.221. curiously-wrought, wherein all things are fashioned; I tell thee thou shalt not return with that unaccomplished, whatsoever in thy heart thou desirest. So spake she, and ox-eyed, queenly Hera smiled, and smiling laid the zone in her bosom.She then went to her house, the daughter of Zeus, Aphrodite, 14.222. curiously-wrought, wherein all things are fashioned; I tell thee thou shalt not return with that unaccomplished, whatsoever in thy heart thou desirest. So spake she, and ox-eyed, queenly Hera smiled, and smiling laid the zone in her bosom.She then went to her house, the daughter of Zeus, Aphrodite, 14.223. curiously-wrought, wherein all things are fashioned; I tell thee thou shalt not return with that unaccomplished, whatsoever in thy heart thou desirest. So spake she, and ox-eyed, queenly Hera smiled, and smiling laid the zone in her bosom.She then went to her house, the daughter of Zeus, Aphrodite, 14.224. curiously-wrought, wherein all things are fashioned; I tell thee thou shalt not return with that unaccomplished, whatsoever in thy heart thou desirest. So spake she, and ox-eyed, queenly Hera smiled, and smiling laid the zone in her bosom.She then went to her house, the daughter of Zeus, Aphrodite, 20.4. / 20.4. So by the beaked ships around thee, O son of Peleus, insatiate of fight, the Achaeans arrayed them for battle; and likewise the Trojans over against them on the rising ground of the plain. But Zeus bade Themis summon the gods to the place of gathering from the 20.5. / 20.5. So by the beaked ships around thee, O son of Peleus, insatiate of fight, the Achaeans arrayed them for battle; and likewise the Trojans over against them on the rising ground of the plain. But Zeus bade Themis summon the gods to the place of gathering from the 20.5. brow of many-ribbed Olympus; and she sped everywhither, and bade them come to the house of Zeus. There was no river that came not, save only Oceanus, nor any nymph, of all that haunt the fair copses, the springs that feed the rivers, and the grassy meadows. 20.6. brow of many-ribbed Olympus; and she sped everywhither, and bade them come to the house of Zeus. There was no river that came not, save only Oceanus, nor any nymph, of all that haunt the fair copses, the springs that feed the rivers, and the grassy meadows. 24.306. Then, when he had washed his hands, he took the cup from his wife and then made prayer, standing in the midst of thie court, and poured forth the wine, with a look toward heaven, and spake ahoud, saying:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, grant that I may come unto Achilles' hut as one to be welcomed and to be pitied; 24.308. Then, when he had washed his hands, he took the cup from his wife and then made prayer, standing in the midst of thie court, and poured forth the wine, with a look toward heaven, and spake ahoud, saying:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, grant that I may come unto Achilles' hut as one to be welcomed and to be pitied; 24.309. Then, when he had washed his hands, he took the cup from his wife and then made prayer, standing in the midst of thie court, and poured forth the wine, with a look toward heaven, and spake ahoud, saying:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, grant that I may come unto Achilles' hut as one to be welcomed and to be pitied; 24.310. and send a bird of omen, even the swift messenger that to thyself is dearest of birds and is mightiest in strength; let him appear upon my right hand, to the end that, marking the sign with mine own eyes, I may have trust therein, and go my way to the ships of the Danaans of fleet steeds. So spake he in prayer, and Zeus the Counsellor heard him. 24.311. and send a bird of omen, even the swift messenger that to thyself is dearest of birds and is mightiest in strength; let him appear upon my right hand, to the end that, marking the sign with mine own eyes, I may have trust therein, and go my way to the ships of the Danaans of fleet steeds. So spake he in prayer, and Zeus the Counsellor heard him. 24.312. and send a bird of omen, even the swift messenger that to thyself is dearest of birds and is mightiest in strength; let him appear upon my right hand, to the end that, marking the sign with mine own eyes, I may have trust therein, and go my way to the ships of the Danaans of fleet steeds. So spake he in prayer, and Zeus the Counsellor heard him. 24.313. and send a bird of omen, even the swift messenger that to thyself is dearest of birds and is mightiest in strength; let him appear upon my right hand, to the end that, marking the sign with mine own eyes, I may have trust therein, and go my way to the ships of the Danaans of fleet steeds. So spake he in prayer, and Zeus the Counsellor heard him. 24.314. and send a bird of omen, even the swift messenger that to thyself is dearest of birds and is mightiest in strength; let him appear upon my right hand, to the end that, marking the sign with mine own eyes, I may have trust therein, and go my way to the ships of the Danaans of fleet steeds. So spake he in prayer, and Zeus the Counsellor heard him. 24.321. darting across the city. And at sight of him they waxed glad, and the hearts in the breasts of all were cheered.Then the old man made haste and stepped upon his car, and drave forth from the gateway and the echoing portico. In front the mules drew the four-wheeled waggon,

13. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 4.7, 51.11, 51.28 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 91, 196

4.7. עָלָה אַרְיֵה מִסֻּבְּכוֹ וּמַשְׁחִית גּוֹיִם נָסַע יָצָא מִמְּקֹמוֹ לָשׂוּם אַרְצֵךְ לְשַׁמָּה עָרַיִךְ תִּצֶּינָה מֵאֵין יוֹשֵׁב׃ 51.11. הָבֵרוּ הַחִצִּים מִלְאוּ הַשְּׁלָטִים הֵעִיר יְהוָה אֶת־רוּחַ מַלְכֵי מָדַי כִּי־עַל־בָּבֶל מְזִמָּתוֹ לְהַשְׁחִיתָהּ כִּי־נִקְמַת יְהוָה הִיא נִקְמַת הֵיכָלוֹ׃ 51.28. קַדְּשׁוּ עָלֶיהָ גוֹיִם אֶת־מַלְכֵי מָדַי אֶת־פַּחוֹתֶיהָ וְאֶת־כָּל־סְגָנֶיהָ וְאֵת כָּל־אֶרֶץ מֶמְשַׁלְתּוֹ׃

4.7. A lion is gone up from his thicket, and a destroyer of nations is set out, gone forth from his place; to make thy land desolate, that thy cities be laid waste, without inhabitant. 51.11. Make bright the arrows, Fill the quivers, The LORD hath roused the spirit of the kings of the Medes; Because His device is against Babylon, to destroy it; For it is the vengeance of the LORD, The vengeance of His temple. 51.28. Prepare against her the nations, the kings of the Medes, The governors thereof, and all the deputies thereof, And all the land of his dominion.

14. Archilochus, Fragments, 23 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 114

15. Homer, Odyssey, 1.119, 2.68-2.69, 5.125-5.127, 10.517 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, conquest of lydia by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 138, 207, 263, 337

1.119. βῆ δʼ ἰθὺς προθύροιο, νεμεσσήθη δʼ ἐνὶ θυμῷ 2.68. λίσσομαι ἠμὲν Ζηνὸς Ὀλυμπίου ἠδὲ Θέμιστος, 2.69. ἥ τʼ ἀνδρῶν ἀγορὰς ἠμὲν λύει ἠδὲ καθίζει· 5.125. ὣς δʼ ὁπότʼ Ἰασίωνι ἐυπλόκαμος Δημήτηρ, 5.126. ᾧ θυμῷ εἴξασα, μίγη φιλότητι καὶ εὐνῇ 5.127. νειῷ ἔνι τριπόλῳ· οὐδὲ δὴν ἦεν ἄπυστος 10.517. βόθρον ὀρύξαι, ὅσον τε πυγούσιον ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα,

5.125. So, when fair-haired Demeter yielded to her heart and mixed with Iasion in making love and love in a thrice-plowed fallow field, but not for long was Zeusunhearing of it, who struck him with white lightning and killed him. So again now, gods, you resent me for being with a mortal man,

16. Hesiod, Works And Days, 203-212, 202 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 86

202. νῦν δʼ αἶνον βασιλεῦσιν ἐρέω φρονέουσι καὶ αὐτοῖς·

202. Might will be right and shame shall cease to be,

17. Hesiod, Theogony, 133-135, 411-434, 436-452, 901-929, 435 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 160

435. ἐσθλὴ δʼ αὖθʼ ὁπότʼ ἄνδρες ἀεθλεύωσιν ἀγῶνι,

435. To Pelias – thus trim-ankled Victory

18. Anaximander, Fragments, a2, a4, a1 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 200

19. Alcman, Poems, 2a, ta1-3, ta12, ta5-9, 66 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

20. Solon, Fragments, 28a (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 242

21. Semonides of Amorgos, Fragments, 36 (7th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, and eunuchs Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 254

22. Sappho, Fragments, 38.17-38.20 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 46, 142

23. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 13.6 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, conquest of lydia by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 207

24. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 1.6, 3.77-3.79, 4.138 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, conquest of lydia by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 86, 87, 207

25. Aeschylus, Fragments, 388 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 160

26. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 1, 10-14, 16-19, 2, 20, 3-9, 15 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

15. μολόντα δʼ αὐτὸν κάρτα τιμαλφεῖ λεώς,

27. Aeschylus, Persians, 12, 157, 163-164, 173, 249-252, 563, 584, 623, 751, 815, 865, 929, 620 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 232

620. ὕμνους ἐπευφημεῖτε, τόν τε δαίμονα

28. Hecataeus of Miletus, Fragments, t12a (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 214

29. Aeschylus, Fragments, 388 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 160

30. Simonides, Fragments, 45, 31 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 266

31. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 209-210 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

210. ᾤοντʼ ἀμοχθεὶ πρὸς βίαν τε δεσπόσειν·

210. thought to gain the mastery without a struggle and by force. often my mother Themis, or Earth (though one form, she had many names), had foretold to me the way in which the future was fated to come to pass. That it was not by brute strength nor through violence,

32. Plato, Menexenus, 241d, 241e, 242a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 284

33. Plato, Laws, 694d-96b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and eunuchs Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 157

34. Plato, Gorgias, 516d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 265

516d. ΚΑΛ. ἔστω. ΣΩ. οὐκ ἄρʼ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολιτικὰ Περικλῆς ἦν ἐκ τούτου τοῦ λόγου. ΚΑΛ. οὐ σύ γε φῄς. ΣΩ. μὰ Δίʼ οὐδέ γε σὺ ἐξ ὧν ὡμολόγεις. πάλιν δὲ λέγε μοι περὶ Κίμωνος· οὐκ ἐξωστράκισαν αὐτὸν οὗτοι οὓς ἐθεράπευεν, ἵνα αὐτοῦ δέκα ἐτῶν μὴ ἀκούσειαν τῆς φωνῆς; καὶ Θεμιστοκλέα ταὐτὰ ταῦτα ἐποίησαν καὶ φυγῇ προσεζημίωσαν; Μιλτιάδην δὲ τὸν Μαραθῶνι εἰς τὸ βάραθρον

516d. CALLICLES: Then be it so. SOCRATES: And if wilder, more unjust and worse? CALLICLES: Be it so. SOCRATES: Then Pericles was not a good statesman, by this argument. CALLICLES: You at least say not. SOCRATES: And you too, I declare, by what you admitted. And now about Cimon once more, tell me, did not the people whom he tended ostracize him in order that they might not hear his voice for ten years? And Themistocles, did they not treat him in just the same way, and add the punishment of exile? 516d. Call. Then be it so. Soc. And if wilder, more unjust and worse? Call. Be it so. Soc. Then Pericles was not a good statesman, by this argument. Call. You at least say not. Soc. And you too, I declare, by what you admitted. And now about Cimon once more, tell me, did not the people whom he tended ostracize him in order that they might not hear his voice for ten years? And Themistocles, did they not treat him in just the same way, and add the punishment of exile?

35. Plato, Republic, 347e-349b, 359d-60b, 380b, 382c, 382d, 414c, 414d, 455d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 132

455d. ἐστι πάντων ἡττώμενον;

455d. and the boiling pot, whereon the sex plumes itself and wherein its defeat will expose it to most laughter?”“You are right,” he said, “that the one sex is far surpassed by the other in everything, one may say. Many women, it is true, are better than many men in many things, but broadly speaking, it is as you say.”“Then there is no pursuit of the administrators of a state that belongs to a woman because she is a woman or to a man because he is a man. But the natural capacities are distributed alike among both creatures, and women naturally share in all pursuits and men in all — 455d. and the boiling pot, whereon the sex plumes itself and wherein its defeat will expose it to most laughter? You are right, he said, that the one sex is far surpassed by the other in everything, one may say. Many women, it is true, are better than many men in many things, but broadly speaking, it is as you say. Then there is no pursuit of the administrators of a state that belongs to a woman because she is a woman or to a man because he is a man. But the natural capacities are distributed alike among both creatures, and women naturally share in all pursuits and men in all—

36. Plato, Theaetetus, 180e-81c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 326

37. Plato, Apology of Socrates, 26c, 26d, 36d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 26

36d. αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι—τί οὖν εἰμι ἄξιος παθεῖν τοιοῦτος ὤν; ἀγαθόν τι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ δεῖ γε κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ τιμᾶσθαι· καὶ ταῦτά γε ἀγαθὸν τοιοῦτον ὅτι ἂν πρέποι ἐμοί. τί οὖν πρέπει ἀνδρὶ πένητι εὐεργέτῃ δεομένῳ ἄγειν σχολὴν ἐπὶ τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ παρακελεύσει; οὐκ ἔσθʼ ὅτι μᾶλλον, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πρέπει οὕτως ὡς τὸν τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα ἐν πρυτανείῳ σιτεῖσθαι, πολύ γε μᾶλλον ἢ εἴ τις ὑμῶν ἵππῳ ἢ συνωρίδι ἢ ζεύγει νενίκηκεν Ὀλυμπίασιν· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ὑμᾶς ποιεῖ εὐδαίμονας δοκεῖν εἶναι, ἐγὼ δὲ

36d. Some good thing, men of Athens, if I must propose something truly in accordance with my deserts; and the good thing should be such as is fitting for me. Now what is fitting for a poor man who is your benefactor, and who needs leisure to exhort you? There is nothing, men of Athens, so fitting as that such a man be given his meals in the prytaneum. That is much more appropriate for me than for any of you who has won a race at the Olympic games with a pair of horses or a four-in-hand. For he makes you seem to be happy, whereas I make you happy in reality;

38. Plato, Lesser Hippias, 365d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 118

39. Antiphanes, Fragments, 152 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 62

40. Lysias, Fragments, 5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 322

41. Lysias, Orations, a b c d\n0 2. 2. 2 \n1 2.56 2.56 2 56\n2 2.57 2.57 2 57\n3 6.17 6.17 6 17\n4 6.16 6.16 6 16\n5 2.45 2.45 2 45\n6 2.44 2.44 2 44\n7 2.43 2.43 2 43\n8 2.42 2.42 2 42\n9 2.41 2.41 2 41\n10 2.40 2.40 2 40\n11 2.39 2.39 2 39\n12 2.36 2.36 2 36\n13 2.34 2.34 2 34\n14 2.33 2.33 2 33\n15 2.35 2.35 2 35\n16 2.37 2.37 2 37\n17 2.38 2.38 2 38 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 2

42. Euripides, Alcestis, 788-791 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 170

43. Euripides, Bacchae, 275-276 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 145

276. γῆ δʼ ἐστίν, ὄνομα δʼ ὁπότερον βούλῃ κάλει·

276. are first among men: the goddess Demeter—she is the earth, but call her whatever name you wish; she nourishes mortals with dry food; but he who came afterwards, the offspring of Semele, discovered a match to it, the liquid drink of the grape, and introduced it

44. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 1259-1280, 1282-1283, 1281 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

45. Euripides, Orestes, 1507-1508 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 43

1508. οὐκ ἐν ̓Ιλίῳ τάδ' ἐστίν, ἀλλ' ἐν ̓Αργείᾳ χθονί.

1508. We are not in Ilium , but the land of Argos . Phrygian

46. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 399-448, 450-597, 449 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311

449. τόλμας ἀφαιρῇ κἀπολωτίζῃ νέους;

449. and strives to slay the leading men, all such as he deems discreet, for he feareth for his power. How then can a city remain stable, where one cuts short all i.e. τόλμας for which Prinz suggests κλῶνας . enterprise and mows down the young like meadow-flowers in spring-time?

47. Anon., Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

48. Hipponax, Fragments, 92.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 105, 120, 167

49. Hippocrates, On Airs, Waters, And Places, 12-13, 15-24, 14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 179

50. Herodotus, Histories, 4.162.5, 4.205, 1.30.2, 7.8, 1.135, 3.106.1, 7.9, 7.10, 9.122, 7.11, 5.78, 6.131.2, 6.98.2, 5.97.2, 1.32.1, 7.139.1, 9.73.3, proem., 6.19.3, 6.42.2, 8.134, 8.135, 8.136, 6.105, 9.42, 1.131.3, 9.65, 3.120, 7.8c, 3.89.3, 1.209.1, 9.116, 2.156.6, 1.152, 3.127, 3.126, 3.125, 3.124, 3.123, 3.122, 3.128, 3.121, 3.94, 3.93, 3.92, 3.91, 3.90, 3.129, 3.130, 3.131, 5.102.1, 3.122.2, 3.125.2, 3.125.3, 3.137, 3.136, 3.135, 3.134, 3.133, 3.132, 8.65.4, 5.72.1, 7.6.4, 7.6.3, 6.107.1, 6.94, 5.96, 5.93, 5.92, 5.91, 5.90, 8.65, 6.101.3, 5.71, 5.72, 7.8b, 5.97.3, 5.105, 7.3.4, 8.133, 1.53.3, 1.72, 1.14.1, 1.12.2, 5.109.3, 5.98, 5.38, 5.36.4-37.2, 5.36, 1.170.3, 1.141.4, 1.75, 2.81, 8.59, 8.57, 1.35.2, 1.44, 8.58, 4.76, 1.156, 1.157, 1.158, 1.159, 1.160, 1.161, 1.155, 5.100, 1.154, 1.92.3, 1.92.4, 4.17, 4.18, 4.19, 4.20, 4.21, 4.22, 4.23, 4.24, 4.25, 4.16, 4.26, 4.28, 4.29, 4.30, 4.31, 4.32, 4.33, 4.34, 4.35, 4.36, 4.27, 4.37, 4.15, 4.13, 4.14, 4.38, 4.40, 1.88, 1.141, 1.92.1, 1.26, 4.39, 1.169, 4.41, 4.42, 4.43, 4.44, 4.45, 4.46, 4.47, 4.48, 4.49, 4.50, 4.52, 4.53, 4.54, 4.55, 4.56, 4.57, 4.58, 4.36.2, 4.76.1, 4.51, 4.10, 4.9, 4.8, 4.7, 4.6, 4.5, 1.132, 1.131, 1.90.2, 4.110, 4.116, 4.115, 5.37.2, 4.114, 4.113, 4.112, 4.111, 8.53, 8.52, 8.51, 8.50, 8.49, 8.47, 8.46, 8.45, 8.44, 8.43, 8.42, 8.41, 8.40, 8.48, 8.56, 8.55, 8.54, 8.39, 8.38, 8.36, 1.87, 8.35, 6.97, 3.38, 3.29, 3.28, 3.27, 3.25, 3.16, 3.15, 1.145, 1.140, 1.89, 8.37, 1.87.4, 1.90, 8.105.1, 8.104, 8.107.1, 8.106, 8.105, 8.105.2, 6.32, 6.31, 1.169.2, 8.103, 8.106.1, 3.77, 1.147.2, 3.130.5, 3.130.4, 1.117.5, 1.113.3, 3.97.4, 4.45.3, 1.4, 1.3, 1.149, 1.148, 1.147, 1.146, 1.144, 1.143, 1.71.2, 1.71.3, 1.71.4, 1.183.1, 1.93.2, 1.150, 1.55, 1.142, 1.77, 1.151, 1.153, 1.168, 1.167, 1.166, 1.53, 1.54, 1.165, 1.164, 1.163, 1.162, 1.56, 1.71.1, 1.64, 1.91, 1.92, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.7, 7.29, 7.27, 7.28, 1.51.3, 7.136, 1.60.5, 1.60.4, 1.57, 1.46.1, 6.58.2, 1.45, 1.43, 1.42, 3.41.1, 1.35, 1.34, 1.36, 1.37, 1.38, 1.39, 1.40, 1.41, 5.18.2, 3.31, 1.78.3, 3.138, 7.137.2, 9.65.2, 9.100.2, 3.95, 3.89, 7.31, 7.30, 7.26, 5.52.1, 5.49.5, 3.90.2, 1.142.1, 2.16, 1.27.4, 2.32.5, 4.110.2, 5.13, 8.115.4, 6.133, 5.86, 6.91, 6.49.1, 5.88, 5.87, 5.85, 6.130, 5.83, 5.82, 6.129, 6.131, 6.132, 9.5, 5.84, 6.128, 6.123, 6.126, 6.109, 6.110, 6.127, 7.153, 6.135, 6.134, 6.121, 6.122, 6.124, 6.125, 6.104, 1.70, 1.82.1, 3.47, 3.94.2, 1.69, 4.59, 4.120, 4.126, 4.127.4, 1.216, 5.77, 5.76, 5.75, 5.74, 7.133.1, 7.133.2, 7.133.7, 7.133.6, 7.133.4, 7.133.3, 7.133.5, 7.131, 6.49, 6.48, 3.65.7, 7.132, 5.49.3, 9.7a, 8.144, 5.108.1, 5.103.1, 9.90.2, 7.133.21, 7.133.73, 7.133.71, 7.133.70, 7.133.69, 7.133.68, 7.133.67, 7.133.66, 7.133.72, 7.133.83, 7.133.82, 7.133.81, 7.133.80, 7.133.79, 7.133.78, 7.133.77, 7.133.76, 7.133.75, 7.133.74, 7.133.84, 7.133.65, 7.133.50, 7.133.49, 1.14, 3.49, 7.133.51, 7.133.52, 7.133.54, 7.133.64, 7.133.63, 7.133.62, 7.133.61, 7.133.60, 7.133.59, 7.133.58, 7.133.53, 7.133.57, 7.133.56, 7.133.55, 7.133.85, 7.133.87, 1.1, 1.2, 1.5, 1.14.3, 6.21.2, 5.106.6, 3.65.6, 7.133.86, 7.133.134, 7.133.132, 7.133.109, 7.133.108, 7.133.107, 7.133.106, 7.133.105, 7.133.104, 7.133.103, 7.133.102, 7.133.101, 7.133.100, 7.133.110, 7.133.99, 7.133.97, 7.133.96, 7.133.95, 7.133.94, 7.133.93, 7.133.92, 7.133.91, 7.133.90, 7.133.89, 7.133.88, 7.133.98, 7.133.133, 7.133.111, 7.133.113, 7.133.131, 7.133.130, 7.133.129, 7.133.128, 7.133.127, 7.133.126, 7.133.125, 7.133.112, 7.133.124, 7.133.122, 7.133.121, 7.133.120, 7.133.119, 7.133.118, 7.133.117, 7.133.116, 7.133.115, 7.133.114, 7.133.123, 7.133.32, 7.133.31, 7.133.30, 7.133.33, 7.133.29, 7.133.27, 7.133.26, 7.133.25, 7.133.24, 7.133.23, 7.133.22, 7.133.28, 7.133.34, 7.133.36, 7.133.48, 7.133.47, 7.133.46, 7.133.35, 7.133.45, 7.133.43, 7.133.42, 7.133.41, 7.133.40, 7.133.39, 7.133.38, 7.133.37, 7.133.44, 7.133.10, 7.133.9, 7.133.11, 7.133.8, 7.133.12, 7.133.20, 7.133.19, 7.133.18, 7.133.17, 7.133.16, 7.133.15, 7.133.14, 7.133.13, 4.137, 5.73, 5.73.2-74.1, 5.54, 5.70, 5.108, 7.151, 1.74.2, 1.143.2, 4.85.1, 5.106, 5.107, 4.89, 6.98, 6.99, 6.118, 5.47, 5.32, 2.53, 5.30, 5.31, 7.139, 1.66, 1.67, 1.68, 7.137.1, 7.139.5, 8.60c, 9.73, 1.65, 1.63, 1.62, 1.58, 1.59, 1.60, 1.61, 6.136, 5.92g, 5.50.3, 4.108.8, 2.178.2, 2.65.2, 2.3.2, 8.3.2, 8.143.2, 8.132.3, 8.132.2, 7.5.3, 7.8a, 9.100, 9.101, 9.106, 9.90-96.1, 9.62, 9.57, 9.19, 9.69, 4.152, 1.204, 1.103, 1.106, 1.97, 1.105, 1.102, 1.101, 1.104, 1.100, 1.99, 1.98, 1.96, 1.118, 7.124, 1.110, 1.107, 1.109, 1.108, 1.95, 1.111, 1.114, 1.113, 1.112, 1.122, 1.121, 1.120, 1.119, 1.117, 1.116, 1.115, 7.123 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 132

51. Hebrew Bible, 1 Chronicles, 1.5 (5th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, language of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 93

52. Lysias, Fragments, 5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 322

53. Euripides, Hippolytus, 141-143, 145-150, 144 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 160

144. τᾷς ἢ ματρὸς ὀρείας;

144. Maiden, thou must be possessed, by Pan made frantic or by Hecate, or by the Corybantes dread, and Cybele the mountain mother.

54. Plato, Parmenides, 139a, 162e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 326

55. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, f154, f321, t13, f153 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 281, 290

56. Aristophanes, Knights, 1085, 168-178, 503-550, 478 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 324

478. καὶ πάνθ' ἃ Μήδοις καὶ βασιλεῖ ξυνόμνυτε,

57. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 1.2.6-1.2.19, 1.6.7, 1.7.6, 1.9.7, 3.2.12-3.2.13, 4.5.25, 5.3.4-5.3.13, 5.6.24 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, language of •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia/persians, march of the ten thousand •persia and persians, and eunuchs Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 147; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 43, 67, 135, 143, 159, 227, 238, 265, 282, 327, 345

1.2.6. τοῦτον διαβὰς ἐξελαύνει διὰ Φρυγίας σταθμὸν ἕνα παρασάγγας ὀκτὼ εἰς Κολοσσάς, πόλιν οἰκουμένην καὶ εὐδαίμονα καὶ μεγάλην. ἐνταῦθα ἔμεινεν ἡμέρας ἑπτά· καὶ ἧκε Μένων ὁ Θετταλὸς ὁπλίτας ἔχων χιλίους καὶ πελταστὰς πεντακοσίους, Δόλοπας καὶ Αἰνιᾶνας καὶ Ὀλυνθίους. 1.2.7. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξελαύνει σταθμοὺς τρεῖς παρασάγγας εἴκοσιν εἰς Κελαινάς, τῆς Φρυγίας πόλιν οἰκουμένην, μεγάλην καὶ εὐδαίμονα. ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας ἀγρίων θηρίων πλήρης, ἃ ἐκεῖνος ἐθήρευεν ἀπὸ ἵππου, ὁπότε γυμνάσαι βούλοιτο ἑαυτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἵππους. διὰ μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν πόλεως. 1.2.9. ἐνταῦθα Ξέρξης, ὅτε ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἡττηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ ἀπεχώρει, λέγεται οἰκοδομῆσαι ταῦτά τε τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τὴν Κελαινῶν ἀκρόπολιν. ἐνταῦθα ἔμεινε Κῦρος ἡμέρας τριάκοντα· καὶ ἧκε Κλέαρχος ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος φυγὰς ἔχων ὁπλίτας χιλίους καὶ πελταστὰς Θρᾷκας ὀκτακοσίους καὶ τοξότας Κρῆτας διακοσίους. ἅμα δὲ καὶ Σῶσις παρῆν ὁ Συρακόσιος ἔχων ὁπλίτας τριακοσίους, καὶ Σοφαίνετος Ἀρκάδας ἔχων ὁπλίτας χιλίους. καὶ ἐνταῦθα Κῦρος ἐξέτασιν καὶ ἀριθμὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐποίησεν ἐν τῷ παραδείσῳ, καὶ ἐγένοντο οἱ σύμπαντες ὁπλῖται μὲν μύριοι χίλιοι, πελτασταὶ δὲ ἀμφὶ τοὺς δισχιλίους. 1.2.10. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξελαύνει σταθμοὺς δύο παρασάγγας δέκα εἰς Πέλτας, πόλιν οἰκουμένην. ἐνταῦθʼ ἔμεινεν ἡμέρας τρεῖς· ἐν αἷς Ξενίας ὁ Ἀρκὰς τὰ Λύκαια ἔθυσε καὶ ἀγῶνα ἔθηκε· τὰ δὲ ἆθλα ἦσαν στλεγγίδες χρυσαῖ· ἐθεώρει δὲ τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ Κῦρος. 1.2.13. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐλαύνει σταθμοὺς δύο παρασάγγας δέκα εἰς Θύμβριον, πόλιν οἰκουμένην. ἐνταῦθα ἦν παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν κρήνη ἡ Μίδου καλουμένη τοῦ Φρυγῶν βασιλέως, ἐφʼ ᾗ λέγεται Μίδας τὸν Σάτυρον θηρεῦσαι οἴνῳ κεράσας αὐτήν. 1.2.15. ἐκέλευσε δὲ τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὡς νόμος αὐτοῖς εἰς μάχην οὕτω ταχθῆναι καὶ στῆναι, συντάξαι δʼ ἕκαστον τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ. ἐτάχθησαν οὖν ἐπὶ τεττάρων· εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν Μένων καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ, τὸ δὲ εὐώνυμον Κλέαρχος καὶ οἱ ἐκείνου, τὸ δὲ μέσον οἱ ἄλλοι στρατηγοί. 1.2.16. ἐθεώρει οὖν ὁ Κῦρος πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς βαρβάρους· οἱ δὲ παρήλαυνον τεταγμένοι κατὰ ἴλας καὶ κατὰ τάξεις· εἶτα δὲ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, παρελαύνων ἐφʼ ἅρματος καὶ ἡ Κίλισσα ἐφʼ ἁρμαμάξης. εἶχον δὲ πάντες κράνη χαλκᾶ καὶ χιτῶνας φοινικοῦς καὶ κνημῖδας καὶ τὰς ἀσπίδας ἐκκεκαλυμμένας. 1.2.18. τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων φόβος πολύς, καὶ ἥ τε Κίλισσα ἔφυγεν ἐπὶ τῆς ἁρμαμάξης καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καταλιπόντες τὰ ὤνια ἔφυγον. οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες σὺν γέλωτι ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνὰς ἦλθον. ἡ δὲ Κίλισσα ἰδοῦσα τὴν λαμπρότητα καὶ τὴν τάξιν τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐθαύμασε. Κῦρος δὲ ἥσθη τὸν ἐκ τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς τοὺς βαρβάρους φόβον ἰδών. 1.2.19. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξελαύνει σταθμοὺς τρεῖς παρασάγγας εἴκοσιν εἰς Ἰκόνιον, τῆς Φρυγίας πόλιν ἐσχάτην. ἐνταῦθα ἔμεινε τρεῖς ἡμέρας. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξελαύνει διὰ τῆς Λυκαονίας σταθμοὺς πέντε παρασάγγας τριάκοντα. ταύτην τὴν χώραν ἐπέτρεψε διαρπάσαι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὡς πολεμίαν οὖσαν. 3.2.12. καὶ εὐξάμενοι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὁπόσους κατακάνοιεν τῶν πολεμίων τοσαύτας χιμαίρας καταθύσειν τῇ θεῷ, ἐπεὶ οὐκ εἶχον ἱκανὰς εὑρεῖν, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν πεντακοσίας θύειν, καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἀποθύουσιν. 5.3.4. ἐνταῦθα καὶ διαλαμβάνουσι τὸ ἀπὸ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἀργύριον γενόμενον. καὶ τὴν δεκάτην, ἣν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἐξεῖλον καὶ τῇ Ἐφεσίᾳ Ἀρτέμιδι, διέλαβον οἱ στρατηγοὶ τὸ μέρος ἕκαστος φυλάττειν τοῖς θεοῖς· ἀντὶ δὲ Χειρισόφου Νέων ὁ Ἀσιναῖος ἔλαβε. 5.3.5. Ξενοφῶν οὖν τὸ μὲν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἀνάθημα ποιησάμενος ἀνατίθησιν εἰς τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς τῶν Ἀθηναίων θησαυρὸν καὶ ἐπέγραψε τό τε αὑτοῦ ὄνομα καὶ τὸ Προξένου, ὃς σὺν Κλεάρχῳ ἀπέθανεν· ξένος γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῦ. 5.3.6. τὸ δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τῆς Ἐφεσίας, ὅτʼ ἀπῄει σὺν Ἀγησιλάῳ ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας τὴν εἰς Βοιωτοὺς ὁδόν, καταλείπει παρὰ Μεγαβύζῳ τῷ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος νεωκόρῳ, ὅτι αὐτὸς κινδυνεύσων ἐδόκει ἰέναι, καὶ ἐπέστειλεν, ἢν μὲν αὐτὸς σωθῇ, αὑτῷ ἀποδοῦναι· ἢν δέ τι πάθῃ, ἀναθεῖναι ποιησάμενον τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὅ τι οἴοιτο χαριεῖσθαι τῇ θεῷ. 5.3.7. ἐπειδὴ δʼ ἔφευγεν ὁ Ξενοφῶν, κατοικοῦντος ἤδη αὐτοῦ ἐν Σκιλλοῦντι ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων οἰκισθέντος παρὰ τὴν Ὀλυμπίαν ἀφικνεῖται Μεγάβυζος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν θεωρήσων καὶ ἀποδίδωσι τὴν παρακαταθήκην αὐτῷ. Ξενοφῶν δὲ λαβὼν χωρίον ὠνεῖται τῇ θεῷ ὅπου ἀνεῖλεν ὁ θεός. 5.3.8. ἔτυχε δὲ διαρρέων διὰ τοῦ χωρίου ποταμὸς Σελινοῦς. καὶ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ δὲ παρὰ τὸν τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος νεὼν Σελινοῦς ποταμὸς παραρρεῖ. καὶ ἰχθύες τε ἐν ἀμφοτέροις ἔνεισι καὶ κόγχαι· ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐν Σκιλλοῦντι χωρίῳ καὶ θῆραι πάντων ὁπόσα ἐστὶν ἀγρευόμενα θηρία. 5.3.9. ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ βωμὸν καὶ ναὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἀργυρίου, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν δὲ ἀεὶ δεκατεύων τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀγροῦ ὡραῖα θυσίαν ἐποίει τῇ θεῷ, καὶ πάντες οἱ πολῖται καὶ οἱ πρόσχωροι ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες μετεῖχον τῆς ἑορτῆς. παρεῖχε δὲ ἡ θεὸς τοῖς σκηνοῦσιν ἄλφιτα, ἄρτους, οἶνον, τραγήματα, καὶ τῶν θυομένων ἀπὸ τῆς ἱερᾶς νομῆς λάχος, καὶ τῶν θηρευομένων δέ. 5.3.10. καὶ γὰρ θήραν ἐποιοῦντο εἰς τὴν ἑορτὴν οἵ τε Ξενοφῶντος παῖδες καὶ οἱ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, οἱ δὲ βουλόμενοι καὶ ἄνδρες ξυνεθήρων· καὶ ἡλίσκετο τὰ μὲν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἱεροῦ χώρου, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Φολόης, σύες καὶ δορκάδες καὶ ἔλαφοι. 5.3.11. ἔστι δὲ ἡ χώρα ᾗ ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν πορεύονται ὡς εἴκοσι στάδιοι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ Διὸς ἱεροῦ. ἔνι δʼ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χώρῳ καὶ λειμὼν καὶ ὄρη δένδρων μεστά, ἱκανὰ σῦς καὶ αἶγας καὶ βοῦς τρέφειν καὶ ἵππους, ὥστε καὶ τὰ τῶν εἰς τὴν ἑορτὴν ἰόντων ὑποζύγια εὐωχεῖσθαι. 5.3.12. περὶ δὲ αὐτὸν τὸν ναὸν ἄλσος ἡμέρων δένδρων ἐφυτεύθη ὅσα ἐστὶ τρωκτὰ ὡραῖα. ὁ δὲ ναὸς ὡς μικρὸς μεγάλῳ τῷ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ εἴκασται, καὶ τὸ ξόανον ἔοικεν ὡς κυπαρίττινον χρυσῷ ὄντι τῷ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ. 5.3.13. καὶ στήλη ἕστηκε παρὰ τὸν ναὸν γράμματα ἔχουσα· ἱερὸς ὁ χῶρος τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος. τὸν ἔχοντα καὶ καρπούμενον τὴν μὲν δεκάτην καταθύειν ἑκάστου ἔτους. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ περιττοῦ τὸν ναὸν ἐπισκευάζειν. ἂν δὲ τις μὴ ποιῇ ταῦτα τῇ θεῷ μελήσει.

1.2.10. Thence he marched two stages, ten parasangs, to Peltae, an inhabited city. There he remained three days, during which time Xenias the Arcadian celebrated the Lycaean festival with sacrifice and held games; the prizes were golden strigils, and Cyrus himself was one of those who watched the games. Thence he marched two stages, twelve parasangs, to the inhabited city of Ceramon-agora, the last Phrygian city as one goes toward Mysia. 11 Thence he marched three stages, thirty parasangs, to Caystru-pedion, an inhabited city. There he remained five days. At this time he was owing the soldiers more than three months' pay, and they went again and again to his headquarters and demanded what was due them. He all the while expressed hopes, and was manifestly troubled; for it was not Cyrus' way to withhold payment when he had money. 12 At this juncture arrived Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, the king of the Cilicians, coming to visit Cyrus, and the story was that she gave him a large sum of money; at any rate, Cyrus paid the troops at that time four months' wages. The Cilician queen was attended by a body-guard of Cilicians and Aspendians; and people said that Cyrus had intimate relations with the queen. 1.2.13. Thence he marched two stages, ten parasangs, to the inhabited city of Thymbrium. There, alongside the road, was the so-called spring of Midas, the king of the Phrygians, at which Midas, according to the story, caught the satyr by mixing wine with the water of the spring. 14 Thence he marched two stages, ten parasangs, to Tyriaeum, an inhabited city. There he remained three days. And the Cilician queen, as the report ran, asked Cyrus to exhibit his army to her; such an exhibition was what he desired to make, and accordingly he held a review of the Greeks and the barbarians on the plain. 15 He ordered the Greeks to form their lines and take their positions just as they were accustomed to do for battle, each general marshalling his own men. So they formed the line four deep, Menon and his troops occupying the right wing, Clearchus and his troops the left, and the other generals the centre. 16 Cyrus inspected the barbarians first, and they marched past with their cavalry formed in troops and their infantry in companies; then he inspected the Greeks, driving past them in a chariot, the Cilician queen in a carriage. And the Greeks all had helmets of bronze, crimson tunics, and greaves, and carried their shields uncovered. 17 When he had driven past them all, he halted his chariot in front of the centre of the phalanx, and sending his interpreter Pigres to the generals of the Greeks, gave orders that the troops should advance arms and the phalanx move forward in a body. The generals transmitted these orders to the soldiers, and when the trumpet sounded, they advanced arms and charged. And then, as they went on faster and faster, at length with a shout the troops broke into a run of their own accord, in the direction of the camp. 18 As for the barbarians, they were terribly frightened; the Cilician queen took to flight in her carriage, and the people in the market left their wares behind and took to their heels; while the Greeks with a roar of laughter came up to their camp. Now the Cilician queen was filled with admiration at beholding the brilliant appearance and the order of the Greek army; and Cyrus was delighted to see the terror with which the Greeks inspired the barbarians. 1.2.19. Thence he marched three stages, twenty parasangs, to Iconium, the last city of Phrygia. There he remained three days. Thence he marched through Lycaonia five stages, thirty parasangs. This country he gave over to the Greeks to plunder, on the ground that it was hostile territory. 20 From there Cyrus sent the Cilician queen back to Cilicia by the shortest route, and he sent some of Menon's troops to escort her, Menon himself commanding them. With the rest of the army Cyrus marched through Cappadocia four stages, twenty-five parasangs, to Dana, an inhabited city, large and prosperous. There they remained three days; and during that time Cyrus put to death a Persian named Megaphernes, who was a wearer of the royal purple, and another dignitary among his subordinates, on the charge that they were plotting against him. 3.2.12. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough; According to Herodotus ( Hdt. 6.117 ) the Persian dead numbered 6,400. so they resolved to offer five hundred every year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. 5.3.4. There, also, they divided the money received from the sale of the booty. And the tithe, which they set apart for Apollo and for Artemis of the Ephesians, was distributed among the generals, each taking his portion to keep safely for the gods; and the portion that fell to Cheirisophus was given to Neon the Asinaean. 5 As for Xenophon, he caused a votive offering to be made out of Apollo's share of his portion and dedicated it in the treasury of the Athenians at Delphi, inscribing upon it his own name and that of Proxenus, who was killed with Clearchus; for Proxenus was his friend. 6 The share which belonged to Artemis of the Ephesians he left behind, at the time when he was returning from Asia with Agesilaus to take part in the campaign against Boeotia, in charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of Artemis, for the reason that his own journey seemed likely to be a dangerous one; and his instructions were that in case he should escape with his life, the money was to be returned to him, but in case any ill should befall him, Megabyzus was to cause to be made and dedicated to Artemis whatever offering he thought would please the goddess. 5.3.4. First I went to war with the Thracians, and for the sake of Greece I inflicted punishment upon them with your aid, driving them out of the Chersonese when they wanted to deprive the Greeks who dwelt there of their land. Then when Cyru s’ summons came, I took you with me and set out, in order that, if he had need of me, I might give him aid in return for the benefits I had received from him. 5.3.4. There, also, they divided the money received from the sale of the booty. And the tithe, which they set apart for Apollo and for Artemis of the Ephesians, was distributed among the generals, each taking his portion to keep safely for the gods; and the portion that fell to Cheirisophus was given to Neon the Asinaean. 5.3.5. But you now do not wish to continue the march with me; so it seems that I must either desert you and continue to enjoy Cyru s’ friendship, or prove false to him and remain with you. Whether I shall be doing what is right, I know not, but at any rate I shall choose you and with you shall suffer whatever I must. And never shall any man say that I, after leading Greeks into the land of the barbarians, betrayed the Greeks and chose the friendship of the barbarians; 5.3.5. As for Xenophon, he caused a votive offering to be made out of Apollo’s share of his portion and dedicated it in the treasury of the Athenians at Delphi, inscribing upon it his own name and that of Proxenus, who was killed with Clearchus; Xen. Anab. 2.5 . for Proxenus was his friend. Xen. Anab. 3.1.4-10 . 5.3.6. nay, since you do not care to obey me, I shall follow with you and suffer whatever I must. For I consider that you are to me both fatherland and friends and allies; with you I think I shall be honoured wherever I may be, bereft of you I do not think I shall be able either to aid a friend or to ward off a foe. Be sure, therefore, that wherever you go, I shall go also. 5.3.6. The share which belonged to Artemis of the Ephesians he left behind, at the time when he was returning from Asia with Agesilaus to take part in the campaign against Boeotia, In 394 B.C., ending in the hard-fought battle of Coronea, at which Xenophon was present. cp. Xen. Hell. 4.2.1-8, Xen. Hell. 4.3.1-21 . in charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of Artemis, for the reason that his own journey seemed likely to be a dangerous one; and his instructions were that in case he should escape with his life, the money was to be returned to him, but in case any ill should befall him, Megabyzus was to cause to be made and dedicated to Artemis whatever offering he thought would please the goddess. 5.3.7. In the time of Xenophon's exile and while he was living at Scillus, near Olympia, where he had been established as a colonist by the Lacedaemonians, Megabyzus came to Olympia to attend the games and returned to him his deposit. Upon receiving it Xenophon bought a plot of ground for the goddess in a place which Apollo's oracle appointed. 8 As it chanced, there flowed through the plot a river named Selinus; and at Ephesus likewise a Selinus river flows past the temple of Artemis. In both streams, moreover, there are fish and mussels, while in the plot at Scillus there is hunting of all manner of beasts of the chase. 9 Here Xenophon built an altar and a temple with the sacred money, and from that time forth he would every year take the tithe of the products of the land in their season and offer sacrifice to the goddess, all the citizens and the men and women of the neighbourhood taking part in the festival. And the goddess would provide for the banqueters barley meal and loaves of bread, wine and sweetmeats, and a portion of the sacrificial victims from the sacred herd as well as of the victims taken in the chase. 10 For Xenophon's sons and the sons of the other citizens used to have a hunting expedition at the time of the festival, and any grown men who so wished would join them; and they captured their game partly from the sacred precinct itself and partly from Mount Pholoe-boars and gazelles and stags. 5.3.7. Such were his words. And the soldiers—not only his own men, but the rest also—when they heard that he said he would not go on to the King’s capital, commended him; and more than two thousand of the troops under Xenias and Pasion took their arms and their baggage train and encamped with Clearchus. 5.3.7. In the time of Xenophon’s exile Which was probably due to his taking part in the expedition of Cyrus . cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.5 . and while he was living at Scillus, near Olympia, where he had been established as a colonist by the Lacedaemonians, Megabyzus came to Olympia to attend the games and returned to him his deposit. Upon receiving it Xenophon bought a plot of ground for the goddess in a place which Apollo’s oracle appointed. 5.3.8. But Cyrus, perplexed and distressed by this situation, sent repeatedly for Clearchus. Clearchus refused to go to him, but without the knowledge of the soldiers he sent a messenger and told him not to be discouraged, because, he said, this matter would be settled in the right way. He directed Cyrus, however, to keep on sending for him, though he himself, he said, would refuse to go. 5.3.8. As it chanced, there flowed through the plot a river named Selinus ; and at Ephesus likewise a Selinus river flows past the temple of Artemis. In both streams, moreover, there are fish and mussels, while in the plot at Scillus there is hunting of all manner of beasts of the chase. 5.3.9. After this Clearchus gathered together his own soldiers, those who had come over to him, and any others who wanted to be present, and spoke as follows: Fellow-soldiers, it is clear that the relation of Cyrus to us is precisely the same as ours to him; that is, we are no longer his soldiers, since we decline to follow him, and likewise he is no longer our paymaster. 5.3.9. Here Xenophon built an altar and a temple with the sacred money, and from that time forth he would every year take the tithe of the products of the land in their season and offer sacrifice to the goddess, all the citizens and the men and women of the neighbourhood taking part in the festival. And the goddess would provide for the banqueters barley meal and loaves of bread, wine and sweetmeats, and a portion of the sacrificial victims from the sacred herd as well as of the victims taken in the chase. 5.3.10. I know, however, that he considers himself wronged by us. Therefore, although he keeps sending for me, I decline to go, chiefly, it is true, from a feeling of shame, because I am conscious that I have proved utterly false to him, but, besides that, from fear that he may seize me and inflict punishment upon me for the wrongs he thinks he has suffered at my hands. 5.3.10. For Xenophon’s sons and the sons of the other citizens used to have a hunting expedition at the time of the festival, and any grown men who so wished would join them; and they captured their game partly from the sacred precinct itself and partly from Mount Pholoe—boars and gazelles and stags. 5.3.11. The place is situated on the road which leads from Lacedaemon to Olympia, and is about twenty stadia from the temple of Zeus at Olympia. Within the sacred precinct there is meadowland and tree-covered hills, suited for the rearing of swine, goats, cattle and horses, so that even the draught animals which bring people to the festival have their feast also. 12 Immediately surrounding the temple is a grove of cultivated trees, producing all sorts of dessert fruits in their season. The temple itself is like the one at Ephesus, although small as compared with great, and the image of the goddess, although cypress wood as compared with gold, is like the Ephesian image. 13 Beside the temple stands a tablet with this inscription:'The place is sacred to Artemis. He who holds it and enjoys its fruits must offer the tithe every year in sacrifice, and from the remainder must keep the temple in repair. If any one leaves these things undone, the goddess will look to it.' 5.3.11. In my opinion, therefore, it is no time for us to be sleeping or unconcerned about ourselves; we should rather be considering what course we ought to follow under the present circumstances. And so long as we remain here we must consider, I think, how we can remain most safely; or, again, if we count it best to depart at once, how we are to depart most safely and how we shall secure provisions—for without provisions neither general nor private is of any use. 5.3.11. The place is situated on the road which leads from Lacedaemon to Olympia, and is about twenty stadia from the temple of Zeus at Olympia . Within the sacred precinct there is meadowland and treecovered hills, suited for the rearing of swine, goats, cattle and horses, so that even the draught animals which bring people to the festival have their feast also. 5.3.12. And remember that while this Cyrus is a valuable friend when he is your friend, he is a most dangerous foe when he is your enemy; furthermore, he has an armament—infantry and cavalry and fleet—which we all alike see and know about; for I take it that our camp is not very far away from him. It is time, then, to propose whatever plan any one of you deems best. With these words he ceased speaking. 5.3.12. Immediately surrounding the temple is a grove of cultivated trees, producing all sorts of dessert fruits in their season. The temple itself is like the one at Ephesus, although small as compared with great, and the image of the goddess, although cypress wood as compared with gold, is like the Ephesian image. 5.3.13. Thereupon various speakers arose, some of their own accord to express the opinions they held, but others at the instigation of Clearchus to make clear the difficulty of either remaining or departing without the consent of Cyrus . 5.3.13. Beside the temple stands a tablet with this inscription: The place is sacred to Artemis. He who holds it and enjoys its fruits must offer the tithe every year in sacrifice, and from the remainder must keep the temple in repair. If any one leaves these things undone, the goddess will look to it.

58. Isocrates, Orations, 4.20, 4.93-4.99, 4.118, 4.120, 4.144, 4.151, 4.156-4.157, 6.2, 7.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, and eunuchs Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 43, 157, 268, 278, 281, 282, 283, 311, 345, 346

59. Aristophanes, Clouds, 206-217, 598-599 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 167

60. Aristophanes, Frogs, 1420-1434, 675-718, 720-737, 719 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311, 341

719. >

61. Aristophanes, Wasps, 380 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 341

380. δήσας σαυτὸν καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐμπλησάμενος Διοπείθους.

62. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.1.4-1.1.6, 1.1.9, 1.1.16, 1.1.24-1.1.26, 1.2.6, 1.3.8-1.3.13, 1.4.1-1.4.7, 1.4.13-1.4.16, 1.4.20, 3.1.10, 3.3.8, 3.4.2-3.4.29, 4.1, 4.3.11-4.3.14, 4.5.13-4.5.14, 5.1.31, 6.3.3-6.3.6, 6.5.34 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 171

63. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 2.1.5, 4.3.1, 4.4.4-4.4.5, 4.6.3-4.6.6, 5.1.2-5.1.18, 6.1.31-6.1.51, 6.2.9-6.2.11, 7.1.4, 7.3.8-7.3.16, 7.5.59-7.5.60, 8.3.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, conquest of lydia by •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 93; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 67, 86, 100, 105, 143, 157, 158, 189, 207

4.6.3. ὃς γὰρ ἦν μοι μόνος καὶ καλὸς κἀγαθός, ὦ δέσποτα, καὶ ἐμὲ φιλῶν καὶ τιμῶν ὥσπερ ἂν εὐδαίμονα πατέρα παῖς τιμῶν τιθείη, τοῦτον ὁ νῦν βασιλεὺς οὗτος καλέσαντος τοῦ τότε βασιλέως, πατρὸς δὲ τοῦ νῦν, ὡς δώσοντος τὴν θυγατέρα τῷ ἐμῷ παιδί, ἐγὼ μὲν ἀπεπεμψάμην μέγα φρονῶν ὅτι δῆθεν τῆς βασιλέως θυγατρὸς ὀψοίμην τὸν ἐμὸν υἱὸν γαμέτην· ὁ δὲ νῦν βασιλεὺς εἰς θήραν αὐτὸν παρακαλέσας καὶ ἀνεὶς αὐτῷ θηρᾶν ἀνὰ κράτος, ὡς πολὺ κρείττων αὐτοῦ ἱππεὺς ἡγούμενος εἶναι, ὁ μὲν ὡς φίλῳ συνεθήρα, φανείσης δʼ ἄρκτου διώκοντες ἀμφότεροι, ὁ μὲν νῦν ἄρχων οὗτος ἀκοντίσας ἥμαρτεν, ὡς μήποτε ὤφελεν, ὁ δʼ ἐμὸς παῖς βαλών, οὐδὲν δέον, καταβάλλει τὴν ἄρκτον. 4.6.4. καὶ τότε μὲν δὴ ἀνιαθεὶς ἄρʼ οὗτος κατέσχεν ὑπὸ σκότου τὸν φθόνον· ὡς δὲ πάλιν λέοντος παρατυχόντος ὁ μὲν αὖ ἥμαρτεν, οὐδὲν οἶμαι θαυμαστὸν παθών, ὁ δʼ αὖ ἐμὸς παῖς αὖθις τυχὼν κατειργάσατό τε τὸν λέοντα καὶ εἶπεν· ἆρα βέβληκα δὶς ἐφεξῆς καὶ καταβέβληκα θῆρα ἑκατεράκις, ἐν τούτῳ δὴ οὐκέτι κατίσχει ὁ ἀνόσιος τὸν φθόνον, ἀλλʼ αἰχμὴν παρά τινος τῶν ἑπομένων ἁρπάσας, παίσας εἰς τὰ στέρνα τὸν μόνον μοι καὶ φίλον παῖδα ἀφείλετο τὴν ψυχήν. 4.6.5. κἀγὼ μὲν ὁ τάλας νεκρὸν ἀντὶ νυμφίου ἐκομισάμην καὶ ἔθαψα τηλικοῦτος ὢν ἄρτι γενειάσκοντα τὸν ἄριστον παῖδα τὸν ἀγαπητόν· ὁ δὲ κατακανὼν ὥσπερ ἐχθρὸν ἀπολέσας οὔτε μεταμελόμενος πώποτε φανερὸς ἐγένετο οὔτε ἀντὶ τοῦ κακοῦ ἔργου τιμῆς τινος ἠξίωσε τὸν κατὰ γῆς. ὅ γε μὴν πατὴρ αὐτοῦ καὶ συνῴκτισέ με καὶ δῆλος ἦν συναχθόμενός μοι τῇ συμφορᾷ. 4.6.6. ἐγὼ οὖν, εἰ μὲν ἔζη ἐκεῖνος, οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἦλθον πρὸς σὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ἐκείνου κακῷ· πολλὰ γὰρ φιλικὰ ἔπαθον ὑπʼ ἐκείνου καὶ ὑπηρέτησα ἐκείνῳ· ἐπεὶ δʼ εἰς τὸν τοῦ ἐμοῦ παιδὸς φονέα ἡ ἀρχὴ περιήκει, οὐκ ἄν ποτε τούτῳ ἐγὼ δυναίμην εὔνους γενέσθαι, οὐδὲ οὗτος ἐμὲ εὖ οἶδʼ ὅτι φίλον ἄν ποτε ἡγήσαιτο. οἶδε γὰρ ὡς ἐγὼ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχω καὶ ὡς πρόσθεν φαιδρῶς βιοτεύων νυνὶ διάκειμαι, ἔρημος ὢν καὶ διὰ πένθους τὸ γῆρας διάγων. 5.1.2. καλέσας δὲ ὁ Κῦρος Ἀράσπαν Μῆδον, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ ἐκ παιδὸς ἑταῖρος, ᾧ καὶ τὴν στολὴν ἐκδὺς ἔδωκε τὴν Μηδικήν, ὅτε παρʼ Ἀστυάγους εἰς Πέρσας ἀπῄει, τοῦτον ἐκέλευσε διαφυλάξαι αὐτῷ τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν σκηνήν· 5.1.3. ἦν δὲ αὕτη ἡ γυνὴ τοῦ Ἀβραδάτου τοῦ Σουσίου· ὅτε δὲ ἡλίσκετο τὸ τῶν Ἀσσυρίων στρατόπεδον, ὁ ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς οὐκ ἔτυχεν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ὤν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸν τῶν Βακτρίων βασιλέα πρεσβεύων ᾤχετο· ἔπεμψε δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ Ἀσσύριος περὶ συμμαχίας· ξένος γὰρ ὢν ἐτύγχανε τῷ τῶν Βακτρίων βασιλεῖ· ταύτην οὖν ἐκέλευσεν ὁ Κῦρος διαφυλάττειν τὸν Ἀράσπαν, ἕως ἂν αὐτὸς λάβῃ. 5.1.4. κελευόμενος δὲ ὁ Ἀράσπας ἐπήρετο· ἑώρακας δʼ, ἔφη, ὦ Κῦρε, τὴν γυναῖκα, ἥν με κελεύεις φυλάττειν; μὰ Δίʼ, ἔφη ὁ Κῦρος, οὐκ ἔγωγε. ἀλλʼ ἐγώ, ἔφη, ἡνίκα ἐξῃροῦμέν σοι αὐτήν· καὶ δῆτα, ὅτε μὲν εἰσήλθομεν εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν αὐτῆς, τὸ πρῶτον οὐ διέγνωμεν αὐτήν· χαμαί τε γὰρ ἐκάθητο καὶ αἱ θεράπαιναι πᾶσαι περὶ αὐτήν· καὶ τοίνυν ὁμοίαν ταῖς δούλαις εἶχε τὴν ἐσθῆτα· ἐπεὶ δὲ γνῶναι βουλόμενοι ποία εἴη ἡ δέσποινα πάσας περιεβλέψαμεν, ταχὺ πάνυ καὶ πασῶν ἐφαίνετο διαφέρουσα τῶν ἄλλων, καίπερ καθημένη κεκαλυμμένη τε καὶ εἰς γῆν ὁρῶσα. 5.1.5. ὡς δὲ ἀναστῆναι αὐτὴν ἐκελεύσαμεν, συνανέστησαν μὲν αὐτῇ ἅπασαι αἱ ἀμφʼ αὐτήν, διήνεγκε δʼ ἐνταῦθα πρῶτον μὲν τῷ μεγέθει, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῇ ἀρετῇ καὶ τῇ εὐσχημοσύνῃ, καίπερ ἐν ταπεινῷ σχήματι ἑστηκυῖα. δῆλα δʼ ἦν αὐτῇ καὶ τὰ δάκρυα στάζοντα, τὰ μὲν κατὰ τῶν πέπλων, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας. 5.1.6. ὡς δʼ ἡμῶν ὁ γεραίτατος εἶπε, θάρρει, ὦ γύναι· καλὸν μὲν γὰρ κἀγαθὸν ἀκούομεν καὶ τὸν σὸν ἄνδρα εἶναι· νῦν μέντοι ἐξαιροῦμεν ἀνδρί σε εὖ ἴσθι ὅτι οὔτε τὸ εἶδος ἐκείνου χείρονι οὔτε τὴν γνώμην οὔτε δύναμιν ἥττω ἔχοντι, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἡμεῖς γε νομίζομεν, εἴ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἀνήρ, καὶ Κῦρος ἄξιός ἐστι θαυμάζεσθαι, οὗ σὺ ἔσῃ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε· ὡς οὖν τοῦτο ἤκουσεν ἡ γυνή, περικατερρήξατό τε τὸν ἄνωθεν πέπλον καὶ ἀνωδύρατο· συνανεβόησαν δὲ καὶ αἱ δμωαί. 5.1.7. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἐφάνη μὲν αὐτῆς τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος τοῦ προσώπου, ἐφάνη δὲ ἡ δέρη καὶ αἱ χεῖρες· καὶ εὖ ἴσθι, ἔφη, ὦ Κῦρε, ὡς ἐμοί τε ἔδοξε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι τοῖς ἰδοῦσι μήπω φῦναι μηδὲ γενέσθαι γυνὴ ἀπὸ θνητῶν τοιαύτη ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ· ἀλλὰ πάντως, ἔφη, καὶ σὺ θέασαι αὐτήν. 5.1.8. καὶ ὁ Κῦρος ἔφη· ναὶ μὰ Δία, πολύ γε ἧττον, εἰ τοιαύτη ἐστὶν οἵαν σὺ λέγεις. τί δαί; ἔφη ὁ νεανίσκος. ὅτι, ἔφη, εἰ νυνὶ σοῦ ἀκούσας ὅτι καλή ἐστι πεισθήσομαι ἐλθεῖν θεασόμενος, οὐδὲ πάνυ μοι σχολῆς οὔσης, δέδοικα μὴ πολὺ θᾶττον ἐκείνη αὖθις ἀναπείσῃ καὶ πάλιν ἐλθεῖν θεασόμενον· ἐκ δὲ τούτου ἴσως ἂν ἀμελήσας ὧν με δεῖ πράττειν καθήμην ἐκείνην θεώμενος. 5.1.9. καὶ ὁ νεανίσκος ἀναγελάσας εἶπεν· οἴει γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ Κῦρε, ἱκανὸν εἶναι κάλλος ἀνθρώπου ἀναγκάζειν τὸν μὴ βουλόμενον πράττειν παρὰ τὸ βέλτιστον; εἰ μέντοι, ἔφη, τοῦτο οὕτως ἐπεφύκει, πάντας ἂν ἠνάγκαζεν ὁμοίως. 5.1.10. ὁρᾷς, ἔφη, τὸ πῦρ, ὡς πάντας ὁμοίως καίει; πέφυκε γὰρ τοιοῦτον· τῶν δὲ καλῶν τῶν μὲν ἐρῶσι τῶν δʼ οὔ, καὶ ἄλλος γε ἄλλου. ἐθελούσιον γάρ, ἔφη, ἐστί, καὶ ἐρᾷ ἕκαστος ὧν ἂν βούληται· αὐτίκʼ, ἔφη, οὐκ ἐρᾷ ἀδελφὸς ἀδελφῆς, ἄλλος δὲ ταύτης, οὐδὲ πατὴρ θυγατρός, ἄλλος δὲ ταύτης· καὶ γὰρ φόβος καὶ νόμος ἱκανὸς ἔρωτα κωλύειν. 5.1.11. εἰ δέ γʼ, ἔφη, νόμος τεθείη μὴ ἐσθίοντας μὴ πεινῆν καὶ μὴ πίνοντας μὴ διψῆν μηδὲ ῥιγοῦν τοῦ χειμῶνος μηδὲ θάλπεσθαι τοῦ θέρους, οὐδεὶς ἂν νόμος δυνηθείη διαπράξασθαι ταῦτα πείθεσθαι ἀνθρώπους· πεφύκασι γὰρ ὑπὸ τούτων κρατεῖσθαι. τὸ δʼ ἐρᾶν ἐθελούσιόν ἐστιν· ἕκαστος γοῦν τῶν καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἐρᾷ, ὥσπερ ἱματίων καὶ ὑποδημάτων. 5.1.12. πῶς οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Κῦρος, εἰ ἐθελούσιόν· ἐστι τὸ ἐρασθῆναι, οὐ καὶ παύσασθαι ἔστιν ὅταν τις βούληται; ἀλλʼ ἐγώ, ἔφη, ἑώρακα καὶ κλαίοντας ὑπὸ λύπης διʼ ἔρωτα, καὶ δουλεύοντάς γε τοῖς ἐρωμένοις καὶ μάλα κακὸν νομίζοντας πρὶν ἐρᾶν τὸ δουλεύειν, καὶ διδόντας γε πολλὰ ὧν οὐ βέλτιον αὐτοῖς στέρεσθαι, καὶ εὐχομένους ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλης τινὸς νόσου ἀπαλλαγῆναι, καὶ οὐ δυναμένους μέντοι ἀπαλλάττεσθαι, ἀλλὰ δεδεμένους ἰσχυροτέρᾳ τινὶ ἀνάγκῃ ἢ εἰ ἐν σιδήρῳ ἐδέδεντο. παρέχουσι γοῦν ἑαυτοὺς τοῖς ἐρωμένοις πολλὰ καὶ εἰκῇ ὑπηρετοῦντας· καὶ μέντοι οὐδʼ ἀποδιδράσκειν ἐπιχειροῦσι, τοιαῦτα κακὰ ἔχοντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ φυλάττουσι τοὺς ἐρωμένους μή ποι ἀποδρῶσι. 5.1.13. καὶ ὁ νεανίσκος εἶπε πρὸς ταῦτα· ποιοῦσι γάρ, ἔφη, ταῦτα· εἰσὶ μέντοι, ἔφη, οἱ τοιοῦτοι μοχθηροί· διόπερ οἶμαι καὶ εὔχονται μὲν αἰεὶ ὡς ἄθλιοι ὄντες ἀποθανεῖν, μυρίων δʼ οὐσῶν μηχανῶν ἀπαλλαγῆς τοῦ βίου οὐκ ἀπαλλάττονται. οἱ αὐτοὶ δέ γε οὗτοι καὶ κλέπτειν ἐπιχειροῦσι καὶ οὐκ ἀπέχονται τῶν ἀλλοτρίων, ἀλλʼ ἐπειδάν τι ἁρπάσωσιν ἢ κλέψωσιν, ὁρᾷς ὅτι σὺ πρῶτος, ὡς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ὂν τὸ κλέπτειν, αἰτιᾷ τὸν κλέπτοντα καὶ ἁρπάζοντα, καὶ οὐ συγγιγνώσκεις, ἀλλὰ κολάζεις; 5.1.14. οὕτω μέντοι, ἔφη, καὶ οἱ καλοὶ οὐκ ἀναγκάζουσιν ἐρᾶν ἑαυτῶν οὐδʼ ἐφίεσθαι ἀνθρώπους ὧν μὴ δεῖ, ἀλλὰ τὰ μοχθηρὰ ἀνθρώπια πασῶν οἶμαι τῶν ἐπιθυμιῶν ἀκρατῆ ἐστι, κἄπειτα ἔρωτα αἰτιῶνται· οἱ δέ γε καλοὶ κἀγαθοὶ ἐπιθυμοῦντες καὶ χρυσίου καὶ ἵππων ἀγαθῶν καὶ γυναικῶν καλῶν, ὅμως πάντων τούτων δύνανται ἀπέχεσθαι ὥστε μὴ ἅπτεσθαι αὐτῶν παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον. 5.1.15. ἐγὼ γοῦν, ἔφη, ταύτην ἑωρακὼς καὶ πάνυ καλῆς δοξάσης μοι εἶναι ὅμως καὶ παρὰ σοί εἰμι καὶ ἱππεύω καὶ τἆλλα τὰ ἐμοὶ προσήκοντα ἀποτελῶ. 5.1.16. ναὶ μὰ Δίʼ, ἔφη ὁ Κῦρος· ἴσως γὰρ θᾶττον ἀπῆλθες ἢ ἐν ὅσῳ χρόνῳ ἔρως πέφυκε συσκευάζεσθαι ἄνθρωπον. καὶ πυρὸς γάρ τοι ἔστι θιγόντα μὴ εὐθὺς καίεσθαι καὶ τὰ ξύλα οὐκ εὐθὺς ἀναλάμπει· ὅμως δʼ ἔγωγε οὔτε πυρὸς ἑκὼν εἶναι ἅπτομαι οὔτε τοὺς καλοὺς εἰσορῶ. οὐδέ γε σοὶ συμβουλεύω, ἔφη, ὦ Ἀράσπα, ἐν τοῖς καλοῖς ἐᾶν τὴν ὄψιν ἐνδιατρίβειν· ὡς τὸ μὲν πῦρ τοὺς ἁπτομένους καίει, οἱ δὲ καλοὶ καὶ τοὺς ἄπωθεν θεωμένους ὑφάπτουσιν, ὥστε αἴθεσθαι τῷ ἔρωτι. 5.1.17. θάρρει, ἔφη, ὦ Κῦρε· οὐδʼ ἐὰν μηδέποτε παύσωμαι θεώμενος, οὐ μὴ κρατηθῶ ὥστε ποιεῖν τι ὧν μὴ χρὴ ποιεῖν. κάλλιστα, ἔφη, λέγεις· φύλαττε τοίνυν, ἔφη, ὥσπερ σε κελεύω καὶ ἐπιμελοῦ αὐτῆς· ἴσως γὰρ ἂν πάνυ ἡμῖν ἐν καιρῷ γένοιτο αὕτη ἡ γυνή. 5.1.18. τότε μὲν δὴ ταῦτʼ εἰπόντες διελύθησαν. ὁ δὲ νεανίσκος ἅμα μὲν ὁρῶν καλὴν τὴν γυναῖκα, ἅμα δὲ αἰσθανόμενος τὴν καλοκἀγαθίαν αὐτῆς, ἅμα δὲ θεραπεύων αὐτὴν καὶ οἰόμενος χαρίζεσθαι αὐτῇ, ἅμα δὲ αἰσθανόμενος οὐκ ἀχάριστον οὖσαν, ἀλλʼ ἐπιμελομένην διὰ τῶν αὑτῆς οἰκετῶν ὡς καὶ εἰσιόντι εἴη αὐτῷ τὰ δέοντα καὶ εἴ ποτε ἀσθενήσειεν, ὡς μηδενὸς ἐνδέοιτο, ἐκ πάντων τούτων ἡλίσκετο ἔρωτι, καὶ ἴσως οὐδὲν θαυμαστὸν ἔπασχε. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτως ἐπράττετο. 6.1.31. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω συνεπεραίνετο. βουλόμενος δὲ κατάσκοπόν τινα πέμψαι ἐπὶ Λυδίας καὶ μαθεῖν ὅ τι πράττοι ὁ Ἀσσύριος, ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ἐπιτήδειος εἶναι Ἀράσπας ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τοῦτο ὁ φυλάττων τὴν καλὴν γυναῖκα. συνεβεβήκει γὰρ τῷ Ἀράσπᾳ τοιάδε. ληφθεὶς ἔρωτι τῆς γυναικὸς ἠναγκάσθη προσενεγκεῖν λόγους αὐτῇ περὶ συνουσίας. 6.1.32. ἡ δὲ ἀπέφησε μὲν καὶ ἦν πιστὴ τῷ ἀνδρὶ καίπερ ἀπόντι· ἐφίλει γὰρ αὐτὸν ἰσχυρῶς· οὐ μέντοι κατηγόρησε τοῦ Ἀράσπου πρὸς τὸν Κῦρον, ὀκνοῦσα συμβαλεῖν φίλους ἄνδρας. 6.1.33. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Ἀράσπας δοκῶν ὑπηρετήσειν τῷ τυχεῖν ἃ ἐβούλετο ἠπείλησε τῇ γυναικὶ ὅτι εἰ μὴ βούλοιτο ἑκοῦσα, ἄκουσα ποιήσοι ταῦτα, ἐκ τούτου ἡ γυνή, ὡς ἔδεισε τὴν βίαν, οὐκέτι κρύπτει, ἀλλὰ πέμπει τὸν εὐνοῦχον πρὸς τὸν Κῦρον καὶ κελεύει λέξαι πάντα. 6.1.34. ὁ δʼ ὡς ἤκουσεν, ἀναγελάσας ἐπὶ τῷ κρείττονι τοῦ ἔρωτος φάσκοντι εἶναι, πέμπει Ἀρτάβαζον σὺν τῷ εὐνούχῳ καὶ κελεύει αὐτῷ εἰπεῖν βιάζεσθαι μὲν μὴ τοιαύτην γυναῖκα, πείθειν δὲ εἰ δύναιτο, οὐκ ἔφη κωλύειν. 6.1.35. ἐλθὼν δʼ ὁ Ἀρτάβαζος πρὸς τὸν Ἀράσπαν ἐλοιδόρησεν αὐτόν, παρακαταθήκην ὀνομάζων τὴν γυναῖκα, ἀσέβειάν τε αὐτοῦ λέγων ἀδικίαν τε καὶ ἀκράτειαν, ὥστε τὸν Ἀράσπαν πολλὰ μὲν δακρύειν ὑπὸ λύπης, καταδύεσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τῆς αἰσχύνης, ἀπολωλέναι δὲ τῷ φόβῳ μή τι καὶ πάθοι ὑπὸ Κύρου. 6.1.36. ὁ οὖν Κῦρος καταμαθὼν ταῦτα ἐκάλεσεν αὐτὸν καὶ μόνος μόνῳ ἔλεξεν· ὁρῶ σε, ἔφη, ὦ Ἀράσπα, φοβούμενόν τε ἐμὲ καὶ ἐν αἰσχύνῃ δεινῶς ἔχοντα. παῦσαι οὖν τούτων· ἐγὼ γὰρ θεούς τε ἀκούω ἔρωτος ἡττῆσθαι, ἀνθρώπους τε οἶδα καὶ μάλα δοκοῦντας φρονίμους εἶναι οἷα πεπόνθασιν ὑπʼ ἔρωτος· καὶ αὐτὸς δʼ ἐμαυτοῦ κατέγνων μὴ ἂν καρτερῆσαι ὥστε συνὼν καλοῖς ἀμελεῖν αὐτῶν. καὶ σοὶ δὲ τούτου τοῦ πράγματος ἐγὼ αἴτιός εἰμι· ἐγὼ γάρ σε συγκατεῖρξα τούτῳ τῷ ἀμάχῳ πράγματι. 6.1.37. καὶ ὁ Ἀράσπας ὑπολαβὼν εἶπεν· ἀλλὰ σὺ μέν, ὦ Κῦρε, καὶ ταῦτα ὅμοιος εἶ οἷόσπερ καὶ τἆλλα, πρᾷός τε καὶ συγγνώμων τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἁμαρτημάτων· ἐμὲ δʼ, ἔφη, καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ἄνθρωποι καταδύουσι τῷ ἄχει. ὡς γὰρ ὁ θροῦς διῆλθε τῆς ἐμῆς συμφορᾶς, οἱ μὲν ἐχθροὶ ἐφήδονταί μοι, οἱ δὲ φίλοι προσιόντες συμβουλεύουσιν ἐκποδὼν ἔχειν ἐμαυτόν, μή τι καὶ πάθω ὑπὸ σοῦ, ὡς ἠδικηκότος ἐμοῦ μεγάλα. 6.1.38. καὶ ὁ Κῦρος εἶπεν· εὖ τοίνυν ἴσθι, ὦ Ἀράσπα, ὅτι ταύτῃ τῇ δόξῃ οἷός τʼ εἶ ἐμοί τε ἰσχυρῶς χαρίσασθαι καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους μεγάλα ὠφελῆσαι. εἰ γὰρ γένοιτο, ἔφη ὁ Ἀράσπας, ὅ τι ἐγώ σοι ἐν καιρῷ ἂν γενοίμην αὖ χρήσιμος . 6.1.39. εἰ τοίνυν, ἔφη, προσποιησάμενος ἐμὲ φεύγειν ἐθέλοις εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐλθεῖν, οἴομαι ἄν σε πιστευθῆναι ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων. ἔγωγε ναὶ μὰ Δίʼ, ἔφη ὁ Ἀράσπας, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων οἶδα ὅτι ὡς σὲ πεφευγὼς λόγον ἂν παρ ἔχοιμι. 6.1.40. ἔλθοις ἂν τοίνυν, ἔφη, ἡμῖν πάντα εἰδὼς τὰ τῶν πολεμίων· οἶμαι δὲ καὶ λόγων καὶ βουλευμάτων κοινωνὸν ἄν σε ποιοῖντο διὰ τὸ πιστεύειν, ὥστε μηδὲ ἕν σε λεληθέναι ὧν βουλόμεθα εἰδέναι. ὡς πορευσομένου, ἔφη, ἤδη νυνί· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο ἴσως ἓν τῶν πιστῶν ἔσται τὸ δοκεῖν με ὑπὸ σοῦ μελλήσαντά τι παθεῖν ἐκπεφευγέναι. 6.1.41. ἦ καὶ δυνήσῃ ἀπολιπεῖν, ἔφη, τὴν καλὴν Πάνθειαν; δύο γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ Κῦρε, σαφῶς ἔχω ψυχάς· νῦν τοῦτο πεφιλοσόφηκα μετὰ τοῦ ἀδίκου σοφιστοῦ τοῦ Ἔρωτος. οὐ γὰρ δὴ μία γε οὖσα ἅμα ἀγαθή τέ ἐστι καὶ κακή, οὐδʼ ἅμα καλῶν τε καὶ αἰσχρῶν ἔργων ἐρᾷ καὶ ταὐτὰ ἅμα βούλεταί τε καὶ οὐ βούλεται πράττειν, ἀλλὰ δῆλον ὅτι δύο ἐστὸν ψυχά, καὶ ὅταν μὲν ἡ ἀγαθὴ κρατῇ, τὰ καλὰ πράττεται, ὅταν δὲ ἡ πονηρά, τὰ αἰσχρὰ ἐπιχειρεῖται. νῦν δὲ ὡς σὲ σύμμαχον ἔλαβε, κρατεῖ ἡ ἀγαθὴ καὶ πάνυ πολύ. 6.1.42. εἰ τοίνυν καὶ σοὶ δοκεῖ πορεύεσθαι, ἔφη ὁ Κῦρος, ὧδε χρὴ ποιεῖν, ἵνα κἀκείνοις πιστότερος ᾖς· ἐξάγγελλέ τε αὐτοῖς τὰ παρʼ ἡμῶν, οὕτω τε ἐξάγγελλε ὡς ἂν αὐτοῖς τὰ παρὰ σοῦ λεγόμενα ἐμποδὼν μάλιστʼ ἂν εἴη ὧν βούλονται πράττειν. εἴη δʼ ἂν ἐμποδών, εἰ ἡμᾶς φαίης παρασκευάζεσθαι ἐμβαλεῖν ποι τῆς ἐκείνων χώρας· ταῦτα γὰρ ἀκούοντες ἧττον ἂν παντὶ σθένει ἁθροίζοιντο, ἕκαστός τις φοβούμενος καὶ περὶ τῶν οἴκοι. 6.1.43. καὶ μένε, ἔφη, παρʼ ἐκείνοις ὅτι πλεῖστον χρόνον· ἃ γὰρ ἂν ποιῶσιν ὅταν ἐγγύτατα ἡμῶν ὦσι, ταῦτα μάλιστα καιρὸς ἡμῖν εἰδέναι ἔσται. συμβούλευε δʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐκτάττεσθαι ὅπῃ ἂν δοκῇ κράτιστον εἶναι· ὅταν γὰρ σὺ ἀπέλθῃς εἰδέναι δοκῶν τὴν τάξιν αὐτῶν, ἀναγκαῖον οὕτω τετάχθαι αὐτοῖς· μετατάττεσθαι γὰρ ὀκνήσουσι, καὶ ἤν πῃ ἄλλῃ μετατάττωνται ἐξ ὑπογύου, ταράξονται. 6.1.44. Ἀράσπας μὲν δὴ οὕτως ἐξελθὼν καὶ συλλαβὼν τοὺς πιστοτάτους θεράποντας καὶ εἰπὼν πρός τινας ἃ ᾤετο συμφέρειν τῷ πράγματι ᾤχετο. 6.1.45. ἡ δὲ Πάνθεια ὡς ᾔσθετο οἰχόμενον τὸν Ἀράσπαν, πέμψασα πρὸς τὸν Κῦρον εἶπε· μὴ λυποῦ, ὦ Κῦρε, ὅτι Ἀράσπας οἴχεται εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους· ἢν γὰρ ἐμὲ ἐάσῃς πέμψαι πρὸς τὸν ἐμὸν ἄνδρα, ἐγώ σοι ἀναδέχομαι ἥξειν πολὺ Ἀράσπου πιστότερον φίλον· καὶ δύναμιν δὲ οἶδʼ ὅτι ὁπόσην ἂν δύνηται ἔχων παρέσται σοι. καὶ γὰρ ὁ μὲν πατὴρ τοῦ νῦν βασιλεύοντος φίλος ἦν αὐτῷ· ὁ δὲ νῦν βασιλεύων καὶ ἐπεχείρησέ ποτε ἐμὲ καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα διασπάσαι ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων· ὑβριστὴν οὖν νομίζων αὐτὸν εὖ οἶδʼ ὅτι ἄσμενος ἂν πρὸς ἄνδρα οἷος σὺ εἶ ἀπαλλαγείη. 6.1.46. ἀκούσας ταῦτα ὁ Κῦρος ἐκέλευε πέμπειν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα· ἡ δʼ ἔπεμψεν. ὡς δʼ ἔγνω ὁ Ἀβραδάτας τὰ παρὰ τῆς γυναικὸς σύμβολα, καὶ τἆλλα δὲ ᾔσθετο ὡς εἶχεν, ἄσμενος πορεύεται πρὸς τὸν Κῦρον ἵππους ἔχων ἀμφὶ τοὺς χιλίους. ὡς δʼ ἦν πρὸς τοῖς τῶν Περσῶν σκοποῖς, πέμπει πρὸς τὸν Κῦρον εἰπὼν ὃς ἦν. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος εὐθὺς ἄγειν κελεύει αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα. 6.1.47. ὡς δʼ εἰδέτην ἀλλήλους ἡ γυνὴ καὶ ὁ Ἀβραδάτας, ἠσπάζοντο ἀλλήλους ὡς εἰκὸς ἐκ δυσελπίστων. ἐκ τούτου δὴ λέγει ἡ Πάνθεια τοῦ Κύρου τὴν ὁσιότητα καὶ τὴν σωφροσύνην καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὑτὴν κατοίκτισιν. ὁ δὲ Ἀβραδάτας ἀκούσας εἶπε· τί ἂν οὖν ἐγὼ ποιῶν, ὦ Πάνθεια, χάριν Κύρῳ ὑπέρ τε σοῦ καὶ ἐμαυτοῦ ἀποδοίην; τί δὲ ἄλλο, ἔφη ἡ Πάνθεια, ἢ πειρώμενος ὅμοιος εἶναι περὶ ἐκεῖνον οἷόσπερ ἐκεῖνος περὶ σέ; 6.1.48. ἐκ τούτου δὴ ἔρχεται πρὸς τὸν Κῦρον ὁ Ἀβραδάτας· καὶ ὡς εἶδεν αὐτόν, λαβόμενος τῆς δεξιᾶς εἶπεν· ἀνθʼ ὧν σὺ εὖ πεποίηκας ἡμᾶς, ὦ Κῦρε, οὐκ ἔχω τί μεῖζον εἴπω ἢ ὅτι φίλον σοι ἐμαυτὸν δίδωμι καὶ θεράποντα καὶ σύμμαχον· καὶ ὅσα ἂν ὁρῶ σε σπουδάζοντα, συνεργὸς πειράσομαι γίγνεσθαι ὡς ἂν δύνωμαι κράτιστος. 6.1.49. καὶ ὁ Κῦρος εἶπεν· ἐγὼ δὲ δέχομαι· καὶ νῦν μέν σε ἀφίημι, ἔφη, σὺν τῇ γυναικὶ δειπνεῖν· αὖθις δὲ καὶ παρʼ ἐμοὶ δεήσει σε σκηνοῦν σὺν τοῖς σοῖς τε καὶ ἐμοῖς φίλοις. 6.1.50. ἐκ τούτου ὁρῶν ὁ Ἀβραδάτας σπουδάζοντα τὸν Κῦρον περὶ τὰ δρεπανηφόρα ἅρματα καὶ περὶ τοὺς τεθωρακισμένους ἵππους τε καὶ ἱππέας, ἐπειρᾶτο συντελεῖν αὐτῷ εἰς τὰ ἑκατὸν ἅρματα ἐκ τοῦ ἱππικοῦ τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ ὅμοια ἐκείνῳ· αὐτὸς δὲ ὡς ἡγησόμενος αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος παρεσκευάζετο. 6.1.51. συνεζεύξατο δὲ τὸ ἑαυτοῦ ἅρμα τετράρρυμόν τε καὶ ἵππων ὀκτώ· ἡ δὲ Πάνθεια ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῶν ἑαυτῆς χρημάτων χρυσοῦν τε αὐτῷ θώρακα ἐποιήσατο καὶ χρυσοῦν κράνος, ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ περιβραχιόνια. τοὺς δὲ ἵππους τοῦ ἅρματος χαλκοῖς πᾶσι προβλήμασι κατεσκευάσατο. 6.2.10. ἤδη δὲ καὶ μεμισθωμένους εἶναι πολλοὺς μὲν Θρᾳκῶν μαχαιροφόρους, Αἰγυπτίους δὲ προσπλεῖν, καὶ ἀριθμὸν ἔλεγον εἰς δώδεκα μυριάδας σὺν ἀσπίσι ποδήρεσι καὶ δόρασι μεγάλοις, οἷάπερ καὶ νῦν ἔχουσι, καὶ κοπίσι· προσέτι δὲ καὶ Κυπρίων στράτευμα· παρεῖναι δʼ ἤδη Κίλικας πάντας καὶ Φρύγας ἀμφοτέρους καὶ Λυκάονας καὶ Παφλαγόνας καὶ Καππαδόκας καὶ Ἀραβίους καὶ Φοίνικας καὶ σὺν τῷ Βαβυλῶνος ἄρχοντι τοὺς Ἀσσυρίους, καὶ Ἴωνας δὲ καὶ Αἰολέας καὶ σχεδὸν πάντας τοὺς Ἕλληνας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ ἐποικοῦντας σὺν Κροίσῳ ἠναγκάσθαι ἕπεσθαι, πεπομφέναι δὲ Κροῖσον καὶ εἰς Λακεδαίμονα περὶ συμμαχίας· 7.3.8. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἶδε τὴν γυναῖκα χαμαὶ καθημένην καὶ τὸν νεκρὸν κείμενον, ἐδάκρυσέ τε ἐπὶ τῷ πάθει καὶ εἶπε· φεῦ, ὦ ἀγαθὴ καὶ πιστὴ ψυχή, οἴχῃ δὴ ἀπολιπὼν ἡμᾶς; καὶ ἅμα ἐδεξιοῦτο αὐτὸν καὶ ἡ χεὶρ τοῦ νεκροῦ ἐπηκολούθησεν· ἀπεκέκοπτο γὰρ κοπίδι ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. 7.3.9. ὁ δὲ ἰδὼν πολὺ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἤλγησε· καὶ ἡ γυνὴ δὲ ἀνωδύρατο καὶ δεξαμένη δὴ παρὰ τοῦ Κύρου ἐφίλησέ τε τὴν χεῖρα καὶ πάλιν ὡς οἷόν τʼ ἦν προσήρμοσε, καὶ εἶπε· 7.3.10. καὶ τἆλλά τοι, ὦ Κῦρε, οὕτως ἔχει· ἀλλὰ τί δεῖ σε ὁρᾶν; καὶ ταῦτα, ἔφη, οἶδʼ ὅτι διʼ ἐμὲ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἔπαθεν, ἴσως δὲ καὶ διὰ σέ, ὦ Κῦρε, οὐδὲν ἧττον. ἐγώ τε γὰρ ἡ μώρα πολλὰ διεκελευόμην αὐτῷ οὕτω ποιεῖν, ὅπως σοι φίλος ἄξιος γενήσοιτο· αὐτός τε οἶδʼ ὅτι οὗτος οὐ τοῦτο ἐνενόει ὅ τι πείσοιτο, ἀλλὰ τί ἄν σοι ποιήσας χαρίσαιτο. καὶ γὰρ οὖν, ἔφη, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀμέμπτως τετελεύτηκεν, ἐγὼ δʼ ἡ παρακελευομένη ζῶσα παρακάθημαι. 7.3.11. καὶ ὁ Κῦρος χρόνον μέν τινα σιωπῇ κατεδάκρυσεν, ἔπειτα δὲ ἐφθέγξατο· ἀλλʼ οὗτος μὲν δή, ὦ γύναι, ἔχει τὸ κάλλιστον τέλος· νικῶν γὰρ τετελεύτηκε· σὺ δὲ λαβοῦσα τοῖσδε ἐπικόσμει αὐτὸν τοῖς παρʼ ἐμοῦ· παρῆν δὲ ὁ Γωβρύας καὶ ὁ Γαδάτας πολὺν καὶ καλὸν κόσμον φέροντες· ἔπειτα δʼ, ἔφη, ἴσθι ὅτι οὐδὲ τὰ ἄλλα ἄτιμος ἔσται, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ μνῆμα πολλοὶ χώσουσιν ἀξίως ἡμῶν καὶ ἐπισφαγήσεται αὐτῷ ὅσα εἰκὸς ἀνδρὶ ἀγαθῷ. 7.3.12. καὶ σὺ δʼ, ἔφη, οὐκ ἔρημος ἔσῃ, ἀλλʼ ἐγώ σε καὶ σωφροσύνης ἕνεκα καὶ πάσης ἀρετῆς καὶ τἆλλα τιμήσω καὶ συστήσω ὅστις ἀποκομιεῖ σε ὅποι ἂν αὐτὴ ἐθέλῃς· μόνον, ἔφη, δήλωσον πρὸς ἐμὲ πρὸς ὅντινα χρῄζεις κομισθῆναι. 7.3.13. καὶ ἡ Πάνθεια εἶπεν· ἀλλὰ θάρρει, ἔφη, ὦ Κῦρε, οὐ μή σε κρύψω πρὸς ὅντινα βούλομαι ἀφικέσθαι. 7.3.14. ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἀπῄει, κατοικτίρων τήν τε γυναῖκα οἵου ἀνδρὸς στέροιτο καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα οἵαν γυναῖκα καταλιπὼν οὐκέτʼ ὄψοιτο. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τοὺς μὲν εὐνούχους ἐκέλευσεν ἀποστῆναι, ἕως ἄν, ἔφη, τόνδʼ ἐγὼ ὀδύρωμαι ὡς βούλομαι· τῇ δὲ τροφῷ εἶπε παραμένειν, καὶ ἐπέταξεν αὐτῇ, ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνῃ, περικαλύψαι αὐτήν τε καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα ἑνὶ ἱματίῳ. ἡ δὲ τροφὸς πολλὰ ἱκετεύουσα μὴ ποιεῖν τοῦτο, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲν ἥνυτε καὶ χαλεπαίνουσαν ἑώρα, ἐκάθητο κλαίουσα. ἡ δὲ ἀκινάκην πάλαι παρεσκευασμένον σπασαμένη σφάττει ἑαυτὴν καὶ ἐπιθεῖσα ἐπὶ τὰ στέρνα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν ἑαυτῆς κεφαλὴν ἀπέθνῃσκεν. ἡ δὲ τροφὸς ἀνωλοφύρατό τε καὶ περιεκάλυπτεν ἄμφω ὥσπερ ἡ Πάνθεια ἐπέστειλεν. 7.3.15. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ὡς ᾔσθετο τὸ ἔργον τῆς γυναικός, ἐκπλαγεὶς ἵεται, εἴ τι δύναιτο βοηθῆσαι. οἱ δὲ εὐνοῦχοι ἰδόντες τὸ γεγενημένον, τρεῖς ὄντες σπασάμενοι κἀκεῖνοι τοὺς ἀκινάκας ἀποσφάττονται οὗπερ ἔταξεν αὐτοὺς ἑστηκότες. καὶ νῦν τὸ μνῆμα μέχρι τοῦ νῦν τῶν εὐνούχων κεχῶσθαι λέγεται· καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν τῇ ἄνω στήλῃ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπιγεγράφθαι φασὶ τὰ ὀνόματα, Σύρια γράμματα, κάτω δὲ εἶναι τρεῖς λέγουσι στήλας καὶ ἐπιγεγράφθαι σκηπτούχων . 7.3.16. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ὡς ἐπλησίασε τῷ πάθει ἀγασθείς τε τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ κατολοφυράμενος ἀπῄει· καὶ τούτων μὲν ᾗ εἰκὸς ἐπεμελήθη ὡς τύχοιεν πάντων τῶν καλῶν, καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ὑπερμέγεθες ἐχώσθη, ὥς φασιν. 7.5.59. γνοὺς δʼ ὅτι οὐδαμοῦ ἄνθρωποι εὐχειρωτότεροί εἰσιν ἢ ἐν σίτοις καὶ ποτοῖς καὶ λουτροῖς καὶ κοίτῃ καὶ ὕπνῳ, ἐσκόπει τίνας ἂν ἐν τούτοις περὶ αὑτὸν πιστοτάτους ἔχοι. ἐνόμισε δὲ μὴ ἂν γενέσθαι ποτὲ πιστὸν ἄνθρωπον ὅστις ἄλλον μᾶλλον φιλήσοι τοῦ τῆς φυλακῆς δεομένου. 7.5.60. τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἔχοντας παῖδας ἢ γυναῖκας συναρμοττούσας ἢ παιδικὰ ἔγνω φύσει ἠναγκάσθαι ταῦτα μάλιστα φιλεῖν· τοὺς δʼ εὐνούχους ὁρῶν πάντων τούτων στερομένους ἡγήσατο τούτους ἂν περὶ πλείστου ποιεῖσθαι οἵτινες δύναιντο πλουτίζειν μάλιστα αὐτοὺς καὶ βοηθεῖν, εἴ τι ἀδικοῖντο, καὶ τιμὰς περιάπτειν αὐτοῖς· τούτοις δʼ εὐεργετοῦντα ὑπερβάλλειν αὐτὸν οὐδένʼ ἂν ἡγεῖτο δύνασθαι. 8.3.13. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἤδη αὐτὸς ἐκ τῶν πυλῶν προυφαίνετο ὁ Κῦρος ἐφʼ ἅρματος ὀρθὴν ἔχων τὴν τιάραν καὶ χιτῶνα πορφυροῦν μεσόλευκον ʽἄλλῳ δʼ οὐκ ἔξεστι μεσόλευκον ἔχειν̓, καὶ περὶ τοῖς σκέλεσιν ἀναξυρίδας ὑσγινοβαφεῖς, καὶ κάνδυν ὁλοπόρφυρον. εἶχε δὲ καὶ διάδημα περὶ τῇ τιάρᾳ· καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο σημεῖον εἶχον, καὶ νῦν τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἔχουσι.

4.6.3. 4.6.4. And then that man was vexed, to be sure, as it proved, but covered his jealousy in darkness. But when again a lion appeared, he missed again. There was nothing remarkable in that, so far as I can see; but again a second time my son hit his mark and killed the lion and cried, Have I not thrown twice in succession and brought an animal down each time! Then that villain no The murder of his son longer restrained his jealous wrath but, snatching a spear from one of the attendants, smote him in the breast—my son, my only, well-loved son—and took away his life. 4.6.5. 4.6.6. 5.1.2. Then Cyrus called to him Araspas, a Mede, who had been his friend from boyhood—the same one to I. iv. 26 whom he had given his Median robe when he laid it off as he was returning from Astyages’s court to Persia—and bade him keep for him both the lady and the tent. 5.1.3. 5.1.4. No, by Zeus, said Cyrus ; not I. But I have, said the other. I saw her when we selected her for you. And when we went into her tent, upon my word, we did not at first distinguish her from the rest; for she sat upon the ground and all her handmaids sat around her. And she was dressed withal just like her servants; but when we looked round upon them all in our desire to make out which one was the mistress, at once her superiority to all the rest was evident, even though she sat veiled, with her head bowed to the earth. 5.1.5. 5.1.6. 5.1.7. And then we had vision of most of her face and vision of her neck and arms. And let me tell you, Cyrus, said he, it seemed to me, as it did to all the rest who saw her, that there never was so beautiful a woman of mortal birth in Asia . But, he added, you must by all means see her for yourself. 5.1.8. No, by Zeus, said Cyrus ; and all the less, Cyrus declines to visit her if she is as beautiful as you say. Why so? asked the young man. Because said he, if now I have heard from you that she is beautiful and am inclined just by your account of her to go and gaze on her, when I have no time to spare, I am afraid that she will herself much more readily persuade me to come again to gaze on her. And in consequence of that I might sit there, in neglect of my duties, idly gazing upon her. 5.1.9. Why Cyrus, said the young man breaking Araspas maintains that love is a matter of will into a laugh, you do not think, do you, that human beauty is able to compel a man against his will to act contrary to his own best interests? Why, said he, if that were a law of nature, it would compel us all alike. 5.1.10. 5.1.11. 5.1.12. How then, pray, said Cyrus, if falling in Cyrus maintains that it is a kind of slavery love is a matter of free will, is it not possible for any one to stop whenever he pleases? But I have seen people in tears of sorrow because of love and in slavery to the objects of their love, even though they believed before they fell in love that slavery is a great evil; I have seen them give those objects of their love many things that they could ill afford to part with; and I have seen people praying to be delivered from love just as from any other disease, and, for all that, unable to be delivered from it, but fettered by a stronger necessity than if they had been fettered with shackles of iron. At any rate, they surrender themselves to those they love to perform for them many services blindly. And yet, in spite of all their misery, they do not attempt to run away, but even watch their darlings to keep them from running away. 5.1.13. Yes, the young man answered; there are Araspas claims that only the weakling is enslaved some who do so; but such are wretched weaklings, and because of their slavery, I think, they constantly pray that they may die, because they are so unhappy; but, though there are ten thousand possible ways of getting rid of life, they do not get rid of it. And this very same sort attempt also to steal and do not keep their hands off other people’s property; but when they commit robbery or theft, you see that you are the first to accuse the thief and the robber, because it was not necessary to steal, and you do not pardon him, but you punish him. 5.1.14. 5.1.15. 5.1.16. Aye, by Zeus, said Cyrus ; for you came away perhaps in less time than love takes, as its nature is, to get a man ensnared. For, you know, it is possible for a man to put his finger in the fire and not be burned at once, and wood does not burst at once into flame; still, for my part, I neither put my hand into the fire nor look upon the beautiful, if I can help it. And I advise you, too, Araspas, said he, not to let your eyes linger upon the fair; for fire, to be sure, burns only those who touch it, but beauty insidiously kindles a fire even in those who gaze upon it from afar, so that they are inflamed with passion. 5.1.17. Never fear, Cyrus, said he, even if I never cease to look upon her, I shall never be so overcome as to do anything that I ought not. Your professions, said he, are most excellent. Keep her then, as I bid you, and take good care of her; for this lady may perhaps be of very great service to us when the time comes. 5.1.18. After this conversation, then, they separated. He falls in love And as the young man found the lady so beautiful and at the same time came to know her goodness and nobility of character, as he attended her and thought he pleased her, and then also as he saw that she was not ungrateful but always took care by the hands of her own servants not only that he should find whatever he needed when he came in, but that, if he ever fell sick, he should suffer no lack of attention—in consequence of all this, he fell desperately in love with her; and what happened to him was perhaps not at all surprising. Thus matters began to take this turn. 6.1.31. Now, he wished to send some one as a spy into Lydia to find out what the Assyrian was doing, and it seemed to him that Araspas, the guardian of the beautiful woman, was the proper person to go on this mission. Now Araspas’s case had taken a turn like Araspas and Panthea this: he had fallen in love with the lady and could not resist the impulse to approach her with amorous proposals. 6.1.32. 6.1.33. 6.1.34. 6.1.35. 6.1.36. 6.1.37. 6.1.38. Would that some occasion might arise, answered Araspas, in which I could be of service to you. 6.1.39. Aye, by Zeus, said Araspas, and I know that even with my friends I could start the story that I was running away from you. 6.1.40. Depend upon it, said he, I will start at once; and one of the circumstances that will gain my story credence will be the appearance that I have run away because I was likely to be punished by you. 6.1.41. 6.1.42. 6.1.43. 6.1.44. Then Araspas withdrew; he got together the most trusted of his attendants, told some of his friends such things as he thought would contribute to the success of his scheme, and was gone. 6.1.45. When Panthea learned that Araspas had gone Panthea sends for Abradatas away, she sent word to Cyrus, saying: Do not be distressed, Cyrus, that Araspas has gone over to the enemy; for if you will allow me to send to my husband, I can guarantee you that a much more faithful friend will come to you than Araspas was. And what is more, I know that he will come to you with as many troops as he can bring. For while the father of the present king was his friend, this present king once even attempted to separate me from my husband. Inasmuch, therefore, as he considers the king an insolent scoundrel, I am sure that he would be glad to transfer his allegiance to such a man as you. 6.1.46. When Cyrus heard that, he bade her send word to her husband; and she did so. And when Abradatas read the cipher message sent by his wife and was informed how matters stood otherwise, he joyfully proceeded with about a thousand horse to join Cyrus . When he came up to the Persian sentries, he sent to Cyrus to let him know who it was; and Cyrus gave orders to take him at once to his wife. 6.1.47. And when Abradatas and his wife saw each other they embraced each other with joy, as was natural, considering they had not expected ever to meet again. Thereafter Panthea told of Cyrus’s piety and self-restraint and of his compassion for her. Tell me, Panthea, said Abradatas when he heard Abradatas makes common cause with Cyrus this, what can I do to pay the debt of gratitude that you and I owe to Cyrus ? What else, pray, said Panthea, than to try to be to him what he has been to you? 6.1.48. Later Abradatas went to Cyrus . When he saw him he took his right hand in his and said: In return for the kindnesses you have done us, Cyrus, I do not know what more to say than that I offer myself to you to be your friend, your servant, your ally. And in whatsoever enterprise I see you engage, I shall try to co-operate with you to the very best of my ability. 6.1.49. And I accept your offer, said Cyrus . And now I will take leave of you and let you go to dinner with your wife. Some other time you will be expected to dine at my headquarters with your friends and mine. 6.1.50. After this, as Abradatas observed that Cyrus was busily engaged with the scythe-bearing chariots and the mailed horses and riders, he tried to contribute from his own cavalry as many as a hundred chariots like them; and he made ready to lead them in person upon his chariot. 6.1.51. 6.2.10. 7.3.8. And when he saw the lady sitting upon the Panthea mourns over her dead ground and the corpse lying there, he wept over his loss and said: Alas, O brave and faithful soul, hast thou then gone and left us? And with the words he clasped his hand, and the dead man’s hand came away in his grasp; for the wrist had been severed by a sabre in the hands of an Egyptian. 7.3.9. 7.3.10. 7.3.11. For some time Cyrus wept in silence and then Cyrus tries to comfort her he said aloud: Well, lady, he indeed has met the fairest of ends, for he has died in the very hour of victory; but do you accept these gifts from me —for Gobryas and Gadatas had come with many beautiful ornaments— and deck him with them. And then, let me assure you that in other ways also he shall not want for honours, but many hands shall rear to him a monument worthy of us, and sacrifice shall be made over it, such as will befit a man so valiant. 7.3.12. And you, he continued, shall not be left friendless, but on account of your goodness and all your worth, I shall show you all honour; and besides, I will commend to you some one to escort you to the place where you yourself desire to go. Only let me know to whom you wish to be conducted. 7.3.13. Ah, Cyrus, Panthea answered, do not fear; I shall never hide from you who it is to whom I wish to go. 7.3.14. When he had said this, Cyrus went away, his heart full of pity for the woman, as he thought what a husband she had lost, and for the man, that he must leave such a wife and never see her more. The lady then desired the eunuchs to retire, until, she said, I have bewailed my husband here, as I desire. But her nurse she told to stay with her, Panthea’s death and she charged her to cover her and her husband, when she, too, was dead, with the same cloak. The nurse, however, pleaded earnestly with her not to do so; but when her prayers proved of no avail and she saw her mistress becoming angered, she sat down and burst into tears. Panthea then drew out a dagger, with which she had provided herself long before, and plunged it into her heart, and laying her head upon her husband’s bosom she breathed her last. Then the nurse wailed aloud and covered them both, even as Panthea had directed. 7.3.15. And now even to this day, it is said, the monument Their monument of the eunuchs is still standing; and they say that the names of the husband and wife are inscribed in Assyrian letters upon the slab above; and below, it is said, are three slabs with the inscription the mace-bearers. Staff-bearers—apparently court officials, bearing a staff of office; mentioned again 8.1.38; 8.3.15; Anab. 1.6.11. 7.3.16. And when Cyrus drew near to the place of sorrow he marvelled at the woman; and having made lament over her, he went his way. He also took care that they should find all due honours, and the monument reared over them was, as they say, exceeding great. 7.5.59. And as he realized that men are nowhere an easier He selects his bodyguard prey to violence than when at meals or at wine, in the bath, or in bed and asleep, he looked around to see who were the most faithful men that he could have around him at such times; and he held that no man was ever faithful who loved any one else better than the one who needed his protection. 7.5.60. 8.3.13.

64. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.5.4, 4.7.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, conquest of lydia by •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 207, 258

1.5.4. ἐν συνουσίᾳ δὲ τίς ἂν ἡσθείη τῷ τοιούτῳ, ὃν εἰδείη τῷ ὄψῳ τε καὶ τῷ οἴνῳ χαίροντα μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς φίλοις καὶ τὰς πόρνας ἀγαπῶντα μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ἑταίρους; ἆρά γε οὐ χρὴ πάντα ἄνδρα, ἡγησάμενον τὴν ἐγκράτειαν ἀρετῆς εἶναι κρηπῖδα, ταύτην πρῶτον ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ κατασκευάσασθαι; 4.7.6. ὅλως δὲ τῶν οὐρανίων, ᾗ ἕκαστα ὁ θεὸς μηχανᾶται, φροντιστὴν γίγνεσθαι ἀπέτρεπεν· οὔτε γὰρ εὑρετὰ ἀνθρώποις αὐτὰ ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι οὔτε χαρίζεσθαι θεοῖς ἂν ἡγεῖτο τὸν ζητοῦντα ἃ ἐκεῖνοι σαφηνίσαι οὐκ ἐβουλήθησαν. κινδυνεῦσαι δʼ ἂν ἔφη καὶ παραφρονῆσαι τὸν ταῦτα μεριμνῶντα οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ Ἀναξαγόρας παρεφρόνησεν ὁ μέγιστον φρονήσας ἐπὶ τῷ τὰς τῶν θεῶν μηχανὰς ἐξηγεῖσθαι.

1.5.4. In social intercourse what pleasure could you find in such a man, knowing that he prefers your sauces and your wines to your friends, and likes the women Employed to entertain the guests at the banquet. better than the company? Should not every man hold self-control to be the foundation of all virtue, and first lay this foundation firmly in his soul? 1.5.4. In social intercourse what pleasure could you find in such a man, knowing that he prefers your sauces and your wines to your friends, and likes the women better than the company? Should not every man hold self-control to be the foundation of all virtue, and first lay this foundation firmly in his soul? 4.7.6. In general, with regard to the phenomena of the heavens, he deprecated curiosity to learn how the deity contrives them: he held that their secrets could not be discovered by man, and believed that any attempt to search out what the gods had not chosen to reveal must be displeasing to them. He said that he who meddles with these matters runs the risk of losing his sanity as completely as Anaxagoras, who took an insane pride in his explanation of the divine machinery. 4.7.6. In general, with regard to the phenomena of the heavens, he deprecated curiosity to learn how the deity contrives them: he held that their secrets could not be discovered by man, and believed that any attempt to search out what the gods had not chosen to reveal must be displeasing to them. He said that he who meddles with these matters runs the risk of losing his sanity as completely as Anaxagoras, who took an insane pride in his explanation of the divine machinery.

65. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 1314, 463, 465, 464 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 132

464. ἥκειν ἐνόμισας, ἢ γυναιξὶν οὐκ οἴει

66. Sophocles Iunior, Fragments, 515 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 233

67. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 391, 393-402, 392 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 145, 327

392. Goddess of the hills, Earth all-nourishing, mother of Zeus himself, you through whose realm the great Pactolu

68. Xenophon, On Household Management, 4.4-4.25 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, and lydian symbols Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 239, 327

4.4. But what arts, pray, do you advise us to follow, Socrates ? Need we be ashamed of imitating the king of the Persians? For they say that he pays close attention to husbandry and the art of war, holding that these are two of the noblest and most necessary pursuits. 4.5. And do you really believe, Socrates , exclaimed Critobulus on hearing this, that the king of the Persians includes husbandry among his occupations? Perhaps, Critobulus, the following considerations will enable us to discover whether he does so. We allow that he pays close attention to warfare, because he has given a standing order to every governor of the nations from which he receives tribute, to supply maintece for a specified number of horsemen and archers and slingers and light infantry, that they may be strong enough to control his subjects and to protect the country in the event of an invasion; and, 4.5. “And do you really believe, Socrates,” exclaimed Critobulus on hearing this, “that the king of the Persians includes husbandry among his occupations?” “Perhaps, Critobulus, the following considerations will enable us to discover whether he does so. We allow that he pays close attention to warfare, because he has given a standing order to every governor of the nations from which he receives tribute, to supply maintece for a specified number of horsemen and archers and slingers and light infantry, that they may be strong enough to control his subjects and to protect the country in the event of an invasion; and,[6] apart from these, he maintains garrisons in the citadels. Maintece for these is supplied by the governor charged with this duty, and the king annually reviews the mercenaries and all the other troops ordered to be under arms, assembling all but the men in the citadels at the place of muster, as it is called: he personally inspects the men who are near his residence, and sends trusted agents to review those who live far away.[7] The officers, whether commanders of garrisons or of regiments or viceroys, who turn out with a full complement of men and parade them equipped with horses and arms in good condition, he promotes in the scale of honour and enriches with large grants of money; but those officers whom he finds to be neglecting the garrisons or making profit out of them he punishes severely, and appoints others to take their office. These actions, then, seem to us to leave no room for question that he pays attention to warfare.[8] “As for the country, he personally examines so much of it as he sees in the course of his progress through it; and he receives reports from his trusted agents on the territories that he does not see for himself. To those governors who are able to show him that their country is densely populated and that the land is in cultivation and well stocked with the trees of the district and with the crops, he assigns more territory and gives presents, and rewards them with seats of honour. Those whose territory he finds uncultivated and thinly populated either through harsh administration or through contempt or through carelessness, he punishes, and appoints others to take their office.[9] By such action, does he seem to provide less for the cultivation of the land by the inhabitants than for its protection by the garrisons? Moreover, each of these duties is entrusted to a separate class of officers; one class governs the residents and the labourers, and collects tribute from them, the other commands the men under arms and the garrisons. 4.6. apart from these, he maintains garrisons in the citadels. Maintece for these is supplied by the governor charged with this duty, and the king annually reviews the mercenaries and all the other troops ordered to be under arms, assembling all but the men in the citadels at the place of muster, as it is called: he personally inspects the men who are near his residence, and sends trusted agents to review those who live far away. 4.7. The officers, whether commanders of garrisons or of regiments or viceroys, who turn out with a full complement of men and parade them equipped with horses and arms in good condition, he promotes in the scale of honour and enriches with large grants of money; but those officers whom he finds to be neglecting the garrisons or making profit out of them he punishes severely, and appoints others to take their office. These actions, then, seem to us to leave no room for question that he pays attention to warfare. 4.8. As for the country, he personally examines so much of it as he sees in the course of his progress through it; and he receives reports from his trusted agents on the territories that he does not see for himself. To those governors who are able to show him that their country is densely populated and that the land is in cultivation and well stocked with the trees of the district and with the crops, he assigns more territory and gives presents, and rewards them with seats of honour. Cyropaedia, VIII. i. 39. Those whose territory he finds uncultivated and thinly populated either through harsh administration or through contempt or through carelessness, he punishes, and appoints others to take their office. 4.9. By such action, does he seem to provide less for the cultivation of the land by the inhabitants than for its protection by the garrisons? Moreover, each of these duties is entrusted to a separate class of officers; one class governs the residents and the labourers, and collects tribute from them, the other commands the men under arms and the garrisons. 4.10. If the commander of a garrison affords insufficient protection to the country, the civil governor and controller of agriculture denounces the commander, setting out that the inhabitants are unable to work the farms for want of protection. If, on the other hand, the commander brings peace to the farms, and the governor nevertheless causes the land to be sparsely populated and idle, the commander in turn denounces the governor. 4.10. If the commander of a garrison affords insufficient protection to the country, the civil governor and controller of agriculture denounces the commander, setting out that the inhabitants are unable to work the farms for want of protection. If, on the other hand, the commander brings peace to the farms, and the governor nevertheless causes the land to be sparsely populated and idle, the commander in turn denounces the governor.[11] For, roughly speaking, where cultivation is inefficient, the garrisons are not maintained and the tribute cannot be paid. Wherever a viceroy is appointed, he attends to both these matters.” At this point Critobulus said:[12] “Well, Socrates, if the Great King does this, it seems to me that he pays as much attention to husbandry as to warfare.”[13] “Yet further,” continued Socrates, “in all the districts he resides in and visits he takes care that there are ‘paradises,’ as they call them, full of all the good and beautiful things that the soil will produce, and in this he himself spends most of his time, except when the season precludes it.”[14] “Then it is of course necessary, Socrates, to take care that these paradises in which the king spends his time shall contain a fine stock of trees and all other beautiful things that the soil produces.” 4.11. For, roughly speaking, where cultivation is inefficient, the garrisons are not maintained and the tribute cannot be paid. Wherever a viceroy is appointed, he attends to both these matters. At this point Critobulus said: 4.12. Well, Socrates , if the Great King does this, it seems to me that he pays as much attention to husbandry as to warfare. 4.13. Yet further, continued Socrates , in all the districts he resides in and visits he takes care that there are paradises, as they call them, full of all the good and beautiful things that the soil will produce, and in this he himself spends most of his time, except when the season precludes it. 4.14. Then it is of course necessary, Socrates , to take care that these paradises in which the king spends his time shall contain a fine stock of trees and all other beautiful things that the soil produces. 4.15. And some say, Critobulus, that when the king makes gifts, he first invites those who have distinguished themselves in war, because it is useless to have broad acres under tillage unless there are men to defend them; and next to them, those who stock and cultivate the land best, saying that even stout-hearted warriors cannot live without the aid of workers. 4.15. “And some say, Critobulus, that when the king makes gifts, he first invites those who have distinguished themselves in war, because it is useless to have broad acres under tillage unless there are men to defend them; and next to them, those who stock and cultivate the land best, saying that even stout-hearted warriors cannot live without the aid of workers.[16] There is a story that Cyrus, lately the most illustrious of princes, once said to the company invited to receive his gifts, ‘I myself deserve to receive the gifts awarded in both classes; for I am the best at stocking land and the best at protecting the stock.’”[17] “Well, if Cyrus said that, Socrates, he took as much pride in cultivating and stocking land as in being a warrior.”[18] “Yes, and, upon my word, if Cyrus had only lived, it seems that he would have proved an excellent ruler. One of the many proofs that he has given of this is the fact that, when he was on his way to fight his brother for the throne, it is said that not a man deserted from Cyrus to the king, whereas tens of thousands deserted from the king to Cyrus.[19] I think you have one clear proof of a ruler's excellence, when men obey him willingly and choose to stand by him in moments of danger. Now his friends all fought at his side and fell at his side to a man, fighting round his body, with the one exception of Ariaeus, whose place in the battle was, in point of fact, on the left wing. 4.16. There is a story that Cyrus , lately the most illustrious of princes, once said to the company invited to receive his gifts, I myself deserve to receive the gifts awarded in both classes; for I am the best at stocking land and the best at protecting the stock. 4.17. Well, if Cyrus said that, Socrates , he took as much pride in cultivating and stocking land as in being a warrior. 4.18. Yes, and, upon my word, if Cyrus had only lived, it seems that he would have proved an excellent ruler. One of the many proofs that he has given of this is the fact that, when he was on his way to fight his brother for the throne, it is said that not a man deserted from Cyrus to the king, whereas tens of thousands deserted from the king to Cyrus . 4.19. I think you have one clear proof of a ruler’s excellence, when men obey him willingly Mem III. iii. 9. and choose to stand by him in moments of danger. Now his friends all fought at his side and fell at his side to a man, fighting round his body, with the one exception of Ariaeus, whose place in the battle was, in point of fact, on the left wing. Anabasis, I. ix. 31. Ariaeus fled when he saw that Cyrus had fallen. 4.20. Further, the story goes that when Lysander came to him bringing the gifts form the allies, this Cyrus showed him various marks of friendliness, as Lysander himself related once to a stranger at Megara , adding besides that Cyrus personally showed him round his paradise at Sardis . 4.20. “Further, the story goes that when Lysander came to him bringing the gifts from the allies, this Cyrus showed him various marks of friendliness, as Lysander himself related once to a stranger at Megara, adding besides that Cyrus personally showed him round his paradise at Sardis.[21] Now Lysander admired the beauty of the trees in it, the accuracy of the spacing, the straightness of the rows, the regularity of the angles and the multitude of the sweet scents that clung round them as they walked; and for wonder of these things he cried, ‘Cyrus, I really do admire all these lovely things, but I am far more impressed with your agent's skill in measuring and arranging everything so exactly.’[22] Cyrus was delighted to hear this and said: ‘Well, Lysander, the whole of the measurement and arrangement is my own work, and I did some of the planting myself.’[23] ‘What, Cyrus?’ exclaimed Lysander, looking at him, and marking the beauty and perfume of his robes, and the splendour of the necklaces and bangles and other jewels that he was wearing; ‘did you really plant part of this with your own hands?’[24] ‘Does that surprise you, Lysander?’ asked Cyrus in reply. ‘I swear by the Sun-god that I never yet sat down to dinner when in sound health, without first working hard at some task of war or agriculture, or exerting myself somehow.’ “Lysander himself declared, I should add, that on hearing this, he congratulated him in these words: ‘I think you deserve your happiness, Cyrus, for you earn it by your virtues.’” 4.21. Now Lysander admired the beauty of the trees in it, the accuracy of the spacing, the straightness of the rows, the regularity of the angles and the multitude of the sweet scents that clung round them as they walked; and for wonder of these things he cried, Cyrus , I really do admire all these lovely things, but I am far more impressed with your agent’s skill in measuring and arranging everything so exactly. 4.22. Cyrus was delighted to hear this and said: Well, Lysander , the whole of the measurement and arrangement is my own work, and I did some of the planting myself. 4.23. What, Cyrus ? exclaimed Lysander, looking at him, and marking the beauty and perfume of his robes, and the splendour of the necklaces and bangles and other jewels that he was wearing; did you really plant part of this with your own hands? 4.24. Does that surprise you, Lysander? asked Cyrus in reply. I swear by the Sun-god that I never yet sat down to dinner when in sound health, without first working hard at some task of war or agriculture, or exerting myself somehow. 4.25. Lysander himself declared, I should add, that on hearing this, he congratulated him in these words: I think you deserve your happiness, Cyrus, for you earn it by your virtues.

69. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 100-125, 504-506, 534, 61-62, 628-629, 63, 630-639, 64, 640-649, 65, 650-659, 66, 660-664, 67-88, 90-99, 89 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 324

89. παρέθηκεν ἡμῖν: ὄνομα δ' ἦν αὐτῷ φέναξ.

70. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 160-161, 387-388, 162 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 266

162. and on your sister, Artemis, guardian of our earth, who sits on her glorious throne above the circle of our market-place, and on far-shooting Apollo: oh shine forth for me, my three-fold help against death!

71. Aristophanes, Birds, 1021-1054, 1072-1073, 1243-1245, 1571-1682, 1687, 1706-1749, 175, 1750-1759, 176, 1760-1765, 177-186, 737, 739-752, 988, 738 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 255

738. τιὸ τιὸ τιὸ τιὸ τιὸ τιὸ τιοτίγξ,

72. Sophocles, Fragments, 515 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 233

73. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.1.2, 1.2.1, 1.2, 1.3.3, 1.3.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6.6, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.13.6, 1.13, 1.14, 1.15, 1.16, 1.17, 1.73.63, 1.73.22, 1.73.23, 1.73.24, 1.73.25, 1.73.26, 1.73.21, 1.73.20, 1.73.19, 1.73.13, 1.73.14, 1.73.15, 1.73.16, 1.73.17, 1.73.18, 1.73.27, 1.73.31, 1.73.32, 1.73.33, 1.73.34, 1.73.35, 1.73.36, 1.73.37, 1.73.28, 1.73.29, 1.73.30, 1.73.5, 1.73.6, 1.73.8, 1.73.9, 1.73.10, 1.73.11, 1.73.12, 1.73.7, 1.73.38, 1.73.56, 1.73.57, 1.73.58, 1.73.59, 1.73.60, 1.73.61, 1.73.62, 1.73.66, 1.73.67, 1.73.68, 1.73.69, 1.73.70, 1.73.71, 1.73.72, 1.73.73, 1.73.74, 1.73.65, 1.73.64, 1.73.2, 1.73.39, 1.73.40, 1.73.41, 1.73.42, 1.73.43, 1.73.45, 1.73.4, 1.73.3, 1.73.46, 1.73.47, 1.73.48, 1.73.49, 1.73.50, 1.73.51, 1.73.52, 1.73.53, 1.73.54, 1.73.55, 1.73.44, 1.75.2, 1.89.2, 1.94, 1.95-96.1, 1.95, 1.96.2, 1.112.4, 1.112.3, 1.112.2, 1.115.5, 1.115.4, 1.126, 1.128, 1.129, 1.130, 1.131, 1.132, 1.133, 1.134, 1.135, 1.138.1, 1.138.6, 1.139.2, 1.139.1, 2.8.3, 2.15.3, 2.15.4, 2.27, 2.37, 2.38, 2.39, 2.40, 2.41, 2.67, 2.67.4, 3.10.4, 3.10.2, 3.10.3, 3.34, 3.37, 3.38, 3.39, 3.40, 3.41, 3.42, 3.43, 3.44, 3.45, 3.46, 3.47, 3.48, 3.75.2, 3.104.2, 3.104, 3.104.3, 4.50.2, 4.50.1, 5.43.3, 5.43.2, 6.16, 6.27, 6.28, 6.29, 6.53, 6.54.6, 6.54.5, 6.59.3, 6.60, 6.61, 6.76.3, 6.89, 6.92, 7.28.4, 8.5.5, 8.5, 8.12, 8.16, 8.18, 8.18.1, 8.35, 8.36, 8.37, 8.45, 8.46, 8.46.1, 8.46.2, 8.46.3, 8.47, 8.48, 8.49, 8.56, 8.58.2, 8.58.4, 8.58.3, 8.58.1, 8.81.2, 8.81, 8.82, 8.88-89.1, 8.109.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 145; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 283

8.5.5. ἐπήγετο γὰρ καὶ ὁ Τισσαφέρνης τοὺς Πελοποννησίους καὶ ὑπισχνεῖτο τροφὴν παρέξειν. ὑπὸ βασιλέως γὰρ νεωστὶ ἐτύγχανε πεπραγμένος τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀρχῆς φόρους, οὓς δι’ Ἀθηναίους ἀπὸ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων οὐ δυνάμενος πράσσεσθαι ἐπωφείλησεν: τούς τε οὖν φόρους μᾶλλον ἐνόμιζε κομιεῖσθαι κακώσας τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ ἅμα βασιλεῖ ξυμμάχους Λακεδαιμονίους ποιήσειν, καὶ Ἀμόργην τὸν Πισσούθνου υἱὸν νόθον, ἀφεστῶτα περὶ Καρίαν, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ προσέταξε βασιλεύς, ἢ ζῶντα ἄξειν ἢ ἀποκτενεῖν.

8.5.5. in the maritime districts, who invited the Peloponnesians to come over, and promised to maintain their army. The king had lately called upon him for the tribute from his government, for which he was in arrears, being unable to raise it from the Hellenic towns by reason of the Athenians; and he therefore calculated that by weakening the Athenians he should get the tribute better paid, and should also draw the Lacedaemonians into alliance with the king; and by this means, as the king had commanded him, take alive or dead Amorges, the bastard son of Pissuthnes, who was in rebellion on the coast of Caria .

74. Timotheus of Miletus, Persae, 100-172, 97-99, 173 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 43, 169

75. Anaximander Iunior, Fragments, a2, a4, a1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 200

76. Demosthenes, Orations, 18.259-18.260, 19.273, 59.122 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 62, 100, 283

18.259. On arriving at manhood you assisted your mother in her initiations, in her initiations: she was an expert in Bacchic or Sabazian rites imported from Phrygia . reading the service-book while she performed the ritual, and helping generally with the paraphernalia. At night it was your duty to mix the libations, to clothe the catechumens in fawn-skins, to wash their bodies, to scour them with the loam and the bran, and, when their lustration was duly performed, to set them on their legs, and give out the hymn: Here I leave my sins behind, Here the better way I find; and it was your pride that no one ever emitted that holy ululation so powerfully as yourself. I can well believe it! When you hear the stentorian tones of the orator, can you doubt that the ejaculations of the acolyte were simply magnificent? 18.260. In day-time you marshalled your gallant throng of bacchanals through the public streets, their heads garlanded with fennel and white poplar; and, as you went, you squeezed the fat-cheeked snakes, or brandished them above your head, now shouting your Euoi Saboi! now footing it to the measure of Hyes Attes! Attes Hyes!—saluted by all the old women with such proud titles as Master of the Ceremonies, Fugleman, Ivy-bearer, Fan-carrier; and at last receiving your recompense of tipsy-cakes, and cracknels, and currant-buns. With such rewards who would not rejoice greatly, and account himself the favorite of fortune? 19.273. In my judgement, men of Athens, you will do well, not to emulate your forefathers in some one respect alone, but to follow their conduct step by step. I am sure you have all heard the story of their treatment of Callias, son of Hipponicus, who negotiated the celebrated peace 470 B.C., after the battle of Eurymedon. under which the King of Persia was not to approach within a day’s ride of the coast, nor sail with a ship of war between the Chelidonian islands and the Blue Rocks. At the inquiry into his conduct they came near to putting him to death, and mulcted him in fifty talents, because he was said to have taken bribes on embassy. 59.122. For this is what living with a woman as one’s wife means—to have children by her and to introduce the sons to the members of the clan and of the deme, and to betroth the daughters to husbands as one’s own. Mistresses we keep for the sake of pleasure, concubines for the daily care of our persons, but wives to bear us legitimate children and to be faithful guardians of our households. If, therefore, Stephanus had previously married an Athenian woman, and these children are hers and not Neaera’s, he could have shown it by the most certain evidence, by delivering up these women-servants for the torture.

77. Ephorus, Fragments, f63 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, language of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 271

78. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 122, 73, 71 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 222

79. Hecataeus Abderita, Fragments, f25.235-39 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 268

80. Aristotle, Economics, 2.2, 1345b21 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 161

81. Aeschines, Letters, 3.132 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 222, 225

3.132. Wherefore what is there, strange and unexpected, that has not happened in our time! For it is not the life of men we have lived, but we were born to be a tale of wonder to posterity. Is not the king of the Persians—he who channelled Athos , he who bridged the Hellespont , he who demanded earth and water of the Greeks, he who dared to write in his letters that he was lord of all men from the rising of the sun unto its setting—is he not struggling now, no longer for lordship over others, but already for his life? And do we not see this glory and the leadership against the Persians bestowed on the same men who liberated the temple of Delphi ?

82. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 3.5.4 (1407a-b), 2.23.18 (1339b), 3.2.10 (1405a) 62 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 245

83. Aristotle, Politics, 1268b25, 1311b13-15, 1327b (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 244

1327b. (for a state ought to be formidable, and also capable of the defence of not only its own people but also some of its neighbors, by sea as well as by land); but when we come to the question of the number and size of this force, we have to consider the state's manner of life if it is to live a life of leadership and affairs, it must possess maritime as well as other forces commensurate with its activities. On the other hand it is not necessary for states to include the teeming population that grows up in connection with common sailors, as there is no need for these to be citizens; for the marines are free men and are a part of the infantry, and it is they who have command and control the crew; and if there exists a mass of villagers and tillers of the soil, there is bound to be no lack of sailors too. In fact we see this state of thing existing even now in some places, for instance in the city of Heraclea; the Heracleotes man a large fleet of triremes, although they possess a city of but moderate size as compared with others. Let such then be our conclusions about the territories and harbors of cities, and the sea, and about naval forces. [7.10] About the citizen population, we said before what is its proper limit of numbers. Let us now speak of what ought to be the citizens' natural character. Now this one might almost discern by looking at the famous cities of Greece and by observing how the whole inhabited world is divided up among the nations. The nations inhabiting the cold places and those of Europe are full of spirit but somewhat deficient in intelligence and skill, so that they continue comparatively free, but lacking in political organization and capacity to rule their neighbors. The peoples of Asia on the other hand are intelligent and skillful in temperament, but lack spirit, so that they are in continuous subjection and slavery. But the Greek race participates in both characters, just as it occupies the middle position geographically, for it is both spirited and intelligent; hence it continues to be free and to have very good political institutions, and to be capable of ruling all mankind if it attains constitutional unity. The same diversity also exists among the Greek races compared with one another: some have a one-sided nature, others are happily blended in regard to both these capacities. It is clear therefore that people that are to be easily guided to virtue by the lawgiver must be both intellectual and spirited in their nature. For as to what is said by certain persons about the character that should belong to their Guardians — they should be affectionate to their friends but fierce towards strangers — it is spirit that causes affectionateness, for spirit is the capacity of the soul whereby we love.

84. Timaeus of Tauromenium, Fragments, f164.61-70 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 268

85. Aristotle, Meteorology, 3.4, 3.3, 3.2, 1.5.342b, 3.2.372a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58

86. Aristotle, History of Animals, 632a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, religion of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 165

87. Duris of Samos, Fragments, f21 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342

88. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 5.2, 14.3-14.4, 16.2, 16.10, 22.4-22.6, 23.2, 23.5, 45.1, 58.1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, language of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 43, 242, 249, 257, 265, 278, 319

89. Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, 2.11 (94a36-b7) (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 247

90. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.936-1.1152 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 327

1.936. ἔστι δέ τις αἰπεῖα Προποντίδος ἔνδοθι νῆσος < 1.937. τυτθὸν ἀπὸ Φρυγίης πολυληίου ἠπείροιο < 1.938. εἰς ἅλα κεκλιμένη, ὅσσον τʼ ἐπιμύρεται ἰσθμὸς < 1.939. χέρσῳ ἐπιπρηνὴς καταειμένος· ἐν δέ οἱ ἀκταὶ < 1.940. ἀμφίδυμοι, κεῖνται δʼ ὑπὲρ ὕδατος Λἰσήποιο. < 1.941. Λ̓́ρκτων μιν καλέουσιν ὄρος περιναιετάοντες· < 1.942. καὶ τὸ μὲν ὑβρισταί τε καὶ ἄγριοι ἐνναίουσιν < 1.943. Γηγενέες, μέγα θαῦμα περικτιόνεσσιν ἰδέσθαι. < 1.944. ἓξ γὰρ ἑκάστῳ χεῖρες ὑπέρβιοι ἠερέθονται, < 1.945. αἱ μὲν ἀπὸ στιβαρῶν ὤμων δύο, ταὶ δʼ ὑπένερθεν < 1.946. τέσσαρες αἰνοτάτῃσιν ἐπὶ πλευρῇς ἀραρυῖαι. < 1.947. ἰσθμὸν δʼ αὖ πεδίον τε Δολίονες ἀμφενέμοντο < 1.948. ἀνέρες· ἐν δʼ ἥρως Λἰνήιος υἱὸς ἄνασσεν < 1.949. Κύζικος, ὃν κούρη δίου τέκεν Εὐσώροιο < 1.950. Αἰνήτη. τοὺς δʼ οὔτι καὶ ἔκπαγλοί περ ἐόντες < 1.951. Γηγενέες σίνοντο, Ποσειδάωνος ἀρωγῇ· < 1.952. τοῦ γὰρ ἔσαν τὰ πρῶτα Δολίονες ἐκγεγαῶτες. < 1.953. ἔνθʼ Ἀργὼ προύτυψεν ἐπειγομένη ἀνέμοισιν < 1.954. Θρηικίοις, Καλὸς δὲ λιμὴν ὑπέδεκτο θέουσαν. < 1.955. κεῖσε καὶ εὐναίης ὀλίγον λίθον ἐκλύσαντες < 1.956. Τίφυος ἐννεσίῃσιν ὑπὸ κρήνῃ ἐλίποντο, < 1.957. κρήνῃ ὑπʼ Ἀρτακίῃ· ἕτερον δʼ ἔλον, ὅστις ἀρήρει, < 1.958. βριθύν· ἀτὰρ κεῖνόν γε θεοπροπίαις Ἑκάτοιο < 1.959. Νηλεΐδαι μετόπισθεν Ἰάονες ἱδρύσαντο < 1.960. ἱερόν, ἣ θέμις ἦεν, Ἰησονίης ἐν Ἀθήνης. < 1.961. τοὺς δʼ ἄμυδις φιλότητι Δολίονες ἠδὲ καὶ αὐτὸς < 1.962. Κύζικος ἀντήσαντες ὅτε στόλον ἠδὲ γενέθλην < 1.963. ἔκλυον, οἵτινες εἶεν, ἐυξείνως ἀρέσαντο, < 1.964. καί σφεας εἰρεσίῃ πέπιθον προτέρωσε κιόντας < 1.965. ἄστεος ἐν λιμένι πρυμνήσια νηὸς ἀνάψαι, < 1.966. ἔνθʼ οἵγʼ Ἐκβασίῳ βωμὸν θέσαν Ἀπόλλωνι < 1.967. εἱσάμενοι παρὰ θῖνα, θυηπολίης τʼ ἐμελοντο. < 1.968. δῶκεν δʼ αὐτὸς ἄναξ λαρὸν μέθυ δευουένοισιν < 1.969. μῆλά θʼ ὁμοῦ· δὴ γάρ οἱ ἔην φάτις, εὖτʼ ἂν ἵκωνται < 1.970. ἀνδρῶν ἡρώων θεῖος στόλος, αὐτίκα τόνγε < 1.971. μείλιχον ἀντιάαν, μηδὲ πτολέμοιο μέλεσθαι. < 1.972. ἶσόν που κἀκείνῳ ἐπισταχύεσκον ἴουλοι, < 1.973. οὐδέ νύ πω παίδεσσιν ἀγαλλόμενος μεμόρητο· < 1.974. ἀλλʼ ἔτι οἱ κατὰ δώματʼ ἀκήρατος ἦεν ἄκοιτις < 1.975. ὠδίνων, Μέροπος Περκωσίου ἐκγεγαυῖα, < 1.976. Κλείτη ἐυπλόκαμος, τὴν μὲν νέον ἐξέτι πατρὸς < 1.977. θεσπεσίοις ἕδνοισιν ἀνήγαγεν ἀντιπέρηθεν. < 1.978. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὧς θάλαμόν τε λιπὼν καὶ δέμνια νύμφης < 1.979. τοῖς μέτα δαῖτʼ ἀλέγυνε, βάλεν δʼ ἀπὸ δείματα θυμοῦ. < 1.980. ἀλλήλους δʼ ἐρέεινον ἀμοιβαδίς· ἤτοι ὁ μέν σφεων < 1.981. πεύθετο ναυτιλίης ἄνυσιν, Πελίαό τʼ ἐφετμάς· < 1.982. οἱ δὲ περικτιόνων πόλιας καὶ κόλπον ἅπαντα < 1.983. εὐρείης πεύθοντο Προποντίδος· οὐ μὲν ἐπιπρὸ < 1.984. ἠείδει καταλέξαι ἐελδομένοισι δαῆναι. < 1.985. ἠοῖ δʼ εἰσανέβαν μέγα Δίνδυμον, ὄφρα καὶ αὐτοὶ < 1.986. θηήσαιντο πόρους κείνης ἁλός· ἐκ δʼ ἄρα τοίγε < 1.987. νῆα Χυτοῦ λιμένος προτέρω ἐξήλασαν ὅρμον· < 1.988. ἥδε δʼ Ἰησονίη πέφαται ὁδός, ἥνπερ ἔβησαν. < 1.989. Γηγενέες δʼ ἑτέρωθεν ἀπʼ οὔρεος ἀίξαντες < 1.990. φράξαν ἀπειρεσίοιο Χυτοῦ στόμα νειόθι πέτρῃς < 1.991. πόντιον, οἷά τε θῆρα λοχώμενοι ἔνδον ἐόντα. < 1.992. ἀλλὰ γὰρ αὖθι λέλειπτο σὺν ἀνδράσιν ὁπλοτέροισιν < 1.993. Ἡρακλέης, ὃς δή σφι παλίντονον αἶψα τανύσσας < 1.994. τόξον ἐπασσυτέρους πέλασε χθονί· τοὶ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ < 1.995. πέτρας ἀμφιρρῶγας ἀερτάζοντες ἔβαλλον. < 1.996. δὴ γάρ που κἀκεῖνα θεὰ τρέφεν αἰνὰ πέλωρα < 1.997. Ἥρη, Ζηνὸς ἄκοιτις, ἀέθλιον Ἡρακλῆι. < 1.998. σὺν δὲ καὶ ὧλλοι δῆθεν ὑπότροποι ἀντιόωντες, < 1.999. πρίν περ ἀνελθέμεναι σκοπιήν, ἥπτοντο φόνοιο < 1.1000. γηγενέων ἥρωες ἀρήιοι, ἠμὲν ὀιστοῖς < 1.1001. ἠδὲ καὶ ἐγχείῃσι δεδεγμένοι, εἰσόκε πάντας < 1.1002. ἀντιβίην ἀσπερχὲς ὀρινομένους ἐδάιξαν. < 1.1003. ὡς δʼ ὅτε δούρατα μακρὰ νέον πελέκεσσι τυπέντα < 1.1004. ὑλοτόμοι στοιχηδὸν ἐπὶ ῥηγμῖνι βάλωσιν, < 1.1005. ὄφρα νοτισθέντα κρατεροὺς ἀνεχοίατο γόμφους· < 1.1006. ὧς οἱ ἐνὶ ξυνοχῇ λιμένος πολιοῖο τέταντο < 1.1007. ἑξείης, ἄλλοι μὲν ἐς ἁλμυρὸν ἀθρόοι ὕδωρ < 1.1008. δύπτοντες κεφαλὰς καὶ στήθεα, γυῖα δʼ ὕπερθεν < 1.1009. χέρσῳ τεινάμενοι· τοὶ δʼ ἔμπαλιν, αἰγιαλοῖο < 1.1010. κράατα μὲν ψαμάθοισι, πόδας δʼ εἰς βένθος ἔρειδον, < 1.1011. ἄμφω ἅμʼ οἰωνοῖσι καὶ ἰχθύσι κύρμα γενέσθαι. < 1.1012. ἥρωες δʼ, ὅτε δή σφιν ἀταρβὴς ἔπλετʼ ἄεθλος, < 1.1013. δὴ τότε πείσματα νηὸς ἐπὶ πνοιῇς ἀνέμοιο < 1.1014. λυσάμενοι προτέρωσε διὲξ ἁλὸς οἶδμα νέοντο. < 1.1015. ἡ δʼ ἔθεεν λαίφεσσι πανήμερος· οὐ μὲν ἰούσης < 1.1016. νυκτὸς ἔτι ῥιπὴ μένεν ἔμπεδον, ἀλλὰ θύελλαι < 1.1017. ἀντίαι ἁρπάγδην ὀπίσω φέρον, ὄφρʼ ἐπέλασσαν < 1.1018. αὖτις ἐυξείνοισι Δολίοσιν ἐκ δʼ ἄρʼ ἔβησαν < 1.1019. αὐτονυχί· ἱερὴ δὲ φατίζεται ἥδʼ ἔτι πέτρη, < 1.1020. ᾗ πέρι πείσματα νηὸς ἐπεσσύμενοι ἐβάλοντο. < 1.1021. οὐδέ τις αὐτὴν νῆσον ἐπιφραδέως ἐνόησεν < 1.1022. ἔμμεναι· οὐδʼ ὑπὸ νυκτὶ Δολίονες ἂψ ἀνιόντας < 1.1023. ἥρωας νημερτὲς ἐπήισαν· ἀλλά που ἀνδρῶν < 1.1024. Μακριέων εἴσαντο Πελασγικὸν ἄρεα κέλσαι. < 1.1025. τῶ καὶ τεύχεα δύντες ἐπὶ σφίσι χεῖρας ἄειραν. < 1.1026. σὺν δʼ ἔλασαν μελίας τε καὶ ἀσπίδας ἀλλήλοισιν < 1.1027. ὀξείῃ ἴκελοι ῥιπῇ πυρός, ἥ τʼ ἐνὶ θάμνοις < 1.1028. αὐαλέοισι πεσοῦσα κορύσσεται· ἐν δὲ κυδοιμὸς < 1.1029. δεινός τε ζαμενής τε Δολιονίῳ πέσε δήμῳ. < 1.1030. οὐδʼ ὅγε δηιοτῆτος ὑπὲρ μόρον αὖτις ἔμελλεν < 1.1031. οἴκαδε νυμφιδίους θαλάμους καὶ λέκτρον ἱκέσθαι. < 1.1032. ἀλλά μιν Λἰσονίδης τετραμμένον ἰθὺς ἑοῖο < 1.1033. πλῆξεν ἐπαΐξας στῆθος μέσον, ἀμφὶ δὲ δουρὶ < 1.1034. ὀστέον ἐρραίσθη· ὁ δʼ ἐνὶ ψαμάθοισιν ἐλυσθεὶς < 1.1035. μοῖραν ἀνέπλησεν. τὴν γὰρ θέμις οὔποτʼ ἀλύξαι < 1.1036. θνητοῖσιν· πάντῃ δὲ περὶ μέγα πέπταται ἕρκος. < 1.1037. ὧς τὸν ὀιόμενόν που ἀδευκέος ἔκτοθεν ἄτης < 1.1038. εἶναι ἀριστήων αὐτῇ ὑπὸ νυκτὶ πέδησεν < 1.1039. μαρνάμενον κείνοισι· πολεῖς δʼ ἐπαρηγόνες ἄλλοι < 1.1040. ἔκταθεν· Ἡρακλέης μὲν ἐνήρατο Τηλεκλῆα < 1.1041. ἠδὲ Μεγαβρόντην· Σφόδριν δʼ ἐνάριξεν Ἄκαστος· < 1.1042. Πηλεὺς δὲ Ζέλυν εἷλεν ἀρηίθοόν τε Γέφυρον. < 1.1043. αὐτὰρ ἐυμμελίης Τελαμὼν Βασιλῆα κατέκτα. < 1.1044. Ἴδας δʼ αὖ Προμέα, Κλυτίος δʼ Ὑάκινθον ἔπεφνεν, < 1.1045. Τυνδαρίδαι δʼ ἄμφω Μεγαλοσσάκεα Φλογίον τε. < 1.1046. Οἰνεΐδης δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσιν ἕλεν θρασὺν Ἰτυμονῆα < 1.1047. ἠδὲ καὶ Ἀρτακέα, πρόμον ἀνδρῶν· οὓς ἔτι πάντας < 1.1048. ἐνναέται τιμαῖς ἡρωίσι κυδαίνουσιν. < 1.1049. οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι εἴξαντες ὑπέτρεσαν, ἠύτε κίρκους < 1.1050. ὠκυπέτας ἀγεληδὸν ὑποτρέσσωσι πέλειαι. < 1.1051. ἐς δὲ πύλας ὁμάδῳ πέσον ἀθρόοι· αἶψα δʼ ἀυτῆς < 1.1052. πλῆτο πόλις στονόεντος ὑποτροπίῃ πολέμοιο. < 1.1053. ἠῶθεν δʼ ὀλοὴν καὶ ἀμήχανον εἰσενόησαν < 1.1054. ἀμπλακίην ἄμφω· στυγερὸν δʼ ἄχος εἷλεν ἰδόντας < 1.1055. ἥρωας Μινύας Αἰνήιον υἷα πάροιθεν < 1.1056. Κύζικον ἐν κονίῃσι καὶ αἵματι πεπτηῶτα. < 1.1057. ἤματα δὲ τρία πάντα γόων, τίλλοντό τε χαίτας < 1.1058. αὐτοὶ ὁμῶς λαοί τε Δολίονες. αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα < 1.1059. τρὶς περὶ χαλκείοις σὺν τεύχεσι δινηθέντες < 1.1060. τύμβῳ ἐνεκτερέιξαν, ἐπειρήσαντό τʼ ἀέθλων, < 1.1061. ἣ θέμις, ἂμ πεδίον λειμώνιον, ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν περ < 1.1062. ἀγκέχυται τόδε σῆμα καὶ ὀψιγόνοισιν ἰδέσθαι. < 1.1063. οὐδὲ μὲν οὐδʼ ἄλοχος Κλείτη φθιμένοιο λέλειπτο < 1.1064. οὗ πόσιος μετόπισθε· κακῷ δʼ ἐπὶ κύντερον ἄλλο < 1.1065. ἤνυσεν, ἁψαμένη βρόχον αὐχένι. τὴν δὲ καὶ αὐταὶ < 1.1066. νύμφαι ἀποφθιμένην ἀλσηίδες ὠδύραντο· < 1.1067. καί οἱ ἀπὸ βλεφάρων ὅσα δάκρυα χεῦαν ἔραζε, < 1.1068. πάντα τάγε κρήνην τεῦξαν θεαί, ἣν καλέουσιν < 1.1069. Κλείτην, δυστήνοιο περικλεὲς οὔνομα νύμφης. < 1.1070. αἰνότατον δὴ κεῖνο Δολιονίῃσι γυναιξὶν < 1.1071. ἀνδράσι τʼ ἐκ Διὸς ἦμαρ ἐπήλυθεν· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτῶν < 1.1072. ἔτλη τις πάσσασθαι ἐδητύος, οὐδʼ ἐπὶ δηρὸν < 1.1073. ἐξ ἀχέων ἔργοιο μυληφάτου ἐμνώοντο· < 1.1074. ἀλλʼ αὔτως ἄφλεκτα διαζώεσκον ἔδοντες. < 1.1075. ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν, εὖτʼ ἄν σφιν ἐτήσια χύτλα χέωνται < 1.1076. Κύζικον ἐνναίοντες Ἰάονες, ἔμπεδον αἰεὶ < 1.1077. πανδήμοιο μύλης πελάνους ἐπαλετρεύουσιν. < 1.1078. ἐκ δὲ τόθεν τρηχεῖαι ἀνηέρθησαν ἄελλαι < 1.1079. ἤμαθʼ ὁμοῦ νύκτας τε δυώδεκα, τοὺς δὲ καταῦθι < 1.1080. ναυτίλλεσθαι ἔρυκον. ἐπιπλομένῃ δʼ ἐνὶ νυκτὶ < 1.1081. ὧλλοι μέν ῥα πάρος δεδμημένοι εὐνάζοντο < 1.1082. ὕπνῳ ἀριστῆες πύματον λάχος· αὐτὰρ Ἄκαστος < 1.1083. Μόψος τʼ Ἀμπυκίδης ἀδινὰ κνώσσοντας ἔρυντο. < 1.1084. ἡ δʼ ἄρʼ ὑπὲρ ξανθοῖο καρήατος Αἰσονίδαο < 1.1085. πωτᾶτʼ ἀλκυονὶς λιγυρῇ ὀπὶ θεσπίζουσα < 1.1086. λῆξιν ὀρινομένων ἀνέμων· συνέηκε δὲ Μόψος < 1.1087. ἀκταίης ὄρνιθος ἐναίσιμον ὄσσαν ἀκούσας. < 1.1088. καὶ τὴν μὲν θεὸς αὖτις ἀπέτραπεν, ἷζε δʼ ὕπερθεν < 1.1089. νηίου ἀφλάστοιο μετήορος ἀίξασα. < 1.1090. τὸν δʼ ὅγε κεκλιμένον μαλακοῖς ἐνὶ κώεσιν οἰῶν. < 1.1091. κινήσας ἀνέγειρε παρασχεδόν, ὧδέ τʼ ἔειπεν· < 1.1092. ‘Αἰσονίδη, χρειώ σε τόδʼ ἱερὸν εἰσανιόντα < 1.1093. Δινδύμου ὀκριόεντος ἐύθρονον ἱλάξασθαι < 1.1094. μητέρα συμπάντων μακάρων· λήξουσι δʼ ἄελλαι < 1.1095. ζαχρηεῖς· τοίην γὰρ ἐγὼ νέον ὄσσαν ἄκουσα < 1.1096. ἀλκυόνος ἁλίης, ἥ τε κνώσσοντος ὕπερθεν < 1.1097. σεῖο πέριξ τὰ ἕκαστα πιφαυσκομένη πεπότηται. < 1.1098. ἐκ γὰρ τῆς ἄνεμοί τε θάλασσά τε νειόθι τε χθὼν < 1.1099. πᾶσα πεπείρανται νιφόεν θʼ ἕδος Οὐλύμποιο· < 1.1100. καί οἱ, ὅτʼ ἐξ ὀρέων μέγαν οὐρανὸν εἰσαναβαίνῃ, < 1.1101. Ζεὺς αὐτὸς Κρονίδης ὑποχάζεται. ὧς δὲ καὶ ὧλλοι < 1.1102. ἀθάνατοι μάκαρες δεινὴν θεὸν ἀμφιέπουσιν.’ < 1.1103. ὧς φάτο· τῷ δʼ ἀσπαστὸν ἔπος γένετʼ εἰσαΐοντι. < 1.1104. ὤρνυτο δʼ ἐξ εὐνῆς κεχαρημένος· ὦρσε δʼ ἑταίρους < 1.1105. πάντας ἐπισπέρχων, καί τέ σφισιν ἐγρομένοισιν < 1.1106. Ἀμπυκίδεω Μόψοιο θεοπροπίας ἀγόρευεν. < 1.1107. αἶψα δὲ κουρότεροι μὲν ἀπὸ σταθμῶν ἐλάσαντες < 1.1108. ἔνθεν ἐς αἰπεινὴν ἄναγον βόας οὔρεος ἄκρην. < 1.1109. οἱ δʼ ἄρα λυσάμενοι Ἱερῆς ἐκ πείσματα πέτρης < 1.1110. ἤρεσαν ἐς λιμένα Θρηίκιον· ἂν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ < 1.1111. βαῖνον, παυροτέρους ἑτάρων ἐν νηὶ λιπόντες. < 1.1112. τοῖσι δὲ Μακριάδες σκοπιαὶ καὶ πᾶσα περαίη < 1.1113. Θρηικίης ἐνὶ χερσὶν ἑαῖς προυφαίνετʼ ἰδέσθαι· < 1.1114. φαίνετο δʼ ἠερόεν στόμα Βοσπόρου ἠδὲ κολῶναι < 1.1115. Μυσίαι· ἐκ δʼ ἑτέρης ποταμοῦ ῥόος Αἰσήποιο < 1.1116. ἄστυ τε καὶ πεδίον Νηπήιον Ἀδρηστείης. < 1.1117. ἔσκε δέ τι στιβαρὸν στύπος ἀμπέλου ἔντροφον ὕλῃ, < 1.1118. πρόχνυ γεράνδρυον· τὸ μὲν ἔκταμον, ὄφρα πέλοιτο < 1.1119. δαίμονος οὐρείης ἱερὸν βρέτας· ἔξεσε δʼ Ἄργος < 1.1120. εὐκόσμως, καὶ δή μιν ἐπʼ ὀκριόεντι κολωνῷ < 1.1121. ἵδρυσαν φηγοῖσιν ἐπηρεφὲς ἀκροτάτῃσιν, < 1.1122. αἵ ῥά τε πασάων πανυπέρταται ἐρρίζωνται. < 1.1123. βωμὸν δʼ αὖ χέραδος παρενήνεον· ἀμφὶ δὲ φύλλοις < 1.1124. στεψάμενοι δρυΐνοισι θυηπολίης ἐμέλοντο < 1.1125. μητέρα Δινδυμίην πολυπότνιαν ἀγκαλέοντες, < 1.1126. ἐνναέτιν Φρυγίης, Τιτίην θʼ ἅμα Κύλληνόν τε, < 1.1127. οἳ μοῦνοι πολέων μοιρηγέται ἠδὲ πάρεδροι < 1.1128. μητέρος Ἰδαίης κεκλήαται, ὅσσοι ἔασιν < 1.1129. δάκτυλοι Ἰδαῖοι Κρηταιέες, οὕς ποτε νύμφη < 1.1130. Ἀγχιάλη Δικταῖον ἀνὰ σπέος ἀμφοτέρῃσιν < 1.1131. δραξαμένη γαίης Οἰαξίδος ἐβλάστησεν. < 1.1132. πολλὰ δὲ τήνγε λιτῇσιν ἀποστρέψαι ἐριώλας < 1.1133. Λἰσονίδης γουνάζετʼ ἐπιλλείβων ἱεροῖσιν < 1.1134. αἰθομένοις· ἄμυδις δὲ νέοι Ὀρφῆος ἀνωγῇ < 1.1135. σκαίροντες βηταρμὸν ἐνόπλιον ὠρχήσαντο, < 1.1136. καὶ σάκεα ξιφέεσσιν ἐπέκτυπον, ὥς κεν ἰωὴ < 1.1137. δύσφημος πλάζοιτο διʼ ἠέρος, ἣν ἔτι λαοὶ < 1.1138. κηδείῃ βασιλῆος ἀνέστενον. ἔνθεν ἐσαιεὶ < 1.1139. ῥόμβῳ καὶ τυπάνῳ Ῥείην Φρύγες ἱλάσκονται. < 1.1140. ἡ δέ που εὐαγέεσσιν ἐπὶ φρένα θῆκε θυηλαῖς < 1.1141. ἀνταίη δαίμων· τὰ δʼ ἐοικότα σήματʼ ἔγεντο. < 1.1142. δένδρεα μὲν καρπὸν χέον ἄσπετον, ἀμφὶ δὲ ποσσὶν < 1.1143. αὐτομάτη φύε γαῖα τερείνης ἄνθεα ποίης. < 1.1144. θῆρες δʼ εἰλυούς τε κατὰ ξυλόχους τε λιπόντες < 1.1145. οὐρῇσιν σαίνοντες ἐπήλυθον. ἡ δὲ καὶ ἄλλο < 1.1146. θῆκε τέρας· ἐπεὶ οὔτι παροίτερον ὕδατι νᾶεν < 1.1147. Δίνδυμον· ἀλλά σφιν τότʼ ἀνέβραχε διψάδος αὔτως < 1.1148. ἐκ κορυφῆς ἄλληκτον· Ἰησονίην δʼ ἐνέπουσιν < 1.1149. κεῖνο ποτὸν κρήνην περιναιέται ἄνδρες ὀπίσσω. < 1.1150. καὶ τότε μὲν δαῖτʼ ἀμφὶ θεᾶς θέσαν οὔρεσιν Ἄρκτων, < 1.1151. μέλποντες Ῥείην πολυπότνιαν· αὐτὰρ ἐς ἠὼ < 1.1152. ληξάντων ἀνέμων νῆσον λίπον εἰρεσίῃσιν. <

1.936. There is a lofty island inside the Propontis, a short distance from the Phrygian mainland with its rich cornfields, sloping to the sea, where an isthmus in front of the mainland is flooded by the waves, so low does it lie. And the isthmus has double shores, and they lie beyond the river Aesepus, and the inhabitants round about call the island the Mount of Bears. And insolent and fierce men dwell there, Earthborn, a great marvel to the neighbours to behold; for each one has six mighty hands to lift up, two from his sturdy shoulders, and four below, fitting close to his terrible sides. And about the isthmus and the plain the Doliones had their dwelling, and over them the son of Aeneus was king, whom Aenete the daughter of goodly Eusorus bare. But these men the Earthborn monsters, fearful though they were, in nowise harried, owing to the protection of Poseidon; for from him had the Doliones first sprung. Thither Argo pressed on, driven by the winds of Thrace, and the Fair haven received her as she sped. There they cast away their small anchor-stone by the advice of Tiphys and left it beneath a fountain, the fountain of Artacie; and they took another meet for their purpose, a heavy one; but the first, according to the oracle of the Far-Darter, the sons of Neleus, Ionians in after days, laid to be a sacred stone, as was right, in the sanctuary of Jasonian Athena. 1.961. Now the Doliones and Cyzicus himself all came together to meet them with friendliness, and when they knew of the quest and their lineage welcomed them with hospitality, and persuaded them to row further and to fasten their ship's hawsers at the city harbour. Here they built an altar to Ecbasian Apollo and set it up on the beach, and gave heed to sacrifices. And the king of his own bounty gave them sweet wine and sheep in their need; for he had heard a report that whenever a godlike band of heroes should come, straightway he should meet it with gentle words and should have no thought of war. As with Jason, the soft down was just blooming on his chin, nor yet had it been his lot to rejoice in children, but still in his palace his wife was untouched by the pangs of child-birth, the daughter of Percosian Merops, fair-haired Cleite, whom lately by priceless gifts he had brought from her father's home from the mainland opposite. But even so he left his chamber and bridal bed and prepared a banquet among the strangers, casting all fears from his heart. And they questioned one another in turn. of them would he learn the end of their voyage and the injunctions of Pelias; while they enquired about the cities of the people round and all the gulf of the wide Propontis; but further he could not tell them for all their desire to learn. In the morning they climbed mighty Dindymum that they might themselves behold the various paths of that sea; and they brought their ship from its former anchorage to the harbour, Chytus; and the path they trod is named the path of Jason. 1.989. But the Earthborn men on the other side rushed down from the mountain and with crags below blocked up the mouth of vast Chytus towards the sea, like men lying in wait for a wild beast within. But there Heracles had been left behind with the younger heroes and he quickly bent his back-springing bow against the monsters and brought them to earth one after another; and they in their turn raised huge ragged rocks and hurled them. For these dread monsters too, I ween, the goddess Hera, bride of Zeus, had nurtured to be a trial for Heracles. And therewithal came the rest of the martial heroes returning to meet the foe before they reached the height of outlook, and they fell to the slaughter of the Earthborn, receiving them with arrows and spears until they slew them all as they rushed fiercely to battle. And as when woodcutters cast in rows upon the beach long trees just hewn down by their axes, in order that, once sodden with brine, they may receive the strong bolts; so these monsters at the entrance of the foam-fringed harbour lay stretched one after another, some in heaps bending their heads and breasts into the salt waves with their limbs spread out above on the land; others again were resting their heads on the sand of the shore and their feet in the deep water, both alike a prey to birds and fishes at once. 1.1012. But the heroes, when the contest was ended without fear, loosed the ship's hawsers to the breath of the wind and pressed on through the sea-swell. And the ship sped on under sail all day; but when night came the rushing wind did not hold steadfast, but contrary blasts caught them and held them back till they again approached the hospitable Doliones. And they stepped ashore that same night; and the rock is still called the Sacred Rock round which they threw the ship's hawsers in their haste. Nor did anyone note with care that it was the same island; nor in the night did the Doliones clearly perceive that the heroes were returning; but they deemed that Pelasgian war-men of the Macrians had landed. Therefore they donned their armour and raised their hands against them. And with clashing of ashen spears and shields they fell on each other, like the swift rush of fire which falls on dry brushwood and rears its crest; and the din of battle, terrible and furious, fell upon the people of the Doliones. Nor was the king to escape his fate and return home from battle to his bridal chamber and bed. But Aeson's son leapt upon him as he turned to face him, and smote him in the middle of the breast, and the bone was shattered round the spear; he rolled forward in the sand and filled up the measure of his fate. For that no mortal may escape; but on every side a wide snare encompasses us. And so, when he thought that he had escaped bitter death from the chiefs, fate entangled him that very night in her toils while battling with them; and many champions withal were slain; Heracles killed Telecles and Megabrontes, and Acastus slew Sphodris; and Peleus slew Zelus and Gephyrus swift in war. Telamon of the strong spear slew Basileus. And Idas slew Promeus, and Clytius Hyacinthus, and the two sons of Tyndareus slew Megalossaces and Phlogius. And after them the son of Oineus slew bold Itomeneus, and Artaceus, leader of men; all of whom the inhabitants still honour with the worship due to heroes. And the rest gave way and fled in terror just as doves fly in terror before swift-winged hawks. And with a din they rustled in a body to the gates; and quickly the city was filled with loud cries at the turning of the dolorous fight. But at dawn both sides perceived the fatal and cureless error; and bitter grief seized the Minyan heroes when they saw before them son of Aeneus fallen in the midst of dust and blood. And for three whole days they lamented and rent their hair, they and the Doliones. Then three times round his tomb they paced in armour of bronze and performed funeral rites and celebrated games, as was meet, upon the meadow-plain, where even now rises the mound of his grave to be seen by men of a later day. No, nor was his bride Cleite left behind her dead husband, but to crown the ill she wrought an ill yet more awful, when she clasped a noose round her neck. Her death even the nymphs of the grove bewailed; and of all the tears for her that they shed to earth from their eyes the goddesses made a fountain, which they call Cleite, the illustrious name of the hapless maid. Most terrible came that day from Zeus upon the Doliones, women and men; for no one of them dared even to taste food, nor for a long time by reason of grief did they take thought for the toil of the cornmill, but they dragged on their lives eating their food as it was, untouched by fire. Here even now, when the Ionians that dwell in Cyzicus pour their yearly libations for the dead, they ever grind the meal for the sacrificial cakes at the common mill. 1.1079. After this, fierce tempests arose for twelve days and nights together and kept them there from sailing. But in the next night the rest of the chieftains, overcome by sleep, were resting during the latest period of the night, while Acastus and Mopsus the son of Ampycus kept guard over their deep slumbers. And above the golden head of Aeson's son there hovered a halcyon prophesying with shrill voice the ceasing of the stormy winds; and Mopsus heard and understood the cry of the bird of the shore, fraught with good omen. And some god made it turn aside, and flying aloft it settled upon the stern-ornament of the ship. And the seer touched Jason as he lay wrapped in soft sheepskins and woke him at once, and thus spake: "Son of Aeson, thou must climb to this temple on rugged Dindymum and propitiate the mother of all the blessed gods on her fair throne, and the stormy blasts shall cease. For such was the voice I heard but now from the halcyon, bird of the sea, which, as it flew above thee in thy slumber, told me all. For by her power the winds and the sea and all the earth below and the snowy seat of Olympus are complete; and to her, when from the mountains she ascends the mighty heaven, Zeus himself, the son of Cronos, gives place. In like manner the rest of the immortal blessed ones reverence the dread goddess." 1.1103. Thus he spake, and his words were welcome to Jason's ear. And he arose from his bed with joy and woke all his comrades hurriedly and told them the prophecy of Mopsus the son of Ampycus. And quickly the younger men drove oxen from their stalls and began to lead them to the mountain's lofty summit. And they loosed the hawsers from the sacred rock and rowed to the Thracian harbour; and the heroes climbed the mountain, leaving a few of their comrades in the ship. And to them the Macrian heights and all the coast of Thrace opposite appeared to view close at hand. And there appeared the misty mouth of Bosporus and the Mysian hills; and on the other side the stream of the river Aesepus and the city and Nepeian plain of Adrasteia. Now there was a sturdy stump of vine that grew in the forest, a tree exceeding old; this they cut down, to be the sacred image of the mountain goddess; and Argus smoothed it skilfully, and they set it upon that rugged hill beneath a canopy of lofty oaks, which of all trees have their roots deepest. And near it they heaped an altar of small stones, and wreathed their brows with oak leaves and paid heed to sacrifice, invoking the mother of Dindymum, most venerable, dweller in Phrygia, and Titias and Cyllenus, who alone of many are called dispensers of doom and assessors of the Idaean mother, — the Idaean Dactyls of Crete, whom once the nymph Anchiale, as she grasped with both hands the land of Oaxus, bare in the Dictaean cave. And with many prayers did Aeson's son beseech the goddess to turn aside the stormy blasts as he poured libations on the blazing sacrifice; and at the same time by command of Orpheus the youths trod a measure dancing in full armour, and clashed with their swords on their shields, so that the ill-omened cry might be lost in the air the wail which the people were still sending up in grief for their king. Hence from that time forward the Phrygians propitiate Rhea with the wheel and the drum. And the gracious goddess, I ween, inclined her heart to pious sacrifices; and favourable signs appeared. The trees shed abundant fruit, and round their feet the earth of its own accord put forth flowers from the tender grass. And the beasts of the wild wood left their lairs and thickets and came up fawning on them with their tails. And she caused yet another marvel; for hitherto there was no flow of water on Dindymum, but then for them an unceasing stream gushed forth from the thirsty peak just as it was, and the dwellers around in after times called that stream, the spring of Jason. And then they made a feast in honour of the goddess on the Mount of Bears, singing the praises of Rhea most venerable; but at dawn the winds had ceased and they rowed away from the island.

91. Septuagint, Esther, 1.5 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 218

92. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 5.28, 5.31, 6.8, 6.12, 7.5, 8.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 91, 195, 196, 198; Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 71

5.28. פְּרֵס פְּרִיסַת מַלְכוּתָךְ וִיהִיבַת לְמָדַי וּפָרָס׃ 6.8. אִתְיָעַטוּ כֹּל סָרְכֵי מַלְכוּתָא סִגְנַיָּא וַאֲחַשְׁדַּרְפְּנַיָּא הַדָּבְרַיָּא וּפַחֲוָתָא לְקַיָּמָה קְיָם מַלְכָּא וּלְתַקָּפָה אֱסָר דִּי כָל־דִּי־יִבְעֵה בָעוּ מִן־כָּל־אֱלָהּ וֶאֱנָשׁ עַד־יוֹמִין תְּלָתִין לָהֵן מִנָּךְ מַלְכָּא יִתְרְמֵא לְגֹב אַרְיָוָתָא׃ 6.12. אֱדַיִן גֻּבְרַיָּא אִלֵּךְ הַרְגִּשׁוּ וְהַשְׁכַּחוּ לְדָנִיֵּאל בָּעֵא וּמִתְחַנַּן קֳדָם אֱלָהֵהּ׃ 7.5. וַאֲרוּ חֵיוָה אָחֳרִי תִנְיָנָה דָּמְיָה לְדֹב וְלִשְׂטַר־חַד הֳקִמַת וּתְלָת עִלְעִין בְּפֻמַּהּ בֵּין שניה [שִׁנַּהּ] וְכֵן אָמְרִין לַהּ קוּמִי אֲכֻלִי בְּשַׂר שַׂגִּיא׃ 8.3. וָאֶשָּׂא עֵינַי וָאֶרְאֶה וְהִנֵּה אַיִל אֶחָד עֹמֵד לִפְנֵי הָאֻבָל וְלוֹ קְרָנָיִם וְהַקְּרָנַיִם גְּבֹהוֹת וְהָאַחַת גְּבֹהָה מִן־הַשֵּׁנִית וְהַגְּבֹהָה עֹלָה בָּאַחֲרֹנָה׃

5.28. PERES, thy kingdom is divided, and given to the Medes and Persians.’ 6.8. All the presidents of the kingdom, the prefects and the satraps, the ministers and the governors, have consulted together that the king should establish a statute, and make a strong interdict, that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or man for thirty days, save of thee, O king, he shall be cast into the den of lions. 6.12. Then these men came tumultuously, and found Daniel making petition and supplication before his God. 7.5. And behold another beast, a second, like to a bear, and it raised up itself on one side, and it had three ribs in its mouth between its teeth; and it was said thus unto it: ‘Arise, devour much flesh.’ 8.3. And I lifted up mine eyes, and saw, and, behold, there stood before the stream a ram which had two horns; and the two horns were high; but one was higher than the other, and the higher came up last.

93. Cicero, Letters, #359, #374 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58

94. Polybius, Histories, 1.4.1, 9.38.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 41; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 222

1.4.1. ίκοντο τῆς τῶν ὅλων ἀρχῆς καὶ δυναστείας. τὸ γὰρ τῆς ἡμετέρας πραγματείας ἴδιον καὶ τὸ θαυμάσιον τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιρῶν τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ὅτι, καθάπερ ἡ τύχη σχεδὸν ἅπαντα τὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης πράγματα πρὸς ἓν ἔκλινε μέρος καὶ πάντα νεύειν ἠνάγκασε πρὸς ἕνα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν σκοπόν, οὕτως καὶ δεῖ διὰ τῆς ἱστορίας ὑπὸ μίαν σύνοψιν ἀγαγεῖν τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι τὸν χειρισμὸν τῆς τύχης, ᾧ κέχρηται πρὸς τὴν τῶν ὅλων πραγμάτων συντέλειαν.

95. Cicero, On Laws, 1.1.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 16

96. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 164 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 290

164. ATHENS: When there was a contest between Neptune and Minerva as to who should be the first to found a town in the Attic land, they took Jove as judge. Minerva won because she first planted the olive in that land, said to be there to this day. But Neptune, in anger, wanted to have the sea flood that land. Mercury, at Jove's command, forbade his doing that. And so Minerva in her own name founded Athens, a town said to be the first established in the world.

97. Livy, History, 29.10.4-29.10.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342

29.10.4. civitatem eo tempore repens religio invaserat invento carmine in libris Sibyllinis propter crebrius eo anno de caelo lapidatum inspectis, 29.10.5. quandoque hostis alienigena terrae Italiae bellum intulisset, eum pelli Italia vincique posse, si mater Idaea a Pessinunte Romam advecta foret. 29.10.6. id carmen ab decemviris inventum eo magis patres movit, quod et legati, qui donum Delphos portaverant, referebant et sacrificantibus ipsis Pythio Apollini laeta exta fuisse et responsum oraculo editum, maiorem multo victoriam, quam cuius ex Bpoliis spoliis dona portarent, adesse populo Romano.

98. Strabo, Geography, 1.1.1, 1.2.35, 1.2.38, 2.5.24, 2.5.31, 7.1.3-7.1.4, 10.3.12, 11.6.3, 11.14.9, 12.2.7, 12.3.21, 12.5.3, 12.8.6, 12.8.10, 13.1.13, 13.4.12, 14.1.23, 14.1.37, 14.2.25, 14.5.16, 16.1.23 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 16

1.2.35. There are many who would make the Erembi a tribe of the Ethiopians, or of the Cephenes, or again of the Pygmies, and a thousand other fancies. These ought to be regarded with little trust; since their opinion is not only incredible, but they evidently labour under a certain confusion as to the different characters of history and fable. In the same category must be reckoned those who place the Sidonians and Phoenicians in the Persian Gulf, or somewhere else in the Ocean, and make the wanderings of Menelaus to have happened there. Not the least cause for mistrusting these writers is the manner in which they contradict each other. One half would have us believe that the Sidonians are a colony from the people whom they describe as located on the shores of the [Indian] Ocean, and who they say were called Phoenicians from the colour of the Erythraean Sea, while the others declare the opposite. Some again would transport Ethiopia into our Phoenicia, and make Joppa the scene of the adventures of Andromeda; and this not from any ignorance of the topography of those places, but by a kind of mythic fiction similar to those of Hesiod and other writers censured by Apollodorus, who, however, couples Homer with them, without, as it appears, any cause. He cites as instances what Homer relates of the Euxine and Egypt, and accuses him of ignorance for pretending to speak the actual truth, and then recounting fable, all the while ignorantly mistaking it for fact. Will anyone then accuse Hesiod of ignorance on account of his Hemicynes, his Macrocephali, and his Pygmies; or Homer for his like fables, and amongst others the Pygmies themselves; or Alcman for describing the Steganopodes; or Aeschylus for his Cynocephali, Sternophthalmi, and Monommati; when amongst prose writers, and in works bearing the appearance of veritable history, we frequently meet with similar narrations, and that without any admission of their having inserted such myths. Indeed it becomes immediately evident that they have woven together a tissue of myths not through ignorance of the real facts, but merely to amuse by a deceptive narration of the impossible and marvellous. If they appear to do this in ignorance, it is because they can romance more frequently and with greater plausibility on those things which are uncertain and unknown. This Theopompus plainly confesses in the announcement of his intention to relate the fables in his history in a better style than Herodotus, Ctesias, Hellanicus, and those who had written on the affairs of India.

99. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 80

100. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 80

101. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 29, 32-33, 26 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 75

26. I extended the territory of all those provinces of the Roman people on whose borders lay peoples not subject to our government. 2 I brought peace to the Gallic and Spanish provinces as well as to Germany, throughout the area bordering on the Ocean from Cadiz to the mouth of the Elbe. 3 I secured the pacification of the Alps from the district nearest the Adriatic to the Tuscan sea, yet without waging an unjust war on any people. 4 My fleet sailed through the ocean eastwards from the mouth of the Rhine to the territory of the Cimbri, a country which no Roman had visited before either by land or sea, and the Cimbri, Charydes, Semnones and other German peoples of that region sent ambassadors and sought my friendship and that of the Roman people. 5 At my command and under my auspices two armies were led almost at the same time into Ethiopia and Arabia Felix; vast enemy forces of both peoples were cut down in battle and many towns captured. Ethiopia was penetrated as far as the town of Nabata, which adjoins Meroe; in Arabia the army advanced into the territory of the Sabaeans to the town of Mariba.

102. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 6.70-6.82 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 290

6.70. Cecropia Pallas scopulum Mavortis in arce 6.71. pingit et antiquam de terrae nomine litem. 6.72. Bis sex caelestes medio Iove sedibus altis 6.73. augusta gravitate sedent. Sua quemque deorum 6.74. inscribit facies: Iovis est regalis imago. 6.75. Stare deum pelagi longoque ferire tridente 6.76. aspera saxa facit, medioque e vulnere saxi 6.77. exsiluisse fretum, quo pignore vindicet urbem; 6.78. at sibi dat clipeum, dat acutae cuspidis hastam, 6.79. dat galeam capiti, defenditur aegide pectus, 6.80. percussamque sua simulat de cuspide terram 6.81. edere cum bacis fetum canentis olivae 6.82. mirarique deos: operis Victoria finis.

6.70. of the old woman, and revealed herself, 6.71. Minerva, goddess. 6.73. and matrons of Mygdonia worshiped her; 6.74. but not Arachne, who defiant stood;— 6.75. although at first she flushed up—then went pale— 6.76. then blushed again, reluctant.—So, at first, 6.77. the sky suffuses, as Aurora moves, 6.78. and, quickly when the glorious sun comes up, 6.79. pales into white. 6.81. her own destruction, for she would not give 6.82. from her desire to gain the victory.

103. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, f47.6, f65 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 86, 114

104. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Pompeius Geminus, 3.1-3.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 41, 42

105. Nepos, Vitae, 7.6.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 323

106. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.5.1, 1.6.5, 1.89.1, 1.90.1, 2.17.1-2.17.4, 2.18.1, 3.11.4, 11.1.4-11.1.5, 14.6, 14.6.4-14.6.5, 20.13.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of •persia and persians Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 80, 81, 85, 86, 101

1.5.1. In order, therefore, to remove these erroneous impressions, as I have called them, from the minds of many and to substitute true ones in their room, I shall in this Book show who the founders of the city were, at what periods the various groups came together and through what turns of fortune they left their native countries. < 1.6.5. And I, who have not turned aside to this work for the sake of flattery, but out of a regard for truth and justice, which ought to be the aim of every history, shall have an opportunity, in the first place, of expressing my attitude of goodwill toward all good men and toward all who take pleasure in the contemplation of great and noble deeds; and, in the second place, of making the most grateful return that I may to the city and other blessings I have enjoyed during my residence in it. < 1.89.1. Such, then, are the facts concerning the origin of the Romans which I have been able to discover a reading very diligently many works written by both Greek and Roman authors. Hence, from now on let the reader forever renounce the views of those who make Rome a retreat of barbarians, fugitives and vagabonds, and let him confidently affirm it to be a Greek city, â which will be easy when he shows that it is at once the most hospitable and friendly of all cities, and when he bears in mind that the Aborigines were Oenotrians, and these in turn Arcadians, < 1.90.1. The language spoken by the Romans is neither utterly barbarous nor absolutely Greek, but a mixture, as it were, of both, the greater part of which is Aeolic; and the only disadvantage they have experienced from their intermingling with these various nations is that they do not pronounce all their sounds properly. But all other indications of a Greek origin they preserve beyond any other colonists. For it is not merely recently, since they have enjoyed the full tide of good fortune to instruct them in the amenities of life, that they have begun to live humanely; nor is it merely since they first aimed at the conquest of countries lying beyond the sea, after overthrowing the Carthaginian and Macedonian empires, but rather from the time when they first joined in founding the city, that they have lived like Greeks; and they do not attempt anything more illustrious in the pursuit of virtue now than formerly. < 2.18.1. It is not only these institutions of Romulus that I admire, but also those which I am going to relate. He understood that the good government of cities was due to certain causes which all statesmen prate of but few succeed in making effective: first, the favour of the gods, the enjoyment of which gives success to men's every enterprise; next, moderation and justice, as a result of which the citizens, being less disposed to injure one another, are more harmonious, and make honour, rather than the most shameful pleasures, the measure of their happiness; and, lastly, bravery in war, which renders the other virtues also useful to their possessors. < 3.11.4. For we are so far from being ashamed of having made the privileges of our city free to all who desired them that we even take the greatest pride in this course; moreover, we are not the originators of this admirable practice, but took the example from the city of Athens, which enjoys the greatest reputation among the Greeks, due in no small measure, if indeed not chiefly, to this very policy. < 11.1.4. Men who are engaged in the conduct of civil affairs, among whom I for my part include also those philosophers who regard philosophy as consisting in the practice of fine actions rather than of fine words, have this in common with the rest of mankind, that they take pleasure in a comprehensive survey of all the circumstances that accompany events. And besides their pleasure, they have this advantage, that in difficult times they render great service to their countries as the result of the experience thus acquired and lead them as willing followers to that which is to their advantage, through the power of persuasion. < 11.1.5. For men most easily recognize the policies which either benefit or injure them when they perceive these illustrated by many examples; and those who advise them to make use of these are credited by them with prudence and great wisdom. It is for these reasons, therefore, that I have determined to report in accurate detail all the circumstances which attended the overthrow of the oligarchy, in so far as I consider them worthy of notice. < 20.13.2. (2) The Athenians gained repute because they punished as harmful to the state the indolent and idle who followed no useful pursuits, and the Lacedaemonians because they permitted their oldest men to beat with their canes such of the citizens as were disorderly in any public place whatever; but for what took place in the homes they took no thought or precaution, holding that each man's house-door marked the boundary within which he was free to live as he pleased. <

107. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.29.1, 1.66.10, 1.69.7, 2.10.1-2.10.6, 5.4.3-5.4.4, 5.49.1-5.49.4, 10.19.5, 10.25, 11.29.3, 11.46.4-11.46.5, 11.62.3, 12.3-12.4, 12.4.5, 13.69.1, 14.26.4, 14.28.5, 14.79-14.80, 14.83.4-14.83.7, 15.31.3, 16.36.2, 16.53-16.55, 16.89.1, 34.33.1-34.33.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, language of •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia/persians, march of the ten thousand •persia, persians, and greek world •persia/persians, art and architecture •persia and persians, empire of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 16; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 147, 149, 173; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 135, 138, 184, 238, 247, 268, 278, 279, 281, 282, 283, 284, 290, 322, 323, 342, 345; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58

1.69.7. Now as for the stories invented by Herodotus and certain writers on Egyptian affairs, who deliberately preferred to the truth the telling of marvellous tales and the invention of myths for the delectation of their readers, these we shall omit, and we shall set forth only what appears in the written records of the priests of Egypt and has passed our careful scrutiny. 5.4.3. After the Rape of CorÃª, the myth does on to recount, Demeter, being unable to find her daughter, kindled torches in the craters of Mt. Aetna and visited many parts of the inhabited world, and upon the men who received her with the greatest favour she conferred briefs, rewarding them with the gift of the fruit of the wheat. 5.4.4. And since a more kindly welcome was extended the goddess by the Athenians than by any other people, they were the first after the Siceliotae to be given the fruit of the wheat; and in return for this gift the citizens of that city in assembly honoured the goddess above all others with the establishment both of most notable sacrifices and of the mysteries of Eleusis, which, by reason of their very great antiquity and sanctity, have come to be famous among all mankind. From the Athenians many peoples received a portion of the gracious gift of the corn, and they in turn, sharing the gift of the seed with their neighbours, in this way caused all the inhabited world to abound with it. 5.49.3. Thereupon CybelÃª, joining herself to the first Olympus, begat AlcÃª and called the goddess CybelÃª after herself; and Corybas gave the name of Corybantes to all who, in celebrating the rites of his mother, acted like men possessed, and married ThebÃª, the daughter of Cilix. 5.49.4. In like manner he also transferred the flute from Samothrace to Phrygia and to Lyrnessus the lyre which Hermes gave and which at a later time Achilles took for himself when he sacked that city. To Iasion and Demeter, according to the story the myths relate, was born Plutus or Wealth, but the reference is, as a matter of fact, to the wealth of the corn, which was presented to Iasion because of Demeter's association with him at the time of the wedding of Harmonia. 11.29.3. The oath ran as follows: "I will not hold life dearer than liberty, nor will I desert the leaders, whether they be living or dead, but I will bury all the allies who have perished in the battle; and if I overcome the barbarians in the war, I will not destroy any one of the cities which have participated in the struggle; nor will I rebuild any one of the sanctuaries which have been burnt or demolished, but I will let them be and leave them as a reminder to coming generations of the impiety of the barbarians." 11.62.3. And the Athenian people, taking a tenth part of the booty, dedicated it to the god, and the inscription which they wrote upon the dedication they made ran as follows: E'en from the day when the sea divided Europe from Asia, And the impetuous god, Ares, the cities of men Took for his own, no deed such as this among earth-dwelling mortals Ever was wrought at one time both upon land and at sea. These men indeed upon Cyprus sent many a Mede to destruction, Capturing out on the sea warships a hundred in sum Filled with Phoenician men; and deeply all Asia grieved o'er them, Smitten thus with both hands, vanquished by war's mighty power. 12.4. When Pedieus was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius Lactuca and Spurius Verginius Tricostus. In this year Cimon, the general of the Athenians, being master of the sea, subdued the cities of Cyprus. And since a large Persian garrison was there in Salamis and the city was filled with missiles and arms of every description, and of grain and supplies of every other kind, he decided that it would be to his advantage to reduce it by siege., For Cimon reasoned that this would be the easiest way for him not only to become master of all Cyprus but also to confound the Persians, since their being unable to come to the aid of the Salaminians, because the Athenians were masters of the sea, and their having left their allies in the lurch would cause them to be despised, and that, in a word, the entire war would be decided if all Cyprus were reduced by arms. And that in which what actually happened., The Athenians began the siege of Salamis and were making daily assaults, but the soldiers in the city, supplied as they were with missiles and matÃ©riel, were with ease warding off the besiegers from the walls., Artaxerxes the king, however, when he learned of the reverses his forces had suffered at Cyprus, took counsel on the war with his friends and decided that it was to his advantage to conclude a peace with the Greeks., Accordingly he dispatched to the generals in Cyprus and to the satraps the written terms on which they were permitted to come to a settlement with the Greeks. Consequently Artabazus and Megabyzus sent ambassadors to Athens to discuss a settlement. The Athenians were favourable and dispatched ambassadors plenipotentiary, the leader of whom was Callias the son of Hipponicus; and so the Athenians and their allies concluded with the Persians a treaty of peace, the principal terms of which run as follows: All the Greek cities are to live under laws of their own making; the satraps of the Persians are not to come nearer to the sea than a three days' journey and no Persian warship is to sail inside of Phaselis or the Cyanean Rocks; and if these terms are observed by the king and his generals, the Athenians are not to send troops into the territory over which the king is ruler., After the treaty had been solemnly concluded, the Athenians withdrew their armaments from Cyprus, having won a brilliant victory and concluded most noteworthy terms of peace. And it so happened that Cimon died of an illness during his stay in Cyprus. 12.4. 1. When Pedieus was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius Lactuca and Spurius Verginius Tricostus. In this year Cimon, the general of the Athenians, being master of the sea, subdued the cities of Cyprus. And since a large Persian garrison was there in Salamis and the city was filled with missiles and arms of every description, and of grain and supplies of every other kind, he decided that it would be to his advantage to reduce it by siege.,2. For Cimon reasoned that this would be the easiest way for him not only to become master of all Cyprus but also to confound the Persians, since their being unable to come to the aid of the Salaminians, because the Athenians were masters of the sea, and their having left their allies in the lurch would cause them to be despised, and that, in a word, the entire war would be decided if all Cyprus were reduced by arms. And that in which what actually happened.,3. The Athenians began the siege of Salamis and were making daily assaults, but the soldiers in the city, supplied as they were with missiles and matÃ©riel, were with ease warding off the besiegers from the walls.,4. Artaxerxes the king, however, when he learned of the reverses his forces had suffered at Cyprus, took counsel on the war with his friends and decided that it was to his advantage to conclude a peace with the Greeks.,5. Accordingly he dispatched to the generals in Cyprus and to the satraps the written terms on which they were permitted to come to a settlement with the Greeks. Consequently Artabazus and Megabyzus sent ambassadors to Athens to discuss a settlement. The Athenians were favourable and dispatched ambassadors plenipotentiary, the leader of whom was Callias the son of Hipponicus; and so the Athenians and their allies concluded with the Persians a treaty of peace, the principal terms of which run as follows: All the Greek cities are to live under laws of their own making; the satraps of the Persians are not to come nearer to the sea than a three days' journey and no Persian warship is to sail inside of Phaselis or the Cyanean Rocks; and if these terms are observed by the king and his generals, the Athenians are not to send troops into the territory over which the king is ruler.,6. After the treaty had been solemnly concluded, the Athenians withdrew their armaments from Cyprus, having won a brilliant victory and concluded most noteworthy terms of peace. And it so happened that Cimon died of an illness during his stay in Cyprus. 12.4.5. Accordingly he dispatched to the generals in Cyprus and to the satraps the written terms on which they were permitted to come to a settlement with the Greeks. Consequently Artabazus and Megabyzus sent ambassadors to Athens to discuss a settlement. The Athenians were favourable and dispatched ambassadors plenipotentiary, the leader of whom was Callias the son of Hipponicus; and so the Athenians and their allies concluded with the Persians a treaty of peace, the principal terms of which run as follows: All the Greek cities are to live under laws of their own making; the satraps of the Persians are not to come nearer to the sea than a three days' journey and no Persian warship is to sail inside of Phaselis or the Cyanean Rocks; and if these terms are observed by the king and his generals, the Athenians are not to send troops into the territory over which the king is ruler. 14.79. In Greece the Lacedaemonians, foreseeing how great their war with the Persians would be, put one of the two kings, AgesilaÃ¼s, in command. After he had levied six thousand soldiers and constitute a council of thirty of his foremost fellow citizens, he transported the armament from Aulis to Ephesus. 14.79. Here he enlisted four thousand soldiers and took the field with his army, which numbered ten thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry. They were also accompanied by a throng of no less number which provided a market and was intent upon plunder., He traversed the Plain of CaÃ¿ster and laid waste the territory held by the Persians until he arrived at CymÃª. From this as his base he spent the larger part of the summer ravaging Phrygia and neighbouring territory; and after sating his army with pillage he returned toward the beginning of autumn to Ephesus. <, While these events were taking place, the Lacedaemonians dispatched ambassadors to Nephereus, the king of Egypt, to conclude an alliance; he, in place of the aid requested, made the Spartans a gift of equipment for one hundred triremes and five hundred thousand measures of grain. Pharax, the Lacedaemonian admiral, sailing from Rhodes with one hundred and twenty ships, put in at Sasanda in Caria, a fortress one hundred and fifty stades from Caunus., From this as his base he laid siege to Caunus and blockaded Conon, who was commander of the King's fleet and lay at Caunus with forty ships. But when Artaphernes and Pharnabazus came with strong forces to the aid of the Caunians, Pharax lifted the siege and sailed off to Rhodes with the entire fleet., After this Conon gathered eighty triremes and sailed to the Chersonesus, and the Rhodians, having expelled the Peloponnesian fleet, revolted from the Lacedaemonians and received Conon, together with his entire fleet, into their city., Now the Lacedaemonians, who were bringing the gift of grain from Egypt, being unaware of the defection of the Rhodians, approached the island in full confidence; but the Rhodians and Conon, the Persian admiral, brought the ships in the harbours and stored the city with grain., There also came to Conon ninety triremes, ten of them from Cilicia and eighty from Phoenicia, under the command of the lord of the Sidonians. 14.79. 2. Here he enlisted four thousand soldiers and took the field with his army, which numbered ten thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry. They were also accompanied by a throng of no less number which provided a market and was intent upon plunder.,3. He traversed the Plain of CaÃ¿ster and laid waste the territory held by the Persians until he arrived at CymÃª. From this as his base he spent the larger part of the summer ravaging Phrygia and neighbouring territory; and after sating his army with pillage he returned toward the beginning of autumn to Ephesus.,4. While these events were taking place, the Lacedaemonians dispatched ambassadors to Nephereus, the king of Egypt, to conclude an alliance; he, in place of the aid requested, made the Spartans a gift of equipment for one hundred triremes and five hundred thousand measures of grain. Pharax, the Lacedaemonian admiral, sailing from Rhodes with one hundred and twenty ships, put in at Sasanda in Caria, a fortress one hundred and fifty stades from Caunus.,5. From this as his base he laid siege to Caunus and blockaded Conon, who was commander of the King's fleet and lay at Caunus with forty ships. But when Artaphernes and Pharnabazus came with strong forces to the aid of the Caunians, Pharax lifted the siege and sailed off to Rhodes with the entire fleet.,6. After this Conon gathered eighty triremes and sailed to the Chersonesus, and the Rhodians, having expelled the Peloponnesian fleet, revolted from the Lacedaemonians and received Conon, together with his entire fleet, into their city.,7. Now the Lacedaemonians, who were bringing the gift of grain from Egypt, being unaware of the defection of the Rhodians, approached the island in full confidence; but the Rhodians and Conon, the Persian admiral, brought the ships in the harbours and stored the city with grain.,8. There also came to Conon ninety triremes, ten of them from Cilicia and eighty from Phoenicia, under the command of the lord of the Sidonians. 14.83.5. When they learned that the enemy's naval forces were at Cnidus, they made preparations for battle. Peisander, the Lacedaemonian admiral, set out from Cnidus with eighty-five triremes and put in at Physcus of the Chersonesus. 14.83.6. On sailing from there he fell in with the King's fleet, and engaging the leading ships, he won the advantage over them; but when the Persians came to give aid with their triremes in close formation, all his allies fled to the land. But Peisander turned his own ship against them, believing ignoble flight to be disgraceful and unworthy of Sparta. 14.83.7. After fighting brilliantly and slaying many of the enemy, in the end he was overcome, battling in a manner worthy of his native land. Conon pursued the Lacedaemonians as far as the land and captured fifty of their triremes. As for the crews, most of them leaped overboard and escaped by land, but about five hundred were captured. The rest of the triremes found safety at Cnidus.

108. Plutarch, On Being A Busybody, 518c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 128

109. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 3.1-3.5, 6.4, 10.5-10.6, 14.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 341, 345, 346

3.1. βασιλεύοντος δὲ Ἄγιδος ἧκεν Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκ Σικελίας φυγὰς εἰς Λακεδαίμονα· καὶ χρόνον οὔπω πολὺν ἐν τῇ πόλει διάγων, αἰ,τίαν ἔσχε τῇ γυναικὶ τὸν βασιλέως, Τιμαίᾳ, συνεῖναι. καὶ τὸ γεννηθὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδάριον οὐκ ἔφη γινώσκειν ὁ Ἆγις, ἀλλʼ ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ πάνυ δυσκόλως τὴν Τιμαίαν ἐνεγκεῖν φησι Δοῦρις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ψιθυρίζουσαν οἴκοι πρὸς τὰς εἱλωτίδας Ἀλκιβιάδην τὸ παιδίον, οὐ Λεωτυχίδην, καλεῖν· 3.2. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην αὐτὸν οὐ πρὸς ὕβριν τῇ Τιμαίᾳ φάναι πλησιάζειν, ἀλλὰ φιλοτιμούμενον βασιλεύεσθαι Σπαρτιάτας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεγονότων. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Ἀλκιβιάδης ὑπεξῆλθε, φοβηθεὶς τὸν Ἆγιν ὁ δὲ παῖς τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον ὕποπτος ἦν τῷ Ἄγιδι, καὶ γνησίου τιμὴν οὐκ εἶχε παρʼ αὐτῷ, νοσοῦντι δὲ προσπεσὼν καὶ δακρύων ἔπεισεν υἱὸν ἀποφῆναι πολλῶν ἐναντίον. 3.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἤδη κατανεναυμαχηκὼς Ἀθηναίους καὶ μέγιστον ἐν Σπάρτῃ δυνάμενος, τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν προῆγεν, ὡς οὐ προσήκουσαν ὄντι νόθῳ τῷ Λεωτυχίδῃ. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν Coraës and Bekker, after Bryan. τὴν ἀρετὴν. τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου καὶ τὸ συντετράφθαι καὶ μετεσχηκέναι τῆς ἀγωγῆς, ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο καὶ συνέπραττον αὐτῷ προθύμως. ἦν δὲ Διοπείθης ἀνὴρ χρησμολόγος ἐν Σπάρτῃ, μαντειῶν τε παλαιῶν ὑπόπλεως καὶ δοκῶν περὶ τὰ θεῖα σοφὸς εἶναι καὶ περιττός. 3.4. οὗτος οὐκ ἔφη θεμιτὸν εἶναι χωλὸν γενέσθαι τῆς Λακεδαίμονος βασιλέα, καὶ χρησμὸν ἐν τῇ δίκῃ; τοιοῦτον ἀνεγίνωσκε· φράζεο δή, Σπάρτη, καίπερ μεγάλαυχος ἐοῦσα, μὴ σέθεν ἀρτίποδος βλάστῃ χωλὴ βασιλεία δηρὸν γὰρ νοῦσοί σε κατασχήσουσιν ἄελπτοι φθισιβρότου τʼ ἐπὶ κῦμα κυλινδόμενον πολέμοιο. 3.5. πρὸς ταῦτα Λύσανδρος ἔλεγεν ὡς, εἰ πάνυ φοβοῖντο τὸν χρησμὸν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, φυλακτέον αὐτοῖς εἴη τὸν Λεωτυχίδην οὐ γὰρ εἰ προσπταίσας τις τὸν πόδα βασιλεύοι, τῷ θεῷ διαφέρειν, ἀλλʼ εἰ μὴ γνήσιος ὢν μηδὲ Ἡρακλείδης, τοῦτο τὴν χωλὴν εἶναι βασιλείαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ἔφη καὶ τὸν Ποσειδῶ καταμαρτυρεῖν τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου τὴν νοθείαν, ἐκβαλόντα σεισμῷ τοῦ θαλάμου τὸν Ἆγιν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ πλέον ἢ δέκα μηνῶν διελθόντων γενέσθαι τὸν Λεωτυχίδην. 6.4. ἀθροιζομένης δὲ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Γεραιστόν, αὐτὸς εἰς Αὐλίδα κατελθὼν μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ νυκτερεύσας ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἰπεῖν τινα πρὸς αὐτόν· ὦ βασιλεῦ Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅτι μὲν οὐδεὶς τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὁμοῦ συμπάσης ἀπεδείχθη στρατηγὸς ἢ πρότερον Ἀγαμέμνων καὶ σὺ νῦν μετʼ ἐκεῖνον, ἐννοεῖς δήπουθεν ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν μὲν αὐτῶν ἄρχεις ἐκείνῳ, τοῖς δὲ αὐτοῖς πολεμεῖς, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν αὐτῶν τόπων ὁρμᾷς ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον, εἰκός ἐστι καὶ θῦσαί σε τῇ θεῷ θυσίαν ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἐνταῦθα θύσας ἐξέπλευσεν. 10.5. ὅμως δὲ τῷ Τιθραύστῃ χαρίζεσθαι βουλόμενος, ὅτι τὸν κοινὸν ἐχθρὸν Ἑλλήνων ἐτετιμώρητο Τισαφέρνην, ἀπήγαγεν εἰς Φρυγίαν τὸ στράτευμα, λαβὼν ἐφόδιον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τριάκοντα τάλαντα. καὶ καθʼ ὁδὸν ὢν σκυτάλην δέχεται παρὰ τῶν οἴκοι τελῶν κελεύουσαν αὐτὸν ἄρχειν ἅμα καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ, τοῦτο μόνῳ πάντων ὑπῆρξεν Ἀγησιλάῳ. καὶ μέγιστος μὲν ἦν ὁμολογουμένως καὶ τῶν τότε ζώντων ἐπιφανέστατος, ὡς εἴρηκέ που καὶ Θεόπομπος, ἑαυτῷ γε μὴν ἐδίδου διʼ ἀρετὴν φρονεῖν μεῖζον ἢ διὰ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 10.6. τότε δὲ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ καταστήσας ἄρχοντα Πείσανδρον ἁμαρτεῖν ἔδοξεν, ὅτι πρεσβυτέρων καὶ φρονιμωτέρων παρόντων οὐ σκεψάμενος τὸ τῆς πατρίδος, ἀλλὰ τὴν οἰκειότητα τιμῶν καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ χαριζόμενος, ἧς ἀδελφὸς ἦν ὁ Πείσανδρος, ἐκείνῳ παρέδωκε τὴν ναυαρχίαν· 14.2. πρός τε θάλπος οὕτω καὶ ψῦχος εἶχεν ὥσπερ μόνος ἀεὶ χρῆσθαι ταῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κεκραμέναις ὥραις πεφυκώς. ἥδιστον δὲ θέαμα τοῖς κατοικοῦσι τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἕλλησιν ἦσαν οἱ πάλαι βαρεῖς καὶ ἀφόρητοι καὶ διαρρέοντες ὑπὸ πλούτου καὶ τρυφῆς ὕπαρχοι καὶ στρατηγοὶ δεδιότες καὶ θεραπεύοντες ἄνθρωπον ἐν τρίβωνι περιϊόντα λιτῷ, καὶ πρὸς ἓν ῥῆμα βραχὺ καὶ Λακωνικὸν ἁρμόζοντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ μετασχηματίζοντες, ὥστε πολλοῖς ἐπῄει τὰ τοῦ Τιμοθέου λέγειν, Ἄρης τύραννος· χρυσὸν δὲ Ἕλλας οὐ δέδοικε.

3.1. It was during the reign of Agis that Alcibiades came from Sicily as an exile to Sparta, and he had not been long in the city when he incurred the charge of illicit intercourse with Timaea, the wife of the king. The child, too, that was born of her, Agis refused to recognize as his own, declaring that Alcibiades was its father. Duris says that Timaea was not very much disturbed at this, but in whispers to her Helot maids at home actually called the child Alcibiades, not Leotychides; 3.2. moreover, that Alcibiades himself also declared that he had not approached Timaea out of wanton passion, but because he was ambitious to have the Spartans reigned over by his descendants. On this account Alcibiades withdrew from Sparta, being in fear of Agis; and the boy was always an object of suspicion to Agis, and was not honoured by him as legitimate. But when the king lay sick, the supplications and tears of Leotychides prevailed upon him to declare him his son in the presence of many witnesses. 3.3. Notwithstanding this, after the death of Agis, Lysander, who by this time had subdued the Athenians at sea and was a man of the greatest influence in Sparta, tried to advance AgesilaÃ¼s to the throne, on the plea that Leotychides was a bastard and had no claim upon it. Many of the other citizens also, owing to the excellence of AgesilaÃ¼s and the fact that he had been reared with them under the common restraints of the public training, warmly espoused the plan of Lysander and co-operated with him. But there was a diviner in Sparta, named Diopeithes, who was well supplied with ancient prophecies, and was thought to be eminently wise in religious matters. 3.4. This man declared it contrary to the will of Heaven that a lame man should be king of Sparta, and cited at the trial of the case the following oracle:â "Bethink thee now, O Sparta, though thou art very glorious, lest from thee, sound of foot, there spring a maimed royalty; for long will unexpected toils oppress thee, and onward-rolling billows of man-destroying war." 3.5. To this Lysander answered that, in case the Spartans stood in great fear of the oracle, they must be on their guard against Leotychides; for it mattered not to the god that one who halted in his gait should be king, but if one who was not lawfully begotten, nor even a descendant of Heracles, should be king, this was what the god meant by "maimed royalty." And AgesilaÃ¼s declared that Poseidon also had borne witness to the bastardy of Leotychides, for he had cast Agis forth from his bed-chamber by an earthquake, and after this more than ten months elapsed before Leotychides was born. 4 6.4. While his forces were assembling at Geraestus, AgesilaÃ¼s himself went to Aulis with his friends and spent the night. As he slept, he thought a voice came to him, saying: 599"King of the Lacedaemonians, thou art surely aware that no one has ever been appointed general of all Hellas together except Agamemnon, in former times, and now thyself, after him. And since thou commandest the same hosts that he did, and wagest war on the same foes, and settest out for the war from the same place, it is meet that thou shouldst sacrifice also to the goddess the sacrifice which he made there before he set sail." 10.5. Nevertheless, desiring to gratify Tithraustes, because he had punished Tisaphernes, that common enemy of the Greeks, he led his army back into Phrygia, taking thirty talents from the viceroy to cover the expenses of the march. On the road he received a dispatch-roll from the magistrates at home, which bade him assume control of the navy as well as of the army. This was an honour which no one ever received but AgesilaÃ¼s. And he was confessedly the greatest and most illustrious man of his time, as Theopompus also has somewhere said, although he prided himself more on his virtues than on his high command. 10.6. But in putting Peisander in charge of the navy at this time, he was thought to have made a mistake; for there were older and more competent men to be had, and yet he gave the admiralty to him, not out of regard for the public good, but in recognition of the claims of relationship and to gratify his wife, who was a sister of Peisander. 11 14.2. while to heat and cold he was as indifferent as if nature had given him alone the power to adapt himself to the seasons as God has tempered them. And it was most pleasing to the Greeks who dwelt in Asia to see the Persian viceroys and generals, who had long been insufferably cruel, and had revelled in wealth and luxury, now fearful and obsequious before a man who went about in a paltry cloak, and at one brief and laconic speech from him conforming themselves to his ways and changing their dress and mien, insomuch that many were moved to cite the words of Timotheus:â "Ares is Lord; of gold Greece has no fear." 15

110. Plutarch, Themistocles, 6.2-6.3, 8.2-8.3, 22.1-22.2, 29.3, 31.1, 32.3-32.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, language of •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 87, 222, 252, 266, 271, 273

8.2. ἐν δʼ Ἰσθμῷ Σίνιν τὸν πιτυοκάμπτην ᾧ τρόπῳ πολλοὺς ἀνῄρει, τούτῳ διέφθειρεν αὐτός, οὐ μεμελετηκὼς οὐδʼ εἰθισμένος, ἐπιδείξας δὲ τὴν ἀρετὴν ὅτι καί τέχνης περίεστι καὶ μελέτης ἁπάσης. ἦν δὲ τῷ Σίνιδι καλλίστη καὶ μεγίστη θυγάτηρ, ὄνομα Περιγούνη. ταύτην τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνῃρημένου φυγοῦσαν ἐζήτει περιϊὼν ὁ Θησεύς· ἡ δʼ εἰς τόπον ἀπελθοῦσα λόχμην ἔχοντα πολλὴν στοιβήν τε πλείστην καὶ ἀσφάραγον, ἀκάκως πάνυ καὶ παιδικῶς ὥσπερ αἰσθανομένων δεομένη προσεύχετο μεθʼ ὅρκων, ἂν σώσωσιν αὐτὴν καὶ ἀποκρύψωσι, μηδέποτε λυμανεῖσθαι μηδὲ καύσειν. 8.3. ἀνακαλουμένου δὲ τοῦ Θησέως καὶ πίστιν διδόντος ὡς ἐπιμελήσεται καλῶς αὐτῆς καὶ οὐδὲν ἀδικήσει, προῆλθε· καὶ τῷ μὲν Θησεῖ συγγενομένη Μελάνιππον ἔτεκε, Δηϊονεῖ δὲ τῷ Εὐρύτου τοῦ Οἰχαλιέως ὕστερον συνῴκησε, Θησέως δόντος. ἐκ δὲ Μελανίππου τοῦ Θησέως γενόμενος Ἴωξος Ὀρνύτῳ τῆς εἰς Καρίαν ἀποικίας μετέσχεν· ὅθεν Ἰωξίδαις καὶ Ἰωξίσι πάτριον κατέστη μήτε ἄκανθαν ἀσφαράγου μήτε στοιβὴν καίειν, ἀλλὰ σέβεσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν. 22.1. τῇ δὲ Ἀττικῇ προσφερομένων ἐκλαθέσθαι μὲν αὐτόν, ἐκλαθέσθαι δὲ τὸν κυβερνήτην ὑπὸ χαρᾶς ἐπάρασθαι τὸ ἱστίον ᾧ τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτῶν ἔδει γνώριμον τῷ Αἰγεῖ γενέσθαι· τὸν δὲ ἀπογνόντα ῥῖψαι κατὰ τῆς πέτρας ἑαυτὸν καὶ διαφθαρῆναι. καταπλεύσας δὲ ὁ Θησεὺς ἔθυε μὲν αὐτὸς ἃς ἐκπλέων θυσίας εὔξατο τοῖς θεοῖς Φαληροῖ, κήρυκα δὲ ἀπέστειλε τῆς σωτηρίας ἄγγελον εἰς ἄστυ. 22.2. οὗτος ἐνέτυχεν ὀδυρομένοις τε πολλοῖς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως τελευτὴν καὶ χαίρουσιν, ὡς εἰκός, ἑτέροις καὶ φιλοφρονεῖσθαι καὶ στεφανοῦν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ προθύμοις οὖσι. τοὺς μὲν οὖν στεφάνους δεχόμενος τὸ κηρύκειον ἀνέστεφεν, ἐπανελθὼν δὲ ἐπὶ θάλασσαν οὔπω πεποιημένου σπονδὰς τοῦ Θησέως ἔξω περιέμεινε, μὴ βουλόμενος τὴν θυσίαν ταράξαι. 31.1. ἤδη δὲ πεντήκοντα ἔτη γεγονώς, ὥς φησιν Ἑλλάνικος, ἔπραξε τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἑλένην, οὐ καθʼ ὥραν. ὅθεν ὡς δὴ μέγιστον ἐπανορθούμενοι τοῦτο τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, ἔνιοι λέγουσιν οὐκ αὐτὸν ἁρπάσαι τὴν Ἑλένην, ἀλλὰ Ἴδα καὶ Λυγκέως ἁρπασάντων παρακαταθήκην λαβόντα τηρεῖν καὶ μὴ προΐεσθαι τοῖς Διοσκούροις ἀπαιτοῦσιν· ἢ νὴ Δία Τυνδάρεω παραδόντος αὐτοῦ, φοβηθέντος Ἐναρσφόρον τὸν Ἱπποκόωντος ἔτι νηπίαν οὖσαν βιαζόμενον τὴν Ἑλένην λαβεῖν. τὰ δὲ εἰκότα καὶ πλείστους ἔχοντα μάρτυρας τοιαῦτά ἐστιν. 32.3. φράζει δὲ αὐτοῖς Ἀκάδημος ᾐσθημένος ᾧ δή τινι τρόπῳ τὴν ἐν Ἀφίδναις κρύψιν αὐτῆς. ὅθεν ἐκείνῳ τε τιμαὶ ζῶντι παρὰ τῶν Τυνδαριδῶν ἐγένοντο, καὶ πολλάκις ὕστερον εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐμβαλόντες Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ τὴν χώραν τέμνοντες, τῆς Ἀκαδημείας ἀπείχοντο διὰ τὸν Ἀκάδημον. 32.4. ὁ δὲ Δικαίαρχος Ἐχεδήμου Ἐχεδήμου with Coraës, Sintenis 1, and Bekker, after Xylander: Ἐχέμου . φησὶ καὶ Μαράθου συστρατευσάντων τότε τοῖς Τυνδαρίδαις ἐξ Ἀρκαδίας, ἀφʼ οὗ μὲν Ἐχεδημίαν προσαγορευθῆναι τὴν νῦν Ἀκαδήμειαν, ἀφʼ οὗ δὲ Μαραθῶνα τὸν δῆμον, ἐπιδόντος ἑαυτὸν ἑκουσίως κατά τι λόγιον σφαγιάσασθαι πρὸ τῆς παρατάξεως. ἐλθόντες οὖν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀφίδνας καὶ μάχῃ κρατήσαντες ἐξεῖλον τὸ χωρίον. 32.5. ἐνταῦθά φασι καὶ Ἄλυκον πεσεῖν τὸν Σκείρωνος υἱόν, συστρατευόμενον τότε τοῖς Διοσκούροις, ἀφʼ οὗ καὶ τόπον τῆς Μεγαρικῆς Ἄλυκον καλεῖσθαι τοῦ σώματος ἐνταφέντος. Ἡρέας δʼ ὑπὸ Θησέως αὐτοῦ περὶ Ἀφίδνας ἀποθανεῖν τὸν Ἄλυκον ἱστόρηκε, καὶ μαρτύρια ταυτὶ τὰ ἔπη παρέχεται περὶ τοῦ Ἀλύκου· τὸν ἐν εὐρυχόρῳ ποτʼ Ἀφίδνῃ μαρνάμενον Θησεὺς Ἑλένης ἕνεκʼ ἠϋκόμοιο κτεῖνεν. Οὐ μὴν εἰκὸς αὐτοῦ Θησέως παρόντος ἁλῶναι τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὰς Ἀφίδνας.

111. Plutarch, How The Young Man Should Study Poetry, 16, 17b, 17-18a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 118

112. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.129, 7.198, 8.76, 34.17, 35.93, 35.132, 37.45 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, customs of •persia/persians, art and architecture •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, language of •persia, persians, and greek world Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 164; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 159, 201, 239, 342; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 75

34.17. In the aedileship of Marcus Scaurus there were 3000 statues on the stage in what was only a temporary theatre. Mummius after conquering Achaia filled the city with statues, though destined not to leave enough at his death to provide a dowry for his daughter — for why not mention this as well as the fact that excuses it? A great many were also imported by the Luculli. Yet it is stated by Mucianus who was three times consul that there are still 3000 statues at Rhodes, and no smaller number are believed still to exist at Athens, Olympia and Delphi. What mortal man could recapitulate them all, or what value can be felt in such information? Still it may give pleasure just to allude to the most remarkable and to name the artists of celebrity, though it would be impossible to enumerate the total number of the works of each, inasmuch as Lysippus is said to have executed 1500 works of art, all of them so skilful that each of them by itself might have made him famous; the number is said to have been discovered after his decease, when his heir broke open his coffers, it having been his practice to put aside a coin of the value of one gold denarius out of what he got as reward for his handicraft for each statue., The art rose to incredible heights in success and afterwards in boldness of design. To prove its success I will adduce one instance, and that not of a representation of either a god or a man: our own generation saw on the Capitol, before it last went up in flames burnt at the hands of the adherents of Vitellius, in the shrine of Juno, a bronze figure of a hound licking its wound, the miraculous excellence and absolute truth to life of which is shown not only by the fact of its dedication in that place but also by the method taken for insuring it; for as no sum of money seemed to equal its value, the government enacted that its custodians should be answerable for its safety with their lives.

113. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 24.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 130

114. Longinus, On The Sublime, 4.7, 22.1, 26.2, 38.4, 43.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 16

115. Plutarch, Aristides, 10.5, 11.3-11.8, 20.5-20.6, 25.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 266, 269, 278

10.5. ταῦτα γράψας Ἀριστείδης καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παραγαγών, Λακεδαιμονίοις μὲν ἐκέλευσε φράζειν, ὡς οὐκ ἔστι χρυσοῦ τοσοῦτον πλῆθος οὔθʼ ὑπὲρ γῆν οὔθʼ ὑπὸ γῆν, ὅσον Ἀθηναῖοι δέξαιντο ἂν πρὸ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας. τοῖς δὲ παρὰ Μαρδονίου τὸν ἥλιον δείξας, ἄχρι ἂν οὗτος, ἔφη, ταύτην πορεύηται τὴν πορείαν, Ἀθηναῖοι πολεμήσουσι Πέρσαις ὑπὲρ τῆς δεδῃωμένης χώρας καὶ τῶν ἠσεβημένων καὶ κατακεκαυμένων ἱερῶν. 11.3. Ἀριστείδου δὲ πέμψαντος εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀνεῖλεν ὁ θεὸς Ἀθηναίους καθυπερτέρους ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἐναντίων εὐχομένους τῷ Διῒ καὶ τῇ Ἥρα τῇ Κιθαιρωνίᾳ καὶ Πανὶ καὶ νύμφαις Σφραγίτισι, καὶ θύοντας ἥρωσιν Ἀνδροκράτει, Λεύκωνι, Πεισάνδρῳ, Δαμοκράτει, Ὑψίωνι, Ἀκταίωνι, Πολϋΐδῳ, καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον ἐν γᾷ ἰδίᾳ ποιουμένους ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τᾶς Δάματρος τᾶς Ἐλευσινίας καὶ τᾶς Κόρας. 11.4. οὗτος ὁ χρησμὸς ἀνενεχθεὶς ἀπορίαν τῷ Ἀριστείδῃ παρεῖχεν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἥρωες, οἷς ἐκέλευε θύειν, ἀρχηγέται Πλαταιέων ἦσαν, καὶ τὸ τῶν Σφραγιτίδων νυμφῶν ἄντρον ἐν μιᾷ κορυφῇ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνός ἐστιν, εἰς δυσμὰς ἡλίου θερινὰς τετραμμένον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ μαντεῖον ἦν πρότερον, ὥς φασι, καὶ πολλοὶ κατείχοντο τῶν ἐπιχωρίων, οὓς νυμφολήπτους προσηγόρευον. 11.5. τὸ δὲ τῆς Ἐλευσινίας Δήμητρος πεδίον, καὶ τὸ τὴν μάχην ἐν ἰδίᾳ χώρᾳ ποιουμένοις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις νίκην δίδοσθαι, πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀνεκαλεῖτο καὶ μεθίστη τὸν πόλεμον. ἔνθα τῶν Πλαταιέων ὁ στρατηγὸς Ἀρίμνηστος ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὑπὸ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπερωτώμενον αὑτόν, ὅ τι δὴ πράττειν δέδοκται τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, εἰπεῖν, αὔριον εἰς Ἐλευσῖνα τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπάξομεν, ὦ δέσποτα, καὶ διαμαχούμεθα τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐκεῖ κατὰ τὸ πυθόχρηστον. 11.6. τὸν οὖν θεὸν φάναι διαμαρτάνειν αὐτοὺς τοῦ παντός· αὐτόθι γὰρ εἶναι περὶ τὴν Πλαταϊκὴν τὰ πυθόχρηστα καὶ ζητοῦντας ἀνευρήσειν. τούτων ἐναργῶς τῷ Ἀριμνήστῳ φανέντων ἐξεγρόμενος τάχιστα μετεπέμψατο τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους καὶ πρεσβυτάτους τῶν πολιτῶν, μεθʼ ὧν διαλεγόμενος καὶ συνδιαπορῶν εὗρεν, ὅτι τῶν Ὑσιῶν πλησίον ὑπὸ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα ναός ἐστιν ἀρχαῖος πάνυ πάνυ omitted by Bekker, now found in S. Δήμητρος Ἐλευσινίας καὶ Κόρης προσαγορευόμενος. 11.7. εὐθὺς οὖν παραλαβὼν τὸν Ἀριστείδην ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον, εὐφυέστατον ὄντα παρατάξαι φάλαγγα πεζικὴν ἱπποκρατουμένοις, διὰ τὰς ὑπωρείας τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος ἄφιππα ποιούσας τὰ καταλήγοντα καὶ συγκυροῦντα τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς τὸ ἱερόν. αὐτοῦ δʼ ἦν καὶ τὸ τοῦ Ἀνδροκράτους ἡρῷον ἐγγύς, ἄλσει πυκνῶν καὶ συσκίων δένδρων περιεχόμενον. 11.8. ὅπως δὲ μηδὲν ἐλλιπὲς ἔχῃ πρὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς νίκης ὁ χρησμός, ἔδοξε τοῖς Πλαταιεῦσιν, Ἀριμνήστου γνώμην εἰπόντος, ἀνελεῖν τὰ πρὸς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ὅρια τῆς Πλαταιΐδος καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπιδοῦναι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐν οἰκείᾳ κατὰ τὸν χρησμὸν ἐναγωνίσασθαι. 20.5. ἁγνίσας δὲ τὸ σῶμα καὶ περιρρανάμενος ἐστεφανώσατο δάφνῃ· καὶ λαβὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ τὸ πῦρ δρόμῳ πάλιν εἰς τὰς Πλαταιὰς ἐχώρει καὶ πρὸ ἡλίου δυσμῶν ἐπανῆλθε, τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρας χιλίους σταδίους κατανύσας. ἀσπασάμενος δὲ τοὺς πολίτας καὶ τὸ πῦρ παραδοὺς εὐθὺς ἔπεσε καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν ἐξέπνευσεν. ἀγάμενοι δʼ αὐτὸν οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ἔθαψαν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Εὐκλείας Ἀρτέμιδος, ἐπιγράψαντες τόδε τὸ τετράμετρον· 20.6. τὴν δʼ Εὔκλειαν οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ καὶ καλοῦσι καὶ νομίζουσιν Ἄρτεμιν, ἔνιοι δέ φασιν Ἡρακλέους μὲν θυγατέρα καὶ Μυρτοῦς γενέσθαι, τῆς Μενοιτίου μὲν θυγατρός, Πατρόκλου δʼ ἀδελφῆς, τελευτήσασαν δὲ παρθένον ἔχειν παρά τε Βοιωτοῖς καὶ Λοκροῖς τιμάς. βωμὸς γὰρ αὐτῇ καὶ ἄγαλμα κατὰ πᾶσαν ἀγορὰν ἵδρυται, καὶ προθύουσιν αἵ τε γαμούμεναι καὶ οἱ γαμοῦντες. 25.1. ὁ δʼ Ἀριστείδης ὥρκισε μὲν τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ ὤμοσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μύδρους ἐμβαλὼν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀραῖς εἰς τὴν θάλατταν, ὕστερον δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρχειν ἐγκρατέστερον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐκβιαζομένων ἐκέλευε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὴν ἐπιορκίαν τρέψαντας εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἑαυτὸν Hercher and Blass with F a S: αὐτὸν . ᾗ συμφέρει χρῆσθαι τοῖς πράγμασι.

10.5. When Aristides had made this motion and had introduced the waiting embassies into the Assembly, he bade the Lacedaemonians tell their people that there was not bulk of gold above or below ground so large that the Athenians would take it in payment for the freedom of the Hellenes; and to the messengers of Mardonius he said, pointing to the sun: "As long as yonder sun journeys his appointed journey, so long will the Athenians wage war against the Persians in behalf of the land which has been ravaged by them and of the temples which they have defiled and consumed with fire." 11.3. But Aristides sent to Delphi and received from the god response that the Athenians would be superior to their foes if they made vows to Zeus, Cithaeronian Hera, Pan, and the Sphragitic nymphs; paid sacrifices to the heroes Androcrates, Leucon, Pisandrus, Damocrates, Hypsion, Actaeon, and Polyidus; and if they sustained the peril of battle on their own soil, in the plain of Eleusinian Demeter and Cora. 11.4. When this oracle was reported to Aristides, it perplexed him greatly. The heroes to whom he was to sacrifice were, it was true, ancient dignitaries of the Plataeans; and the cave of the Sphragitic nymphs was on one of the peaks of Cithaeron, facing the summer sunsets, and in it there was also an oracle in former days, as they say, and many of the natives were possessed of the oracular power, and these were called nympholepti, or "nymph-possessed." 11.5. But the plain of Eleusinian Demeter, and the promise of victory to the Athenians if they fought the battle in their own territory, called them back, as it were, to Attica, and changed the seat of war. At this time the general of the Plataeans, Arimnestus, had a dream in which he thought he was accosted by Zeus the Saviour and asked what the Hellenes had decided to do, and replied: "On the morrow, my Lord, we are going to lead our army back to Eleusis, and fight out our issue with the Barbarians there, in accordance with the Pythian oracle." 11.6. Then the god said they were entirely in error, for the Pythian oracle's places were there in the neighbourhood of Plataea, and if they sought them they would surely find them. All this was made so vivid to Arimnestus that as soon as he awoke he summoned the oldest and most experienced of his fellow-citizens. By conference and investigation with these he discovered',WIDTH,216)" onMouseOut="nd();">º that near Hysiae, at the foot of mount Cithaeron, there was a very ancient temple bearing the names of Eleusinian Demeter and Cora. 11.7. Straightway then he took Aristides and led him to the spot. They found that it was naturally very well suited to the array of infantry against a force that was superior in cavalry, since the spurs of Cithaeron made the edges of the plain adjoining the temple unfit for horsemen. There, too, was the shrine of the hero Androcrates hard by, enveloped in a grove of dense and shady trees. 11.8. And besides, that the oracle might leave no rift in the hope of victory, the Plataeans voted, on motion of Arimnestus, 326to remove the boundaries of Plataea on the side toward Attica, and to give this territory to the Athenians, that so they might contend in defence of Hellas on their own soil, in accordance with the oracle. 20.5. There he purified his person by sprinkling himself with the holy water, and crowned himself with laurel. Then he took from the altar the sacred fire and started to run back to Plataea. He reached the place before the sun had set, accomplishing thus â¢a thousand furlongs in one and the same day. He greeted his countrymen, handed them the sacred fire, and straightway fell down, and after a little expired. In admiration of him the Plataeans gave him burial in the sanctuary of Artemis Eucleia, and inscribed upon his tomb this tetrameter verse:â "Euchidas, to Pytho running, came back here the selfsame day." 20.6. Now Eucleia is regarded by most as Artemis, and is so addressed; but some say she was a daughter of Heracles and of that Myrto who was daughter of Menoetius and sister of Patroclus, and that, dying in virginity, she received divine honours among the Boeotians and Locrians. For she has an altar and an image built in every market place, and receives preliminary sacrifices from wouldâbe brides and bridegrooms. 21 25.1. Aristides did, indeed, bind the Hellenes by an oath, and took oath himself for the Athenians, 334to mark his imprecations casting iron ingots into the sea; but afterwards, when circumstances, forsooth, compelled a more strenuous sway, he bade the Athenians lay the perjury to his own charge, and turn events to their own advantage.

116. Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 3.1, 3.2, 23.3, 23.4, 23.5, 26.3-27.3, 27.3, 27.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 230, 231

117. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 9.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 100

9.3. ἔστι δὲ Ῥωμαίοις θεὸς ἣν Ἀγαθὴν ὀνομάζουσιν, ὥσπερ Ἕλληνες Γυναικείαν. καὶ Φρύγες μὲν οἰκειούμενοι Μίδα μητέρα τοῦ βασιλέως γενέσθαι φασί, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ νύμφην δρυάδα Φαύνῳ συνοικήσασαν, Ἕλληνες δὲ τῶν Διονύσου μητέρων τὴν ἄρρητον. ὅθεν ἀμπελίνοις τε τὰς σκηνὰς κλήμασιν ἑορτάζουσαι κατερέφουσι, καὶ δράκων ἱερὸς παρακαθίδρυται τῇ θεῷ κατὰ τὸν μῦθον. ἄνδρα δὲ προσελθεῖν οὐ θέμις οὐδʼ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας γενέσθαι τῶν ἱερῶν ὀργιαζομένων αὐταὶ δὲ καθʼ ἑαυτὰς αἱ γυναῖκες πολλὰ τοῖς Ὀρφικοῖς ὁμολογοῦντα δρᾶν λέγονται περὶ τὴν ἱερουργίαν.

9.3. This man was in love with Pompeia the wife of Caesar, and she was not unwilling. But close watch was kept upon the women's apartments, and Aurelia, Caesar's mother, a woman of discretion, would never let the young wife out of her sight, and made it difficult and dangerous for the lovers to have an interview.

118. Plutarch, Greek Questions, 58 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 93

119. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 30.2, 55.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 43, 322

120. Plutarch, Pericles, 1.2, 2.2, 2.4, 3.3, 7.1, 13.4-13.5, 16.1, 17.1, 17.3, 32.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 118, 119; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 258, 285, 289, 319, 336, 341

1.2. ἆρʼ οὖν, ἐπεὶ φιλομαθές τι κέκτηται καὶ φιλοθέαμον ἡμῶν ἡ ψυχὴ φύσει, λόγον ἔχει ψέγειν τοὺς καταχρωμένους τούτῳ πρὸς τὰ μηδεμιᾶς ἄξια σπουδῆς ἀκούσματα καὶ θεάματα, τῶν δὲ καλῶν καὶ ὠφελίμων παραμελοῦντας; τῇ μὲν γὰρ αἰσθήσει κατὰ πάθος τῆς πληγῆς ἀντιλαμβανομένῃ τῶν προστυγχανόντων ἴσως ἀνάγκη πᾶν τὸ φαινόμενον, ἄν τε χρήσιμον ἄν τʼ ἄχρηστον ᾖ, θεωρεῖν, 2.2. οὐ γὰρ ἀναγκαῖον, εἰ τέρπει τὸ ἔργον ὡς χάριεν, ἄξιον σπουδῆς εἶναι τὸν εἰργασμένον. ὅθεν οὐδʼ ὠφελεῖ τὰ τοιαῦτα τοὺς θεωμένους, πρὸς ἃ μιμητικὸς οὐ γίνεται ζῆλος οὐδὲ ἀνάδοσις κινοῦσα προθυμίαν καὶ ὁρμὴν ὁρμὴν Fuhr and Blass, after Reiske: ἀφορμήν . ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξομοίωσιν. ἀλλʼ ἥ γε ἀρετὴ ταῖς πράξεσιν εὐθὺς οὕτω διατίθησιν ὥστε ἅμα θαυμάζεσθαι τὰ ἔργα καὶ ζηλοῦσθαι τοὺς εἰργασμένους. 2.4. ἔδοξεν οὖν καὶ ἡμῖν ἐνδιατρῖψαι τῇ περὶ τοὺς βίους ἀναγραφῇ, καὶ τοῦτο τὸ βιβλίον δέκατον συντετάχαμεν τὸν Ποερικλέους βίον καὶ τὸν· Φαβίου Μαξίμου τοῦ διαπολεμήσαντος πρὸς Ἀννίβαν περιέχον, ἀνδρῶν κατά τε τὰς ἄλλας ἀρετὰς ὁμοίων, μάλιστα δὲ πρᾳότητα καὶ δικαιοσύνην, καὶ τῷ δύνασθαι φέρειν δήμων καὶ συναρχόντων ἀγνωμοσύνας ὠφελιμωτάτων ταῖς πατρίσι γενομένων. εἰ δʼ ὀρθῶς στοχαζόμεθα τοῦ δέοντος, ἔξεστι κρίνειν ἐκ τῶν γραφομένων. 3.3. τῶν δὲ κωμικῶν ὁ μὲν Κρατῖνος ἐν Χείρωσι· στάσις δὲ (φησὶ) καὶ πρεσβυγενὴς Κρόνος ἀλλήλοισι μιγέντε μέγιστον τίκτετον τύραννον, ὃν δὴ κεφαληγερέταν θεοὶ καλέουσι· καὶ πάλιν ἐν Νεμέσει· μόλʼ, ὦ Ζεῦ ξένιε καὶ καραιέ. 7.1. ὁ δὲ Περικλῆς νέος μὲν ὢν σφόδρα τὸν δῆμον εὐλαβεῖτο. καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει Πεισιστράτῳ τῷ τυράννῳ τὸ εἶδος ἐμφερὴς εἶναι, τήν τε φωνὴν ἡδεῖαν οὖσαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν εὔτροχον ἐν τῷ διαλέγεσθαι καὶ ταχεῖαν οἱ σφόδρα γέροντες ἐξεπλήττοντο πρὸς τὴν ὁμοιότητα. πλούτου δὲ καὶ γένους προσόντος αὐτῷ λαμπροῦ καὶ φίλων οἳ πλεῖστον ἠδύναντο, φοβούμενος ἐξοστρακισθῆναι, τῶν μὲν πολιτικῶν οὐδὲν ἔπραττεν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς στρατείαις ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἦν καὶ φιλοκίνδυνος. 13.4. πάντα δὲ διεῖπε καὶ πάντων ἐπίσκοπος ἦν αὐτῷ Φειδίας, καίτοι μεγάλους ἀρχιτέκτονας ἐχόντων καὶ τεχνίτας τῶν ἔργων. τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἑκατόμπεδον Παρθενῶνα Καλλικράτης εἰργάζετο καὶ Ἰκτῖνος, τὸ δʼ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι τελεστήριον ἤρξατο μὲν Κόροιβος οἰκοδομεῖν, καὶ τοὺς ἐπʼ ἐδάφους κίονας ἔθηκεν οὗτος καὶ τοῖς ἐπιστυλίοις ἐπέζευξεν· ἀποθανόντος δὲ τούτου Μεταγένης ὁ Ξυπέτιος τὸ διάζωμα καὶ τοὺς ἄνω κίονας ἐπέστησε· 13.5. τὸ δʼ ὀπαῖον ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀνακτόρου Ξενοκλῆς ὁ Χολαργεὺς ἐκορύφωσε· τὸ δὲ μακρὸν τεῖχος, περὶ οὗ Σωκράτης ἀκοῦσαί φησιν αὐτὸς εἰσηγουμένου γνώμην Περικλέους, ἠργολάβησε Καλλικράτης. κωμῳδεῖ δὲ τὸ ἔργον Κρατῖνος ὡς βραδέως περαινόμενον· 16.1. καίτοι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ σαφῶς μὲν ὁ Θουκυδίδης διηγεῖται, κακοήθως δὲ παρεμφαίνουσιν οἱ κωμικοί, Πεισιστρατίδας μὲν νέους τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἑταίρους καλοῦντες, αὐτὸν δʼ ἀπομόσαι μὴ τυραννήσειν κελεύοντες, ὡς ἀσυμμέτρου πρὸς δημοκρατίαν καὶ βαρυτέρας περὶ αὐτὸν οὔσης ὑπεροχῆς· 17.1. ἀρχομένων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων ἄχθεσθαι τῇ αὐξήσει τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἐπαίρων ὁ Περικλῆς τὸν δῆμον ἔτι μᾶλλον μέγα φρονεῖν καὶ μεγάλων αὑτὸν ἀξιοῦν πραγμάτων, γράφει ψήφισμα, πάντας Ἕλληνας τοὺς ὁπήποτε κατοικοῦντας Εὐρώπης ἢ τῆς Ἀσίας παρακαλεῖν, καὶ μικρὰν πόλιν καὶ μεγάλην, εἰς σύλλογον πέμπειν Ἀθήναζε τοὺς βουλευσομένους περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱερῶν, ἃ κατέπρησαν οἱ βάρβαροι, καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ἃς ὀφείλουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος εὐξάμενοι τοῖς θεοῖς ὅτε πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐμάχοντο, καὶ τῆς θαλάττης, ὅπως πλέωσι πάντες ἀδεῶς καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγωσιν. 32.1. περὶ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἀσπασία δίκην ἔφευγεν ἀσεβείας, Ἑρμίππου τοῦ κωμῳδοποιοῦ διώκοντος καὶ προσκατηγοροῦντος ὡς Περικλεῖ γυναῖκας ἐλευθέρας εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτώσας ὑποδέχοιτο. καὶ ψήφισμα Διοπείθης ἔγραψεν εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἢ λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας, ἀπερειδόμενος εἰς Περικλέα διʼ Ἀναξαγόρου τὴν ὑπόνοιαν.

1.2. Since, then, our souls are by nature possessed of great fondness for learning and fondness for seeing, it is surely reasonable to chide those who abuse this fondness on objects all unworthy either of their eyes or ears, to the neglect of those which are good and serviceable. Our outward sense, since it apprehends the objects which encounter it by virtue of their mere impact upon it, must needs, perhaps, regard everything that presents itself, be it useful or useless; 2.2. For it does not of necessity follow that, if the work delights you with its grace, the one who wrought it is worthy of your esteem. Wherefore the spectator is not advantaged by those things at sight of which no ardor for imitation arises in the breast, nor any uplift of the soul arousing zealous impulses to do the like. But virtuous action straightway so disposes a man that he no sooner admires the works of virtue than he strives to emulate those who wrought them. 2.4. For such reasons I have decided to persevere in my writing of Lives, and so have composed this tenth book, containing the life of Pericles, and that of Fabius Maximus, who waged such lengthy war with Hannibal. The men were alike in their virtues, and more especially in their gentleness and rectitude, and by their ability to endure the follies of their peoples and of their colleagues in office, they proved of the greatest service to their countries. But whether I aim correctly at the proper mark must be decided from what I have written. 3.3. So the comic poet Cratinus, in his Cheirons, says: Faction and Saturn, that ancient of days, were united in wedlock; their offspring was of all tyrants the greatest, and lo! he is called by the gods the head-compeller. Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 86. And again in his Nemesis : Come, Zeus! of guests and heads the Lord! Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 49. 7.1. As a young man, Pericles was exceedingly reluctant to face the people, since it was thought that in feature he was like the tyrant Peisistratus; and when men well on in years remarked also that his voice was sweet, and his tongue glib and speedy in discourse, they were struck with amazement at the resemblance. Besides, since he was rich, of brilliant lineage, and had friends of the greatest influence, he feared that he might be ostracized, and so at first had naught to do with politics, but devoted himself rather to a military career, where he was brave and enterprising. 13.4. His general manager and general overseer was Pheidias, although the several works had great architects and artists besides. of the Parthenon, for instance, with its cella of a hundred feet in length, Callicrates and Ictinus were the architects; it was Coroebus who began to build the sanctuary of the mysteries at Eleusis, and he planted the columns on the floor and yoked their capitals together with architraves; but on his death Metagenes, of the deme Xypete, carried up the frieze and the upper tier of columns; 13.5. while Xenocles, of the deme Cholargus, set on high the lantern over the shrine. 41 For the long wall, concerning which Socrates says Plat. Gorg. 455e . he himself heard Pericles introduce a measure, Callicrates was the contractor. Cratinus pokes fun at this work for its slow progress, and in these words:— Since ever so long now In word has Pericles pushed the thing; in fact he does not budge it. From a play of unknown name. Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 100 The Odeum, which was arranged internally with many tiers of seats and many pillars, and which had a roof made with a circular slope from a single peak, they say was an exact reproduction of the Great King’s pavilion, and this too was built under the superintendence of Pericles. 16.1. of his power there can be no doubt, since Thucydides gives so clear an exposition of it, and the comic poets unwittingly reveal it even in their malicious gibes, calling him and his associates new Peisistratidae, and urging him to take solemn oath not to make himself a tyrant, on the plea, forsooth, that his preeminence was incommensurate with a democracy and too oppressive. 17.1. When the Lacedaemonians began to be annoyed by the increasing power of the Athenians, Pericles, by way of inciting the people to cherish yet loftier thoughts and to deem it worthy of great achievements, introduced a bill to the effect that all Hellenes wheresoever resident in Europe or in Asia, small and large cities alike, should be invited to send deputies to a council at Athens. This was to deliberate concerning the Hellenic sanctuaries which the Barbarians had burned down, concerning the sacrifices which were due to the gods in the name of Hellas in fulfillment of vows made when they were fighting with the Barbarians, and concerning the sea, that all might sail it fearlessly and keep the peace. 32.1. About this time also Aspasia was put on trial for impiety, Hermippus the comic poet being her prosecutor, who alleged further against her that she received free-born women into a place of assignation for Pericles. And Diopeithes brought in a bill providing for the public impeachment of such as did not believe in gods, or who taught doctrines regarding the heavens, directing suspicion against Pericles by means of Anaxagoras.

121. Plutarch, Nicias, 12.1-12.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 218

12.1. ὁ δʼ οὖν Νικίας, τῶν Αἰγεστέων πρέσβεων καὶ Λεοντίνων παραγενομένων καὶ πειθόντων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Σικελίαν, ἀνθιστάμενος ἡττᾶτο τῆς βουλῆς Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ φιλοτιμίας, πρὶν ὅλως ἐκκλησίαν γενέσθαι, κατασχόντος ἤδη πλῆθος ἐλπίσι καὶ λόγοις προδιεφθαρμένον, ὥστε καὶ νέους ἐν παλαίστραις καὶ γέροντας ἐν ἐργαστηρίοις καὶ ἡμικυκλίοις συγκαθεζομένους ὑπογράφειν τὸ σχῆμα τῆς Σικελίας, καὶ τὴν φύσιν τῆς περὶ αὐτὴν θαλάσσης, καὶ λιμένας καὶ τόπους οἷς τέτραπται πρὸς Λιβύην ἡ νῆσος. 12.2. οὐ γὰρ ἆθλον ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ πολέμου Σικελίαν, ἀλλʼ ὁρμητήριον, ὡς ἀπʼ αὐτῆς διαγωνισόμενοι πρὸς Καρχηδονίους καὶ σχήσοντες ἅμα Λιβύην καὶ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν θάλασσαν. ὡς οὖν ὥρμηντο πρὸς ταῦτα, ὁ Νικίας ἐναντιούμενος οὔτε πολλοὺς οὔτε δυνατοὺς εἶχε συναγωνιστάς. οἱ γὰρ εὔποροι δεδιότες μὴ δοκῶσι τὰς λειτουργίας καὶ τριηραρχίας ἀποδιδράσκειν, παρὰ γνώμην ἡσύχαζον·

12.1. It was Nicias, then, who, when an embassy came from Egesta and Leontini seeking to persuade the Athenians to undertake an expedition against Sicily, opposed the measure, only to be defeated by the ambitious purposes of Alcibiades. Before the assembly had met at all, Alcibiades had already corrupted the multitude and got them into his power by means of his sanguine promises, so that the youth in their training-schools and the old men in their work-shops and lounging-places would sit in clusters drawing maps of Sicily, charts of the sea about it, and plans of the harbours and districts of the island which look towards Libya. 12.2. For they did not regard Sicily itself as the prize of the war, but rather as a mere base of operations, purposing therefrom to wage a contest with the Carthaginians and get possession of both Libya and of all the sea this side the Pillars of Heracles. Since, therefore, their hearts were fixed on this, Nicias, in his opposition to them, had few men, and these of no influence, to contend on his side. For the well-toâdo citizens feared accusations of trying to escape their contributions for the support of the navy, and so, despite their better judgement, held their peace.

122. Plutarch, On The Glory of The Athenians, 348a, 348b, 350a, 347a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 118, 119

123. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 70

10.3. דּוֹר הַמַּבּוּל אֵין לָהֶם חֵלֶק לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא וְאֵין עוֹמְדִין בַּדִּין, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (בראשית ו) לֹא יָדוֹן רוּחִי בָאָדָם לְעֹלָם, לֹא דִין וְלֹא רוּחַ. דּוֹר הַפַּלָּגָה אֵין לָהֶם חֵלֶק לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (בראשית יא) וַיָּפֶץ ה' אֹתָם מִשָּׁם עַל פְּנֵי כָל הָאָרֶץ. וַיָּפֶץ ה' אֹתָם, בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה. וּמִשָּׁם הֱפִיצָם ה', לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא. אַנְשֵׁי סְדוֹם אֵין לָהֶם חֵלֶק לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שם יג) וְאַנְשֵׁי סְדֹם רָעִים וְחַטָּאִים לַה' מְאֹד. רָעִים בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה. וְחַטָּאִים, לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא. אֲבָל עוֹמְדִין בַּדִּין. רַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה אוֹמֵר, אֵלּוּ וָאֵלּוּ אֵין עוֹמְדִין בַּדִּין, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים א) עַל כֵּן לֹא יָקֻמוּ רְשָׁעִים בַּמִּשְׁפָּט וְחַטָּאִים בַּעֲדַת צַדִּיקִים. עַל כֵּן לֹא יָקֻמוּ רְשָׁעִים בַּמִּשְׁפָּט, זֶה דּוֹר הַמַּבּוּל. וְחַטָּאִים בַּעֲדַת צַדִּיקִים, אֵלּוּ אַנְשֵׁי סְדוֹם. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אֵינָם עוֹמְדִים בַּעֲדַת צַדִּיקִים אֲבָל עוֹמְדִין בַּעֲדַת רְשָׁעִים. מְרַגְּלִים אֵין לָהֶם חֵלֶק לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר וַיָּמֻתוּ הָאֲנָשִׁים מוֹצִאֵי דִבַּת הָאָרֶץ רָעָה בַּמַּגֵּפָה לִפְנֵי ה' (במדבר יד). וַיָּמֻתוּ, בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה. בַּמַּגֵּפָה, בָּעוֹלָם הַבָּא. דּוֹר הַמִּדְבָּר אֵין לָהֶם חֵלֶק לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא וְאֵין עוֹמְדִין בַּדִּין, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שם) בַּמִּדְבָּר הַזֶּה יִתַּמּוּ וְשָׁם יָמֻתוּ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, עֲלֵיהֶם הוּא אוֹמֵר (תהלים נ) אִסְפוּ לִי חֲסִידָי כֹּרְתֵי בְרִיתִי עֲלֵי זָבַח. עֲדַת קֹרַח אֵינָהּ עֲתִידָה לַעֲלוֹת, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (במדבר טז) וַתְּכַס עֲלֵיהֶם הָאָרֶץ, בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה, וַיֹּאבְדוּ מִתּוֹךְ הַקָּהָל, לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, עֲלֵיהֶם הוּא אוֹמֵר (שמואל א ב) ה' מֵמִית וּמְחַיֶּה מוֹרִיד שְׁאוֹל וַיָּעַל. עֲשֶׂרֶת הַשְּׁבָטִים אֵינָן עֲתִידִין לַחֲזֹר, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים כט) וַיַּשְׁלִכֵם אֶל אֶרֶץ אַחֶרֶת כַּיּוֹם הַזֶּה, מַה הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה הוֹלֵךְ וְאֵינוֹ חוֹזֵר, אַף הֵם הוֹלְכִים וְאֵינָם חוֹזְרִים, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, כַּיּוֹם הַזֶּה, מַה הַיּוֹם מַאֲפִיל וּמֵאִיר, אַף עֲשֶׂרֶת הַשְּׁבָטִים שֶׁאָפַל לָהֶן, כָּךְ עָתִיד לְהָאִיר לָהֶן:

10.3. The generation of the flood has no portion in the world to come, nor will they stand at the [last] judgment, as it says, “[And the Lord said,] my spirit will not always enter into judgment with man” (Genesis 6:3), [meaning] there will be neither judgment nor [my] spirit for them. The generation of the dispersion have no portion in the world to come, as it says, “So the Lord scattered them from there upon the face of all the earth” (Genesis 11:8): “So the lord scattered them”, refers to this world, “And from there the Lord scattered them” (Genesis 11:9), refers to the world to come. The men of Sodom have no portion in the world to come, as it says, “And the men of Sodom were wicked and great sinners before the Lord” (Genesis 13:1: “wicked” in this world, and “sinners” in the world to come; Yet will they stand at judgment. R. Nehemiah says: “Neither [the generation of the flood nor the men of Sodom] will stand at judgment, as it says, “Therefore the wicked shall not stand in judgment, nor sinners in the congregation of the righteous” (Psalms 1:5) “Therefore the wicked shall not stand in judgment”, refers to the generation of the flood; “nor sinners in the congregation of the righteous”, refers to the men of Sodom. They [the Sages] said to him: “They will not stand in the congregation of the righteous, but they will stand in the congregation of the wicked.” The spies have no portion in the world to come, as it says, “And those men that spread such calumnies about the land, died by the plague before the lord” (Numbers 14:37): “[they] died” in this world, “by the plague” in the world to come. The generation of the wilderness have no share in the world to come and will not stand at the [last] judgment, as it says, “In this wilderness they shall be consumed, and there they shall die” (Numbers 14:3, according to the words of Rabbi Akiba. Rabbi Eliezer says: “Concerning them it is said, ‘Bring in My devotees, who made a covet with Me over sacrifice” (Psalms 50:5). The congregation of Korah is not destined to ascend [from the earth], as it says, “And the earth closed upon them” in this world, “and they perished from among the congregation” (Numbers 16:33) in the world to come, according to the words of Rabbi Akiba. Rabbi Eliezer says: “Concerning them it is said, ‘The Lord kills and makes alive: He brings down to Sheol, and brings up” (I Samuel 2:6). The ten tribes will not return [to the Land of Israel], for it is said, “And He cast them into another land, as is this day” (Deuteronomy 29:2: just as the day goes and does not return, so they too went and will not return: according to the words of Rabbi Akiba. Rabbi Eliezer says: “‘As is this day’ just as the day darkens and then becomes light again, so the ten tribes even as it went dark for them, so will it in the future become light for them.

124. Mishnah, Kilayim, 9.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 218

125. Plutarch, Lysander, 11.7, 18.3-18.4, 22.3-22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 341, 342

11.7. ὃς μυρίας μορφὰς ἀγώνων καὶ πραγμάτων μεταβολὰς ἀμείψας, καὶ στρατηγοὺς ὅσους οὐδὲ οἱ σύμπαντες οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀναλώσας, ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς εὐβουλία καὶ δεινότητι συνῄρητο· διὸ καὶ θεῖόν τινες ἡγήσαντο τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον. 18.3. πρώτῳ μὲν γάρ, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Δοῦρις, Ἑλλήνων ἐκείνῳ βωμοὺς αἱ πόλεις ἀνέστησαν ὡς θεῷ καὶ θυσίας ἔθυσαν, εἰς πρῶτον δὲ παιᾶνες ᾔσθησαν, ὧν ἑνὸς ἀρχὴν ἀπομνημονεύουσι τοιάνδε· 18.4. σάμιοι δὲ τὰ παρʼ αὐτοῖς Ἡραῖα Λυσάνδρεια καλεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν Χοιρίλον μὲν ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ὡς κοσμήσοντα τὰς πράξεις διὰ ποιητικῆς, Ἀντιλόχῳ δὲ ποιήσαντι μετρίους τινὰς εἰς αὐτὸν στίχους ἡσθεὶς ἔδωκε πλήσας ἀργυρίου τὸν πῖλον. Ἀντιμάχου δὲ τοῦ Κολοφωνίου καὶ Νικηράτου τινὸς Ἡρακλεώτου ποιήμασι Λυσάνδρεια διαγωνισαμένων ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Νικήρατον ἐστεφάνωσεν, ὁ δὲ Ἀντίμαχος ἀχθεσθεὶς ἠφάνισε τὸ ποίημα. 22.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἆγις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐτελεύτησεν ἀδελφὸν μὲν Ἀγησίλαον καταλιπών, υἱὸν δὲ νομιζόμενον Λεωτυχίδαν, ἐραστὴς τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου γεγονὼς ὁ Λύσανδρος ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ὡς Ἡρακλείδην ὄντα γνήσιον. ὁ γὰρ Λεωτυχίδας διαβολὴν εἶχεν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι, συνόντος κρύφα τῇ Ἄγιδος γυναικὶ Τιμαίᾳ καθʼ ὃν χρόνον φεύγων ἐν Σπάρτῃ διέτριβεν. 22.4. ὁ δὲ Ἆγις, ὥς φασι, χρόνου λογισμῷ τὸ πρᾶγμα συνελών, ὡς οὐ κυήσειεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ, παρημέλει μέλει τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἀναινόμενος αὐτὸν παρά γε τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον. ἐπεὶ δὲ νοσῶν εἰς Ἡραίαν ἐκομίσθη καὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, τὰ μὲν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ νεανίσκου, τὰ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἐκλιπαρηθεὶς ἐναντίον πολλῶν ἀπέφηνεν υἱὸν αὑτοῦ τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, καὶ δεηθεὶς τῶν παρόντων ἐπιμαρτυρῆσαι ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπέθανεν. 22.5. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐμαρτύρουν ταῦτα τῷ Λεωτυχίδᾳ· τὸν δʼ Ἀγησίλαον λαμπρὸν ὄντα τἆλλα καὶ συναγωνιστῇ τῷ Λυσάνδρῳ χρώμενον ἔβλαπτε Διοπείθης, ἀνὴρ εὐδόκιμος ἐπὶ χρησμολογίᾳ, τοιόνδε μάντευμα προφέρων εἰς τὴν χωλότητα τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου· 22.6. πολλῶν οὖν ὑποκατακλινομένων πρὸς τὸ λόγιον καὶ τρεπομένων πρὸς τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, ὁ Λύσανδρος οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἔφη τὸν Διοπείθη τὴν μαντείαν ὑπολαμβάνειν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν προσπταίσας τις ἄρχῃ Λακεδαιμονίων, δυσχεραίνειν τὸν θεόν, ἀλλὰ χωλὴν εἶναι τὴν βασιλείαν εἰ νόθοι καὶ κακῶς γεγονότες βασιλεύσουσι σὺν σὺν supplied by Sintenis alone. Ἡρακλείδαις. τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ δυνάμενος πλεῖστον ἔπεισε, καὶ γίνεται βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίλαος.

11.7. Its struggles and issues had assumed ten thousand changing shapes, and it had cost Hellas more generals than all her previous wars together, and yet it was brought to a close by the prudence and ability of one man. Therefore some actually thought the result due to divine intervention. 12 18.3. For he was the first Greek, as Duris writes, to whom the cities erected altars and made sacrifices as to a god, the first also to whom songs of triumph were sung. One of these is handed down, and begins as follows:â "The general of sacred Hellas who came from wide-spaced Sparta will we sing, O! io! Paean." 18.4. The Samians, too, voted that their festival of Hera should be called Lysandreia. And the poet Choerilus was always kept in his retinue, to adorn his achievements with verse; while with Antilochus, who composed some verses in his honour, he was so pleased that he filled his cap with silver and gave it to him. And when Antimachus of Colophon and a certain Niceratus of Heracleia competed one another at the Lysandreia in poems celebrating his achievements, he awarded the crown to Niceratus, and Antimachus, in vexation, suppressed his poem. 22.3. When Agis the king died, leaving a brother, AgesilaÃ¼s, and a reputed son, Leotychides, Lysander, who had been a lover of AgesilaÃ¼s, persuaded him to lay claim to the kingdom, on the ground that he was a genuine descendant of Heracles. For Leotychides was accused of being a son of Alcibiades, who had secret commerce with Timaea, the wife of Agis, while he was living in exile at export. 22.4. Now Agis, as they tell us, being convinced by a computation of time that his wife had not conceived by him, ignored Leotychides, and manifestly repudiated him up to the last. But when he was carried sick to Heraea and was about to die, he yielded to the entreaties of the young man himself and of his friends, and declared in the hearing of many that Leotychides was his own son, and after begging those who were present to bear witness of this to the Lacedaemonians, died. 446 22.5. Accordingly, they did so bear witness in favour of Leotychides. Moreover, AgesilaÃ¼s, who was otherwise illustrious, and had Lysander as a champion, was injured in his claim by Diopeithes, a man in high repute for his interpretation of oracles, who published the following prophecy with reference to the lameness of AgesilaÃ¼s:â "Bethink thee now, O Sparta, although thou art very proud, Lest from thee, sound of foot, there spring a maimed royalty; For long will unexpected toils oppress thee, And onward rolling billows of man-destroying war." 22.6. Many, therefore, out of deference to the oracle, inclined to Leotychides, but Lysander declared that Diopeithes did not interpret the prophecy correctly; for it did not mean that the god would be displeased if one who was lame should rule the Lacedaemonians, but the kingdom would be maimed if bastards and ill-born men should be kings in a line with the posterity of Heracles. By such arguments, and because he had very great influence, he prevailed, and AgesilaÃ¼s became king. 23

126. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, 407b, 407a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 118

127. Plutarch, Cimon, 6.4-6.6, 13.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 277, 283

6.4. λέγεται δὲ παρθένον τινὰ Βυζαντίαν ἐπιφανῶν γονέων, ὄνομα Κλεονίκην, ἐπʼ αἰσχύνῃ τοῦ Παυσανίου μεταπεμπομένου, τοὺς μὲν γονεῖς ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης καὶ φόβου προέσθαι τὴν παῖδα, τὴν δὲ τῶν πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου δεηθεῖσαν ἀνελέσθαι τὸ φῶς, διὰ σκότους καὶ σιωπῆς τῇ κλίνῃ προσιοῦσαν ἤδη τοῦ Παυσανίου καθεύδοντος, ἐμπεσεῖν καὶ ἀνατρέψαι τὸ λυχνίον ἄκουσαν· 6.5. τὸν δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ ψόφου ταραχθέντα καὶ σπασάμενον καὶ σπασάμενον with S: σπασάμενον . τὸ παρακείμενον ἐγχειρίδιον, ὥς τινος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐχθροῦ βαδίζοντος, πατάξαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν τὴν παρθένον, ἐκ δὲ τῆς πληγῆς ἀποθανοῦσαν αὐτὴν οὐκ ἐᾶν τὸν Παυσανίαν ἡσυχάζειν, ἀλλὰ νύκτωρ εἴδωλον αὐτῷ φοιτῶσαν εἰς τὸν ὕπνον ὀργῇ λέγειν τόδε τὸ ἡρῷον· 6.6. ὁ δʼ ἐκπεσὼν τοῦ Βυζαντίου καὶ τῷ φάσματι ταραττόμενος, ὡς λέγεται, κατέφυγε πρὸς τὸ νεκυομαντεῖον εἰς Ἡράκλειαν, καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀνακαλούμενος τῆς Κλεονίκης παρῃτεῖτο τὴν ὀργήν. ἡ δʼ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθοῦσα ταχέως ἔφη παύσεσθαι τῶν κακῶν αὐτὸν ἐν Σπάρτῃ γενόμενον, αἰνιττομένη, ὡς ἔοικε, τὴν μέλλουσαν αὐτῷ τελευτήν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἱστόρηται. 13.4. ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκπλαγέντες ἀπώλεσαν τὰς ναῦς ἁπάσας, καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι συνδιεφθάρησαν. τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον οὕτως ἐταπείνωσε τὴν γνώμην τοῦ βασιλέως, ὥστε συνθέσθαι τὴν περιβόητον εἰρήνην ἐκείνην, ἵππου μὲν δρόμον ἀεὶ τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς ἀπέχειν θαλάσσης, ἔνδον δὲ Κυανέων καὶ Χελιδονίων μακρᾷ νηῒ καὶ χαλκεμβόλῳ μὴ πλέειν.

6.4. It is said that a maiden of Byzantium, of excellent parentage, CleonicÃ© by name, was summoned by Pausanias for a purpose that would disgrace her. Her parents, influenced by constraint and fear, abandoned their daughter to her fate, and she, after requesting the attendants to remove the light, in darkness and silence at length drew near the couch on which Pausanias was asleep, but accidentally stumbled against the lamp-holder and upset it. 6.5. Pausanias, startled by the noise, drew the dagger which lay at his side, with the idea that some enemy was upon him, and smote and felled the maiden. After her death in consequence of the blow, she gave Pausanias no peace, but kept coming into his sleep by night in phantom form, wrathfully uttering this verse:â "Draw thou nigh to thy doom; 'tis evil for men to be wanton." At this outrage the allies were beyond measure incensed, and joined Cimon in forcing Pausanias to give up the city. 6.6. Driven from Byzantium, and still harassed by the phantom, as the story goes, he had recourse to the ghost-oracle of Heracleia, and summoning up the spirit of CleonicÃ©, besought her to forgo her wrath. She came into his presence and said that he would soon cease from his troubles and on coming to Sparta, thus darkly intimating, as it seems, his impending death. At any rate, this tale is told by many. 7 13.4. For this reason they were all the more panic-stricken at his attack, and lost all their ships. Most of their crews were destroyed with the ships. This exploit so humbled the purpose of the King 487that he made the terms of that notorious peace, by which he was to keep away from the Hellenic sea-coast as far as a horse could travel in a day, and was not to sail west of the Cyanean and Chelidonian isles with armoured ships of war.

128. Mishnah, Ketuvot, 7.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, emperor of •persia and persians, in province of uzestan Found in books: Rubenstein, The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings (2018) 185

7.6. וְאֵלּוּ יוֹצְאוֹת שֶׁלֹּא בִכְתֻבָּה, הָעוֹבֶרֶת עַל דַּת מֹשֶׁה וִיהוּדִית. וְאֵיזוֹ הִיא דַּת מֹשֶׁה, מַאֲכִילָתוֹ שֶׁאֵינוֹ מְעֻשָּׂר, וּמְשַׁמַּשְׁתּוֹ נִדָּה, וְלֹא קוֹצָה לָהּ חַלָּה, וְנוֹדֶרֶת וְאֵינָהּ מְקַיֶּמֶת. וְאֵיזוֹהִי דַת יְהוּדִית, יוֹצְאָה וְרֹאשָׁהּ פָּרוּעַ, וְטוֹוָה בַשּׁוּק, וּמְדַבֶּרֶת עִם כָּל אָדָם. אַבָּא שָׁאוּל אוֹמֵר, אַף הַמְקַלֶּלֶת יוֹלְדָיו בְּפָנָיו. רַבִּי טַרְפוֹן אוֹמֵר, אַף הַקּוֹלָנִית. וְאֵיזוֹ הִיא קוֹלָנִית, לִכְשֶׁהִיא מְדַבֶּרֶת בְּתוֹךְ בֵּיתָהּ וּשְׁכֵנֶיהָ שׁוֹמְעִין קוֹלָהּ:

7.6. These leave [their marriage] without their ketubah: A wife who transgresses the law of Moses or Jewish law. And what is the law of Moses? Feeding her husband with untithed food, having intercourse with him while in the period of her menstruation, not separating dough offering, or making vows and not fulfilling them. And what is Jewish practice? Going out with her head uncovered, spinning wool in the marketplace or conversing with every man. Abba Shaul says: also one who curses her husband’s parents in his presence. Rabbi Tarfon says: also one who has a loud voice. And who is regarded as one who has a loud voice? A woman whose voice can be heard by her neighbors when she speaks inside her house.

129. Mishnah, Gittin, 8.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 69

8.5. כָּתַב לְשׁוּם מַלְכוּת שְׁאֵינָהּ הוֹגֶנֶת, לְשׁוּם מַלְכוּת מָדַי, לְשׁוּם מַלְכוּת יָוָן, לְבִנְיַן הַבַּיִת, לְחֻרְבַּן הַבַּיִת, הָיָה בַמִּזְרָח וְכָתַב בַּמַּעֲרָב, בַּמַּעֲרָב וְכָתַב בַּמִּזְרָח, תֵּצֵא מִזֶּה וּמִזֶּה, וּצְרִיכָה גֵט מִזֶּה וּמִזֶּה, וְאֵין לָהּ לֹא כְתֻבָּה וְלֹא פֵרוֹת וְלֹא מְזוֹנוֹת וְלֹא בְלָאוֹת, לֹא עַל זֶה וְלֹא עַל זֶה. אִם נָטְלָה מִזֶּה וּמִזֶּה, תַּחֲזִיר. וְהַוָּלָד מַמְזֵר מִזֶּה וּמִזֶּה. וְלֹא זֶה וָזֶה מִטַּמְּאִין לָהּ, וְלֹא זֶה וָזֶה זַכָּאִין לֹא בִמְצִיאָתָהּ וְלֹא בְמַעֲשֵׂה יָדֶיהָ וְלֹא בַהֲפָרַת נְדָרֶיהָ. הָיְתָה בַת יִשְׂרָאֵל, נִפְסֶלֶת מִן הַכְּהֻנָּה. בַּת לֵוִי, מִן הַמַּעֲשֵׂר. בַּת כֹּהֵן, מִן הַתְּרוּמָה. וְאֵין יוֹרְשָׁיו שֶׁל זֶה וְיוֹרְשָׁיו שֶׁל זֶה יוֹרְשִׁין כְּתֻבָּתָהּ. וְאִם מֵתוּ, אָחִיו שֶׁל זֶה וְאָחִיו שֶׁל זֶה חוֹלְצִין וְלֹא מְיַבְּמִין. שִׁנָּה שְׁמוֹ וּשְׁמָהּ, שֵׁם עִירוֹ וְשֵׁם עִירָהּ, תֵּצֵא מִזֶּה וּמִזֶּה, וְכָל הַדְּרָכִים הָאֵלּוּ בָהּ:

8.5. If the get was dated by an unfit kingship, by the empire of Medea, by the empire of Greece, by the building of the Temple or by the destruction of the Temple, Or if being in the east he wrote “in the west”, or being in the west he wrote “in the east”, She must leave this one and that one, and she also requires a get from this one and that one. She has no ketubah, no usufruct, no support money or worn clothes, neither from this one nor from that one. If she has taken anything from this one or that one, she must return it. The child from this one or that one is a mamzer. Neither this one nor that one may impurify himself for her. Neither this one and that one has a claim to whatever she may find, nor what she makes with her hands, nor to invalidate her vows. If she was the daughter of an Israelite, she becomes disqualified from marrying a priest; if the daughter of a Levite, from the eating of tithe; and if the daughter of a priest, from the eating of terumah. Neither the heirs of this one nor the heirs of that one are entitled to inherit her ketubah. And if [the husbands] die, the brother of the one and the brother of the other must perform halitzah, but may not contract yibbum. If his name or her name or the name of his town or the name of her town was wrongly given, she must leave both husbands and all the above consequences apply to her.

130. Mishnah, Bava Metzia, 2.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, emperor of •persia and persians, law of Found in books: Rubenstein, The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings (2018) 230

2.6. וְעַד מָתַי חַיָּב לְהַכְרִיז. עַד כְּדֵי שֶׁיֵּדְעוּ בוֹ שְׁכֵנָיו, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, שָׁלשׁ רְגָלִים, וְאַחַר הָרֶגֶל הָאַחֲרוֹן שִׁבְעָה יָמִים, כְּדֵי שֶׁיֵּלֵךְ לְבֵיתוֹ שְׁלשָׁה וְיַחֲזֹר שְׁלשָׁה וְיַכְרִיז יוֹם אֶחָד:

2.6. For how long must a man proclaim [what he has found]? Until all of his neighbors know of it, according to Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Judah says: “At the three Pilgrimage Festivals and for seven days after the lest festival, to allow him three days to go back to his house, three days to return and one day on which to proclaim his loss.”

131. Mela, De Chorographia, 3.30-3.32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia, persians, and greek world Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 75

132. Plutarch, On The Malice of Herodotus, 854, 854e, 856c, 857-858a, 857a, 857b, 857c, 874b, 874c, 858b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 128

133. Plutarch, Moralia, 349, 861b, 861c, 862b, 862c, 867, 869c, 869d, 401e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 246

134. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 12.1, 17.1-17.3, 19.7, 23.7, 24.2, 24.4-24.6, 27.4, 32.2-32.3, 33.2, 41.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 128, 129, 130; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 218, 319, 323, 326, 327, 329

17.1. Σικελίας δὲ καὶ Περικλέους ἔτι ζῶντος ἐπεθύμουν Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ τελευτήσαντος ἥπτοντο, καὶ τὰς λεγομένας βοηθείας καὶ συμμαχίας ἔπεμπον ἑκάστοτε τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις ὑπὸ Συρακουσίων ἐπιβάθρας τῆς μείζονος στρατείας τιθέντες. 17.2. ὁ δὲ παντάπασι τὸν ἔρωτα τοῦτον ἀναφλέξας αὐτῶν, καὶ πείσας μὴ κατὰ μέρος μηδὲ κατὰ μικρόν, ἀλλὰ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ πλεύσαντας ἐπιχειρεῖν καὶ καταστρέφεσθαι τὴν νῆσον, Ἀλκιβιάδης ἦν, τόν τε δῆμον μεγάλα πείσας ἐλπίζειν, αὐτός τε μειζόνων ὀρεγόμενος. ἀρχὴν γὰρ εἶναι, πρὸς ἃ ἠλπίκει, διενοεῖτο τῆς στρατείας, οὐ τέλος, ὥσπερ οἱ λοιποί, Σικελίαν. 17.3. καὶ Νικίας μὲν ὡς χαλεπὸν ἔργον ὂν τὰς Συρακούσας ἑλεῖν ἀπέτρεπε τὸν δῆμον, Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ Καρχηδόνα καὶ Λιβύην ὀνειροπολῶν, ἐκ δὲ τούτων προσγενομένων Ἰταλίαν καὶ Πελοπόννησον ἤδη περιβαλλόμενος, ὀλίγου δεῖν ἐφόδια τοῦ πολέμου Σικελίαν ἐποιεῖτο. καὶ τοὺς μὲν νέους αὐτόθεν εἶχεν ἤδη ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπηρμένους, τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων ἠκροῶντο πολλὰ θαυμάσια περὶ τῆς στρατείας περαινόντων, ὥστε πολλοὺς ἐν ταῖς παλαίστραις καὶ τοῖς ἡμικυκλίοις καθέζεσθαι τῆς τε νήσου τὸ σχῆμα καὶ θέσιν Λιβύης καὶ Καρχηδόνος ὑπογράφοντας. 23.7. Τιμαίαν γὰρ τὴν Ἄγιδος γυναῖκα τοῦ βασιλέως στρατευομένου καὶ ἀποδημοῦντος οὕτω διέφθειρεν ὥστε καὶ κύειν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ μὴ ἀρνεῖσθαι, καὶ τεκούσης παιδάριον ἄρρεν ἔξω μὲν Λεωτυχίδην καλεῖσθαι, τὸ δʼ ἐντὸς αὐτοῦ ψιθυριζόμενον ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς φίλας καὶ τὰς ὀπαδοὺς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀλκιβιάδην εἶναι· τοσοῦτος ἔρως κατεῖχε τὴν ἄνθρωπον. ὁ δʼ ἐντρυφῶν ἔλεγεν οὐχ ὕβρει τοῦτο πράττειν οὐδὲ κρατούμενος ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς, ἀλλʼ ὅπως Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύσωσιν οἱ ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγονότες. 24.5. τἆλλʼ οὖν ὢν καὶ μισέλλην ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Περσῶν ὁ Τισαφέρνης, οὕτως ἐνεδίδου τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ κολακευόμενος ὥσθʼ ὑπερβάλλειν αὐτὸν ἀντικολακεύων ἐκεῖνος. ὧν γὰρ ἐκέκτητο παραδείσων τὸν κάλλιστον καὶ ὑδάτων καὶ λειμώνων ὑγιεινῶν ἕνεκεν, διατριβὰς ἔχοντα καὶ καταφυγὰς ἠσκημένας βασιλικῶς καὶ περιττῶς, Ἀλκιβιάδην καλεῖν ἔθετο· καὶ πάντες οὕτω καλοῦντες καὶ προσαγορεύοντες διετέλουν. 27.4. τέλος δὲ τῶν μὲν πολεμίων τριάκοντα λαβόντες, ἀνασώσαντες δὲ τὰς αὑτῶν, τρόπαιον ἔστησαν. οὕτω δὲ λαμπρᾷ χρησάμενος εὐτυχίᾳ, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος εὐθὺς ἐγκαλλωπίσασθαι τῷ Τισαφέρνῃ, ξένια καὶ δῶρα παρασκευασάμενος καὶ θεραπείαν ἔχων ἡγεμονικὴν ἐπορεύετο πρὸς αὐτόν. 32.2. ἃ δὲ Δοῦρις ὁ Σάμιος Ἀλκιβιάδου φάσκων ἀπόγονος εἶναι προστίθησι τούτοις, αὐλεῖν μὲν εἰρεσίαν τοῖς ἐλαύνουσι Χρυσόγονον τὸν πυθιονίκην, κελεύειν δὲ Καλλιππίδην τὸν τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ὑποκριτήν, στατοὺς καὶ ξυστίδας καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ἐναγώνιον ἀμπεχομένους κόσμον, ἱστίῳ δʼ ἁλουργῷ τὴν ναυαρχίδα προσφέρεσθαι τοῖς λιμέσιν, ὥσπερ ἐκ μέθης ἐπικωμάζοντος, 32.3. οὔτε Θεόπομπος οὔτʼ Ἔφορος οὔτε Ξενοφῶν γέγραφεν, οὔτʼ εἰκὸς ἦν οὕτως ἐντρυφῆσαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις μετὰ φυγὴν καὶ συμφορὰς τοσαύτας κατερχόμενον, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος καὶ δεδιὼς κατήγετο, καὶ καταχθεὶς οὐ πρότερον ἀπέβη τῆς τριήρους, πρὶν στὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος ἰδεῖν Εὐρυπτόλεμόν τε τὸν ἀνεψιὸν παρόντα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων καὶ οἰκείων συχνοὺς ἐκδεχομένους καὶ παρακαλοῦντας. 33.2. τότε δὲ τοῦ δήμου συνελθόντος εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρελθὼν ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, καὶ τὰ μὲν αὑτοῦ πάθη κλαύσας καὶ ὀλοφυράμενος, ἐγκαλέσας δὲ μικρὰ καὶ μέτρια τῷ δήμῳ, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἀναθεὶς αὑτοῦ τινι τύχῃ πονηρᾷ καὶ φθονερῷ δαίμονι, πλεῖστα δʼ εἰς ἐλπίδας τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν διαλεχθεὶς καὶ παρορμήσας, στεφάνοις μὲν ἐστεφανώθη χρυσοῖς, ᾑρέθη δʼ ἅμα καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν αὐτοκράτωρ στρατηγός.

17.1. On Sicily the Athenians had cast longing eyes even while Pericles was living; and after his death they actually tried to lay hands upon it. The lesser expeditions which they sent thither from time to time, ostensibly for the aid and comfort of their allies on the island who were being wronged by the Syracusans, they regarded merely as stepping stones to the greater expedition of conquest. 17.2. But the man who finally fanned this desire of theirs into flame, and persuaded them not to attempt the island any more in part and little by little, but to sail thither with a great armament and subdue it utterly, was Alcibiades; he persuaded the people to have great hopes, and he himself had greater aspirations still. Such were his hopes that he regarded Sicily as a mere beginning, and not, like the rest, as an end of the expedition. 17.3. So while Nicias was trying to divert the people from the capture of Syracuse as an undertaking too difficult for them, Alcibiades was dreaming of Carthage and Libya, and, after winning these, of at once encompassing Italy and Peloponnesus. He almost regarded Sicily as the ways and means provided for his greater war. The young men were at once carried away on the wings of such hopes, and their elders kept recounting in their ears many wonderful things about the projected expedition. Many were they who sat in the palaestras and lounging-places mapping out in the sand the shape of Sicily and the position of Libya and Carthage. 23.7. For while Agis the king was away on his campaigns, Alcibiades corrupted Timaea his wife, so that she was with child by him and made no denial of it. When she had given birth to a male child, it was called Leotychides in public, but in private the name which the boy's mother whispered to her friends and attendants was Alcibiades. Such was the passion that possessed the woman. But he, in his mocking way, said he had not done this thing for a wanton insult, nor at the behest of mere pleasure, but in order that descendants of his might be kings of the Lacedaemonians. 24.5. And thus it was that Tissaphernes, though otherwise the most ardent of the Persians in his hatred of the Hellenes, so completely surrendered to the flatteries of Alcibiades as to outdo him in reciprocal flatteries. Indeed, the most beautiful park he had, both for its refreshing waters and grateful lawns, with resorts and retreats decked out in regal and extravagant fashion, he named Alcibiades; everyone always called it by that name. 25 27.4. But finally the Athenians captured thirty of them, rescued their own, and erected a trophy of victory. Taking advantage of a success so brilliant as this, and ambitious to display himself at once before Tissaphernes, Alcibiades supplied himself with gifts of hospitality and friendship and proceeded, at the head of an imperial retinue, to visit the satrap. 32.2. Duris the Samian, who claims that he was a descendant of Alcibiades, gives some additional details. He says that the oarsmen of Alcibiades rowed to the music of a flute blown by Chrysogonus the Pythian victor; that they kept time to a rhythmic call from the lips of Callippideshas '+BadF+'Callipides'+CloseF+'',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();">º the tragic actor; that both these artists were arrayed in the long tunics, flowing robes, and other adornment of their profession; and that the commander's ship put into harbours with a sail of purple hue, as though, after a drinking bout, he were off on a revel. 32.3. But neither Theopompus, nor Ephorus, nor Xenophon mentions these things, nor is it likely that Alcibiades put on such airs for the Athenians, to whom he was returning after he had suffered exile and many great adversities. Nay, he was in actual fear as he put into the harbour, and once in, he did not leave his trireme until, as he stood on deck, he caught sight of his cousin Euryptolemus on shore, with many other friends and kinsmen, and heard their cries of welcome. 33.2. At this time, therefore, the people had only to meet in assembly, and Alcibiades addressed them. 210He lamented and bewailed his own lot, but had only little and moderate blame to lay upon the people. The entire mischief he ascribed to a certain evil fortune and envious genius of his own. Then he descanted at great length upon the vain hopes which their enemies were cherishing, and wrought his hearers up to courage. At last they crowned him with crowns of gold, and elected him general with sole powers by land and sea.

135. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 5.12.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, language of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 159

5.12.21. When the masters of sculpture and hand desired to carve or paint forms of ideal beauty, they never fell into the error of taking some Bagoas or Megabyzus as models, but rightly selected the well-known Doryphorus, equally adapted either for the fields of war or for the wrestling school, and other warlike and athletic youths as types of physical beauty. Shall we then, who are endeavouring to mould the ideal orator, equip eloquence not with weapons but with timbrels?

136. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 4.10.3-4.10.4, 4.11 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 43

4.10.3. εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ καὶ τάδε ἀνέγραψαν, ὡς ἄρα ἤρετο αὐτόν ποτε Φιλώτας ὅντινα οἴοιτο μάλιστα τιμηθῆναι πρὸς τῆς Ἀθηναίων πόλεως· τὸν δὲ ἀποκρίνασθαι Ἁρμόδιον καὶ Ἀριστογείτονα, ὅτι τὸν ἕτερον τοῖν τυράννοιν ἔκτειναν καὶ τυραννίδα ὅτι κατέλυσαν.

4.11. CALLISTHENES OPPOSES THE PROPOSAL TO HONOUR ALEXANDER BY PROSTRATION When Anaxarchus had uttered these remarks and others of a similar kind, those who were privy to the plan applauded his speech, and wished at once to begin the ceremony of prostration. Most of the Macedonians, however, were vexed at the speech and kept silence. But Callisthenes interposed and said: "O Anaxarchus, I openly declare that there is no honour which Alexander is unworthy to receive, provided that it is consistent with his being human; but men have made distinctions between those honours which are due to men, and those due to gods, in many different ways, as for instance by the building of temples and by the erection of statues. Moreover for the gods sacred enclosures are selected, to them sacrifice is offered, and to them libations are made. Hymns also are composed in honour of the gods, and eulogies for men. But the greatest distinction is made by the custom of prostration. For it is the practice that men should be kissed by those who salute them; but because the deity is located somewhere above, it is not lawful even to touch him, and this is the reason no doubt why he is honoured by prostration. Bands of choral dancers are also appointed for the gods, and paeans are sung in their honour. And this is not at all wonderful, seeing that certain honours are specially assigned to some of the gods and certain others to other gods, and, by Zeus, quite different ones again are assigned to heroes, which are very distinct from those paid to the deities. It is not therefore reasonable to confound all these distinctions without discrimination, exalting men to a rank above their condition by extravagant accumulation of honours, and debasing the gods, as far as lies in human power, to an unseemly level, by paying them honours only equal to those paid to men." He said that Alexander would not endure the affront, if some private individual were to be thrust into his royal honours by an unjust vote, either by show of hand or by ballot. Much more justly then would the gods be indigt at those mortals who usurp divine honours or suffer themselves to be thrust into them by others. "Alexander not only seems to be, but is in reality beyond any competition the bravest of brave men, of kings the most kingly, and of generals the most worthy to command an army. O Anaxarchus, it was thy duty, rather than any other man's, to become the special advocate of these arguments now adduced by me, and the opponent of those contrary to them, seeing that thou associatest with him for the purpose of imparting philosophy and instruction. Therefore it was unseemly to begin this discussion, when thou oughtest to have remembered that thou art not associating with and giving advice to Cambyses or Xerxes, but to the son of Philip, who derives his origin from Heracles and Aeacus, whose ancestors came into Macedonia from Argos, and have continued to rule the Macedonians, not by force, but by law. Not even to Heracles himself while still alive were divine honours paid by the Greeks; and even after his death they were withheld until a decree had been published by the oracle of the god at Delphi that men should honour Heracles as a god. But if, because the discussion is held in the land of foreigners, we ought to adopt the sentiments of foreigners, I demand, O Alexander, that thou shouldst bethink thyself of Greece, for whose sake the whole of this expedition was undertaken by thee, that thou mightest join Asia to Greece. Therefore make up thy mind whether thou wilt return thither and compel the Greeks, who are men most devoted to freedom, to pay thee the honour of prostration, or whether thou wilt keep aloof from Greece, and inflict this honour on the Macedonians alone, or thirdly whether thou wilt thyself make a difference in every respect as to the honours to be paid thee, so as to be honoured by the Greeks and Macedonians as a human being and after the manner of the Greeks, and by foreigners alone after the foreign fashion of prostration. But if it is said that Cyrus, son of Cambyses, was the first man to whom the honour of prostration was paid, and that afterwards this degrading ceremony continued in vogue among the Persians and Medes, we ought to bear in mind that the Scythians, men poor but independent, chastised that Cyrus; that other Scythians again chastised Darius, as the Athenians and Lacedaemonians did Xerxes, as Clearchus and Xenophon with their 10,000 followers did Artaxerxes; and finally, that Alexander, though not honoured with prostration, has conquered this Darius."

137. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 3.3-3.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia, persians, and greek world Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 75

138. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.2.2-1.2.3, 3.10.6-3.10.7, 3.13.5, 3.14.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 290, 336, 337

3.10.6. Ἰκαρίου μὲν οὖν καὶ Περιβοίας νύμφης νηίδος Θόας Δαμάσιππος Ἰμεύσιμος Ἀλήτης Περίλεως, καὶ θυγάτηρ Πηνελόπη, ἣν ἔγημεν Ὀδυσσεύς· Τυνδάρεω δὲ καὶ Λήδας Τιμάνδρα, ἣν Ἔχεμος ἔγημε, καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρα, ἣν ἔγημεν Ἀγαμέμνων, ἔτι τε Φυλονόη, ἣν Ἄρτεμις ἀθάνατον ἐποίησε. 3.10.7. Διὸς δὲ Λήδᾳ συνελθόντος ὁμοιωθέντος κύκνῳ, καὶ κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν νύκτα Τυνδάρεω, 3 -- Διὸς μὲν ἐγεννήθη Πολυδεύκης καὶ Ἑλένη, Τυνδάρεω δὲ Κάστωρ καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρα . 4 -- λέγουσι δὲ ἔνιοι Νεμέσεως Ἑλένην εἶναι καὶ Διός. ταύτην γὰρ τὴν Διὸς φεύγουσαν συνουσίαν εἰς χῆνα τὴν μορφὴν μεταβαλεῖν, ὁμοιωθέντα δὲ καὶ Δία κύκνῳ συνελθεῖν· τὴν δὲ ᾠὸν ἐκ τῆς συνουσίας ἀποτεκεῖν, τοῦτο δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἄλσεσιν 1 -- εὑρόντα τινὰ ποιμένα Λήδᾳ κομίσαντα δοῦναι, τὴν δὲ καταθεμένην εἰς λάρνακα φυλάσσειν, καὶ χρόνῳ καθήκοντι γεννηθεῖσαν Ἑλένην ὡς ἐξ αὑτῆς θυγατέρα τρέφειν. γενομένην δὲ αὐτὴν κάλλει διαπρεπῆ Θησεὺς ἁρπάσας εἰς Ἀφίδνας 2 -- ἐκόμισε. Πολυδεύκης δὲ καὶ Κάστωρ 3 -- ἐπιστρατεύσαντες, ἐν Ἅιδου Θησέως ὄντος, αἱροῦσι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν Ἑλένην λαμβάνουσι, καὶ τὴν Θησέως μητέρα Αἴθραν ἄγουσιν αἰχμάλωτον. 3.13.5. αὖθις δὲ γαμεῖ Θέτιν τὴν Νηρέως, περὶ ἧς τοῦ γάμου Ζεὺς καὶ Ποσειδῶν ἤρισαν, Θέμιδος 1 -- δὲ θεσπιῳδούσης ἔσεσθαι τὸν ἐκ ταύτης γεννηθέντα κρείττονα τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπέσχοντο. ἔνιοι δέ φασι, Διὸς ὁρμῶντος ἐπὶ τὴν ταύτης συνουσίαν, εἰρηκέναι Προμηθέα τὸν ἐκ ταύτης αὐτῷ γεννηθέντα οὐρανοῦ δυναστεύσειν. 2 -- τινὲς δὲ λέγουσι Θέτιν μὴ βουληθῆναι Διὶ συνελθεῖν ὡς 3 -- ὑπὸ Ἥρας τραφεῖσαν, Δία δὲ ὀργισθέντα θνητῷ θέλειν αὐτὴν 4 -- συνοικίσαι. 5 -- Χείρωνος οὖν ὑποθεμένου Πηλεῖ συλλαβεῖν καὶ κατασχεῖν 6 -- αὐτὴν μεταμορφουμένην, ἐπιτηρήσας συναρπάζει, γινομένην δὲ ὁτὲ μὲν πῦρ ὁτὲ δὲ ὕδωρ ὁτὲ δὲ θηρίον οὐ πρότερον ἀνῆκε πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἀρχαίαν μορφὴν εἶδεν ἀπολαβοῦσαν. γαμεῖ δὲ ἐν τῷ Πηλίῳ, κἀκεῖ θεοὶ τὸν γάμον εὐωχούμενοι καθύμνησαν. καὶ δίδωσι Χείρων Πηλεῖ δόρυ μείλινον, Ποσειδῶν δὲ ἵππους Βαλίον καὶ Ξάνθον· ἀθάνατοι δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι. 3.14.1. Κέκροψ αὐτόχθων, συμφυὲς ἔχων σῶμα ἀνδρὸς καὶ δράκοντος, τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἐβασίλευσε πρῶτος, καὶ τὴν γῆν πρότερον λεγομένην Ἀκτὴν ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ Κεκροπίαν ὠνόμασεν. ἐπὶ τούτου, φασίν, ἔδοξε τοῖς θεοῖς πόλεις καταλαβέσθαι, ἐν αἷς ἔμελλον ἔχειν τιμὰς ἰδίας ἕκαστος. ἧκεν οὖν πρῶτος Ποσειδῶν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀττικήν, καὶ πλήξας τῇ τριαίνῃ κατὰ μέσην τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀπέφηνε θάλασσαν, ἣν νῦν Ἐρεχθηίδα καλοῦσι. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἧκεν Ἀθηνᾶ, καὶ ποιησαμένη τῆς καταλήψεως Κέκροπα μάρτυρα ἐφύτευσεν ἐλαίαν, ἣ νῦν ἐν τῷ Πανδροσείῳ 1 -- δείκνυται. γενομένης δὲ ἔριδος ἀμφοῖν περὶ τῆς χώρας, διαλύσας Ζεὺς κριτὰς ἔδωκεν, 1 -- οὐχ ὡς εἶπόν τινες, Κέκροπα καὶ Κραναόν, 2 -- οὐδὲ Ἐρυσίχθονα, θεοὺς δὲ τοὺς δώδεκα. καὶ τούτων δικαζόντων ἡ χώρα τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἐκρίθη, Κέκροπος μαρτυρήσαντος ὅτι πρώτη 3 -- τὴν ἐλαίαν ἐφύτευσεν. Ἀθηνᾶ μὲν οὖν ἀφʼ ἑαυτῆς τὴν πόλιν ἐκάλεσεν Ἀθήνας, Ποσειδῶν δὲ θυμῷ ὀργισθεὶς τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον ἐπέκλυσε καὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν ὕφαλον ἐποίησε.

3.10.6. Icarius and Periboea, a Naiad nymph, had five sons, Thoas, Damasippus, Imeusimus, Aletes, Perileos, and a daughter Penelope, whom Ulysses married. Tyndareus and Leda had daughters, to wit, Timandra, whom Echemus married, and Clytaemnestra, whom Agamemnon married; also another daughter Phylonoe, whom Artemis made immortal. 3.10.7. But Zeus in the form of a swan consorted with Leda, and on the same night Tyndareus cohabited with her; and she bore Pollux and Helen to Zeus, and Castor and Clytaemnestra to Tyndareus. But some say that Helen was a daughter of Nemesis and Zeus; for that she, flying from the arms of Zeus, changed herself into a goose, but Zeus in his turn took the likeness of a swan and so enjoyed her; and as the fruit of their loves she laid an egg, and a certain shepherd found it in the groves and brought and gave it to Leda; and she put it in a chest and kept it; and when Helen was hatched in due time, Leda brought her up as her own daughter. And when she grew into a lovely woman, Theseus carried her off and brought her to Aphidnae. But when Theseus was in Hades, Pollux and Castor marched against Aphidnae, took the city, got possession of Helen, and led Aethra, the mother of Theseus, away captive. 3.13.5. Afterwards he married Thetis, daughter of Nereus, for whose hand Zeus and Poseidon had been rivals; but when Themis prophesied that the son born of Thetis would be mightier than his father, they withdrew. But some say that when Zeus was bent on gratifying his passion for her, Prometheus declared that the son borne to him by her would be lord of heaven; and others affirm that Thetis would not consort with Zeus because she had been brought up by Hera, and that Zeus in anger would marry her to a mortal. Chiron, therefore, having advised Peleus to seize her and hold her fast in spite of her shape-shifting, he watched his chance and carried her off, and though she turned, now into fire, now into water, and now into a beast, he did not let her go till he saw that she had resumed her former shape. And he married her on Pelion, and there the gods celebrated the marriage with feast and song. And Chiron gave Peleus an ashen spear, and Poseidon gave him horses, Balius and Xanthus, and these were immortal. 3.14.1. Cecrops, a son of the soil, with a body compounded of man and serpent, was the first king of Attica, and the country which was formerly called Acte he named Cecropia after himself. In his time, they say, the gods resolved to take possession of cities in which each of them should receive his own peculiar worship. So Poseidon was the first that came to Attica, and with a blow of his trident on the middle of the acropolis, he produced a sea which they now call Erechtheis. After him came Athena, and, having called on Cecrops to witness her act of taking possession, she planted an olive tree, which is still shown in the Pandrosium. But when the two strove for possession of the country, Zeus parted them and appointed arbiters, not, as some have affirmed, Cecrops and Cranaus, nor yet Erysichthon, but the twelve gods. And in accordance with their verdict the country was adjudged to Athena, because Cecrops bore witness that she had been the first to plant the olive. Athena, therefore, called the city Athens after herself, and Poseidon in hot anger flooded the Thriasian plain and laid Attica under the sea. 3.14.1. Cecrops, a son of the soil, with a body compounded of man and serpent, was the first king of Attica, and the country which was formerly called Acte he named Cecropia after himself. In his time, they say, the gods resolved to take possession of cities in which each of them should receive his own peculiar worship. So Poseidon was the first that came to Attica, and with a blow of his trident on the middle of the Acropolis, he produced a sea which they now call Erechtheis. After him came Athena, and, having called on Cecrops to witness her act of taking possession, she planted an olive tree, which is still shown in the Pandrosium. But when the two strove for possession of the country, Zeus parted them and appointed arbiters, not, as some have affirmed, Cecrops and Cranaus, nor yet Erysichthon, but the twelve gods. And in accordance with their verdict the country was adjudged to Athena, because Cecrops bore witness that she had been the first to plant the olive. Athena, therefore, called the city Athens after herself, and Poseidon in hot anger flooded the Thriasian plain and laid Attica under the sea.

139. Suetonius, Claudius, 1.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia, persians, and greek world Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 75

1.2. This Drusus, while holding the offices of quaestor and praetor, was in charge of the war in Raetia and later of that in Germany. He was the first of Roman generals to sail the northern Ocean, and beyond the Rhine with prodigious labour he constructed the huge canals which to this very day are called by his name. Even after he had defeated the enemy in many battles and driven them far into the wilds of the interior, he did not cease his pursuit until the apparition of a barbarian woman of greater than human size, speaking in the Latin tongue, forbade him to push his victory further.

140. Tacitus, Annals, 3.62 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 160, 169, 227, 228

3.62. Proximi hos Magnetes L. Scipionis et L. Sullae constitutis nitebantur, quorum ille Antiocho, hic Mithridate pulsis fidem atque virtutem Magnetum decoravere, uti Dianae Leucophrynae perfugium inviolabile foret. Aphrodisienses posthac et Stratonicenses dictatoris Caesaris ob vetusta in partis merita et recens divi Augusti decretum adtulere, laudati quod Parthorum inruptionem nihil mutata in populum Romanum constantia pertulissent. sed Aphrodisiensium civitas Veneris, Stratonicensium Iovis et Triviae religionem tuebantur. altius Hierocaesarienses exposuere, Persicam apud se Dianam, delubrum rege Cyro dicatum; et memorabantur Perpennae, Isaurici multaque alia imperatorum nomina qui non modo templo sed duobus milibus passuum eandem sanctitatem tribuerant. exim Cy- prii tribus de delubris, quorum vetustissimum Paphiae Veneri auctor Ae+rias, post filius eius Amathus Veneri Amathusiae et Iovi Salaminio Teucer, Telamonis patris ira profugus, posuissent.

3.62. The Magnesians, who followed, rested their case on the rulings of Lucius Scipio and Lucius Sulla, who, after their defeats of Antiochus and Mithridates respectively, had honoured the loyalty and courage of Magnesia by making the shrine of Leucophryne Diana an inviolable refuge. Next, Aphrodisias and Stratonicea adduced a decree of the dictator Julius in return for their early services to his cause, together with a modern rescript of the deified Augustus, who praised the unchanging fidelity to the Roman nation with which they had sustained the Parthian inroad. Aphrodisias, however, was championing the cult of Venus; Stratonicea, that of Jove and Diana of the Crossways. The statement of Hierocaesarea went deeper into the past: the community owned a Persian Diana with a temple dedicated in the reign of Cyrus; and there were references to Perpenna, Isauricus, and many other commanders who had allowed the same sanctity not only to the temple but to the neighbourhood for two miles round. The Cypriotes followed with an appeal for three shrines â the oldest erected by their founder AÃ«rias to the Paphian Venus; the second by his son Amathus to the Amathusian Venus; and a third by Teucer, exiled by the anger of his father Telamon, to Jove of Salamis. < 3.62. The Magnesians, who followed, rested their case on the rulings of Lucius Scipio and Lucius Sulla, who, after their defeats of Antiochus and Mithridates respectively, had honoured the loyalty and courage of Magnesia by making the shrine of Leucophryne Diana an inviolable refuge. Next, Aphrodisias and Stratonicea adduced a decree of the dictator Julius in return for their early services to his cause, together with a modern rescript of the deified Augustus, who praised the unchanging fidelity to the Roman nation with which they had sustained the Parthian inroad. Aphrodisias, however, was championing the cult of Venus; Stratonicea, that of Jove and Diana of the Crossways. The statement of Hierocaesarea went deeper into the past: the community owned a Persian Diana with a temple dedicated in the reign of Cyrus; and there were references to Perpenna, Isauricus, and many other commanders who had allowed the same sanctity not only to the temple but to the neighbourhood for two miles round. The Cypriotes followed with an appeal for three shrines â the oldest erected by their founder AÃ«rias to the Paphian Venus; the second by his son Amathus to the Amathusian Venus; and a third by Teucer, exiled by the anger of his father Telamon, to Jove of Salamis.

141. Dioscorides Pedanius, De Materia Medica, 3.82 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia, persians, and greek world Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58

142. Theon Aelius, Exercises, 115-116, 118, 66-67, 91-92 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 15

143. Tosefta, Bava Metzia, 2.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, emperor of •persia and persians, law of Found in books: Rubenstein, The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings (2018) 230

144. Anon., Fragments, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

145. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 36.8-36.13 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 169, 170

36.8. Callistratus was about eighteen years of age, very tall and handsome, having much of the Ionian in his appearance. And it was said also that in matters pertaining to warfare he was a man of courage, and that many of the Sauromatians he had either slain or taken captive. He had become interested also in oratory and philosophy, so that he had his heart set on sailing away in my company. For all these reasons, then, he was in high repute with his fellow-townsmen, and not least of all because of his beauty, and he had many lovers. For this practice has continued among them as a heritage from the city of their origin â I refer to the love of man for man â so much so that they are likely to make converts of some of the barbarians, for no good end, I dare say, but rather as those people would adopt such a practice, that is to say, like barbarians and not without licentiousness. < 36.9. Knowing, then, that Callistratus was fond of Homer, I immediately began to question him about the poet. And practically all the people of Borysthenes also have cultivated an interest in Homer, possibly because of their still being a warlike people, although it may also be due to their regard for Achilles, for they honour him exceedingly, and they have actually established two temples for his worship, one on the island that bears his name and one in their city; and so they do not wish even to hear about any other poet than Homer. And although in general they no longer speak Greek distinctly, because they live in the midst of barbarians, still almost all at least know the Iliad by heart. < 36.10. Accordingly I said to him by way of jest, "Callistratus, which do you think is the better poet, Homer or Phocylides?" And he laughed and said, "Why, as for myself, I do not even know the other poet's name, and I suppose that none of these men does, either. For we do not believe in any other poet than Homer. But as for Homer, you might say that no man alive is ignorant of him. For Homer is the only one whom their poets recall in their compositions, and it is their habit to recite his verses on many an occasion, but invariably they employ his poetry to inspire their troops when about to enter battle, just as the songs of Tyrtaeus used to be employed in Lacedaemon. Moreover, all these poets are blind, and they do not believe it possible for any one to become a poet otherwise." < 36.11. "That at any rate," said I, "their poets caught from Homer, as it were from a case of sore eyes. But as for Phocylides, while you people do not know him, as you state, for all that he is certainly rated among the famous poets. Therefore, just as, when a merchant sails into your port who has never been there before, you do not immediately scorn him but, on the contrary, having first tasted his wine and sampled any other merchandise in his cargo, you buy it if it suits your taste, otherwise you pass it by; just so," said I, "with the poetry of Phocylides you may take a sample of small compass. < 36.12. For he is not one of those who string together a long and continuous poem as your Homer does, who uses more than five thousand verses of continuous narration in describing a single battle; on the contrary, the poems of Phocylides have both beginning and end in two or three verses. And so he adds his name to each sentiment, in the belief that it is a matter of interest and great importance, in so doing behaving quite differently from Homer, who nowhere in his poetry names himself. < 36.13. Or don't you think Phocylides had good reason for attaching his name to a maxim and declaration such as this? This too the saying of Phocylides: The law-abiding town, though small and set On a lofty rock, outranks mad Nineveh. Why, in comparison with the entire Iliad and Odyssey are not these verses noble to those who pay heed as they listen? Or was it more to your advantage to hear of the impetuous leaping and charging of Achilles, and about his voice, how by his shouts alone he routed the Trojans? Are those things more useful for you to learn by heart than what you just have heard, that a small city on a rugged headland is better and more fortunate, if orderly, than a great city in a smooth and level plain, that is to say, if that city is conducted in disorderly and lawless fashion by men of folly?' <

146. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 5.65 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, religion of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 228

147. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 45.17, 55.28.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia, persians, and greek world Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58, 75

45.17. In the consulship of Aulus Hirtius and Gaius Vibius (for Vibius was now appointed consul in spite of the fact that his father's name had been posted on the tablets of Sulla) a meeting of the senate was held and opinions expressed for three successive days, including the very first day of the year., For because of the war which was upon them and the portents, very numerous and unfavourable, which took place, they were so excited that they failed to observe even the dies nefasti and to refrain on those days from deliberating about any of their interests. Vast numbers of thunderbolts had fallen, some of them descending on the shrine of Capitoline Jupiter which stood in the temple of Victory;, also a mighty windstorm occurred which snapped off and scattered the tablets erected about the temple of Saturn and the shrine of Fides and also overturned and shattered the statue of Minerva the Protectress, which Cicero had set up on the Capitol before his exile., This, now, portended death to Cicero himself. Another thing that frightened the rest of the population was a great earthquake which occurred, and the fact that a bull which was being sacrificed on account of it in the -- temple of Vesta -- leaped up after the ceremony. In addition to these omens, clear as they were, a flash darted across from the east to the west and a new star was seen for several days., Then the light of the sun seemed to be diminished and even extinguished, and at times to appear in three circles, one of which was surmounted by a fiery crown of sheaves. This came true for them as clearly as ever any prophecy did. For the three men were in power, â I mean Caesar, Lepidus, and Antony, â and of these Caesar subsequently secured the victory., At the same time that these things occurred all sorts of oracles foreshadowing the downfall of the republic were recited. Crows, moreover, flew into the temple of Castor and Pollux and pecked out the names of the consuls, Antony and Dolabella, which were inscribed there somewhere on a tablet., And by night dogs would gather together in large numbers throughout the city and especially near the house of the high priest, Lepidus, and howl. Again, the Po, which had flooded a large portion of the surrounding territory, suddenly receded and left behind on the dry land a vast number of snakes; and countless fish were cast up from the sea on the shore near the mouths of the Tiber., Succeeding these terrors a terrible plague spread over nearly all Italy, because of which the senate voted that the Curia Hostilia should be rebuilt and that the spot where the naval battle had taken place should be filled up. However, the curse did not appear disposed to rest even then,, especially since, when Vibius was conducting the opening sacrifices on the first day of the year, one of his lictors suddenly fell down and died. Because of these events they took counsel during those days, and among the various men who spoke on one side or the other Cicero addressed them as follows: 45.17. 1. In the consulship of Aulus Hirtius and Gaius Vibius (for Vibius was now appointed consul in spite of the fact that his father's name had been posted on the tablets of Sulla) a meeting of the senate was held and opinions expressed for three successive days, including the very first day of the year.,2. For because of the war which was upon them and the portents, very numerous and unfavourable, which took place, they were so excited that they failed to observe even the dies nefasti and to refrain on those days from deliberating about any of their interests. Vast numbers of thunderbolts had fallen, some of them descending on the shrine of Capitoline Jupiter which stood in the temple of Victory;,3. also a mighty windstorm occurred which snapped off and scattered the tablets erected about the temple of Saturn and the shrine of Fides and also overturned and shattered the statue of Minerva the Protectress, which Cicero had set up on the Capitol before his exile.,4. This, now, portended death to Cicero himself. Another thing that frightened the rest of the population was a great earthquake which occurred, and the fact that a bull which was being sacrificed on account of it in the -- temple of Vesta -- leaped up after the ceremony. In addition to these omens, clear as they were, a flash darted across from the east to the west and a new star was seen for several days.,5. Then the light of the sun seemed to be diminished and even extinguished, and at times to appear in three circles, one of which was surmounted by a fiery crown of sheaves. This came true for them as clearly as ever any prophecy did. For the three men were in power, â I mean Caesar, Lepidus, and Antony, â and of these Caesar subsequently secured the victory.,6. At the same time that these things occurred all sorts of oracles foreshadowing the downfall of the republic were recited. Crows, moreover, flew into the temple of Castor and Pollux and pecked out the names of the consuls, Antony and Dolabella, which were inscribed there somewhere on a tablet.,7. And by night dogs would gather together in large numbers throughout the city and especially near the house of the high priest, Lepidus, and howl. Again, the Po, which had flooded a large portion of the surrounding territory, suddenly receded and left behind on the dry land a vast number of snakes; and countless fish were cast up from the sea on the shore near the mouths of the Tiber.,8. Succeeding these terrors a terrible plague spread over nearly all Italy, because of which the senate voted that the Curia Hostilia should be rebuilt and that the spot where the naval battle had taken place should be filled up. However, the curse did not appear disposed to rest even then,,9. especially since, when Vibius was conducting the opening sacrifices on the first day of the year, one of his lictors suddenly fell down and died. Because of these events they took counsel during those days, and among the various men who spoke on one side or the other Cicero addressed them as follows:

148. Agathemerus, Geographiae Informatio, 1.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 214

1.1. Περὶ τῆς τῶν παλαιῶν Γεωγραφίας. Κεφ. αʹ. Ἀναξίμανδρος ὁ Μιλήσιος, ἀκουστὴς Θάλεω, πρῶτος ἐτόλμησε τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐν πίνακι γράψαι. Μεθ᾿ ὃν Ἑκαταῖος ὁ Μιλήσιος, ἀνὴρ πολυπλανὴς, διη διηκρίβωσεν, ὥστε θαυμασθῆναι τὸ πρᾶγμα. Ἑλλάνικος γὰρ Λέσβιος ἀνὴρ πολυΐστωρ ἀπλάστως παρέδωκε· τὴν ἱστορίαν. Εἶτα Δαμάστης ὁ Κιττιεὺς τὰ ἐκ τῶν Ἑκαταίου μεταγράψας περίπλουν ἔγραψεν. Ἑξῆς Δημόκριτος καὶ Εὔδοξος καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς τῆς γῆς περιόδους καὶ περίπλους ἐπραγματεύσαντο. 1.1. Caput I. De veterum Geographia. Anaximander Milesius, Thaletis auditor, sustinuit omnium primus situm orbis terrarum in tabula pingere. Post quem He cataeus Milesius, vir multae peregrinationis, idem argumentum tam accurate tractavit, ut in admirationem venerit. Nam Hellanicus Lesbius, vir doctissimus, sine tabula historiam tradidit. Deinde Damastes Sigeeus, qui plurima ex Hecataeo de scripsit, circumnavigationem composuit. Mox Democritus et Eudoxus aliique nonnulli terrae circuitiones ac circumnavigationes composuerunt.

1.1. Anaximander of Miletus, disciple of Thales, ﬁrst attempted to draw the earth on a map. After him Hecataeus of Miletus, a widely- traveled man, improved the work marvelously. Hellanicus of Lesbos, a man of much learning, gave his account without a map. Then Damastes of Citium wrote a circumnavigation, drawing mostly on Hecataeus. Next Democritus and Eudoxus and others wrote tours of the earth by land and sea. 1.1. Anaximander of Miletus, disciple of Thales, first attempted to draw the earth on a map. After him Hecataeus of Miletus, a widely-traveled man, improved the work marvelously. Hellanicus of Lesbos, a man of much learning, gave his account without a map. Then Damastes of Citium wrote a circumnavigation, drawing mostly on Hecataeus. Next Democritus and Eudoxus and others wrote tours of the earth by land and sea.

149. Hermogenes, On Types of Style, 2.12 (408 rabe) (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 16

150. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 12.530b, 13.600a, 12.525c-e, 14.636a, 8.334b, 12.541e, 12.515e-104, 12.534-535a, 13.574e, 5.220c, 12.535d, 13.596e, 15.695a-b 239city of, 13.574d, 12.535b-c (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 170

151. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 36.30 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia/persians, art and architecture Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 170

152. Lucian, How To Write History, 50 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 41

50. All this, however, with moderation; a subject is not to be ridden to death; no neglect of proportion, no childish engrossment, but easy transitions. He should call a halt here, while he crosses over to another set of operations which demands attention; that settled up, he can return to the first set, now ripe for him; he must pass swiftly to each in turn, keeping his different lines of advance as nearly as possible level, fly from Armenia to Media, thence swoop straight upon Iberia, and then take wing for Italy, everywhere present at the nick of time. He has to make of his brain a mirror, unclouded, bright, and

153. Aelius Aristides, Panathenaic Oration, 40-44, 94 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 244

154. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.14.1-1.14.5, 1.18-1.19, 1.18.3, 1.24.5, 1.33.2, 1.33.7-1.33.8, 1.36.1, 2.1.5, 3.4.2, 3.9.1-3.9.12, 3.12.7, 3.12.10, 4.5.3, 5.14.10, 7.2.8, 7.3.9, 7.5.1-7.5.3, 7.6.6, 7.18.12, 8.37.3, 8.46.4, 8.53.3, 9.17.1-9.17.2, 9.25.3, 10.5.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, language of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, empire of •persia, persians, and greek world •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 93; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 87, 167, 200, 201, 222, 227, 257, 265, 266, 267, 270, 290, 327, 329, 336, 337, 341, 345, 349; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 308

1.14.1. ἡ μὲν Ἠπειρωτῶν ἀκμὴ κατέστρεψεν ἐς τοῦτο· ἐς δὲ τὸ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἐσελθοῦσιν Ὠιδεῖον ἄλλα τε καὶ Διόνυσος κεῖται θέας ἄξιος. πλησίον δέ ἐστι κρήνη, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον, οὕτω κοσμηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Πεισιστράτου· φρέατα μὲν γὰρ καὶ διὰ πάσης τῆς πόλεώς ἐστι, πηγὴ δὲ αὕτη μόνη. ναοὶ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν κρήνην ὁ μὲν Δήμητρος πεποίηται καὶ Κόρης, ἐν δὲ τῷ Τριπτολέμου κείμενόν ἐστιν ἄγαλμα· τὰ δὲ ἐς αὐτὸν ὁποῖα λέγεται γράψω, παρεὶς ὁπόσον ἐς Δηιόπην ἔχει τοῦ λόγου. 1.14.2. Ἑλλήνων οἱ μάλιστα ἀμφισβητοῦντες Ἀθηναίοις ἐς ἀρχαιότητα καὶ δῶρα, ἃ παρὰ θεῶν φασὶν ἔχειν, εἰσὶν Ἀργεῖοι, καθάπερ βαρβάρων Φρυξὶν Αἰγύπτιοι. λέγεται οὖν ὡς Δήμητρα ἐς Ἄργος ἐλθοῦσαν Πελασγὸς δέξαιτο οἴκῳ καὶ ὡς Χρυσανθὶς τὴν ἁρπαγὴν ἐπισταμένη τῆς Κόρης διηγήσαιτο· ὕστερον δὲ Τροχίλον ἱεροφάντην φυγόντα ἐξ Ἄργους κατὰ ἔχθος Ἀγήνορος ἐλθεῖν φασιν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν καὶ γυναῖκά τε ἐξ Ἐλευσῖνος γῆμαι καὶ γενέσθαι οἱ παῖδας Εὐβουλέα καὶ Τριπτόλεμον. ὅδε μὲν Ἀργείων ἐστὶ λόγος Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ καὶ ὅσοι παρὰ τούτοις ἴσασι Τριπτόλεμον τὸν Κελεοῦ πρῶτον σπεῖραι καρπὸν ἥμερον. 1.14.3. ἔπη δὲ ᾄδεται Μουσαίου μέν, εἰ δὴ Μουσαίου καὶ ταῦτα, Τριπτόλεμον παῖδα Ὠκεανοῦ καὶ Γῆς εἶναι, Ὀρφέως δέ, οὐδὲ ταῦτα Ὀρφέως ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ὄντα, Εὐβουλεῖ καὶ Τριπτολέμῳ Δυσαύλην πατέρα εἶναι, μηνύσασι δέ σφισι περὶ τῆς παιδὸς δοθῆναι παρὰ Δήμητρος σπεῖραι τοὺς καρπούς· Χοιρίλῳ δὲ Ἀθηναίῳ δρᾶμα ποιήσαντι Ἀλόπην ἔστ ιν εἰρημένα Κερκυόνα εἶναι καὶ Τριπτόλεμον ἀδελφούς, τεκεῖν δὲ σφᾶς θυγατέρα ς Ἀμφικτύονος, εἶναι δὲ πατέρα Τριπτολέμῳ μὲν Ῥᾶρον, Κερκυόνι δὲ Ποσειδῶνα. πρόσω δὲ ἰέναι με ὡρμημένον τοῦδε τοῦ λόγου καὶ †ὁπόσα ἐξήγησιν †ἔχει τὸ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἱερόν, καλούμενον δὲ Ἐλευσίνιον, ἐπέσχεν ὄψις ὀνείρατος· ἃ δὲ ἐς πάντας ὅσιον γράφειν, ἐς ταῦτα ἀποτρέψομαι. 1.14.4. πρὸ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦδε, ἔνθα καὶ τοῦ Τριπτολέμου τὸ ἄγαλμα, ἔστι βοῦς χαλκοῦς οἷα ἐς θυσίαν ἀγόμενος, πεποίηται δὲ καθήμενος Ἐπιμενίδης Κνώσσιος, ὃν ἐλθόντα ἐς ἀγρὸν κοιμᾶσθαι λέγουσιν ἐσελθόντα ἐς σπήλαιον· ὁ δὲ ὕπνος οὐ πρότερον ἀνῆκεν αὐτὸν πρὶν ἤ οἱ τεσσαρακοστὸν ἔτος γενέσθαι καθεύδοντι, καὶ ὕστερον ἔπη τε ἐποίει καὶ πόλεις ἐκάθηρεν ἄλλας τε καὶ τὴν Ἀθηναίων. Θάλης δὲ ὁ Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν νόσον παύσας οὔτε ἄλλως προσήκων οὔτε πόλεως ἦν Ἐπιμενίδῃ τῆς αὐτῆς· ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν Κνώσσιος, Θάλητα δὲ εἶναί φησι Γορτύνιον Πολύμναστος Κολοφώνιος ἔπη Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐς αὐτὸν ποιήσας. 1.14.5. —ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω ναὸς Εὐκλείας, ἀνάθημα καὶ τοῦτο ἀπὸ Μήδων, οἳ τῆς χώρας Μαραθῶνι ἔσχον. φρονῆσαι δὲ Ἀθηναίους ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ ταύτῃ μάλιστα εἰκάζω· καὶ δὴ καὶ Αἰσχύλος, ὥς οἱ τοῦ βίου προσεδοκᾶτο ἡ τελευτή, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐμνημόνευσεν οὐδενός, δόξης ἐς τ ος οῦτο ἥκων ἐπὶ ποιήσει καὶ πρὸ Ἀρτεμισίου καὶ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχήσας· ὁ δὲ τό τε ὄνομα πατρόθεν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔγραψε καὶ ὡς τῆς ἀνδρίας μάρτυρας ἔχοι τὸ Μαραθῶνι ἄλσος καὶ Μήδων τοὺς ἐς αὐτὸ ἀποβάντας. 1.18.3. πλησίον δὲ πρυτανεῖόν ἐστιν, ἐν ᾧ νόμοι τε οἱ Σόλωνός εἰσι γεγραμμένοι καὶ θεῶν Εἰρήνης ἀγάλματα κεῖται καὶ Ἑστίας, ἀνδριάντες δὲ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Αὐτόλυκος ὁ παγκρατιαστής· τὰς γὰρ Μιλτιάδου καὶ Θεμιστοκλέους εἰκόνας ἐς Ῥωμαῖόν τε ἄνδρα καὶ Θρᾷκα μετέγραψαν. 1.24.5. ὁπόσα ἐν τοῖς καλουμένοις ἀετοῖς κεῖται, πάντα ἐς τὴν Ἀθηνᾶς ἔχει γένεσιν, τὰ δὲ ὄπισθεν ἡ Ποσειδῶνος πρὸς Ἀθηνᾶν ἐστιν ἔρις ὑπὲρ τῆς γῆς· αὐτὸ δὲ ἔκ τε ἐλέφαντος τὸ ἄγαλμα καὶ χρυσοῦ πεποίηται. μέσῳ μὲν οὖν ἐπίκειταί οἱ τῷ κράνει Σφιγγὸς εἰκών—ἃ δὲ ἐς τὴν Σφίγγα λέγεται, γράψω προελθόντος ἐς τὰ Βοιώτιά μοι τοῦ λόγου—, καθʼ ἑκάτερον δὲ τοῦ κράνους γρῦπές εἰσιν ἐπειργασμένοι. 1.33.2. Μαραθῶνος δὲ σταδίους μάλιστα ἑξήκοντα ἀπέχει Ῥαμνοῦς τὴν παρὰ θάλασσαν ἰοῦσιν ἐς Ὠρωπόν. καὶ αἱ μὲν οἰκήσεις ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις εἰσί, μικρὸν δὲ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἄνω Νεμέσεώς ἐστιν ἱερόν, ἣ θεῶν μάλιστα ἀνθρώποις ὑβρισταῖς ἐστιν ἀπαραίτητος. δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀποβᾶσιν ἐς Μαραθῶνα τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπαντῆσαι μήνιμα ἐκ τῆς θεοῦ ταύτης· καταφρονήσαντες γὰρ μηδέν σφισιν ἐμποδὼν εἶναι τὰς Ἀθήνας ἑλεῖν, λίθον Πάριον ὃν ὡς ἐπʼ ἐξειργασμένοις ἦγον ἐς τροπαίου ποίησιν. 1.33.7. τάδε μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτον εἰρήσθω· πτερὰ δʼ ἔχον οὔτε τοῦτο τὸ ἄγαλμα Νεμέσεως οὔτε ἄλλο πεποίηται τῶν ἀρχαίων, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ Σμυρναίοις τὰ ἁγιώτατα ξόανα ἔχει πτερά· οἱ δὲ ὕστερον—ἐπιφαίνεσθαι γὰρ τὴν θεὸν μάλιστα ἐπὶ τῷ ἐρᾶν ἐθέλουσιν—ἐπὶ τούτῳ Νεμέσει πτερὰ ὥσπερ Ἔρωτι ποιοῦσι. νῦν δὲ ἤδη δίειμι ὁπόσα ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ τοῦ ἀγάλματός ἐστιν εἰργασμένα, τοσόνδε ἐς τὸ σαφὲς προδηλώσας. Ἑλένῃ Νέμεσιν μητέρα εἶναι λέγουσιν Ἕλληνες, Λήδαν δὲ μαστὸν ἐπισχεῖν αὐτῇ καὶ θρέψαι· πατέρα δὲ καὶ οὗτοι καὶ πάντες κατὰ ταὐτὰ Ἑλένης Δία καὶ οὐ Τυνδάρεων εἶναι νομίζουσι. 1.33.8. ταῦτα ἀκηκοὼς Φειδίας πεποίηκεν Ἑλένην ὑπὸ Λήδας ἀγομένην παρὰ τὴν Νέμεσιν, πεποίηκε δὲ Τυνδάρεών τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας καὶ ἄνδρα σὺν ἵππῳ παρεστηκότα Ἱππέα ὄνομα· ἔστι δὲ Ἀγαμέμνων καὶ Μενέλαος καὶ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως, πρῶτος οὗτος Ἑρμιόνην τὴν Ἑλένης γυναῖκα λαβών· Ὀρέστης δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς τὴν μητέρα τόλμημα παρείθη, παραμεινάσης τε ἐς ἅπαν Ἑρμιόνης αὐτῷ καὶ τεκούσης παῖδα. ἑξῆς δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ καὶ Ἔποχος καλούμενος καὶ νεανίας ἐστὶν ἕτερος· ἐς τούτους ἄλλο μὲν ἤκουσα οὐδέν, ἀδελφοὺς δὲ εἶναι σφᾶς Οἰνόης, ἀφʼ ἧς ἐστι τὸ ὄνομα τῷ δήμῳ. 1.36.1. ἐν Σαλαμῖνι δὲ—ἐπάνειμι γὰρ ἐς τὸν προκείμενον λόγον—τοῦτο μὲν Ἀρτέμιδός ἐστιν ἱερόν, τοῦτο δὲ τρόπαιον ἕστηκεν ἀπὸ τῆς νίκης ἣν Θεμιστοκλῆς ὁ Νεοκλέους αἴτιος ἐγένετο γενέσθαι τοῖς Ἕλλησι· καὶ Κυχρέως ἐστὶν ἱερόν. ναυμαχούντων δὲ Ἀθηναίων πρὸς Μήδους δράκοντα ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶ λέγεται φανῆναι· τοῦτον ὁ θεὸς ἔχρησεν Ἀθηναίοις Κυχρέα εἶναι τὸν ἥρωα. 3.4.2. ἐστράτευσε δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ Ἀθήνας, τὸ μὲν πρότερον Ἀθηναίοις τε ἐλευθερίαν ἀπὸ τῶν Πεισιστράτου παίδων καὶ αὑτῷ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις δόξαν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀγαθὴν κτώμενος, ὕστερον δὲ Ἀθηναίου χάριτι ἀνδρὸς Ἰσαγόρου τυραννίδα οἱ συγκατεργασόμενος Ἀθηνῶν. ὡς δὲ ἡμάρτανε τῆς ἐλπίδος καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐμαχέσαντο ἐρρωμένως, ἐνταῦθα ὁ Κλεομένης ἄλλα τε ἐδῄωσε τῆς χώρας καὶ τῆς καλουμένης Ὀργάδος θεῶν τε τῶν ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι ἱερᾶς, καὶ ταύτης τεμεῖν φασιν αὐτόν. ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ ἐς Αἴγιναν, καὶ Αἰγινητῶν τοὺς δυνατοὺς συνελάμβανεν ὅσοι μηδισμοῦ τε αὐτῶν μετέσχον καὶ βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ τῷ Ὑστάσπου γῆν δοῦναι καὶ ὕδωρ τοὺς πολίτας ἔπεισαν. 3.9.2. Κορίνθιοι μὲν οὖν, καίπερ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἔχοντες προθύμως μετασχεῖν τοῦ ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν στόλου, κατακαυθέντος σφίσιν ἐξαίφνης ναοῦ Διὸς ἐπίκλησιν Ὀλυμπίου, ποιησάμενοι πονηρὸν οἰωνὸν καταμένουσιν ἄκοντες. Ἀθηναίοις δὲ ἦν μὲν ἡ πρόφασις ἐκ τοῦ Πελοποννησίων πολέμου καὶ ἐκ νόσου τῆς λοιμώδους ἐπανήκειν τὴν πόλιν ἐς τὴν πρότερόν ποτε οὖσαν εὐδαιμονίαν· πυνθανόμενοι δὲ διʼ ἀγγέλων ὡς Κόνων ὁ Τιμοθέου παρὰ βασιλέα ἀναβεβηκὼς εἴη, κατὰ τοῦτο ἡσύχαζον μάλιστα. 3.9.3. ἀπεστάλη δὲ καὶ ἐς Θήβας πρεσβεύειν Ἀριστομηλίδας, μητρὸς μὲν τῆς Ἀγησιλάου πατήρ, Θηβαίοις δὲ εἶχεν ἐπιτηδείως καὶ ἐγεγόνει τῶν δικαστῶν, οἳ Πλαταιεῦσιν ἁλόντος τοῦ τείχους ἀποθανεῖν τοὺς ἐγκαταληφθέντας ἔγνωσαν. Θηβαῖοι μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ Ἀθηναίοις ἀπείπαντο, οὐ φάμενοι βοηθήσειν· Ἀγησίλαος δέ, ὡς αὐτῷ τά τε οἴκοθεν καὶ παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων τὸ στράτευμα ἤθροιστο καὶ ἅμα αἱ νῆες εὐτρεπεῖς ἦσαν, ἀφίκετο ἐς Αὐλίδα τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι θύσων, ὅτι καὶ Ἀγαμέμνων ἐνταῦθα ἱλασάμενος τὴν θεὸν τὸν ἐς Τροίαν στόλον ἤγαγεν. 3.9.4. ἠξίου δὲ ἄρα ὁ Ἀγησίλαος πόλεώς τε εὐδαιμονεστέρας ἢ Ἀγαμέμνων βασιλεὺς εἶναι καὶ ἄρχειν τῆς Ἑλλάδος πάσης ὁμοίως ἐκείνῳ, τό τε κατόρθωμα ἐπιφανέστερον ἔσεσθαι βασιλέα κρατήσαντα Ἀρταξέρξην εὐδαιμονίαν κτήσασθαι τὴν Περσῶν ἢ ἀρχὴν καθελεῖν τὴν Πριάμου. θύοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ Θηβαῖοι σὺν ὅπλοις ἐπελθόντες τῶν τε ἱερείων καιόμενα ἤδη τὰ μηρία ἀπορρίπτουσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ καὶ αὐτὸν ἐξελαύνουσιν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ. 3.12.7. τοῦ δὲ Ἑλληνίου πλησίον Ταλθυβίου μνῆμα ἀποφαίνουσι· δεικνύουσι δὲ καὶ Ἀχαιῶν Αἰγιεῖς ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, Ταλθυβίου καὶ οὗτοι φάμενοι μνῆμα εἶναι. Ταλθυβίου δὲ τούτου μήνιμα ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ τῶν κηρύκων, οἳ παρὰ βασιλέως Δαρείου γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ αἰτήσοντες ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐπέμφθησαν, Λακεδαιμονίοις μὲν ἐπεσήμαινεν ἐς τὸ δημόσιον, ἐν Ἀθήναις δὲ ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ ἐς ἑνὸς οἶκον ἀνδρὸς κατέσκηψε Μιλτιάδου τοῦ Κίμωνος· ἐγεγόνει δὲ καὶ τῶν κηρύκων τοῖς ἐλθοῦσιν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ὁ Μιλτιάδης ἀποθανεῖν αἴτιος ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων. 3.12.10. ἑτέρα δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐστιν ἔξοδος, καθʼ ἣν πεποίηταί σφισιν ἡ καλουμένη Σκιάς, ἔνθα καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἐκκλησιάζουσι. ταύτην τὴν Σκιάδα Θεοδώρου τοῦ Σαμίου φασὶν εἶναι ποίημα, ὃς πρῶτος διαχέαι σίδηρον εὗρε καὶ ἀγάλματα ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ πλάσαι. ἐνταῦθα ἐκρέμασαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν Τιμοθέου τοῦ Μιλησίου κιθάραν, καταγνόντες ὅτι χορδαῖς ἑπτὰ ταῖς ἀρχαίαις ἐφεῦρεν ἐν τῇ κιθαρῳδίᾳ τέσσαρας χορδάς. 5.14.10. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ Γαίῳ καλουμένῳ, βωμός ἐστιν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ Γῆς, τέφρας καὶ οὗτος· τὰ δὲ ἔτι ἀρχαιότερα καὶ μαντεῖον τῆς Γῆς αὐτόθι εἶναι λέγουσιν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ ὀνομαζομένου Στομίου Θέμιδι ὁ βωμὸς πεποίηται. τοῦ δὲ Καταιβάτου Διὸς προβέβληται μὲν πανταχόθεν πρὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ φράγμα, ἔστι δὲ πρὸς τῷ βωμῷ τῷ ἀπὸ τῆς τέφρας τῷ μεγάλῳ. μεμνήσθω δέ τις οὐ κατὰ στοῖχον τῆς ἱδρύσεως ἀριθμουμένους τοὺς βωμούς, τῇ δὲ τάξει τῇ Ἠλείων ἐς τὰς θυσίας συμπερινοστοῦντα ἡμῖν τὸν λόγον. πρὸς δὲ τῷ τεμένει τοῦ Πέλοπος Διονύσου μὲν καὶ Χαρίτων ἐν κοινῷ, μεταξὺ δὲ αὐτῶν Μουσῶν καὶ ἐφεξῆς τούτων Νυμφῶν ἐστι βωμός. 7.2.8. Λέλεγες δὲ τοῦ Καρικοῦ μοῖρα καὶ Λυδῶν τὸ πολὺ οἱ νεμόμενοι τὴν χώραν ἦσαν· ᾤκουν δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἄλλοι τε ἱκεσίας ἕνεκα καὶ γυναῖκες τοῦ Ἀμαζόνων γένους. Ἄνδροκλος δὲ ὁ Κόδρου—οὗτος γὰρ δὴ ἀπεδέδεικτο Ἰώνων τῶν ἐς Ἔφεσον πλευσάντων βασιλεύς—Λέλεγας μὲν καὶ Λυδοὺς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἔχοντας ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας· τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν οἰκοῦσι δεῖμα ἦν οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ Ἴωσιν ὅρκους δόντες καὶ ἀνὰ μέρος παρʼ αὐτῶν λαβόντες ἐκτὸς ἦσαν πολέμου. ἀφείλετο δὲ καὶ Σάμον Ἄνδροκλος Σαμίους, καὶ ἔσχον Ἐφέσιοι χρόνον τινὰ Σάμον καὶ τὰς προσεχεῖς νήσους· 7.3.9. ἀπελθόντες δὲ ἑκουσίως καὶ ἐκ τῆς Κολοφωνίας, οὕτω γῆν τε ἔσχον, ἣν καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἔχουσι, καὶ κατεσκευάσαντο ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Κλαζομενὰς πόλιν· ἐς δὲ τὴν νῆσον διέβησαν δὴ κατὰ τὸ Περσῶν δέος. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ἀνὰ χρόνον ἔμελλεν ὁ Φιλίππου χερρόνησον Κλαζομενὰς ἐργάσεσθαι χώματι ἐς τὴν νῆσον ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου. τούτων τῶν Κλαζομενίων τὸ πολὺ οὐκ Ἴωνες, Κλεωναῖοι δὲ ἦσαν καὶ ἐκ Φλιοῦντος, ὅσοι Δωριέων ἐς Πελοπόννησον κατελθόντων ἐξέλιπον τὰς πόλεις· 7.5.1. Σμύρναν δὲ ἐν ταῖς δώδεκα πόλεσιν οὖσαν Αἰολέων καὶ οἰκουμένην τῆς χώρας, καθʼ ἃ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι πόλιν ἣν καλοῦσιν ἀρχαίαν, Ἴωνες ἐκ Κολοφῶνος ὁρμηθέντες ἀφελόμενοι τοὺς Αἰολεῖς ἔσχον· χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον καὶ Ἴωνες μετέδοσαν Σμυρναίοις τοῦ ἐν Πανιωνίῳ συλλόγου. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ Φιλίππου τῆς ἐφʼ ἡμῶν πόλεως ἐγένετο οἰκιστὴς κατʼ ὄψιν ὀνείρατος· 7.5.2. Ἀλέξανδρον γὰρ θηρεύοντα ἐν τῷ ὄρει τῷ Πάγῳ, ὡς ἐγένετο ἀπὸ τῆς θήρας, ἀφικέσθαι πρὸς Νεμέσεων λέγουσιν ἱερόν, καὶ πηγῇ τε ἐπιτυχεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ πλατάνῳ πρὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, πεφυκυίᾳ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ ὕδατος. καὶ ὑπὸ τῇ πλατάνῳ καθεύδοντι κελεύειν φασὶν αὐτῷ τὰς Νεμέσεις ἐπιφανείσας πόλιν ἐνταῦθα οἰκίζειν καὶ ἄγειν ἐς αὐτὴν Σμυρναίους ἀναστήσαντα ἐκ τῆς προτέρας· 7.5.3. ἀποστέλλουσιν οὖν ἐς Κλάρον θεωροὺς οἱ Σμυρναῖοι περὶ τῶν παρόντων σφίσιν ἐρησομένους, καὶ αὐτοῖς ἔχρησεν ὁ θεός· τρὶς μάκαρες κεῖνοι καὶ τετράκις ἄνδρες ἔσονται, οἳ Πάγον οἰκήσουσι πέρην ἱεροῖο Μέλητος. οὕτω μετῳκίσαντο ἐθελονταὶ καὶ δύο Νεμέσεις νομίζουσιν ἀντὶ μιᾶς καὶ μητέρα αὐταῖς φασιν εἶναι Νύκτα, ἐπεὶ Ἀθηναῖοί γε τῇ ἐν Ῥαμνοῦντι θεῷ πατέρα λέγουσιν εἶναι Ὠκεανόν. 7.6.6. οἶδα δὲ καὶ ἄνδρα αὐτὸς Λυδὸν Ἄδραστον ἰδίᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τοῦ Λυδῶν ἀμύναντα Ἕλλησι· τοῦ δὲ Ἀδράστου τούτου χαλκῆν εἰκόνα ἀνέθεσαν οἱ Λυδοὶ πρὸ ἱεροῦ Περσικῆς Ἀρτέμιδος, καὶ ἔγραψαν ἐπίγραμμα ὡς τελευτήσειεν ὁ Ἄδραστος ἐναντίον Λεοννάτῳ μαχόμενος ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων. 7.18.12. πρῶτα μὲν δὴ πομπὴν μεγαλοπρεπεστάτην τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι πομπεύουσι, καὶ ἡ ἱερωμένη παρθένος ὀχεῖται τελευταία τῆς πομπῆς ἐπὶ ἐλάφων ὑπὸ τὸ ἅρμα ἐζευγμένων· ἐς δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν τηνικαῦτα ἤδη δρᾶν τὰ ἐς τὴν θυσίαν νομίζουσι, δημοσίᾳ τε ἡ πόλις καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον ἐς τὴν ἑορτὴν οἱ ἰδιῶται φιλοτίμως ἔχουσιν. ἐσβάλλουσι γὰρ ζῶντας ἐς τὸν βωμὸν ὄρνιθάς τε τοὺς ἐδωδίμους καὶ ἱερεῖα ὁμοίως ἅπαντα, ἔτι δὲ ὗς ἀγρίους καὶ ἐλάφους τε καὶ δορκάδας, οἱ δὲ καὶ λύκων καὶ ἄρκτων σκύμνους, οἱ δὲ καὶ τὰ τέλεια τῶν θηρίων· κατατιθέασι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν καὶ δένδρων καρπὸν τῶν ἡμέρων. 8.46.4. Κυζικηνοί τε, ἀναγκάσαντες πολέμῳ Προκοννησίους γενέσθαι σφίσι συνοίκους, Μητρὸς Δινδυμήνης ἄγαλμα ἔλαβον ἐκ Προκοννήσου· τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμά ἐστι χρυσοῦ, καὶ αὐτοῦ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀντὶ ἐλέφαντος ἵππων τῶν ποταμίων ὀδόντες εἰσὶν εἰργασμένοι. βασιλεὺς μὲν δὴ Αὔγουστος καθεστηκότα ἐκ παλαιοῦ καὶ ὑπό τε Ἑλλήνων νομιζόμενα καὶ βαρβάρων εἰργάσατο· Ῥωμαίοις δὲ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἀλέας ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν τὴν ὑπὸ Αὐγούστου ποιηθεῖσαν, ἐς ταύτην ἐστὶν ἰόντι. 9.17.1. πλησίον δὲ Ἀρτέμιδος ναός ἐστιν Εὐκλείας· Σκόπα δὲ τὸ ἄγαλμα ἔργον. ταφῆναι δὲ ἐντὸς τοῦ ἱεροῦ θυγατέρας Ἀντιποίνου λέγουσιν Ἀνδρόκλειάν τε καὶ Ἀλκίδα. μελλούσης γὰρ πρὸς Ὀρχομενίους γίνεσθαι μάχης Θηβαίοις καὶ Ἡρακλεῖ, λόγιόν σφισιν ἦλθεν ἔσεσθαι τοῦ πολέμου κράτος ἀποθανεῖν αὐτοχειρίᾳ θελήσαντος, ὃς ἂν τῶν ἀστῶν ἐπιφανέστατος κατὰ γένους ἀξίωμα ᾖ. Ἀντιποίνῳ μὲν οὖν—τούτῳ γὰρ τὰ ἐς τοὺς προγόνους μάλιστα ὑπῆρχεν ἔνδοξα—οὐχ ἡδὺ ἦν ἀποθνήσκειν πρὸ τοῦ δήμου, ταῖς δὲ Ἀντιποίνου θυγατράσιν ἤρεσκε· διεργασάμεναι δὲ αὑτὰς τιμὰς ἀντὶ τούτων ἔχουσι. 9.17.2. τοῦ ναοῦ δὲ τῆς Εὐκλείας Ἀρτέμιδος λέων ἐστὶν ἔμπροσθε λίθου πεποιημένος· ἀναθεῖναι δὲ ἐλέγετο Ἡρακλῆς Ὀρχομενίους καὶ τὸν βασιλέα αὐτῶν Ἐργῖνον τὸν Κλυμένου νικήσας τῇ μάχῃ. πλησίον δὲ Ἀπόλλων τέ ἐστιν ἐπίκλησιν Βοηδρόμιος καὶ Ἀγοραῖος Ἑρμῆς καλούμενος, Πινδάρου καὶ τοῦτο ἀνάθημα. ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ πυρὰ τῶν Ἀμφίονος παίδων ἥμισυ σταδίου μάλιστα ἀπὸ τῶν τάφων· μένει δὲ ἡ τέφρα καὶ ἐς τόδε ἔτι ἀπὸ τῆς πυρᾶς. 9.25.3. διαβάντων δὲ ποταμὸν καλούμενον ἀπὸ γυναικὸς τῆς Λύκου Δίρκην—ὑπὸ ταύτης δὲ ἔχει λόγος Ἀντιόπην κακοῦσθαι καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀντιόπης παίδων συμβῆναι τῇ Δίρκῃ τὴν τελευτήν—, διαβᾶσιν οὖν τὴν Δίρκην οἰκίας τε ἐρείπια τῆς Πινδάρου καὶ μητρὸς Δινδυμήνης ἱερόν, Πινδάρου μὲν ἀνάθημα, τέχνη δὲ τὸ ἄγαλμα Ἀριστομήδους τε καὶ Σωκράτους Θηβαίων. μιᾷ δὲ ἐφʼ ἑκάστων ἐτῶν ἡμέρᾳ καὶ οὐ πέρα τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνοίγειν νομίζουσιν· ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀφικέσθαι τε ἐξεγεγόνει τὴν ἡμέραν ταύτην καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα εἶδον λίθου τοῦ Πεντελῆσι καὶ αὐτὸ καὶ τὸν θρόνον.

1.14.1. So ended the period of Epeirot ascendancy. When you have entered the Odeum at Athens you meet, among other objects, a figure of Dionysus worth seeing. Hard by is a spring called Enneacrunos (Nine Jets), embellished as you see it by Peisistratus. There are cisterns all over the city, but this is the only fountain. Above the spring are two temples, one to Demeter and the Maid, while in that of Triptolemus is a statue of him. The accounts given of Triptolemus I shall write, omitting from the story as much as relates to Deiope. 1.14.2. The Greeks who dispute most the Athenian claim to antiquity and the gifts they say they have received from the gods are the Argives, just as among those who are not Greeks the Egyptians compete with the Phrygians. It is said, then, that when Demeter came to Argos she was received by Pelasgus into his home, and that Chrysanthis, knowing about the rape of the Maid, related the story to her. Afterwards Trochilus, the priest of the mysteries, fled, they say, from Argos because of the enmity of Agenor, came to Attica and married a woman of Eleusis, by whom he had two children, Eubuleus and Triptolemus. That is the account given by the Argives. But the Athenians and those who with them. . . know that Triptolemus, son of Celeus, was the first to sow seed for cultivation. 1.14.3. Some extant verses of Musaeus, if indeed they are to be included among his works, say that Triptolemus was the son of Oceanus and Earth; while those ascribed to Orpheus (though in my opinion the received authorship is again incorrect) say that Eubuleus and Triptolemus were sons of Dysaules, and that because they gave Demeter information about her daughter the sowing of seed was her reward to them. But Choerilus, an Athenian, who wrote a play called Alope, says that Cercyon and Triptolemus were brothers, that their mother was the daughter of Amphictyon, while the father of Triptolemus was Rarus, of Cercyon, Poseidon. After I had intended to go further into this story, and to describe the contents of the sanctuary at Athens, called the Eleusinium, I was stayed by a vision in a dream. I shall therefore turn to those things it is lawful to write of to all men. 1.14.4. In front of this temple, where is also the statue of Triptolemus, is a bronze bull being led as it were to sacrifice, and there is a sitting figure of Epimenides of Cnossus fl. c. 600 B.C., who they say entered a cave in the country and slept. And the sleep did not leave him before the fortieth year, and afterwards he wrote verses and purified Athens and other cities. But Thales who stayed the plague for the Lacedaemonians was not related to Epimenides in any way, and belonged to a different city. The latter was from Cnossus, but Thales was from Gortyn, according to Polymnastus of Colophon, who com posed a poem about him for the Lacedaemonians. 1.14.5. Still farther of is a temple to Glory, this too being a thank-offering for the victory over the Persians, who had landed at Marathon. This is the victory of which I am of opinion the Athenians were proudest; while Aeschylus, who had won such renown for his poetry and for his share in the naval battles before Artemisium and at Salamis, recorded at the prospect of death nothing else, and merely wrote his name, his father's name, and the name of his city, and added that he had witnesses to his valor in the grove at Marathon and in the Persians who landed there. 1.18. , The sanctuary of the Dioscuri is ancient. They them selves are represented as standing, while their sons are seated on horses. Here Polygnotus fl. 465 B.C. has painted the marriage of the daughters of Leucippus, was a part of the gods' history, but Micon those who sailed with Jason to the Colchians, and he has concentrated his attention upon Acastus and his horses., Above the sanctuary of the Dioscuri is a sacred enclosure of Aglaurus. It was to Aglaurus and her sisters, Herse and Pandrosus, that they say Athena gave Erichthonius, whom she had hidden in a chest, forbidding them to pry curiously into what was entrusted to their charge. Pandrosus, they say, obeyed, but the other two (for they opened the chest) went mad when they saw Erichthonius, and threw themselves down the steepest part of the Acropolis. Here it was that the Persians climbed and killed the Athenians who thought that they understood the oracle That the Athenians were to trust their “wooden walls,” i.e. their ships. better than did Themistocles, and fortified the Acropolis with logs and stakes. 480 B.C. , Hard by is the Prytaneum (Town-hall), in which the laws of Solon are inscribed, and figures are placed of the goddesses Peace and Hestia (Hearth), while among the statues is Autolycus the pancratiast. See Paus. 1.35.6 . For the likenesses of Miltiades and Themistocles have had their titles changed to a Roman and a Thracian., As you descend from here to the lower part of the city, is a sanctuary of Serapis, whose worship the Athenians introduced from Ptolemy. of the Egyptian sanctuaries of Serapis the most famous is at Alexandria, the oldest at Memphis . Into this neither stranger nor priest may enter, until they bury Apis. Not far from the sanctuary of Serapis is the place where they say that Peirithous and Theseus made their pact before setting forth to Lacedaemon and afterwards to Thesprotia ., Hard by is built a temple of Eileithyia, who they say came from the Hyperboreans to Delos and helped Leto in her labour; and from Delos the name spread to other peoples. The Delians sacrifice to Eileithyia and sing a hymn of Olen . But the Cretans suppose that Eileithyia was born at Auunisus in the Cnossian territory, and that Hera was her mother. Only among the Athenians are the wooden figures of Eileithyia draped to the feet. The women told me that two are Cretan, being offerings of Phaedra, and that the third, which is the oldest, Erysichthon brought from Delos ., Before the entrance to the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus—Hadrian the Roman emperor dedicated the temple and the statue, one worth seeing, which in size exceeds all other statues save the colossi at Rhodes and Rome, and is made of ivory and gold with an artistic skill which is remarkable when the size is taken into account—before the entrance, I say, stand statues of Hadrian, two of Thasian stone, two of Egyptian. Before the pillars stand bronze statues which the Athenians call “colonies.” The whole circumference of the precincts is about four stades, and they are full of statues; for every city has dedicated a likeness of the emperor Hadrian, and the Athenians have surpassed them in dedicating, behind the temple, the remarkable colossus., Within the precincts are antiquities: a bronze Zeus, a temple of Cronus and Rhea and an enclosure of Earth surnamed Olympian. Here the floor opens to the width of a cubit, and they say that along this bed flowed off the water after the deluge that occurred in the time of Deucalion, and into it they cast every year wheat meal mixed with honey., On a pillar is a statue of Isocrates, whose memory is remarkable for three things: his diligence in continuing to teach to the end of his ninety-eight years, his self-restraint in keeping aloof from politics and from interfering with public affairs, and his love of liberty in dying a voluntary death, distressed at the news of the battle at Chaeronea 338 B.C. . There are also statues in Phrygian marble of Persians supporting a bronze tripod; both the figures and the tripod are worth seeing. The ancient sanctuary of Olympian Zeus the Athenians say was built by Deucalion, and they cite as evidence that Deucalion lived at Athens a grave which is not far from the present temple., Hadrian constructed other buildings also for the Athenians: a temple of Hera and Zeus Panellenios (Common to all Greeks), a sanctuary common to all the gods, and, most famous of all, a hundred pillars of Phrygian marble. The walls too are constructed of the same material as the cloisters. And there are rooms there adorned with a gilded roof and with alabaster stone, as well as with statues and paintings. In them are kept books. There is also a gymnasium named after Hadrian; of this too the pillars are a hundred in number from the Libyan quarries. 1.18.3. Hard by is the Prytaneum (Town-hall), in which the laws of Solon are inscribed, and figures are placed of the goddesses Peace and Hestia (Hearth), while among the statues is Autolycus the pancratiast. See Paus. 1.35.6 . For the likenesses of Miltiades and Themistocles have had their titles changed to a Roman and a Thracian. 1.19. , Close to the temple of Olympian Zeus is a statue of the Pythian Apollo. There is further a sanctuary of Apollo surnamed Delphinius. The story has it that when the temple was finished with the exception of the roof Theseus arrived in the city, a stranger as yet to everybody. When he came to the temple of the Delphinian, wearing a tunic that reached to his feet and with his hair neatly plaited, those who were building the roof mockingly inquired what a marriageable virgin was doing wandering about by herself. The only answer that Theseus made was to loose, it is said, the oxen from the cart hard by, and to throw them higher than the roof of the temple they were building., Concerning the district called The Gardens, and the temple of Aphrodite, there is no story that is told by them, nor yet about the Aphrodite which stands near the temple. Now the shape of it is square, like that of the Hermae, and the inscription declares that the Heavenly Aphrodite is the oldest of those called Fates. But the statue of Aphrodite in the Gardens is the work of Alcamenes, and one of the most note worthy things in Athens ., There is also the place called Cynosarges, sacred to Heracles; the story of the white dog “Cynosarges” may mean white dog. may be known by reading the oracle. There are altars of Heracles and Hebe, who they think is the daughter of Zeus and wife to Heracles. An altar has been built to Alcmena and to Iolaus, who shared with Heracles most of his labours. The Lyceum has its name from Lycus, the son of Pandion, but it was considered sacred to Apollo from the be ginning down to my time, and here was the god first named Lyceus. There is a legend that the Termilae also, to whom Lycus came when he fled from Aegeus, were called Lycii after him., Behind the Lyceum is a monument of Nisus, who was killed while king of Megara by Minos, and the Athenians carried him here and buried him. About this Nisus there is a legend. His hair, they say, was red, and it was fated that he should die on its being cut off. When the Cretans attacked the country, they captured the other cities of the Megarid by assault, but Nisaea, in which Nisus had taken refuge, they beleaguered. The story says how the daughter of Nisus, falling in love here with Minos, cut off her father's hair., Such is the legend. The rivers that flow through Athenian territory are the Ilisus and its tributary the Eridanus, whose name is the same as that of the Celtic river. This Ilisus is the river by which Oreithyia was playing when, according to the story, she was carried off by the North Wind. With Oreithyia he lived in wedlock, and be cause of the tie between him and the Athenians he helped them by destroying most of the foreigners' warships. The Athenians hold that the Ilisus is sacred to other deities as well, and on its bank is an altar of the Ilisian Muses. The place too is pointed out where the Peloponnesians killed Codrus, son of Melanthus and king of Athens ., Across the Ilisus is a district called Agrae and a temple of Artemis Agrotera (the Huntress). They say that Artemis first hunted here when she came from Delos, and for this reason the statue carries a bow. A marvel to the eyes, though not so impressive to hear of, is a race-course of white marble, the size of which can best be estimated from the fact that beginning in a crescent on the heights above the Ilisus it descends in two straight lines to the river bank. This was built by Herodes, an Athenian, and the greater part of the Pentelic quarry was exhausted in its construction. 1.24.5. Their ritual, then, is such as I have described. As you enter the temple that they name the Parthenon, all the sculptures you see on what is called the pediment refer to the birth of Athena, those on the rear pediment represent the contest for the land between Athena and Poseidon. The statue itself is made of ivory and gold. On the middle of her helmet is placed a likeness of the Sphinx—the tale of the Sphinx I will give when I come to my description of Boeotia—and on either side of the helmet are griffins in relief. 1.33.2. About sixty stades from Marathon as you go along the road by the sea to Oropus stands Rhamnus. The dwelling houses are on the coast, but a little way inland is a sanctuary of Nemesis, the most implacable deity to men of violence. It is thought that the wrath of this goddess fell also upon the foreigners who landed at Marathon. For thinking in their pride that nothing stood in the way of their taking Athens, they were bringing a piece of Parian marble to make a trophy, convinced that their task was already finished. 1.33.7. Neither this nor any other ancient statue of Nemesis has wings, for not even the holiest wooden images of the Smyrnaeans have them, but later artists, convinced that the goddess manifests herself most as a consequence of love, give wings to Nemesis as they do to Love. I will now go onto describe what is figured on the pedestal of the statue, having made this preface for the sake of clearness. The Greeks say that Nemesis was the mother of Helen, while Leda suckled and nursed her. The father of Helen the Greeks like everybody else hold to be not Tyndareus but Zeus. 1.33.8. Having heard this legend Pheidias has represented Helen as being led to Nemesis by Leda, and he has represented Tyndareus and his children with a man Hippeus by name standing by with a horse. There are Agamemnon and Menelaus and Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles and first husband of Hermione, the daughter of Helen. Orestes was passed over because of his crime against his mother, yet Hermione stayed by his side in everything and bore him a child. Next upon the pedestal is one called Epochus and another youth; the only thing I heard about them was that they were brothers of Oenoe, from whom the parish has its name. 1.36.1. But I will return to my subject. In Salamis is a sanctuary of Artemis, and also a trophy erected in honor of the victory which Themistocles the son of Neocles won for the Greeks. 480 B.C. There is also a sanctuary of Cychreus. When the Athenians were fighting the Persians at sea, a serpent is said to have appeared in the fleet, and the god in an oracle told the Athenians that it was Cychreus the hero. 3.4.2. He also conducted campaigns against Athens, by the first of which he delivered the Athenians from the sons of Peisistratus and won a good report among the Greeks both for himself personally and for the Lacedaemonians; 510 B.C. while the second campaign was to please an Athenian, Isagoras, by helping him to establish a tyranny over Athens . 508 B.C. When he was disappointed, and the Athenians fought strenuously for their freedom, Cleomenes devastated the country, including, they say, the district called Orgas, which was sacred to the deities in Eleusis . He advanced as far as Aegina, and proceeded to arrest such influential Aeginetans as had shown Persian sympathies, and had persuaded the citizens to give earth and water to king Dareius, son of Hystaspes. 3.9.2. Now the Corinthians were most eager to take part in the expedition to Asia, but considering it a bad omen that their temple of Zeus surnamed Olympian had been suddenly burnt down, they reluctantly remained behind. The Athenians excused themselves on the ground that their city was returning to its former state of prosperity after the Peloponnesian war and the epidemic of plague, and the news brought by messengers, that Conon, son of Timotheus, had gone up to the Persian king, strongly confirmed them in their policy of inactivity. 3.9.3. The envoy dispatched to Thebes was Aristomelidas, the father of the mother of Agesilaus, a close friend of the Thebans who, when the wall of Plataea had been taken, had been one of the judges voting that the remt of the garrison should be put to death. Now the Thebans like the Athenians refused, saying that they would give no help. When Agesilaus had assembled his Lacedaemonian forces and those of the allies, and at the same time the fleet was ready, he went to Aulis to sacrifice to Artemis, because Agamemnon too had propitiated the goddess here before leading the expedition to Troy . 3.9.4. Agesilaus, then, claimed to be king of a more prosperous city than was Agamemnon, and to be like him overlord of all Greece, and that it would be a more glorious success to conquer Artaxerxes and acquire the riches of Persia than to destroy the empire of Priam. but even as he was sacrificing armed Thebans came upon him, threw dawn from the altar the still burning thighbones of the victims, and drove him from the sanctuary. 3.12.7. Near the Hellenium they point out the tomb of Talthybius. The Achaeans of Aegium too say that a tomb which they show on their market-place belongs to Talthybius. It was this Talthybius whose wrath at the murder of the heralds, who were sent to Greece by king Dareius to demand earth and water, left its mark upon the whole state of the Lacedaemonians, but in Athens fell upon individuals, the members of the house of one man, Miltiades the son of Cimon. Miltiades was responsible for the death at the hands of the Athenians of those of the heralds who came to Attica . 3.12.10. Leading from the market-place is another road, on which they have built what is called Scias (Canopy), where even at the present day they hold their meetings of the Assembly. This Canopy was made, they say, by Theodorus of Samos, who discovered the melting of iron and the moulding of images from it. fl. c. 540 B.C. Here the Lacedaemonians hung the harp of Timotheus of Miletus, to express their disapproval of his innovation in harping, the addition of four strings to the seven old ones. 5.14.10. On what is called the Gaeum (sanctuary of Earth) is an altar of Earth; it too is of ashes. In more ancient days they say that there was an oracle also of Earth in this place. On what is called the Stomium (Mouth) the altar to Themis has been built. All round the altar of Zeus Descender runs a fence; this altar is near the great altar made of the ashes. The reader must remember that the altars have not been enumerated in the order in which they stand, but the order followed by my narrative is that followed by the Eleans in their sacrifices. By the sacred enclosure of Pelops is an altar of Dionysus and the Graces in common; between them is an altar of the Muses, and next to these an altar of the Nymphs. 7.2.8. The inhabitants of the land were partly Leleges, a branch of the Carians, but the greater number were Lydians. In addition there were others who dwelt around the sanctuary for the sake of its protection, and these included some women of the race of the Amazons. But Androclus the son of Codrus (for he it was who was appointed king of the Ionians who sailed against Ephesus) expelled from the land the Leleges and Lydians who occupied the upper city. Those, however, who dwelt around the sanctuary had nothing to fear; they exchanged oaths of friendship with the Ionians and escaped warfare. Androclus also took Samos from the Samians, and for a time the Ephesians held Samos and the adjacent islands. 7.3.9. They left of their own free-will Colophonian territory also, and so occupied the land which they still hold, and built on the mainland the city of Clazomenae. Later they crossed over to the island through their fear of the Persians. But in course of time Alexander the son of Philip was destined to make Clazomenae a peninsula by a mole from the mainland to the island. of these Clazomenians the greater part were not Ionians, but Cleonaeans and Phliasians, who abandoned their cities when the Dorians had returned to Peloponnesus . 7.5.1. Smyrna, one of the twelve Aeolian cities, built on that site which even now they call the old city, was seized by Ionians who set out from Colophon and displaced the Aeolians; subsequently, however, the Ionians allowed the Smyrnaeans to take their place in the general assembly at Panionium. The modern city was founded by Alexander, the son of Philip, in accordance with a vision in a dream. 7.5.2. It is said that Alexander was hunting on Mount Pagus, and that after the hunt was over he came to a sanctuary of the Nemeses, and found there a spring and a plane-tree in front of the sanctuary, growing over the water. While he slept under the plane-tree it is said that the Nemeses appeared and bade him found a city there and to remove into it the Smyrnaeans from the old city. 7.5.3. So the Smyrnaeans sent ambassadors to Clarus to make inquiries about the circumstance, and the god made answer:— Thrice, yes, four times blest will those men be Who shall dwell in Pagus beyond the sacred Meles. So they migrated of their own free will, and believe now in two Nemeses instead of one, saying that their mother is Night, while the Athenians say that the father of the goddess That is, Nemesis. in Rhamnus is Ocean. 7.6.6. I myself know that Adrastus, a Lydian, helped the Greeks as a private individual, although the Lydian commonwealth held aloof. A likeness of this Adrastus in bronze was dedicated in front of the sanctuary of Persian Artemis by the Lydians, who wrote an inscription to the effect that Adrastus died fighting for the Greeks against Leonnatus. 7.18.12. The festival begins with a most splendid procession in honor of Artemis, and the maiden officiating as priestess rides last in the procession upon a car yoked to deer. It is, however, not till the next day that the sacrifice is offered, and the festival is not only a state function but also quite a popular general holiday. For the people throw alive upon the altar edible birds and every kind of victim as well; there are wild boars, deer and gazelles; some bring wolf-cubs or bear-cubs, others the full-grown beasts. They also place upon the altar fruit of cultivated trees. 8.46.4. Again, the people of Cyzicus, compelling the people of Proconnesus by war to live at Cyzicus, took away from Proconnesus an image of Mother Dindymene. The image is of gold, and its face is made of hippopotamus teeth instead of ivory. So the emperor Augustus only followed a custom in vogue among the Greeks and barbarians from of old. The image of Athena Alea at Rome is as you enter the Forum made by Augustus. 9.17.1. Near is the temple of Artemis of Fair Fame. The image was made by Scopas. They say that within the sanctuary were buried Androcleia and Aleis, daughters of Antipoenus. For when Heracles and the Thebans were about to engage in battle with the Orchomenians, an oracle was delivered to them that success in the war would be theirs if their citizen of the most noble descent would consent to die by his own hand. Now Antipoenus, who had the most famous ancestors, was loath to die for the people, but his daughters were quite ready to do so. So they took their own lives and are honored therefor. 9.17.2. Before the temple of Artemis of Fair Fame is a lion made of stone, said to have been dedicated by Heracles after he had conquered in the battle the Orchomenians and their king, Erginus son of Clymenus. Near it is Apollo surnamed Rescuer, and Hermes called of the Market-place, another of the votive offerings of Pindar. The pyre of the children of Amphion is about half a stade from the graves. The ashes from the pyre are still there. 9.25.3. There is a river called Dirce after the wife of Lycus. The story goes that Antiope was ill-treated by this Dirce, and therefore the children of Antiope put Dirce to death. Crossing the river you reach the ruins of the house of Pindar, and a sanctuary of the Mother Dindymene. Pindar dedicated the image, and Aristomedes and Socrates, sculptors of Thebes, made it. Their custom is to open the sanctuary on one day in each year, and no more. It was my fortune to arrive on that day, and I saw the image, which, like the throne, is of Pentelic marble.

155. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 12.4, 12.9, 13.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, and lydian symbols Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 86, 167

156. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 1.15, 36.8, 63.14 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 195, 197; Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 69

36.8. וַיֹּאמֶר בָּרוּךְ ה' אֱלֹהֵי שֵׁם <>(בראשית ט, כו)<>, אָמַר רֵישׁ לָקִישׁ אַף מִיֶּפֶת עָמְדוּ בְּאָהֳלֵי שֵׁם. וַיֹּאמֶר בָּרוּךְ ה' אֱלֹהֵי שֵׁם וִיהִי כְנַעַן, יַפְתְּ אֱלֹהִים לְיֶפֶת, זֶה כֹּרֶשׁ שֶׁהוּא גּוֹזֵר שֶׁיִּבָּנֶה בֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, אַף עַל פִּי כֵן וְיִשְׁכֹּן בְּאָהֳלֵי שֵׁם, אֵין שְׁכִינָה שׁוֹרָה אֶלָּא בְּאָהֳלֵי שֵׁם. בַּר קַפָּרָא אָמַר יִהְיוּ דִּבְרֵי תוֹרָה נֶאֱמָרִים בִּלְשׁוֹנוֹ שֶׁל יֶפֶת בְּתוֹךְ אָהֳלֵי שֵׁם. רַבִּי יוּדָן אָמַר מִכָּאן לְתַרְגּוּם מִן הַתּוֹרָה, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב <>(נחמיה ח, ח)<>: וַיִּקְרְאוּ בַסֵּפֶר בְּתוֹרַת הָאֱלֹהִים, זֶה הַמִּקְרָא. מְפֹרָשׁ, זֶה תַּרְגּוּם. וְשׂוֹם שֶׂכֶל, אֵלּוּ הַטְּעָמִים. וַיָּבִינוּ בַּמִּקְרָא, אֵלּוּ רָאשֵׁי הַפְּסוּקִים. רַבִּי הוּנָא בֶּן לוּלְיָאנִי אוֹמֵר אֵלּוּ הַהַכְרָעוֹת וְהָרְאָיוֹת. רַבָּנָן דְּקֵיסָרִין אָמְרֵי מִיכָּן לַמָּסֹרֶת. רַבִּי זְעִירָא וְרַבִּי חֲנַנְאֵל בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי אֲפִלּוּ אָדָם רָגִיל בַּתּוֹרָה כְּעֶזְרָא, לֹא יְהֵא קוֹרֵא מִפִּיו וְכוֹתֵב, וְהָא תָּנֵי מַעֲשֶׂה שֶׁהָיָה רַבִּי מֵאִיר בְּאַסְיָא וְלֹא הָיָה שָׁם מְגִלַּת אֶסְתֵּר וְקָרָא לוֹ מִפִּיו וּכְתָבָהּ, תַּמָּן אָמְרִין שְׁתֵּי מְגִלּוֹת כָּתַב, גָּנַז אֶת הָרִאשׁוֹנָה וְקִיֵּם אֶת הַשְּׁנִיָּה. 36.8. וַיֹּאמֶר בָּרוּךְ ה' אֱלֹהֵי שֵׁם (בראשית ט, כו), אָמַר רֵישׁ לָקִישׁ אַף מִיֶּפֶת עָמְדוּ בְּאָהֳלֵי שֵׁם. וַיֹּאמֶר בָּרוּךְ ה' אֱלֹהֵי שֵׁם וִיהִי כְנַעַן, יַפְתְּ אֱלֹהִים לְיֶפֶת, זֶה כֹּרֶשׁ שֶׁהוּא גּוֹזֵר שֶׁיִּבָּנֶה בֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, אַף עַל פִּי כֵן וְיִשְׁכֹּן בְּאָהֳלֵי שֵׁם, אֵין שְׁכִינָה שׁוֹרָה אֶלָּא בְּאָהֳלֵי שֵׁם. בַּר קַפָּרָא אָמַר יִהְיוּ דִּבְרֵי תוֹרָה נֶאֱמָרִים בִּלְשׁוֹנוֹ שֶׁל יֶפֶת בְּתוֹךְ אָהֳלֵי שֵׁם. רַבִּי יוּדָן אָמַר מִכָּאן לְתַרְגּוּם מִן הַתּוֹרָה, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (נחמיה ח, ח): וַיִּקְרְאוּ בַסֵּפֶר בְּתוֹרַת הָאֱלֹהִים, זֶה הַמִּקְרָא. מְפֹרָשׁ, זֶה תַּרְגּוּם. וְשׂוֹם שֶׂכֶל, אֵלּוּ הַטְּעָמִים. וַיָּבִינוּ בַּמִּקְרָא, אֵלּוּ רָאשֵׁי הַפְּסוּקִים. רַבִּי הוּנָא בֶּן לוּלְיָאנִי אוֹמֵר אֵלּוּ הַהַכְרָעוֹת וְהָרְאָיוֹת. רַבָּנָן דְּקֵיסָרִין אָמְרֵי מִיכָּן לַמָּסֹרֶת. רַבִּי זְעִירָא וְרַבִּי חֲנַנְאֵל בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי אֲפִלּוּ אָדָם רָגִיל בַּתּוֹרָה כְּעֶזְרָא, לֹא יְהֵא קוֹרֵא מִפִּיו וְכוֹתֵב, וְהָא תָּנֵי מַעֲשֶׂה שֶׁהָיָה רַבִּי מֵאִיר בְּאַסְיָא וְלֹא הָיָה שָׁם מְגִלַּת אֶסְתֵּר וְקָרָא לוֹ מִפִּיו וּכְתָבָהּ, תַּמָּן אָמְרִין שְׁתֵּי מְגִלּוֹת כָּתַב, גָּנַז אֶת הָרִאשׁוֹנָה וְקִיֵּם אֶת הַשְּׁנִיָּה.

157. Aelian, Varia Historia, 2.25, 3.26, 12.1, 12.50 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, language of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 162, 166, 200, 230, 265

2.25. It is observed, that on the sixth day of the month Thargelion many good fortunes have befallen not only the Athenians, but divers others. Socrates was born on this day, the Persians vanquished on this day; and the Athenians sacrifice three hundred goats to Agrotera upon this day in accordance with the vow of Miltiades. On the same day of this month was the fight of Plataeae, in which the Grecians had the better: (for the former fight which I mentioned was at Artemisium) neither was the victory which the Greeks obtained at Mycale on any other day; seeing that the victory at Plataeae and Mycale happened on the self-same day. Likewise Alexander the Macedonian, son of Philip, vanquished many myriads of the barbarians on the sixth day, when he took Darius prisoner. All which is observed to have happened on this month. It is likewise reported that Alexander was born and died on the same day. 3.26. Pindarus, son of Melas, grandson of Alyattes the Lydian by his daughter, being tyrant of the Ephesians, was severe in punishments and inexorable, but otherwise courteous and wise. He took great care that his country might not be brought into servitude by the barbarians, of which this is a testimony. When Croesus his Uncle by the mother's side invaded Ionia, he sent an ambassador to Pindarus, requiring the Ephesians to be subjected to him: to which Pindarus not yielding, Croesus besieged the city. But one of the towers being undermined (which was afterwards called the Traitor) and destruction appearing before their eyes, Pindarus advised the Ephesians to fasten ropes from the gates and walls to the pillars of the temple of Artemis, by that means making the whole city an offering to her, thereby to preserve it secure. Farther he advised them to go forth and make suit to the Lydian. Upon the Ephesians declaring the case and their suit, it is said that Croesus laughed, and was pleased with the stratagem, granting the Ephesians liberty, on condition that Pindarus should be banished the city: which he opposed not, but taking along such friends as would go with him, left his son and the greatest part of his estate in the city, committing them both to the care of Pasicles one of his friends. He departed to Peloponnesus, preferring banishment before regal power, that his country might not be subjected to the Lydians. 12.1. Aspasia, a Phocian, daughter of Hermotimus, was brought up an orphan, her mother dying in the pains of child-birth. She was bred up in poverty, but modestly and virtuously. She had many times a dream which foretold her that she should be married to an excellent person. Whilst she was yet young, she chanced to have a swelling under her chin, loathsome to sight, whereat both the father and the maid were much afflicted. Her father brought her to a physician: he offered to undertake the cure for three staters; the other said he had not the money. The physician replied, he had then no physick for him. Hereupon Aspasia departed weeping; and holding a looking-glass on her knee, beheld her face in it, which much increased her grief. Going to rest without supping, by the reason of the trouble she was in, she had an opportune dream; a dove seemed to appear to her as she slept, which being changed to a woman, said, "Be of good courage, and big a long farewell to physicians and their medicines: Take of the dried rose of Aphrodite Garlands, which being pounded apply to the swelling." After the maiden had understood and made trial of this, the tumor was wholly assuaged; and Aspasia recovering her beauty by means of the most beautiful goddess, did once again appear the fairest amongst her virgin-companions, enriched with Graces far above any of the rest. of hair yellow, locks a little curling, she had great eyes, somewhat hawk-nosed, ears short, skin delicate, complexion like roses; whence the Phocians, whilest she was yet a child, called her Milto. Her lips were red, teeth whiter then snow, small insteps, such as of those women whom Homer calls καλλισφύρους. Her voice was sweet and smooth, that whosoever heard her might justly say he heard the voice of a Siren. She was averse from womanish curiosity in dressing: Such things are to be supplied by wealth. She being poor, and bred up under a poor father, used nothing superfluous or extravagant to advantage for her beauty. On a time Aspasia came to Cyrus, son of Darius and Parysatis, brother of Artaxerxes, not willingly nor with the consent of her father, but by compulsion, as it often happens upon the taking of cities, or the violence of tyrants and their officers. One of the officers of Cyrus brought her with other virgins to Cyrus, who immediately preferred her before all his concubines, for simplicity of behaviour, and modesty; whereto also contributed her beauty without artifice, and her extraordinary discretion, which was such, that Cyrus many times asked her advice in affairs, which he never repented to have followed. When Aspasia came first to Cyrus, it happened that he was newly risen from supper, and was going to drink after the Persian manner: for after they have done eating, they betake themselves to wine, and fall to their cups freely, encountring drink as an adversary. Whilest they were in the midst of their drinking, four Grecian virgins were brought to Cyrus, amongst whom was Aspasia the Phocian. They were finely attired; three of them had their heads neatly drest by their own women which came along with them, and had painted their faces. They had been also instructed by their governesses how to behave themselves towards Cyrus, to gain his favour; not to turn away when he came to them, not to be coy when he touched them, to permit him to kiss them, and many other amatory instructions practised by women who exposed their beauty to sale. Each contended to outvie the other in handsomeness. only Aspasia would not endure to be clothed with a rich robe, nor to put on a various-coloured vest, nor to be washed; but calling upon the Grecian and Eleutherian Gods, she cried out upon her father's name, execrating herself to her father. She thought the robe which she should put on was a manifest sign of bondage. At last being compelled with blows she put it on, and was necessitated to behave herself with greater liberty then beseemed a virgin. When they came to Cyrus, the rest smiled, and expressed chearfulness in their looks. But Aspasia looking on the ground, her eyes full of tears, did every way express an extraordinary bashfulness. When he commanded them to sit down by him, the rest instantly obeyed; but the Phocian refused, until the officer caused her to sit down by force. When Cyrus looked upon or touched their eyes, cheeks and fingers, the rest freely permitted him; but she would not suffer it: For if Cyrus did but offer to touch her, she cried out, saying, he should not go unpunished for such actions. Cyrus was herewith extremely pleased; and when upon his offering to touch her breast, she rose up, and would have run away, Cyrus much taken with her native ingenuity, which was not like the Persians, turning to him that bought [sic] them, "This Maid only, saith he, of those which you have brought me is free and pure; the rest are adulterate in face, but much more in behaviour." Hereupon Cyrus loved her above all the women he ever had. Afterwards there grew a mutual love between them, and their friendship proceeded to such a height that it almost arrived at parity, not differing from the concord and modesty of Grecian marriage. Hereupon the fame of his affection to Aspasia was spread to Ionia and throughout Greece; Peloponnesus also was filled with discourses of the love betwixt Cyrus and her. The report went even to the great King [of Persia,] for it was conceived that Cyrus, after his acquaintance with her, kept company with no other woman. From these things Aspasia recollected the remembrance of her old apparition, and of the dove, and her words, and what the Goddess foretold her. Hence she conceived that she was from the very beginning particularly regarded by her. She therefore offered sacrifice of thanks to Aphrodite. And first caused a great image of gold to be erected to her, which she called the image of Aphrodite, and by it placed the picture of a dove beset with jewels, and every day implored the favour of the Goddess with sacrifice and prayer. She sent to Hermotimus her father many rich presents, and made him wealthy. She lived continently all her life, as both the Grecian and Persian women affirm. On a time a necklace was sent as a present to Cyrus from Scopas the younger, which had been sent to Scopas out of Sicily. The necklace was of extraordinary workmanship, and variety. All therefore to whom Cyrus shewed it admiring it, he was much taken with the jewel, and went immediately to Aspasia, it being about noon. Finding her asleep, he lay down gently by her, watching quietly whilst she slept. As soon as she awaked, and saw Cyrus, she embraced him after her usual manner. He taking the necklace out of a box, said, "This is a worthy either the daughter or the mother of a King." To which she assenting; "I will give it you, said he, for your own use, let me see your neck adorned with it." But she received not the gift, prudently and discreetly answering, "How will Parysatis your mother take it, this being a gift fit for her that bare you? Send it to her, Cyrus, I will shew you a neck handsome enough without it." Aspasia from the greatness of her mind acted contrary to other royal queens, who are excessively desirous of rich ornaments. Cyrus being pleased with this answer, kissed Aspasia. All these actions and speeches Cyrus writ in a Letter which he sent together with the chain to his mother; and Parysatis receiving the present was no less delighted with the news then with the gold, for which she requited Aspasia with great and royal gifts; for this pleased her above all things, that though Aspasia were chiefly affected by her son, yet in the love of Cyrus she desired to be placed beneath his mother. Aspasia praised the gifts, but said she had no need of them; (for there was much money sent with the presents) but sent them to Cyrus, saying, "To you who maintain many men this may be useful: For me it is enough that you love me and are my ornament." With these things, as it seemeth, she much astonished Cyrus. And indeed the woman was without dispute admirable for her personal beauty, but much more for the nobleness of her mind. When Cyrus was slain in the fight against his brother, and his army taken prisoners, with the rest of the prey she was taken; not falling accidentally into the enemies hands, but sought for with much diligence by King Artaxerxes, for he had heard her fame and virtue. When they brought her bound, he was angry, and cast those that did it into prison. He commanded that a rich robe should be given her: which she hearing, entreated with tears and lamentation that she might not put on the garment the King appointed, for she mourned exceedingly for Cyrus. But when she had put it on, she appeared the fairest of all women, and Artaxerxes was immediately surprised and inflamed with love of her. He valued her beyond all the rest of his women, respecting her infinitely. He endeavoured to ingratiate himself into her favour, hoping to make her forget Cyrus, and to love him no less then she had done his brother; but it was long before he could compass it. For the affection of Aspasia to Cyrus had taken so deep impression, that it could not easily be rooted out. Long after this, Teridates the eunuch died, who was the most beautiful youth in Asia. He had full surpassed his childhood, and was reckoned among the youths. The King was said to have loved him exceedingly: he was infinitely grieved and troubled at his death, and there was an universal mourning throughout Asia, every one endeavouring to gratify the King herein; and none durst venture to come to him and comfort him, for they thought his passion would not admit any consolation. Three days being past, Aspasia taking a mourning robe as the King was going to the bath, stood weeping, her eyes cast on the ground. He seeing her, wondered, and demanded the reason of her coming. She said, "I come, O King, to comfort your grief and affliction, if you so please; otherwise I shall go back." The Persian pleased with this care, commanded that she should retire to her chamber, and wait his coming. As soon as he returned, he put the vest of the eunuch upon Aspasia, which did in a manner fit her: And by this means her beauty appeared with greater splendour to the King's eye, who much affected the youth. And being once pleased herewith, he desired her to come always to him in that dress, until the height of his grief were allayed: which to please him she did. Thus more then all his other women, or his own son and kindred, she comforted Artaxerxes, and relieved his sorrow; the King being pleased with her care, and prudently admitting her consolation.

158. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Yishmael, bo 1 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 195

159. Anon., Lamentations Rabbah, 3.33 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 209

160. Aelius Aristidesto Plato, To Plato In Defense of The Four, 209 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 284

161. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 12.1, 36.1 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 195, 239

162. Aelius Aristides, To Plato: In Defense of The Four, 209 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 284

163. Aelius Aristidesto Plato, To Plato In Defense of The Four, 209 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 284

164. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 7.49 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342

165. Babylonian Talmud, Moed Qatan, 16b, 16a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein, The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings (2018) 185

16a. זו עשירית האיפה שלו דברי רבי יהודה,ר"ש אומר (יחזקאל מד, כז) בבאו יקריב בזמן שראוי לביאה ראוי להקרבה בזמן שאינו ראוי לביאה אינו ראוי להקרבה,אמר רבא מנלן דמשדרין שליחא דבי דינא ומזמנינן ליה לדינא דכתיב (במדבר טז, יב) וישלח משה לקרא לדתן ולאבירם בני אליאב ומנלן דמזמנינן לדינא דכתיב (במדבר טז, טז) ויאמר משה אל קרח אתה וכל עדתך,לקמי גברא רבה דכתיב (במדבר טז, טז) לפני ה' את ופלניא דכתיב אתה והם ואהרן דקבעינן זימנא דכתיב מחר זימנא בתר זימנא דכתיב (ירמיהו מו, יז) קראו שם פרעה מלך מצרים שאון העביר המועד,ומנלן דאי מתפקר בשליחא דבי דינא ואתי ואמר לא מיתחזי כלישנא בישא דכתיב (במדבר טז, יד) העיני האנשים ההם תנקר,ומנלן דמשמתינן דכתיב (שופטים ה, כג) אורו מרוז דהכי סברא דגברא רבה דכתיב (שופטים ה, כג) אמר מלאך ה' ומנלן דמחרמינן דכתיב אורו ארור,דאכיל ושתי בהדיה וקאי בארבע אמות דידיה דכתיב יושביה ומנלן דפרטינן חטאיה בציבורא דכתיב (שופטים ה, כג) כי לא באו לעזרת ה',ואמר עולא בד' מאה שיפורי שמתיה ברק למרוז איכא דאמרי גברא רבה הוה ואיכא דאמרי כוכבא הוה שנאמר (שופטים ה, כ) מן שמים נלחמו הכוכבים,ומנלן דמפקרינן נכסיה דכתיב (עזרא י, ח) וכל אשר לא יבא לשלשת הימים בעצת השרים והזקנים יחרם כל רכושו והוא יבדל מקהל הגולה,ומנלן דנצינן ולייטינן ומחינן ותלשינן שיער ומשבעינן דכתיב (נחמיה יג, כה) ואריב עמם ואקללם ואכה מהם אנשים ואמרטם ואשביעם,ומנלן דכפתינן ואסרינן ועבדינן הרדפה דכתיב (עזרא ז, כו) הן למות הן לשרושי הן לענש נכסין ולאסורין מאי לשרושי אמר אדא מרי אמר נחמיה בר ברוך אמר רב חייא בר אבין אמר רב יהודה הרדפה מאי הרדפה אמר רב יהודה בריה דרב שמואל בר שילת משמיה דרב מנדין לאלתר ושונין לאחר ל' ומחרימין לאחר ששים,א"ל רב הונא בר חיננא הכי אמר רב חסדא מתרין ביה שני וחמישי ושני ה"מ לממונא אבל לאפקירותא לאלתר,ההוא טבחא דאיתפקר ברב טובי בר מתנה אימנו עליה אביי ורבא ושמתוהו לסוף אזל פייסיה לבעל דיניה אמר אביי היכי ליעביד לישרי ליה לא חל שמתא עליה תלתין יומין לא לישרי ליה קא בעו רבנן למיעל,א"ל לרב אידי בר אבין מידי שמיע לך בהא א"ל הכי אמר רב תחליפא בר אבימי אמר שמואל טוט אסר וטוט שרי אמר ליה ה"מ לממונא אבל לאפקירותא עד דחיילא שמתא עליה תלתין יומין,אלמא קסבר אביי הני בי תלתא דשמיתו לא אתו תלתא אחריני ושרו ליה,דאיבעיא להו הני בי תלתא דשמיתו מהו למיתי תלתא אחריני ושרו ליה ת"ש מנודה לרב מנודה לתלמיד מנודה לתלמיד אינו מנודה לרב,מנודה לעירו מנודה לעיר אחרת מנודה לעיר אחרת אינו מנודה לעירו מנודה לנשיא מנודה לכל ישראל מנודה לכל ישראל אינו מנודה לנשיא רשב"ג אומר אחד מן התלמידים שנידה ומת חלקו אינו מופר,ש"מ תלת שמע מינה תלמיד שנידה לכבודו נידויו נידוי ושמע מינה כל אחד ואחד מיפר חלקו וש"מ הני בי תלתא דשמיתו לא אתו תלתא אחריני ושרו ליה,אמר אמימר הלכתא הני בי תלתא דשמיתו אתו בי תלתא אחריני ושרו ליה א"ל רב אשי לאמימר והא תניא רשב"ג אומר אחד מן התלמידים שנידה ומת חלקו אינו מופר מאי לאו אינו מופר כלל לא עד דאתו בי תלתא אחריני ושרו ליה,ת"ר אין נידוי פחות מל' יום ואין נזיפה פחות מז' ימים ואף על פי שאין ראיה לדבר זכר לדבר שנאמר (במדבר יב, יד) ואביה ירק ירק בפניה הלא תכלם שבעת ימים,אמר רב חסדא נידוי שלנו כנזיפה שלהן ונזיפה דידהו שבעה ותו לא והא ר"ש בר רבי ובר קפרא הוו יתבי וקא גרסי קשיא להו שמעתא א"ל ר"ש לבר קפרא דבר זה צריך רבי א"ל בר קפרא לר"ש ומה רבי אומר בדבר זה,אזל א"ל לאבוה איקפד אתא בר קפרא לאיתחזויי ליה א"ל בר קפרא איני מכירך מעולם ידע דנקט מילתא בדעתיה נהג נזיפותא בנפשיה תלתין יומין,שוב פעם אחד גזר רבי שלא ישנו לתלמידים בשוק מאי דרש (שיר השירים ז, ב) חמוקי ירכיך כמו חלאים מה ירך בסתר

16a. this is the meal-offering of a tenth of an ephah of flour, which every priest would bring on the day he began serving in the Temple. But as long as he is ritually impure, whether because he had come into contact with a corpse or due to leprosy, he may not send his offerings to the Temple; this is the statement of Rabbi Yehuda.,Rabbi Shimon says: The verse states: “And on the day that he goes into the Sanctuary, into the inner court, to minister in the Sanctuary he shall sacrifice his sin offering.” This teaches that when he is fit to enter the Sanctuary, he is fit to sacrifice an offering. But when he is not fit to go into the Sanctuary, i.e., when he is ritually impure, he is not fit to sacrifice an offering. This implies that a leper may not send his offerings to the Temple to be sacrificed on the altar, as he himself is not fit to enter the Temple.,§ Having discussed some of the restrictions applying to a person who was ostracized, the Gemara explains some of the basic principles relating to ostracism: Rava said: From where do we derive that a court agent is sent to summon the defendant to appear before the court before he is ostracized? As it is written: “And Moses sent to call Dathan and Abiram, the sons of Eliab” (Numbers 16:12). And from where do we derive that we summon the defendant, that he himself must appear before the court? As it is written: “And Moses said to Korah: Be you and all your congregation before the Lord, you and they, and Aaron, tomorrow” (Numbers 16:16).,From where is it derived that the defendant must be told that he is being summoned to appear before a great man? As it is written: “And Moses said to Korah: Be you and all your congregation before the Lord” (Numbers 16:16). From where is it derived that the summons must mention the names of both parties: You and so-and-so, the plaintiff? As it is written: “You, and they, and Aaron” (Numbers 16:16). From where is it derived that we set a date for the court proceedings? As it is written: “Tomorrow” (Numbers 16:16). From where is it derived that a second date must be set after the first date, if the defendant did not heed the first summons? As it is written: “They did cry there, Pharaoh, king of Egypt is but a noise; he has passed the time appointed…Surely as Tabor is among the mountains, and as Carmel by the sea, so shall he come” (Jeremiah 46:17). Although a time had been appointed and it had passed, it was not canceled entirely but pushed off to a later date.,And from where do we derive that if the summoned person behaves disrespectfully toward the agent of the court, and the agent comes back and reports his conduct, that this is not considered slander? As it is written: “Will you put out the eyes of these men?” (Numbers 16:14). Dathan and Abiram spoke these words to the messenger that Moses had sent to them, and the messenger reported them back to Moses.,And from where do we derive that we ostracize one who does not obey a court summons? As it is written: “Curse Meroz” (Judges 5:23), who was ostracized for not coming to battle after having been summoned. From where is it derived that the ostracized person must be told that it was the decision of a great man to ostracized him? As it is written: “Curse Meroz, said the messenger of the Lord” (Judges 5:23). And from where do we derive that, if he fails to mend his ways, we excommunicate such a person more harshly, putting him under the most severe form of excommunication? As it is written: “Curse Meroz…curse bitterly its inhabitants” (Judges 5:23), implying that one curse is followed by another, i.e., lesser ostracism is followed by harsh excommunication.,From where is it derived that the curse applies to anyone who eats or drinks with, or stands within, four cubits of the ostracized person? As it is written: “Curse bitterly its inhabitants” (Judges 5:23), in reference to all those sitting together with Meroz. And from where do we derive that we detail his sin in public? As it is written: “Curse bitterly its inhabitants, because they did not come to the help of the Lord” (Judges 5:23).,And Ulla said: Barak ostracized Meroz with the blowing of four hundred shofarot due to his failure to come. As for the identification of Meroz, some say that he was a great man and that he was ostracized because he did not join in the war effort. And others say that the reference is to a star and not a human being, and that it did not aid the Jewish people in their battle, as it is stated: “The stars fought from heaven; in their courses they fought against Sisera,” (Judges 5:20). This star, which did not help the Jewish people, was cursed.,And from where do we derive that the court may declare the property of one who does not obey its orders as ownerless? As it is written: “And that whoever would not come within three days, according to the counsel of the princes and the Elders, all his substance shall be forfeited [yaḥoram] and himself separated from the congregation of the exiles” (Ezra 10:8). “Shall be forfeited” is referring to excommunication.,And from where do we derive that we may contend with such a person, and curse him, and beat him, and pull out his hair, and make him take an oath in order to prevent him from sinning? As it is written: “And I contended with them, and cursed them, and beat some of them, and pulled out their hair, and made them take oath by God” (Nehemiah 13:25).,And from where do we derive that we may shackle his hands and feet, chain him, and apply pressure? As it is written: “Whether it be for death, or for banishment [lishroshi], or for confiscation of goods, or for imprisonment” (Ezra 7:26). The Gemara asks: What is the meaning of the word “lishroshi,” translated here as banishment? Adda Mari said that Neḥemya bar Baruch said that Rav Ḥiyya bar Avin said that Rav Yehuda said: This is pressure. Since this expression is also unclear, the Gemara asks: What is pressure? Rav Yehuda, son of Rav Shmuel bar Sheilat, said in the name of Rav that this term refers to the following series of actions: They ostracize him immediately, and then once again after thirty days, and if he still does not repent, they excommunicate him after sixty days.,Rav Huna bar Ḥina said to him: Rav Ḥisda said as follows: Before excommunicating a person, the court warns him three times, on Monday, Thursday, and the following Monday. The Gemara notes: This applies in a case where one ignores a monetary judgment that was issued against him. He is warned three times that he must repay his debt. But in a case where one behaves disrespectfully toward a Torah scholar, he is immediately ostracized.,§ The Gemara relates that a certain butcher behaved disrespectfully toward Rav Tuvi bar Mattana. Abaye and Rava were appointed to the case and ostracized him. In the end the butcher went and appeased his disputant, Rav Tuvi. Abaye said: What should we do in this case? Shall he be released from his decree of ostracism? His decree of ostracism has not yet been in effect for the usual thirty days. On the other hand, shall he not be released from ostracism? But the Sages wish to enter his shop and purchase meat, and they are presently unable to do so. What, then, is the most appropriate course of action?,He said to Rav Idi bar Avin: Have you heard anything with regard to such a case? Rav Idi bar Avin said to Abaye: Rav Taḥlifa bar Avimi said that Shmuel said as follows: A shofar blast at the time of the ostracism makes it binding, and a shofar blast releases it. In other words, the shofar should be sounded now, as it had been sounded when the decree of ostracism was pronounced, and it should be canceled, although thirty days have not passed. Abaye said to him: This applies in a case where one ignores a monetary judgment that was issued against him; but in a case where one behaves disrespectfully, there must be no release until the decree of ostracism has been in effect for thirty days.,The Gemara comments: Apparently, Abaye maintains that if three people ostracized one, three others may not come and release him. This is derived from the fact that Abaye was concerned about releasing the butcher from ostracism and did not delegate the task to someone else.,As a dilemma was raised before the Sages: If three people ostracized someone, what is the halakha with regard to three others coming and releasing him from his decree of ostracism? The Gemara suggests: Come and hear a proof from that which is taught in a baraita: One who was ostracized by the teacher of Torah for having acted disrespectfully toward him is considered ostracized with regard to the student, and the latter must keep his distance from him. However, one who was ostracized by the student is not considered ostracized with regard to the teacher.,One who was ostracized by his own city is considered ostracized with regard to another city. However, one who was ostracized by another city is not considered ostracized with regard to his own city. One who was ostracized by the Nasi of the Sanhedrin is considered ostracized with regard to all the Jewish people; but one who was ostracized by all the Jewish people is not considered ostracized with regard to the Nasi of the Sanhedrin. Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: If one of the students sitting as a judge on the court had ostracized someone, and he died before releasing him from the decree of ostracism, his portion of the decree of ostracism is not nullified.,The Gemara says: Learn three halakhot from this baraita. Learn from this that in the case of a student who ostracizes someone due to an insult to his dignity and not because the ostracized person was guilty of some transgression, his decree of ostracism is valid. Were the case one where one was ostracized due to sin, everyone is required to respect the decree of ostracism, even the student’s teacher. And learn from this that each and every one who participated in the decree of ostracism nullifies his own portion of the decree of ostracism, as the baraita speaks of: His portion. And learn from this that if three people ostracized another person, three other people may not come and nullify the decree of ostracism. Were this not the case, it wouldn’t matter if a certain person’s portion was not nullified. His portion could be nullified by someone else.,Ameimar said: The halakha is that if three people ostracize another person, three others may come and nullify the decree of ostracism. Rav Ashi said to Ameimar: But isn’t it taught in a baraita: Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: If one of the students had ostracized another person, and he died before releasing him from the decree of ostracism, his portion is not nullified? What, is it not that it is not nullified at all, i.e., it cannot be nullified by another person? The Gemara rejects this argument: No, this means that the decree of ostracism remains in force until three other people come and nullify it.,§ The Sages taught the following baraita: Ostracism does not apply for less than a period of thirty days, and admonition, which is less severe than ostracism, does not apply for less than a period of seven days. And although there is no proof with regard to the matter, i.e., the standard duration of admonition, there is an allusion to the matter, as it is stated: “If her father had but spit in her face, should she not be ashamed for seven days?” (Numbers 12:14). This implies that admonition lasts for seven days.,Rav Ḥisda said: Our decree of ostracism in Babylonia has the power of their admonition in Eretz Yisrael. Since the authorities in Eretz Yisrael are ordained with the title Rabbi, their admonition carries more weight than a decree of ostracism issued in Babylonia. The Gemara asks: Is their admonition in Eretz Yisrael only seven days and no more? But isn’t it related that Rabbi Shimon, son of Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, and bar Kappara were sitting and studying, and they posed a difficulty with a certain halakha. Rabbi Shimon said to bar Kappara: This issue requires my father, Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, to explain it. Bar Kappara said to Rabbi Shimon, somewhat mockingly: And what can your father, Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, say about this issue? What can he add and teach us about it?,Rabbi Shimon went and told his father, Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, what bar Kappara had said, and Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi became angry with him. When bar Kappara came at some later point to visit, Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said to him: Bar Kappara, I do not know you at all. Bar Kappara understood that Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi had taken his statement to heart, i.e., was insulted. He subsequently behaved as if he had been admonished, as a self-imposed punishment, for thirty days.,Once again, on another occasion, Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi decreed that students not be taught in the marketplace but only in a study hall. What verse did he expound to serve as the basis for this decree? The verse states: “Your rounded thighs are like jewels, the work of the hands of an artist” (Song of Songs 7:2). Just as a thigh is ordinarily hidden and kept covered with clothes,

166. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, 4a, 8b, 11b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 70

11b. המנשר פרסותיה מן הארכובה ולמטה תרגמא רב פפא בעגלה המושכת בקרון:,יום תגלחת זקנו: איבעיא להו היכי קתני יום תגלחת זקנו והנחת בלוריתו או דלמא יום תגלחת זקנו והעברת בלוריתו ת"ש דתני' תרוייהו יום תגלחת זקנו והנחת בלוריתו יום תגלחת זקנו והעברת בלוריתו,אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל עוד אחרת יש [להם] ברומי אחת לשבעים שנה מביאין אדם שלם ומרכיבין אותו על אדם חיגר ומלבישין אותו בגדי אדם הראשון ומניחין לו בראשו קרקיפלו של רבי ישמעאל,ותלו ליה [בצואריה] מתקל [ר'] זוזא דפיזא ומחפין את השווקים באינך ומכריזין לפניו סך קירי פלסתר אחוה דמרנא זייפנא דחמי חמי ודלא חמי לא חמי מאי אהני לרמאה ברמאותיה ולזייפנא בזייפנותיה ומסיימין בה הכי ווי לדין כד יקום דין,אמר רב אשי הכשילן פיהם לרשעים אי אמרו זייפנא אחוה דמרנא כדקאמרי השתא דאמרי דמרנא זייפנא מרנא גופיה זייפנא הוא,ותנא דידן מ"ט לא קחשיב לה להאי דאיתא בכל שתא ושתא קחשיב דליתא בכל שתא ושתא לא קחשיב,הני דרומאי ודפרסאי מאי מוטרדי וטוריסקי מוהרנקי ומוהרין הני דפרסאי ודרומאי דבבלאי מאי מוהרנקי ואקניתי' בחנוני ועשר באדר,אמר רב חנן בר רב חסדא אמר רב ואמרי לה א"ר חנן בר רבא אמר רב חמשה בתי עבודת כוכבים קבועין הן אלו הן בית בל בבבל בית נבו בכורסי תרעתא שבמפג צריפא שבאשקלון נשרא שבערביא כי אתא רב דימי הוסיפו עליהן יריד שבעין בכי נדבכה שבעכו איכא דאמרי נתברא שבעכו רב דימי מנהרדעא מתני איפכא יריד שבעכו נדבכה שבעין בכי,א"ל רב חנן בר רב חסדא לרב חסדא מאי קבועין הן א"ל הכי אמר אבוה דאימך קבועין הן לעולם תדירא כולה שתא פלחי להו,אמר שמואל בגולה אינו אסור אלא יום אידם בלבד ויום אידם נמי מי אסיר והא רב יהודה שרא ליה לרב ברונא לזבוני חמרא ולרב גידל לזבוני חיטין בחגתא דטייעי שאני חגתא דטייעי דלא קביעא:,

11b. One who cuts the hooves of the animal, severing the legs from the knee and below, does not render the animal a tereifa. It is evident from the baraita, which discusses the cases in which an animal is rendered a tereifa and is therefore unfit to eat, that it is discussing kosher animals. The Gemara answers: Rav Pappa interpreted the baraita as referring to the calf that pulls the king’s coach, a kosher animal of which the king made use.,§ The mishna teaches: The day of shaving his, i.e., the gentile’s, beard and his locks. A dilemma was raised before the Sages: What is the mishna teaching here? Is it referring to the day of shaving his beard and head, when he cuts the hair of his head and as a result his long locks at the back of his head are left as a form of idol worship? Or perhaps the mishna is speaking of the day of shaving his beard and removing his locks, which are removed some time after they were left on the head? The Gemara responds: Come and hear an answer, as both opinions are taught in baraitot: One baraita mentions the day of shaving his beard and head when his long locks at the back of his head are left, whereas a different baraita specifies the day of shaving his beard and removing his locks.,The Gemara continues to discuss Roman festivals. Rav Yehuda says that Shmuel says: They have another festival in Rome: Once every seventy years they bring a man who is whole and free from any defect and have him ride on a lame man, to symbolize the healthy Esau ruling over Jacob, who walked with a limp after his fight with the angel. And they dress him in the garments of Adam the first man and place on his head the scalp [karkifelo] of Rabbi Yishmael, which the Romans flayed when they executed him.,And they hang gold on his neck weighing two hundred dinars, and cover the markets with onyx, and announce before him: The calculation [sakh] of the master [kiri] Jacob with regard to the time of the redemption is fraudulent [plaster]; the brother of our master, i.e., Esau, a forger. They further announce: One who witnesses this festival witnesses it, and whoever does not witness it will not witness it ever, as it was celebrated only once every seventy years. What purpose does deceit serve for the deceiver, and forgery for the forger? And they conclude in this fashion: Woe unto this one, Esau, when that one, Jacob, will arise, as this will cause Esau’s downfall.,Rav Ashi says: The mouths of these wicked people have caused their downfall. Had they said: A forger is the brother of our master, their claim would be interpreted as they say and wish to be understood. Now that they say: The brother of our master, a forger; they can be understood as saying: It is our master himself who is the forger.,The Gemara asks: And what is the reason that the tanna of our mishna does not count this festival in his list of gentile festivals? The Gemara answers: The tanna of the mishna counts those festivals that occur each and every year, and he does not count those festivals that do not occur each and every year.,The Gemara comments: Those festivals enumerated in the mishna are the festivals of the Romans. The Gemara asks: And what are the idolatrous festivals of the Persians? The Gemara answers: Mutredei and Turyaskei, Moharnekei and Moharin. The Gemara asks: Those are the festivals of the Persians and the Romans, and what are the festivals of the Babylonians? The Gemara answers: Moharnekei and Akenitei, Beḥanunei and the tenth of Adar.,§ Rav Ḥa bar Rav Ḥisda says that Rav says, and some say that it was Rav Ḥa bar Rava who says that Rav says: There are five established temples of idol worship, and they are: The temple of Bel in Babylonia; the temple of Nebo in the city of Khursei; the temple of Tirata, which is located in the city of Mapag; Tzerifa, which is located in Ashkelon; and Nashra, which is located in Arabia. When Rav Dimi came from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said: The Sages added to these places the marketplace that is located in Ein Bekhi and Nadbekha, which is located in Akko. There are those who say that Rav Dimi was referring to Natbera that is located in Akko. Rav Dimi from Neharde’a teaches the opposite, that it is the marketplace that is located in Akko, and Nadbekha that is located in Ein Bekhi.,Rav Ḥa bar Rav Ḥisda said to Rav Ḥisda: What does it mean that these temples of idol worship are established? Rav Ḥisda said to him: This is what your mother’s father, Rav Ḥa bar Rava, said: In contrast to festivals, which last for one or several days, they are always fixed as the site of idol worship, as constantly, all year round, worship takes place there.,§ Shmuel says: The halakha is that in the Diaspora, engaging in business with gentiles is prohibited only on the day of their festival itself, not during the days preceding and following the festival. Since Jews live among the gentiles, they are unable to refrain from engaging in business with them for such an extended period. The Gemara asks: And is it prohibited even on their festival day itself? But didn’t Rav Yehuda permit Rav Beruna to sell wine to gentiles, and permitted Rav Giddel to sell wheat, on the festival of the Arab merchants? The Gemara answers: The festival of the Arab merchants is different, as it does not have a fixed time, and therefore the Sages did not include it in the prohibition.,a city in which there is active idol worship, it is permitted to engage in business transactions with gentiles who live outside of the city. If the idol worship is outside the city, it is permitted to engage in business within the city. What is the halakha with regard to traveling there, a place where a pagan festival is being celebrated? When the road is designated only for that place, it is prohibited to use the road, as onlookers will assume that the traveler intends to join the festival. But if one were able to travel on it to arrive at another place, it is permitted to use the road to reach the place that is observing the festival.,What are the circumstances that determine whether a place is sufficiently far from a city to be considered outside of it? Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish says in the name of Rabbi Ḥanina: A place that is far enough away is, for example, the bazaar [atluza] of Gaza, which is located outside the city walls. And some say that Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish asked Rabbi Ḥanina about this issue: What is the halakha with regard to the bazaar of Gaza? May one conduct business there on the day of a festival celebrated in Gaza? Rabbi Ḥanina said to him: Did you never in your lifetime travel to Tyre and see a Jew and a gentile

167. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia, 167a, 65a, 28b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein, The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings (2018) 230

28b. אתיא לאחלופי בראשון הא קא אתי רגל שלישי,ת"ר בראשונה כל מי שמצא אבידה היה מכריז עליה שלשה רגלים ואחר רגל אחרון שבעת ימים כדי שילך שלשה ויחזור שלשה ויכריז יום אחד משחרב בית המקדש שיבנה במהרה בימינו התקינו שיהו מכריזים בבתי כנסיות ובבתי מדרשות ומשרבו האנסים התקינו שיהו מודיעין לשכיניו ולמיודעיו ודיו,מאי משרבו האנסין דאמרי אבידתא למלכא רבי אמי אשכח אודייא דדינרי חזייה ההוא בר נש דקא מירתת א"ל זיל שקול לנפשך דלאו פרסאי אנן דאמרי אבידתא למלכא,ת"ר אבן טוען היתה בירושלים כל מי שאבדה לו אבידה נפנה לשם וכל מי שמוצא אבידה נפנה לשם זה עומד ומכריז וזה עומד ונותן סימנין ונוטלה וזו היא ששנינו צאו וראו אם נמחת אבן הטוען:,

28b. because perhaps one who hears him will come to confuse it with the first pilgrimage Festival? The Gemara answers: Confusing the second Festival with the first is not a problem, as in any case, won’t the finder come on the third pilgrimage Festival, thereby giving the owner another opportunity to recover his lost item?,§ The Sages taught: Initially, anyone who found a lost item would proclaim his find for three pilgrimage Festivals and for seven days after the last of the three pilgrimage Festivals, so that its owner will go to his home, a trip lasting up to three days, and will return to Jerusalem, a trip lasting up to three days, and proclaim his loss for one day. But from the time that the Temple was destroyed, may it be rebuilt speedily in our days, the Sages instituted that those who find lost items shall proclaim their finds in synagogues and study halls. And from the time that the oppressors proliferated, the Sages instituted an ordice that one who finds a lost item shall inform his neighbors and acquaintances, and that will suffice for him.,The Gemara asks: What is the meaning of: From the time that the oppressors proliferated? The Gemara answers: It is from the time that they say: A lost item belongs to the king. The Sages were concerned that any public proclamation would result in confiscation of the lost item. The Gemara relates: Rabbi Ami found a vessel full of dinars. A certain Roman saw that he was wary and hesitant to take it. The Roman said to him: Go, take it for yourself; as we are not Persians, who say that a lost item belongs to the king.,The Sages taught in a baraita: There was a Claimant’s Stone in Jerusalem, and anyone who lost an item would be directed there and anyone who found a lost item would be directed there. This finder would stand and proclaim his find and that owner would stand and provide its distinguishing marks and take the item. And that is the place about which we learned in a mishna (Ta’anit 19a): Go and see if the Claimant’s Stone has been obscured by the rising water.,stated what type of item the lost item that was found by another is, but did not state, i.e., describe, its distinguishing marks, the finder shall not give it to him. And in the case of a swindler, even though he stated its distinguishing marks, the finder shall not give the lost item to him, as it is stated: “And if your brother be not near you, and you know him not, then you shall bring it into your house, and it shall be with you until your brother claims [derosh] it [oto], and you shall return it to him” (Deuteronomy 22:2). Would it enter your mind that the finder would give it to him before he claims it? How can the finder return it if he does not know the identity of the owner? Rather, the verb derosh is not referring to the claim of the owner; it is referring to the scrutiny performed by the finder. You shall not return the lost item until you scrutinize [shetidrosh] your brother to determine whether he, the claimant, is a swindler or whether he is not a swindler.,It was stated that Rav Yehuda said: One who finds an item proclaims that he found a lost item without specifying its nature. And Rav Naḥman said: He specifies the nature of the item, e.g., he proclaims that he found a cloak.,Rav Yehuda said: One who finds an item proclaims that he found a lost item, as if you say that he proclaims that he found a cloak, we are concerned about the possibility that a swindler may attempt to claim the item. Perhaps the swindler learned that another person lost that item, and he will ascertain its distinguishing marks, provide those distinguishing marks, and claim the item.,Rav Naḥman said: The finder proclaims that he found a cloak, and we are not concerned about the possibility that a swindler may attempt to claim the item, as if so, there is no end to the matter. Even if the finder does not specify the nature of the item, perhaps a swindler would be able to guess its nature.,The Gemara cites proof from that which we learned in the mishna: If a claimant accurately states what type of item the lost item that was found by another is, but did not state its distinguishing marks, the finder shall not give it to him. Granted, if you say the finder proclaims that he found an unspecified lost item, this mishna teaches us that even though the claimant indeed stated that the lost item is a cloak, as long as he did not state its distinguishing marks, we do not return it to him. But if you say that the finder proclaims that he found a cloak, if the finder stated that he found a cloak and the claimant stated that he lost a cloak, does it need to be said that when he did not state its distinguishing marks, we do not return it to him?,Rav Safra said: Actually, one could say that the finder proclaims that he found a cloak, and the mishna is referring to a case where the finder stated that he found a cloak, and the claimant stated its distinguishing marks. And what is the meaning of the phrase in the mishna: If he did not state its distinguishing marks? It means: If he did not state its clear-cut distinguishing marks but rather stated distinguishing marks that are not exclusive to the item. Therefore, he does not prove his ownership.,§ The mishna teaches: And in the case of a swindler, even though he stated its distinguishing marks, the finder shall not give the lost item to him. The Sages taught: Initially, anyone who lost an item would provide its distinguishing marks and take it. But when the swindlers proliferated, the Sages instituted an ordice that the finders will say to him: Go and bring witnesses who can testify that you are not a swindler, and take your item.,The Gemara relates: This is as in that incident involving the father of Rav Pappa, who lost a donkey and others found it. He came before Rabba bar Rav Huna to reclaim his donkey. Rabba bar Rav Huna said to the father of Rav Pappa: Go and bring witnesses who can testify that you are not a swindler, and you may take your donkey. The father of Rav Pappa went and brought witnesses. Rabba bar Rav Huna said to the witnesses: Do you know about him that he is a swindler? The witnesses said: Yes. Rav Pappa’s father said, incredulously, to the witnesses: I am a swindler? The witnesses said to him: We were saying that you are not a swindler. They had thought the question was if he was not a swindler, and therefore responded in the affirmative. Rabba bar Rav Huna said: It is reasonable to conclude that the witnesses actually intended to support Rav Pappa’s father, because presumably, a person does not bring condemnation upon himself; Rav Pappa’s father would not have volunteered to provide witnesses who would testify against him.,any living being that works and generates enough revenue to cover the costs of the food that it eats, it shall work and eat while in the finder’s possession. And any living being that does not work but it does eat shall be sold, as it is stated: “Then you shall bring it into your house, and it shall be with you until your brother claims it, and you shall return it to him” (Deuteronomy 22:2), indicating that the finder must see how best to return it to him. Since the owner must repay the finder for his expenditures, if feeding the animal costs more than its value, the finder’s keep-ing the animal in his possession will prevent the owner from recovering it.,What shall be done with the money received from the sale of the animal? Rabbi Tarfon says: The finder may use it; therefore, if the money is lost, he is liable to pay restitution for it. Rabbi Akiva says: He may not use the money; therefore, if it is lost, he is not liable to pay restitution for it.,And must he care for the animal forever? Rav Naḥman says that Shmuel says: He cares for the animal until twelve months pass. This is also taught in a baraita: If one finds any living being that works and generates enough revenue to cover the costs of the food that it eats, e.g., a cow or a donkey, he tends to them until twelve months pass. From that point forward, one assesses their value, sells them, and places the money aside for the owner.,If one finds calves and foals, which are young and unfit for labor, he tends to them for three months, as they do not earn their keep. From that point forward, one assesses their value, sells them, and places the money aside for the owner. If one finds geese and roosters, he tends to them for thirty days. From that point forward, one assesses their value, sells them, and places the money aside for the owner.,Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: The legal status of a chicken is like that of a large domesticated animal in that the eggs it lays suffice to cover the cost of its food, and therefore the finder keeps it for twelve months. This is also taught in a baraita: If one finds a chicken and a large domesticated animal, he tends to them for twelve months. From that point forward, one assesses their value, sells them, and places the money aside for the owner. If one finds calves and foals, he tends to them for thirty days. From that point forward, one assesses their value, sells them, and places the money aside for the owner. If one finds geese and roosters and anything that costs more to tend to than the revenue generated by it, he tends to them for three days. From that point forward, one assesses their value, sells them, and places the money aside for the owner.,The Gemara asks: It is difficult, as there is a contradiction between the ruling in the first baraita that the finder keeps calves and foals for three months and the ruling in the second baraita that the finder keeps calves and foals for thirty days; and there is another contradiction between the ruling in the first baraita that the finder keeps geese and roosters for thirty days, and the ruling in the second baraita that the finder keeps geese and roosters for three days.,The Gemara answers: The contradiction between the ruling in the first baraita with regard to calves and foals and the ruling in the second baraita with regard to calves and foals is not difficult. This ruling in the first baraita that the finder keeps them for three months is referring to calves and foals that graze in the pasture, and that ruling in the second baraita that the finder keeps them for thirty days is referring to calves and foals that need to be fattened and therefore require greater exertion on the part of the one who finds them.,The contradiction between the ruling in the first baraita with regard to geese and roosters and the ruling in the second baraita with regard to geese and roosters is also not difficult. This ruling in the first baraita that the finder keeps them for thirty days is referring to large geese and roosters, which do not require great exertion, and that ruling in the second baraita that the finder keeps them for three days is referring to small geese and roosters, which require great exertion.,The mishna teaches: And any living being that does not work but it does eat shall be sold. The Sages taught in a baraita: The verse states: “And you shall return it to him” (Deuteronomy 22:2), indicating that the finder must see how best to return it to him, meaning that one shall not feed the value of a calf to the lost calves that he is tending, nor the value of a foal to the lost foals that he is tending, nor the value of a goose to the geese that he is tending, nor the value of a rooster to the roosters that he is tending. Were the finder to do so, ultimately, the owner would receive nothing.,§ The mishna teaches: What shall be done with the money received from the sale of the animal? Rabbi Tarfon says: The finder may use it; therefore, if the money is lost, he is liable to pay restitution for its loss. Rabbi Akiva says: He may not use the money. Therefore, if it is lost, he is not liable to pay restitution. The Gemara analyzes the tannaitic dispute: Rabbi Tarfon and Rabbi Akiva disagree

168. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, 22a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, in province of uzestan Found in books: Rubenstein, The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings (2018) 182

22a. לצפרא כרכינהו ושקלינהו וקמו ונפקו להו לשוקא ואשכחינהו א"ל לשיימיה מר היכי שוו א"ל הכי והכי א"ל ודלמא שוו טפי א"ל בהכי שקלינהו אמרו ליה דידך ניהו ושקלינהו מינך,אמרו ליה במטותא מינך במאי חשדתינן א"ל אמינא פדיון שבויים איקלע להו לרבנן ואכסיפו למימר לי אמרו ליה השתא נשקלינהו מר אמר להו מההוא שעתא אסחתינהו מדעתאי לצדקה,הוה קא חלשא דעתיה דרבא משום דאביי אמרו ליה מסתייך דקא מגנית אכולה כרכא,ר' ברוקא חוזאה הוה שכיח בשוקא דבי לפט הוה שכיח אליהו גביה א"ל איכא בהאי שוקא בר עלמא דאתי א"ל לא אדהכי והכי חזא לההוא גברא דהוה סיים מסאני אוכמי ולא רמי חוטא דתכלתא בגלימיה א"ל האי בר עלמא דאתי הוא,רהט בתריה א"ל מאי עובדך א"ל זיל האידנא ותא למחר למחר א"ל מאי עובדך א"ל זנדוקנא אנא ואסרנא גברי לחוד ונשי לחוד ורמינא פורייאי בין הני להני כי היכי דלא ליתו לידי איסורא כי חזינא בת ישראל דיהבי נכרים עלה עינייהו מסרנא נפשאי ומצילנא לה יומא חד הוות נערה מאורסה גבן דיהבו בה נכרים עינייהו שקלי דורדייא דחמרא ושדאי לה בשיפולה ואמרי דיסתנא היא,א"ל מאי טעמא לית לך חוטי ורמית מסאני אוכמי א"ל עיילנא ונפיקנא ביני נכרים כי היכי דלא לידעו דיהודאה אנא כי הוו גזרי גזירתא מודענא להו לרבנן ובעו רחמי ומבטלי לגזירתייהו ומאי טעמא כי אמינא לך אנא מאי עובדך ואמרת לי זיל האידנא ותא למחר א"ל בההיא שעתא גזרי גזירתא ואמינא ברישא איזיל ואשמע להו לרבנן דלבעי רחמי עלה דמילתא,אדהכי והכי אתו הנך תרי אתי א"ל הנך נמי בני עלמא דאתי נינהו אזל לגבייהו אמר להו מאי עובדייכו אמרו ליה אינשי בדוחי אנן מבדחינן עציבי אי נמי כי חזינן בי תרי דאית להו תיגרא בהדייהו טרחינן ועבדינן להו שלמא:,על אלו מתריעין בכל מקום כו' ת"ר על אלו מתריעין בכל מקום על השדפון ועל הירקון ועל ארבה וחסיל ועל חיה רעה ר' עקיבא אומר על השדפון ועל הירקון בכל שהוא ארבה וחסיל אפילו לא נראה בא"י אלא כנף אחד מתריעין עליהן:,ועל חיה וכו' ת"ר חיה רעה שאמרו בזמן שהיא משולחת מתריעין עליה אינה משולחת אין מתריעין עליה אי זו היא משולחת ואי זו היא שאינה משולחת נראית בעיר משולחת בשדה אינה משולחת ביום משולחת בלילה אינה משולחת,ראתה שני בני אדם ורצתה אחריהן משולחת נחבאת מפניהן אינה משולחת טרפה שני בני אדם ואכלה אחד מהן משולחת אכלה שניהן אינה משולחת עלתה לגג ונטלה תינוק מעריסה משולחת,הא גופה קשיא אמרת נראתה בעיר משולחת לא שנא ביום ולא שנא בלילה והדר אמרת ביום משולחת בלילה אינה משולחת,לא קשיא הכי קאמר נראתה בעיר ביום משולחת בעיר בלילה אינה משולחת אי נמי בשדה [אפילו] ביום [אינה] משולחת (בשדה בלילה אינה משולחת),ראתה שני בני אדם ורצתה אחריהן משולחת הא עומדת אינה משולחת והדר אמרת נחבאת מפניהן אינה משולחת הא עומדת משולחת,לא קשיא כאן בשדה הסמוכה לאגם כאן בשדה שאינה סמוכה לאגם,טרפה שני בני אדם כאחד ואכלה אחד מהן משולחת שניהם אינה משולחת והא אמרת אפילו רצתה אמר רב פפא כי תני ההיא באגמא:,גופא עלתה לגג ונטלה תינוק מעריסה משולחת פשיטא אמר רב פפא ככוכי דציידי:,על החרב וכו' ת"ר חרב שאמרו אינו צריך לומר חרב שאינו של שלום אלא אפילו חרב של שלום שאין לך חרב של שלום יותר מפרעה נכה ואעפ"כ נכשל בה המלך יאשיהו שנאמר

22a. In the morning, the Sages rolled up these rugs and took them, and they arose and went out to the market with them. And when Abba found them, the Sages said to him: Let the Master appraise these rugs, how much they are worth. He said to them: Their value is such and such. They said to him: But perhaps they are worth more. He said to them: This is what I paid for them. They said to him: The rugs are yours and we took them from you.,After explaining the reason for their actions, the Sages said to him: Please tell us, what did you suspect of us? You knew that we had taken your rugs, and yet you did not say anything. He said to them: I said to myself, certainly an unexpected opportunity for a ransom of prisoners became available for the Sages, and they required immediate funds, but they were too embarrassed to say so to me or to ask for money. Instead, they took the rugs. The Sages said to him: Now that we have explained the situation, let the Master take back the rugs. He said to them: From that moment when I realized they were missing, I put them out of my mind and consigned them for charity. As far as I am concerned, they are already designated for that purpose, and I cannot take them back.,Rava was distressed due to the fact that Abaye received greetings from Heaven every Shabbat eve, while Rava received such greetings only once a year, on Yom Kippur eve, as stated above. They said to him: Be content that through your merit you protect your entire city.,§ The Gemara relates another story about the righteousness of common people. Rabbi Beroka Ḥoza’a was often found in the market of Bei Lefet, and Elijah the Prophet would often appear to him. Once Rabbi Beroka said to Elijah: of all the people who come here, is there anyone in this market worthy of the World-to-Come? He said to him: No. In the meantime, Rabbi Beroka saw a man who was wearing black shoes, contrary to Jewish custom, and who did not place the sky-blue, dyed thread of ritual fringes on his garment. Elijah said to Rabbi Beroka: That man is worthy of the World-to-Come.,Rabbi Beroka ran after the man and said to him: What is your occupation? The man said to him: Go away now, as I have no time, but come back tomorrow and we will talk. The next day, Rabbi Beroka arrived and again said to him: What is your occupation? The man said to him: I am a prison guard [zandukana], and I imprison the men separately and the women separately, and I place my bed between them so that they will not come to transgression. When I see a Jewish woman upon whom gentiles have set their eyes, I risk my life to save her. One day, there was a betrothed young woman among us, upon whom the gentiles had set their eyes. I took dregs [durdayya] of red wine and threw them on the lower part of her dress, and I said: She is menstruating [dastana], so that they would leave her alone.,Rabbi Beroka said to him: What is the reason that you do not have threads of ritual fringes, and why do you wear black shoes? The man said to him: Since I come and go among gentiles, I dress this way so that they will not know that I am a Jew. When they issue a decree, I inform the Sages, and they pray for mercy and annul the decree. Rabbi Beroka further inquired: And what is the reason that when I said to you: What is your occupation, you said to me: Go away now but come tomorrow? The man said to him: At that moment, they had just issued a decree, and I said to myself: First I must go and inform the Sages, so that they will pray for mercy over this matter.,In the meantime, two brothers came to the marketplace. Elijah said to Rabbi Beroka: These two also have a share in the World-to-Come. Rabbi Beroka went over to the men and said to them: What is your occupation? They said to him: We are jesters, and we cheer up the depressed. Alternatively, when we see two people who have a quarrel between them, we strive to make peace. It is said that for this behavior one enjoys the profits of his actions in this world, and yet his reward is not diminished in the World-to-Come.,§ The mishna states: For the following calamities they sound the alarm in every place. The Sages taught: For the following calamities they sound the alarm in every place: For blight, for mildew, for locusts, for caterpillars, a type of locust that comes in large swarms and descends upon a certain place, and for dangerous beasts. Rabbi Akiva says: For blight and mildew they sound the alarm over any amount. For locusts, and for caterpillars, even if only a single wing of one of these pests was seen in all of Eretz Yisrael, they sound the alarm over them, as this is a sign that more are on their way.,The mishna taught that they sound the alarm for dangerous beasts that have invaded a town. The Sages taught in a baraita: The term dangerous beasts that they said is referring to a situation when there is an abnormal outbreak of the animals in a populated area (see Leviticus 26:22). In this case, they sound the alarm over them. However, if it is not an outbreak, they do not sound the alarm over them. The Gemara elaborates: What is considered an outbreak and what is not an outbreak? If a dangerous beast is seen in the city, this is an outbreak. If it is seen in the field, where it is usually found, this is not an outbreak. If it is seen during the day, this is an outbreak. If it is seen at night, this is not an outbreak.,The baraita continues: If the beast saw two people and chased after them, this is an outbreak. If it hid from them, this is not an outbreak. If it tore apart two people and ate one of them, this is an outbreak, as it is clear that the animal did not attack merely due to hunger. If it ate both of them, this is not an outbreak, as the animal was evidently hungry and acted in accordance with its nature. If it climbed to the roof and took a baby from its cradle, this is an outbreak. This concludes the Gemara’s citation of the baraita.,The Gemara asks: This baraita is itself difficult. Initially, you said that if a dangerous beast is seen in the city, this is an outbreak, which indicates that it is no different whether it is seen by day and it is no different if it is seen at night. And then you said: If the animal is seen during the day, this is an outbreak; if it is seen at night, this is not an outbreak.,The Gemara resolves this difficulty: This is not difficult, as this is what the baraita is saying: If it is seen in the city during the day, this is an outbreak; if it is seen in the city at night, this is not an outbreak. Alternatively, if it is seen in the field, even during the day, this is not an outbreak. If it is spotted in the field at night, this is certainly not an outbreak.,The Gemara inquires about another apparent contradiction: The baraita states that if the beast saw two people and chased after them, this is an outbreak. This indicates that if it stands but does not run away, this is not an outbreak. And then you said that if it hid from them, this is not an outbreak, from which it may be inferred that if it stands and does not run away, this is an outbreak.,The Gemara answers: This is not difficult, as the two sections of the baraita describe different situations. Here, where it is an outbreak, the beast is standing in a field near a marsh. It is natural for the animal to stand, for the beast knows that if people attempt to catch it, it can run into the marsh. Conversely, there, where it is not an outbreak, the beast is standing in a field that is not near a marsh. Since it has nowhere to run, standing demonstrates an unnatural lack of fear.,The baraita taught that if the beast tore apart two people and ate one of them, this is an outbreak, but if it ate both of them this is not an outbreak. The Gemara asks: But didn’t you say that even if the animal merely chased after two people, this is an outbreak? Rav Pappa said: When that ruling of a beast that tore apart two people is taught, it is referring to an animal in a marsh. Since it is in its own habitat, it is natural for a territorial beast to attack.,The Gemara returns to the matter of the baraita itself. If a wild animal climbed to the roof and took a baby from its cradle, this is an outbreak. The Gemara asks: It is obvious that this animal is acting unnaturally. Why does the baraita mention this case? Rav Pappa said: The baraita is referring to the roof of a hunter’s hideout. Since this hut is in a wild area, one might have thought that it is natural for the beast to attack. Therefore, the baraita teaches us that this is still considered an outbreak.,§ The mishna taught that they sound the alarm for the sword. The Sages taught: With regard to the sword that they mentioned, it is not necessary to state that this includes a sword that is not of peace, i.e., an enemy army that has come to wage war against the Jews. Rather, even in a case of a sword of peace, when an army passes through with no intention of waging war against the Jews, but is merely on its way to another place, this is enough to obligate the court to sound the alarm, as you do not have a greater example of a sword of peace than Pharaoh Neco. He passed through Eretz Yisrael to wage war with Nebuchadnezzar, and nevertheless King Josiah stumbled in this matter, as it is stated:

169. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Qamma, 72a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 71

170. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, 4b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 218

171. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, 9b-10a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 68, 69

172. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, 80b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 69

80b. זו דברי ר"מ אבל חכמים אומרים אפילו לא כתב אלא לשם סנטר שבעיר הרי זו מגורשת,ההוא גיטא דהוה כתיב ביה לשם איסטנדרא דבשכר שלחה רב נחמן בר רב חסדא לקמיה דרבה כי האי גוונא מאי,שלח ליה בהא אפילו ר"מ מודי מאי טעמא מאותה מלכות הוא,ומאי שנא מסנטר שבעיר התם זילא להו מילתא הכא שביחא להו מילתא,אמר ר' אבא אמר רב הונא אמר רב זו דברי ר"מ אבל חכמים אומרים הולד כשר ומודים חכמים לר"מ שאם שינה שמו ושמה שם עירו ושם עירה שהולד ממזר,אמר רב אשי אף אנן נמי תנינא שינה שמו ושמה שם עירו ושם עירה תצא מזה ומזה וכל הדרכים האלו בה,הא מאן קתני לה אילימא ר"מ ליערבינהו וליתנינהו אלא ש"מ רבנן ש"מ:,כל עריות שאמרו כו': נישאו אין זינו לא,לימא תיהוי תיובתא דרב המנונא דאמר רב המנונא שומרת יבם שזינתה אסורה ליבמה,לא נישאו וה"ה לזינו והאי דקתני נישאו לישנא מעליא נקט,ואיכא דאמרי נישאו וה"ה לזינו,לימא מסייע ליה לרב המנונא דא"ר המנונא שומרת יבם שזינתה אסורה ליבמה,לא נישאו דווקא משום דמיחלפא באשה שהלך בעלה למדינת הים:,הכונס את יבמתו כו': וצריכא דאי אשמעינן בהך קמייתא משום דלא איקיים מצות יבום,אבל הכא דאיקיים מצות יבום אימא לא,ואי אשמעי' הכא משום דקא רמיא קמיה אבל התם דלא רמיא קמיה אימא לא צריכא:,כתב הסופר וטעה ונתן גט לאשה ושובר וכו' ר"א אומר אם לאלתר יצא וכו':,היכי דמי לאלתר והיכי דמי לאחר זמן אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל כל זמן שיושבין ועסוקין באותו ענין זהו לאלתר עמדו זהו לאחר זמן,ורב אדא בר אהבה אמר לא נישאת זהו לאלתר נישאת זהו לאחר זמן,תנן לא כל הימנו מן הראשון לאבד זכותו של שני בשלמא לרב אדא בר אהבה היינו דקתני שני אלא לשמואל מאי שני

80b. This is the statement of Rabbi Meir, who is particular about maintaining peaceful relations with the kingdom, with regard to bills of divorce. But the Rabbis say: Even if he wrote a date on the bill of divorce only in the name of the guardsman [santar] in the city, she is divorced, since it is irrelevant which calendrical system was used for the date.,It is related that there was a certain bill of divorce in which the date was written in the name of the governor [istandera] of the city of Bascar, i.e., the date was marked according to the years of his government. Rav Naḥman bar Rav Ḥisda sent this dilemma before Rabba: What is the halakha in a case like this?,He sent him in response: With regard to this, even Rabbi Meir concedes that the bill of divorce is valid. What is the reason? The governor is an official from that kingdom, so the ruler of the kingdom does not mind.,The Gemara asks: And in what way is this case different from the guardsman in the city? The Gemara answers: There, it is demeaning for them that the date is written in the name of an unimportant official. Here, with regard to the governor, it is complimentary for them that the date is written in the name of a senior official.,Rabbi Abba says that Rav Huna says that Rav says: This mishna is in accordance with the statement of Rabbi Meir, who is stringent with regard to this bill of divorce and holds that the child is a mamzer. But the Rabbis say: The lineage of the offspring is unflawed. And the Rabbis concede to Rabbi Meir, that if he changed his name or her name, the name of his city or the name of her city, the offspring is a mamzer.,Rav Ashi says: We, too, learn in the mishna: If he changed his name or her name, the name of his city or the name of her city, and she remarried on the basis of this bill of divorce, then she must leave this husband and that husband, and all of those ways of penalizing a woman who remarried based on the bills of divorce detailed in the earlier clause of the mishna apply to her.,It is necessary to clarify who teaches this halakha? If we say that it is Rabbi Meir, let him combine the case of one who writes a different kingdom, and the case of one who changes the names, and teach them both as one halakha. Rather, conclude from it that this halakha is the opinion of the Rabbis. The Gemara concludes: Conclude from it that until this point the mishna was quoting the statement of Rabbi Meir, but subsequently it is the statement of the Rabbis that is quoted, that in a case of such a fundamental change, even in their opinion such a bill of divorce is invalid.,§ It was taught in the mishna that in all of those cases in which they said that a man who died and left behind a widow who is to the yavam one of those with whom relations are forbidden, and the rival wives were thought to be permitted to remarry, if it later became clear that the forbidden relation was an ailonit and therefore they were in fact forbidden from remarrying, then they must leave the man whom they remarried, and they cannot enter into levirate marriage with the yavam, and many other penalties apply to them as well. The Gemara comments: It is possible to deduce from the language used by the mishna that only if they married other men, then yes, these halakhot apply to them. But if the rival wives engaged in licentious sexual intercourse, then no, these halakhot do not apply to them.,The Gemara suggests: Let us say that this is a conclusive refutation of the opinion of Rav Hamnuna, as Rav Hamnuna says: A widow awaiting her brother-in-law to perform levirate marriage who engaged in licentious sexual intercourse is likened to a married woman who committed adultery, and she is prohibited from entering into levirate marriage with her yavam.,The Gemara rejects this: No, this is not a refutation, since it is possible to explain that the mishna gave the example that they married, and the same is true in a case where they engaged in licentious sexual intercourse. And this that the mishna teaches: If they married, is because it employed a euphemistic expression, to refrain from discussing a case of licentiousness.,And there are those who say that the exchange went as follows: From the mishna’s statement about the rival wives that remarried, one can understand, that the halakha is so if they married, and the same is true in a case where they engaged in licentious sexual intercourse.,The Gemara suggests: Let us say that it supports the opinion of Rav Hamnuna, as Rav Hamnuna says: A widow awaiting her brother-in-law to perform levirate marriage who engaged in licentious sexual intercourse is prohibited from entering into levirate marriage with her yavam.,The Gemara rejects this: No, it is specifically when they married that they are forbidden, because she is confused with a woman whose husband traveled to a country overseas and she went and remarried. In that case she is certainly prohibited from marrying both the first and the second husband. Similarly, they instituted the same decree for a yevama who married someone else. By contrast, in the case of a yevama who engaged in licentious sexual intercourse, which is completely different, they did not institute this decree.,§ It was taught in the mishna that one who marries his yevama, and her rival wife went and married another man, and ultimately the yevama was found to be an ailonit, then the rival wife must leave her husband, and she cannot enter into levirate marriage with the yavam, and many other penalties apply to her as well. The Gemara comments: And it is necessary to teach this halakha as well, although it seemingly deals with the same issue as the previous halakha. As, if the mishna had taught us this halakha only with regard to the first case of a rival wife of a woman who is forbidden to the yavam, then one could say that the halakha is so, because the mitzva of levirate marriage was not fulfilled at all, since the rival wife married someone else, and the yavam did not perform levirate marriage.,But here, in this latter case, where the mitzva of levirate marriage was fulfilled in some way when he married the yevama, although ultimately it became clear that it was not a legitimate levirate marriage, say that the rival wives are not penalized, since she is not guilty by not having waited.,And if the mishna had taught us this halakha here, with regard to a yavam who married a yevama who was ultimately found to be an ailonit, then one could say that specifically here there is reason to penalize her, because this rival wife who remarried was also placed before the yavam, as he could have entered into levirate marriage with any of his brother’s wives. Therefore, she could have waited to see if the levirate marriage was effective before remarrying. But there, in the first case of a yevama who is forbidden to the yavam, that she is not placed before him, as all of them are entirely exempt from levirate marriage, say that the rival wives are not penalized. Therefore, it is necessary to state both halakhot.,§ It was taught in the mishna that if the scribe wrote a bill of divorce, and erred and gave the bill of divorce to the woman and the receipt to the man, and consequently the husband gave his wife a receipt and she gave him a bill of divorce, Rabbi Eliezer says: If the bill of divorce is immediately in the husband’s possession, it is not a valid bill of divorce. But if it is in his possession after some time, the assumption is that she was divorced in a correct manner and the bill of divorce was returned to him later.,The Gemara asks: What are the circumstances in which the bill of divorce is immediately in the husband’s hand and what are the circumstances in which it is in his possession after some time? Rav Yehuda says that Shmuel says: All the while that they are sitting and are engaged in the issue of the divorce, this is considered immediately. If they already arose and concluded the proceedings, this is considered after some time.,And Rav Adda bar Ahava says: If she was not married to someone else, this is considered immediately, since they can rectify the situation by requiring him to give the bill of divorce properly. If she was married, this is considered after some time.,The Gemara asks: We learned in the mishna with regard to Rabbi Elazar’s statement: It is not in the power of the first husband to eliminate the right of the second husband. Granted, according to the opinion of Rav Adda bar Ahava, this explanation is consistent with that which is taught: The second husband, since the mishna is discussing a case in which she remarried and has a second husband. But according to the opinion of Shmuel, what is the reference to a second husband? Shmuel’s opinion is that as soon as they arise and conclude the proceedings, it is considered to be after some time, and in this case there is no second husband. According to Shmuel’s opinion, how does Rabbi Elazar’s statement apply?

173. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, 11a, 12a, 29a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 67, 68

29a. מבטלין ת"ת להוצאת המת ולהכנסת הכלה אמרו עליו על ר' יהודה בר' אילעאי שהיה מבטל ת"ת להוצאת המת ולהכנסת הכלה בד"א בשאין שם כל צורכו אבל יש שם כל צורכו אין מבטלין,וכמה כל צורכו אמר רב שמואל בר איניא משמיה דרב תריסר אלפי גברי ושיתא אלפי שיפורי ואמרי לה תריסר אלפי גברי ומינייהו שיתא אלפי שיפורי עולא אמר כגון דחייצי גברי מאבולא עד סיכרא,רב ששת אמר כנתינתה כך נטילתה מה נתינתה בששים ריבוא אף נטילתה בס' ריבוא ה"מ למאן דקרי ותני אבל למאן דמתני לית ליה שיעורא,תניא ר"ש בן יוחי אומר בוא וראה כמה חביבין ישראל לפני הקב"ה שבכל מקום שגלו שכינה עמהן גלו למצרים שכינה עמהן שנאמר (שמואל א ב, כז) הנגלה נגליתי לבית אביך בהיותם במצרים וגו' גלו לבבל שכינה עמהן שנאמר (ישעיהו מג, יד) למענכם שלחתי בבלה ואף כשהן עתידין ליגאל שכינה עמהן שנאמר (דברים ל, ג) ושב ה' אלהיך את שבותך והשיב לא נאמר אלא ושב מלמד שהקב"ה שב עמהן מבין הגליות,בבבל היכא אמר אביי בבי כנישתא דהוצל ובבי כנישתא דשף ויתיב בנהרדעא ולא תימא הכא והכא אלא זמנין הכא וזמנין הכא אמר אביי תיתי לי דכי מרחיקנא פרסה עיילנא ומצלינא התם אבוה דשמואל [ולוי] הוו יתבי בכנישתא דשף ויתיב בנהרדעא אתיא שכינה שמעו קול ריגשא [קמו ונפקו,רב ששת הוה יתיב בבי כנישתא דשף ויתיב בנהרדעא אתיא שכינה] ולא נפק אתו מלאכי השרת וקא מבעתו ליה אמר לפניו רבש"ע עלוב ושאינו עלוב מי נדחה מפני מי אמר להו שבקוהו,(יחזקאל יא, טז) ואהי להם למקדש מעט אמר רבי יצחק אלו בתי כנסיות ובתי מדרשות שבבבל ור"א אמר זה בית רבינו שבבבל,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (תהלים צ, א) ה' מעון אתה היית לנו אלו בתי כנסיות ובתי מדרשות אמר אביי מריש הואי גריסנא בביתא ומצלינא בבי כנשתא כיון דשמעית להא דקאמר דוד (תהלים כו, ח) ה' אהבתי מעון ביתך הואי גריסנא בבי כנישתא,תניא ר"א הקפר אומר עתידין בתי כנסיות ובתי מדרשות שבבבל שיקבעו בא"י שנאמר (ירמיהו מו, יח) כי כתבור בהרים וככרמל בים יבא והלא דברים ק"ו ומה תבור וכרמל שלא באו אלא לפי שעה ללמוד תורה נקבעים בארץ ישראל בתי כנסיות ובתי מדרשות שקורין ומרביצין בהן תורה עאכ"ו,דרש בר קפרא מאי דכתיב (תהלים סח, יז) למה תרצדון הרים גבנונים יצתה בת קול ואמרה להם למה תרצו דין עם סיני כולכם בעלי מומים אתם אצל סיני כתיב הכא גבנונים וכתיב התם (ויקרא כא, כ) או גבן או דק אמר רב אשי ש"מ האי מאן דיהיר בעל מום הוא:,אין עושין אותו קפנדריא: מאי קפנדריא אמר רבא קפנדריא כשמה מאי כשמה כמאן דאמר אדמקיפנא אדרי איעול בהא,א"ר אבהו אם היה שביל מעיקרא מותר,אר"נ בר יצחק הנכנס ע"מ שלא לעשות קפנדריא מותר לעשותו קפנדריא וא"ר חלבו אמר ר"ה הנכנס לבהכ"נ להתפלל מותר לעשותו קפנדריא שנא' (יחזקאל מו, ט) ובבא עם הארץ לפני ה' במועדים הבא דרך שער צפון להשתחוות יצא דרך שער נגב:,עלו בו עשבים לא יתלוש מפני עגמת נפש: והתניא אינו תולש ומאכיל אבל תולש ומניח כי תנן נמי מתני' תולש ומאכיל תנן,ת"ר בית הקברות אין נוהגין בהן קלות ראש אין מרעין בהן בהמה ואין מוליכין בהן אמת המים ואין מלקטין בהן עשבים ואם ליקט שורפן במקומן מפני כבוד מתים,אהייא אילימא אסיפא כיון ששורפן במקומן מאי כבוד מתים איכא אלא ארישא:,

29a. One interrupts his Torah study to carry out the dead for burial and to escort a bride to her wedding. They said about Rabbi Yehuda, son of Rabbi Elai, that he would interrupt his Torah study to carry out the dead for burial and to escort a bride to her wedding. The Gemara qualifies this ruling: In what case is this statement said? Only where there are not sufficient numbers of other people available to perform these mitzvot and honor the deceased or the bride appropriately. However, when there are sufficient numbers, additional people should not interrupt their Torah study to participate.,The Gemara asks: And how many people are considered sufficient? Rav Shmuel bar Inya said in the name of Rav: Twelve thousand men and another six thousand men to blow horns as a sign of mourning. And some say a different version: Twelve thousand men, among whom are six thousand men with horns. Ulla said: For example, enough to make a procession of people all the way from the town gate [abbula] to the place of burial.,Rav Sheshet said: As the Torah was given, so it should be taken away, i.e., the same honor that was provided when the Torah was given at Mount Sinai should be provided when the Torah is taken through the passing away of a Torah scholar. Just as the Torah was given in the presence of six hundred thousand men, so too its taking should be done in the presence of six hundred thousand men. The Gemara comments: This applies to someone who read the Bible and studied halakhot for himself. But for someone who taught others, there is no limit to the honor that should be shown to him.,§ It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai says: Come and see how beloved the Jewish people are before the Holy One, Blessed be He. As every place they were exiled, the Divine Presence went with them. They were exiled to Egypt, and the Divine Presence went with them, as it is stated: “Did I reveal myself to the house of your father when they were in Egypt?” (I Samuel 2:27). They were exiled to Babylonia, and the Divine Presence went with them, as it is stated: “For your sake I have sent to Babylonia” (Isaiah 43:14). So too, when, in the future, they will be redeemed, the Divine Presence will be with them, as it is stated: “Then the Lord your God will return with your captivity” (Deuteronomy 30:3). It does not state: He will bring back, i.e., He will cause the Jewish people to return, but rather it says: “He will return,” which teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, will return together with them from among the various exiles.,The Gemara asks: Where in Babylonia does the Divine Presence reside? Abaye said: In the ancient synagogue of Huzal and in the synagogue that was destroyed and rebuilt in Neharde’a. And do not say that the Divine Presence resided here and there, i.e., in both places simultaneously. Rather, at times it resided here in Huzal and at times there in Neharde’a. Abaye said: I have a blessing coming to me, for whenever I am within a distance of a parasang from one of those synagogues, I go in and pray there, due to the special honor and sanctity attached to them. It was related that the father of Shmuel and Levi were once sitting in the synagogue that was destroyed and rebuilt in Neharde’a. The Divine Presence came and they heard a loud sound, so they arose and left.,It was further related that Rav Sheshet was once sitting in the synagogue that was destroyed and rebuilt in Neharde’a, and the Divine Presence came but he did not go out. The ministering angels came and were frightening him in order to force him to leave. Rav Sheshet turned to God and said before Him: Master of the Universe, if one is wretched and the other is not wretched, who should defer to whom? Shouldn’t the one who is not wretched give way to the one who is? Now I am blind and wretched; why then do you expect me to defer to the angels? God then turned to the angels and said to them: Leave him.,The verse states: “Yet I have been to them as a little sanctuary in the countries where they have come” (Ezekiel 11:16). Rabbi Yitzḥak said: This is referring to the synagogues and study halls in Babylonia. And Rabbi Elazar said: This is referring to the house of our master, i.e., Rav, in Babylonia, from which Torah issues forth to the entire world.,Rava interpreted a verse homiletically: What is the meaning of that which is written: “Lord, You have been our dwelling place in all generations” (Psalms 90:1)? This is referring to the synagogues and study halls. Abaye said: Initially, I used to study Torah in my home and pray in the synagogue. Once I heard and understood that which King David says: “Lord, I love the habitation of Your house” (Psalms 26:8), I would always study Torah in the synagogue, to express my love for the place in which the Divine Presence resides.,It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Elazar HaKappar says: In the future, the synagogues and the study halls in Babylonia will be transported and reestablished in Eretz Yisrael, as it is stated: “Surely, like Tabor among the mountains, and like Carmel by the sea, so shall he come” (Jeremiah 46:18). There is a tradition that these mountains came to Sinai at the giving of the Torah and demanded that the Torah should be given upon them. And are these matters not inferred through an a fortiori argument: Just as Tabor and Carmel, which came only momentarily to study Torah, were relocated and established in Eretz Yisrael in reward for their actions, all the more so should the synagogues and study halls in Babylonia, in which the Torah is read and disseminated, be relocated to Eretz Yisrael.,Bar Kappara interpreted a verse homiletically: What is the meaning of that which is written: “Why do you look askance [teratzdun], O high-peaked mountains, at the mountain that God has desired for His abode” (Psalms 68:17)? A Divine Voice issued forth and said to all the mountains that came and demanded that the Torah be given upon them: Why do you seek [tirtzu] to enter into a legal dispute [din] with Mount Sinai? You are all blemished in comparison to Mount Sinai, as it is written here: “High-peaked [gavnunnim]” and it is written there, with regard to the blemishes that disqualify a priest: “Or crookbacked [gibben] or a dwarf” (Leviticus 21:20). Rav Ashi said: Learn from this that one who is arrogant is considered blemished. The other mountains arrogantly insisted that the Torah should be given upon them, and they were therefore described as blemished.,§ The mishna teaches that even if a synagogue fell into ruin, it may not be made into a kappendarya. The Gemara asks: What is meant by kappendarya? Rava said: A shortcut, as implied by its name. The Gemara clarifies: What do you mean by adding: As implied by its name? It is like one who said: Instead of going around the entire row of houses [makkifna addari] to get to the other side, thereby lengthening my journey, I will enter this house and walk through it to the other side. The word kappendarya sounds like a contraction of makkifna addari. This is what Rava meant by saying: As implied by its name.,Rabbi Abbahu said: If a public path had initially passed through that location, before the synagogue was built, it is permitted to continue to use it as a shortcut, for the honor due to a synagogue cannot annul the public’s right of access to the path.,Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: With regard to one who enters a synagogue without intending to make it into a shortcut, when he leaves he is permitted to make it into a shortcut for himself, by leaving through the exit on the other side of the building. And Rabbi Ḥelbo said that Rav Huna said: With regard to one who enters a synagogue to pray, he is permitted to make it into a shortcut for himself by leaving through a different exit, and it is fitting to do so, as it is stated: “And when the people of the land shall come before the Lord in the appointed seasons, he that enters by way of the north gate to bow down shall go forth by the way of the south gate” (Ezekiel 46:9). This indicates that it is a show of respect not to leave through the same entrance through which one came in; it is better to leave through the other side.,§ The mishna teaches: If grass sprang up in a ruined synagogue, although it is not befitting its sanctity, one should not pick it, due to the anguish that it will cause to those who see it. It will remind them of the disrepair of the synagogue and the need to rebuild it. The Gemara asks: But isn’t it taught in a baraita: One may not pick the grass and feed it to one’s animals, but he may pick it and leave it there? The Gemara answers: When we learned the prohibition against picking the grass in the mishna as well, we learned only that it is prohibited to pick it and feed it to one’s animals, but it is permitted to leave it there.,The Sages taught in a baraita: In a cemetery, one may not act with frivolity; one may not graze an animal on the grass growing inside it; and one may not direct a water channel to pass through it; and one may not gather grass inside it to use the grass as feed for one’s animals; and if one gathered grass for that purpose, it should be burnt on the spot, out of respect for the dead.,The Gemara clarifies: With regard to the phrase: Out of respect for the dead, to which clause of the baraita does it refer? If we say it is referring to the last clause, that if one gathered grass that it should be burnt out of respect for the dead, then one could ask: Since the grass is burnt on the spot, and not publicly, what respect for the dead is there in this act? Rather, the phrase must be referring to the first clause of the baraita, and it explains why it is prohibited to act with frivolity.,Shabbatot during and surrounding the month of Adar, a Torah portion of seasonal significance is read. When the New Moon of Adar occurs on Shabbat, the congregation reads the portion of Shekalim on that Shabbat. If the New Moon occurs during the middle of the week, they advance the reading of that portion to the previous Shabbat, and, in such a case, they interrupt the reading of the four portions on the following Shabbat, which would be the first Shabbat of the month of Adar, and no additional portion is read on it.,On the second Shabbat, the Shabbat prior to Purim, they read the portion: “Remember what Amalek did” (Deuteronomy 25:17–19), which details the mitzva to remember and destroy the nation of Amalek. On the third Shabbat, they read the portion of the Red Heifer [Para] (Numbers 19:1–22), which details the purification process for one who became ritually impure through contact with a corpse. On the fourth Shabbat, they read the portion: “This month [haḥodesh] shall be for you” (Exodus 12:1–20), which describes the offering of the Paschal lamb. On the fifth Shabbat, they resume the regular weekly order of readings and no special portion is read.,For all special days, the congregation interrupts the regular weekly order of readings, and a special portion relating to the character of the day is read. This applies on the New Moons, on Hanukkah, and on Purim, on fast days, and on the non-priestly watches, and on Yom Kippur.,We learned in a mishna there (Shekalim 1:1): On the first of Adar they make a public announcement concerning the forthcoming collection of half-shekels. The money is used for the communal offerings in the Temple in the coming year.

174. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.54 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 272

2.54. And that we do not carelessly assert these things, but that what we have said is abundantly confirmed by history, the following narrations sufficiently testify. For in Rhodes, on the sixth day of Metageitnion, a man was sacrificed to Kronos; which custom having prevailed for a long time, was afterwards changed. For one of those men who, by the public decision, had been sentenced to death, was kept in prison till the Kronion festival commenced; but as soon as this festival began, they brought the man out of the gates, opposite to the seat (hedos) of Aristoboule, and giving him wine to drink, they slaughtered him. And in what is now called Salamis, but was formerly denominated Coronis, in the month according to the Cypriots Aphrodisios, a man was sacrificed to Agraulos, the daughter of Cecrops and the nymph Agraulis. And this custom continued till the time of Diomedes. Afterwards it was changed, so that a man was sacrificed to Diomedes. But the temple of Athena, and that of Agraulos, and Diomedes, were contained in one and the same enclosure. The man who was also about to be slain, was first led by the ephebes thrice round the altar, afterwards the priest pierced him with a lance in the stomach, and thus being thrown on the pyre, he was entirely consumed. 2.54. 54.And that we do not carelessly assert these things, but that what we have said is abundantly confirmed by history, the following narrations sufficiently testify. For in Rhodes, on the sixth day of June, a man was sacrificed to Saturn; which custom having prevailed for a long time, was afterwards changed [into a more human mode of sacrificing]. For one of those men who, by the public decision, had been sentenced to death, was kept in prison till the Saturnalia commenced; but as soon as this festival began, they brought the man out of the gates of the city, opposite to the temple of Aristobulus, and giving him wine to drink, they cut his throat. But in the island which is now called Salamis, but was formerly denominated Coronis, in the month according to the Cyprians Aphrodisius, a man was sacrificed to Agraule, the daughter of Cecrops, and the nymph Agraulis. And this custom continued till the time of Diomed. Afterwards it was changed, so that a man was sacrificed to Diomed. But the temples of Minerva, of Agraule, and Diomed, were contained in one and the same enclosure. The man who was also about to be slain, was first led by young men thrice round the altar, afterwards the priest pierced him with a lance in the stomach, and thus being thrown on the pyre, he was entirely consumed.

175. Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah, 34a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 70

34a. אבא שאול אומר ערבי שתים אחת ללולב ואחת למקדש,ורבנן למקדש מנא להו הלכתא גמירי להו דא"ר אסי א"ר יוחנן עשר נטיעות ערבה וניסוך המים הלכה למשה מסיני,ת"ר ערבי נחל הגדילות על הנחל פרט לצפצפה הגדילה בין ההרים א"ר זירא מאי קראה (יחזקאל יז, ה) קח על מים רבים צפצפה שמו,א"ל אביי ודילמא פרושי קא מפרש קח על מים רבים ומאי ניהו צפצפה א"כ מאי שמו א"ר אבהו אמר הקב"ה אני אמרתי שיהו ישראל לפני כקח על מים רבים ומאי ניהו ערבה והן שמו עצמן כצפצפה שבהרים,איכא דמתני לה להאי קרא אמתניתא קח על מים רבים צפצפה שמו מתקיף לה ר' זירא ודילמא פרושי קא מפרש קח על מים רבים מאי ניהו צפצפה אם כן מאי שמו א"ר אבהו אמר הקב"ה אני אמרתי שיהו ישראל לפני כקח על מים רבים ומאי ניהו ערבה והן שמו עצמן כצפצפה שבהרים,ת"ר אי זהו ערבה ואיזהו צפצפה ערבה קנה שלה אדום ועלה שלה משוך ופיה חלק צפצפה קנה שלה לבן ועלה שלה עגול ופיה דומה למגל והא תניא דומה למגל כשר דומה למסר פסול אמר אביי כי תניא ההיא בחילפא גילא,אמר אביי שמע מינה האי חילפא גילא כשר להושענא פשיטא מהו דתימא הואיל ואית ליה שם לווי לא נתכשר קמ"ל,ואימא הכי נמי ערבי נחל אמר רחמנא מכל מקום,אמר רב חסדא הני תלת מילי אשתני שמייהו מכי חרב בית המקדש חלפת' ערבתא ערבתא חלפתא מאי נ"מ ללולב,שיפורא חצוצרתא חצוצרתא שיפורא מאי נפקא מינה לשופר של ראש השנה,פתורתא פתורא פתורא פתורתא למאי נפקא מינה למקח וממכר,אמר אביי אף אני אומר בי כסי הובלילא הובלילא בי כסי,למאי נפקא מינה למחט הנמצא בעובי בית הכוסות,אמר רבא בר יוסף אף אני אומר בבל בורסיף בורסיף בבל למאי

34a. Abba Shaul says: “Willows” in the plural teaches that there are two mitzvot that involve use of the willow branch. One is the willow branch for the lulav, and one is the willow branch taken for the Temple, with which the people would circle the altar on Sukkot.,And the Rabbis, who do not interpret the verse that way, from where do they derive the mitzva of the willow branch for the Temple? It is a halakha transmitted to Moses from Sinai that they learned through tradition and not from a verse, as Rabbi Asi said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: There are three halakhot for which the Sages unsuccessfully sought a Torah source. The first is the halakha of ten saplings. There is a mitzva by Torah law to extend the sanctity of the Sabbatical Year and to begin refraining from plowing thirty days before the Sabbatical Year begins. However, one may plow around individual saplings to sustain them. In a field that is one beit se’a, fifty by fifty cubits, in which there are ten evenly spaced saplings, it is permitted to plow the entire field until the onset of the Sabbatical Year to sustain the saplings. The second halakha is the mitzva of the willow branch in the Temple. And the third halakha is the mitzva of the water libation on the altar, which accompanies the daily offerings each day of Sukkot, together with the daily wine libation. No Torah source was found for these halakhot, as each is a halakha transmitted to Moses from Sinai.,The Sages taught an additional baraita: “Willows of the brook” is referring to those that grow by the river, which comes to exclude a tzaftzafa, which grows among the mountains and not near a brook. Rabbi Zeira said: What is the verse from which the fact that the tzaftzafa is unfit is derived? It is derived from the reprimand that is written: “He placed it by great waters, and set it as a tzaftzafa” (Ezekiel 17:5). The Jewish people were planted like a willow on great waters, but ultimately became like a tzaftzafa. Apparently, a tzaftzafa does not grow on great waters.,Abaye said to Rabbi Zeira: And perhaps the second part of the verse is merely explaining the first part, and it means: He placed it by great waters, and what is it that He placed there? It is a tzaftzafa. Rabbi Zeira answered: If so, and that is the meaning of the verse, what is the meaning of the term “set it”? Rather, the verse means that the willow branch was transformed into a tzaftzafa. That is how Rabbi Abbahu explained the verse, as Rabbi Abbahu said that the Holy One, Blessed be He, said: I said that the Jewish people should be before Me as a plant placed by great waters, and what is that plant? It is a willow. And they set themselves as a tzaftzafa of the mountains.,Some taught this verse as the conclusion of the baraita and Rabbi Zeira raised the objection, and the response to his objection is unattributed: He placed it by great waters, and set it as a tzaftzafa. Rabbi Zeira strongly objects: And perhaps the second part of the verse is merely explaining the first part, and it means: He placed it by great waters, and what is it that He placed there? It is a tzaftzafa. The Gemara rejects this suggestion: If so, and that is the meaning of the verse, what is the meaning of the term “set it”? Rabbi Abbahu said that the Holy One, Blessed be He, said: I said that the Jewish people should be before Me as a plant placed by great waters, and what is that plant? It is a willow. And they set themselves as a tzaftzafa of the mountains.,Apropos the defining characteristics of the willow branch, in contrast to similar species that are unfit, the Sages taught: What is a willow and what is a tzaftzafa? With regard to a willow branch, its stem is red, and its leaf is elongated, and the edge of its leaf is smooth. With regard to a tzaftzafa, its stem is white, its leaf is round, and the edge of its leaf is serrated like a sickle. The Gemara objects: But isn’t it taught in a baraita: If the edge of its leaf is serrated like a sickle it is fit, but if it is serrated like a saw, whose teeth are uneven in both size and sequence, it is unfit? Abaye said: When that baraita was taught, it was referring to a particular type of willow called ḥilfa gila, whose leaves are serrated. However, all other types of willow branches have leaves with a smooth edge.,Abaye said: Conclude from it that this ḥilfa gila is fit for use in the hoshana of the four species. The Gemara wonders: That is obvious. The Gemara answers: Lest you say that since its name is accompanied by a modifier, as it is called ḥilfa gila, it should not be fit. Therefore, Abaye teaches us that it is fit.,The Gemara asks: And say it is indeed so, that since its name is accompanied by a modifier it is unfit. The Gemara answers: The Merciful One states: “Willows of the brook,” in the plural, teaching that the branches of willows are fit in any case.,Apropos the branches of the willow and the tzaftzafa, the Gemara cites what Rav Ḥisda said: These three objects’ names changed since the Temple was destroyed. That which was called willow was called in later generations ḥalfata, which is another name for tzaftzafa, and that which was called ḥalfata was called willow. The Gemara asks: What is the practical halakhic difference that emerges from the name change? The Gemara answers: It is with regard to the mitzva of taking the lulav, as one of the species bound with the lulav is a willow branch, which is now called tzaftzafa.,In addition, that which was called trumpet was called shofar in later generations, and that which was called shofar was called trumpet in later generations. The Gemara asks: What is the practical halakhic difference whether a shofar is called shofar or trumpet? The Gemara answers: It is significant with regard to the halakhot of shofar of Rosh HaShana. On Rosh HaShana, one fulfills his obligation only by sounding a shofar. If one comes today and asks what instrument he should use to sound the requisite blasts, he should be told to use a trumpet.,Also, that which was called petorata, originally meaning a small table, was called in later generations petora, and that which was called petora, originally meaning a large table, was called petorata in later generations. The Gemara asks: What is the practical halakhic difference that emerges from the change of name? The Gemara answers: It is with regard to the laws of buying and selling. One who orders a petora should know that he ordered a small table and not a large one.,Abaye said: I too shall speak of changes in the meaning of terms in this generation. That which was called huvlila, the first compartment of the stomach of animals that chew their cud, is, in recent generations, called bei kasei, the name of the second compartment of the animal’s stomach. Similarly, that which was once called bei kasei is called huvlila in recent generations.,What is the practical halakhic difference that emerges from this change of names? It is with regard to a needle that is found in the thick wall of the second compartment of the stomach. In the halakhot of tereifot, it is prohibited to eat animals with a life expectancy of less than a year. It was established that if a needle punctures the wall of the second compartment of the stomach from only one side, the animal is kosher. If the needle penetrates the wall in a manner visible from both sides, the animal assumes the halakhic status of a tereifa. In the first stomach, even if the needle penetrated only one side of the wall, the animal assumes the halakhic status of a tereifa. Therefore, it is crucial to distinguish between the first and the second compartments of the stomach.,Rava bar Yosef said: I too shall speak of changes in the meaning of terms in this generation. The city that in biblical times was called Babylon was called Bursif in later generations, and Bursif was called Babylon in later generations. The Gemara asks: What is

176. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.1-2.2, 2.12, 2.103, 9.18 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, language of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 51, 200, 201, 258

2.1. BOOK 2: 1. ANAXIMANDERAnaximander, the son of Praxiades, was a native of Miletus. He laid down as his principle and element that which is unlimited without defining it as air or water or anything else. He held that the parts undergo change, but the whole is unchangeable; that the earth, which is of spherical shape, lies in the midst, occupying the place of a centre; that the moon, shining with borrowed light, derives its illumination from the sun; further, that the sun is as large as the earth and consists of the purest fire.He was the first inventor of the gnomon and set it up for a sundial in Lacedaemon, as is stated by Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History, in order to mark the solstices and the equinoxes; he also constructed clocks to tell the time. 2.2. He was the first to draw on a map the outline of land and sea, and he constructed a globe as well.His exposition of his doctrines took the form of a summary which no doubt came into the hands, among others, of Apollodorus of Athens. He says in his Chronology that in the second year of the 58th Olympiad Anaximander was sixty-four, and that he died not long afterwards. Thus he flourished almost at the same time as Polycrates the tyrant of Samos. There is a story that the boys laughed at his singing, and that, when he heard of it, he rejoined, Then to please the boys I must improve my singing.There is another Anaximander, also of Miletus, a historian who wrote in the Ionic dialect. 2.12. and says that Anaxagoras declared the whole firmament to be made of stones; that the rapidity of rotation caused it to cohere; and that if this were relaxed it would fall.of the trial of Anaxagoras different accounts are given. Sotion in his Succession of the Philosophers says that he was indicted by Cleon on a charge of impiety, because he declared the sun to be a mass of red-hot metal; that his pupil Pericles defended him, and he was fined five talents and banished. Satyrus in his Lives says that the prosecutor was Thucydides, the opponent of Pericles, and the charge one of treasonable correspondence with Persia as well as of impiety; and that sentence of death was passed on Anaxagoras by default. 2.103. A similar anecdote is told of Diogenes and Aristippus, as mentioned above.Such was the character of Theodorus and his surroundings. At last he retired to Cyrene, where he lived with Magas and continued to be held in high honour. The first time that he was expelled from Cyrene he is credited with a witty remark: Many thanks, men of Cyrene, said he, for driving me from Libya into Greece.Some twenty persons have borne the name of Theodorus: (1) a Samian, the son of Rhoecus. He it was who advised laying charcoal embers under the foundations of the temple in Ephesus; for, as the ground was very damp, the ashes, being free from woody fibre, would retain a solidity which is actually proof against moisture. (2) A Cyrenaean geometer, whose lectures Plato attended. (3) The philosopher above referred to. (4) The author of a fine work on practising the voice. 9.18. 2. XENOPHANESXenophanes, a native of Colophon, the son of Dexius, or, according to Apollodorus, of Orthomenes, is praised by Timon, whose words at all events are:Xenophanes, not over-proud, perverter of Homer, castigator.He was banished from his native city and lived at Zancle in Sicily [and having joined the colony planted at Elea taught there]. He also lived in Catana. According to some he was no man's pupil, according to others he was a pupil of Boton of Athens, or, as some say, of Archelaus. Sotion makes him a contemporary of Anaximander. His writings are in epic metre, as well as elegiacs and iambics attacking Hesiod and Homer and denouncing what they said about the gods. Furthermore he used to recite his own poems. It is stated that he opposed the views of Thales and Pythagoras, and attacked Epimenides also. He lived to a very great age, as his own words somewhere testify:

177. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, 36a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persians, portrayals of, in the babylonian talmud, and the biblical origins of persia Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 70

178. Babylonian Talmud, Niddah, 24b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 239

24b. ושמואל מתרץ לטעמיה בן ארבעה לדקה בן שמנה לגסה הימנו ולמטה אסור במה דברים אמורים בשלא כלו לו חדשיו אבל כלו לו חדשיו מותר יצא מי שיש לו ב' גבין וב' שדראות דאע"ג דכלו לו חדשיו אם יצא לאויר העולם אסור במעי אמו שרי,תני תנא קמיה דרב המפלת בריית גוף שאינו חתוך ובריית ראש שאינו חתוך יכול תהא אמו טמאה לידה ת"ל (ויקרא יב, ב) אשה כי תזריע וילדה זכר וגו' וביום השמיני ימול וגו',מי שראוי לברית שמנה יצאו אלו שאינן ראויין לברית שמנה א"ל רב וסיים בה הכי ושיש לו שני גבין ושני שדראות,רבי ירמיה בר אבא סבר למעבד עובדא כוותיה דשמואל אמר ליה רב הונא מאי דעתיך לחומרא חומרא דאתי לידי קולא הוא דקיהבת לה דמי טוהר עביד מיהא כותיה דרב דקיימא לן הלכתא כרב באיסורי בין לקולא בין לחומרא,אמר רבא הרי אמרו אשה יולדת לתשעה ויולדת לשבעה בהמה גסה יולדת לתשעה יולדת לשבעה או לא ילדה,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק ת"ש הימנו ולמטה אסור מאי לאו אגסה לא אדקה,האי מאי אי אמרת בשלמא אגסה אצטריך סלקא דעתך אמינא הואיל ובאשה חיי בבהמה נמי חיי קמ"ל דלא חיי,אלא אי אמרת אדקה איתמר פשיטא בת תלתא ירחי מי קא חיי,אצטריך סד"א כל בציר תרי ירחי חיי קמ"ל,אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל המפלת דמות לילית אמו טמאה לידה ולד הוא אלא שיש לו כנפים תנ"ה א"ר יוסי מעשה בסימוני באחת שהפילה דמות לילית ובא מעשה לפני חכמים ואמרו ולד הוא אלא שיש לו כנפים,המפלת דמות נחש הורה חנינא בן אחיו של רבי יהושע אמו טמאה לידה הלך ר' יוסף וספר דברים לפני ר"ג שלח לו רבי יהושע הנהג בן אחיך ובא,בהליכתן יצתה כלת (ר') חנינא לקראתו אמרה לו רבי המפלת כמין נחש מהו אמר לה אמו טהורה אמרה לו והלא משמך אמרה לי חמותי אמו טמאה ואמר לה מאיזה טעם הואיל וגלגל עינו עגול כשל אדם מתוך דבריה נזכר רבי יהושע שלח לו לרבן גמליאל מפי הורה חנינא,אמר אביי ש"מ צורבא מרבנן דאמר מילתא לימא בה טעמא דכי מדכרו ליה מדכר,

24b. And Shmuel explains the baraita according to his line of reasoning, in the following manner: If an animal fetus is born in the fourth month of pregcy in the case of small domesticated animals, or it is born in the eighth month of pregcy in the case of large livestock, or if it was born from this stage of the pregcy and earlier, the animal is forbidden. In what case is this statement said? In a case when the fetus’s months of gestation were not completed; but in a case when its months of gestation were completed, it is permitted for consumption even outside the womb. This excludes a fetus that has two backs and two spines, as even in a case where its months of gestation were completed, if it emerged into the airspace of the world, it is forbidden, whereas if it is found in the womb of its mother, it is permitted.,A tanna taught a baraita before Rav: In the case of a woman who discharges an entity that has a shapeless body, i.e., it does not have the outline of limbs, or an entity that has a shapeless head, one might have thought that its mother should be impure with the impurity of a woman after childbirth. Therefore, the verse states: “If a woman bears seed and gives birth to a male, she shall be impure seven days; as in the days of the menstruation of her sickness she shall be impure. And on the eighth day the flesh of his foreskin shall be circumcised” (Leviticus 12:2–3).,Those verses teach that the impurity of a woman after childbirth applies only to one who gave birth to a child that is fit for circumcision on the eighth day, excluding these cases, where the child is not fit for circumcision on the eighth day, as it cannot survive that long. Consequently, this woman does not have the impurity of a woman after childbirth. Rav said to the tanna: And conclude the baraita like this: Excluding these cases, where the child is not fit for circumcision on the eighth day, and excluding the case of a woman who discharges a child that has two backs and two spines.,Rabbi Yirmeya bar Abba thought to perform an action, i.e., to issue a ruling, in accordance with the opinion of Shmuel, that a woman who gives birth to a child with two backs and two spines is impure. Rav Huna said to him: What is your thinking? That as this matter is subject to a dispute, one should rule stringently? Your ruling is a stringency that leads to a leniency, as you have given the woman a period of thirty-three days following her period of impurity when any blood that emerges is blood of purity. In any event, you should perform, i.e., issue your ruling, in accordance with the opinion of Rav, as we maintain that the halakha is in accordance with the opinion of Rav with regard to ritual matters, whether his opinion leads to a leniency or to a stringency.,§ Rava says: The Sages said that a woman can give birth to a viable offspring after nine months of pregcy or after seven months of pregcy; but if a woman gives birth after eight months of pregcy, the child cannot survive and is stillborn. Similarly, a large domesticated animal gives birth to a viable offspring after nine months of pregcy, and if it discharges a fetus after only eight months, the newborn animal cannot survive. With this in mind, Rava asked: Can a large domesticated animal give birth to a viable offspring after seven months of pregcy, like a human, or can such an animal not give birth to a viable offspring after only seven months?,Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: Come and hear a resolution to this dilemma from the aforementioned baraita: If an animal discharges from this stage of the pregcy and earlier, the fetus is forbidden in consumption as an unslaughtered animal carcass. What, is it not referring to large livestock, which indicates that large livestock do not give birth to a viable offspring after only seven months of pregcy? The Gemara answers: No, the reference is specifically to small domesticated animals, which do not give birth to a viable offspring until after five months of pregcy.,The Gemara raises a difficulty with regard to this answer: What is this? Granted, if you say that the reference is to large livestock, it is necessary for the baraita to state that an animal does not give birth to a viable offspring after less than a complete period of pregcy, as otherwise it might enter your mind to say that since in the case of a woman who gives birth after seven months the baby survives, it is logical that in the case of a large domesticated animal that gives birth after seven months the newborn also survives, and it is therefore permitted for consumption. Consequently, the baraita teaches us that such an animal does not survive.,But if you say that the ruling in the baraita, that if an animal discharged a fetus before the period of gestation was completed then the fetus is prohibited, was stated with regard to small domesticated animals, isn’t it obvious that if a sheep or goat fetus was discharged at this stage it cannot survive? Can it survive after only three months of gestation?,The Gemara answers that in fact it is necessary for the baraita to state this halakha with regard to small domesticated animals, as otherwise it might enter your mind to say that any mammal that is born two months less than its complete gestation survives, just as a human born at seven months of gestation survives. Therefore, the baraita teaches us that a sheep or goat that is born at three months of gestation cannot survive and is forbidden for consumption.,§ Rav Yehuda says that Shmuel says: In the case of a woman who discharges a fetus that has the form of a lilith, a female demon with wings and a human face, its mother is impure with the impurity of a woman after childbirth, as it is a viable offspring, only it has wings. This is also taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yosei said: An incident occurred in Simoni involving a certain woman who discharged a fetus that had the form of a lilith, and the incident was brought before the Sages; and they said that it is a viable offspring, only it has wings.,There was a case of a woman who discharged an item that had the form of a snake. Ḥanina, the son of Rabbi Yehoshua’s brother, ruled that its mother is impure with the impurity of a woman after childbirth. Rabbi Yosef went and told this matter to Rabban Gamliel. Rabban Gamliel sent to Rabbi Yehoshua: Take hold of your nephew and come to me, so that I may admonish him for his ruling.,While they were going to Rabban Gamliel, Ḥanina’s daughter-in-law went out to greet Rabbi Yehoshua, and said to him: My teacher, what is the halakha with regard to a woman who discharges an item that looks like a snake? Rabbi Yehoshua said to her: Its mother is pure. She said to him: But my mother-in-law said to me in your name that its mother is impure in such a case, and that you said to her: For what reason is she impure? It is because the pupil of a snake is round like that of a human. Due to her statement, Rabbi Yehoshua remembered that he had issued such a ruling. He subsequently sent a message to Rabban Gamliel: Ḥanina issued the ruling based on my own statement.,Abaye said: Conclude from this incident that a Torah scholar [tzurva merabba] who says a halakhic matter should say the reason for his statement, so that when his colleagues remind him of his reasoning, he will remember that ruling, as happened to Rabbi Yehoshua.,who discharges a gestational sac full of fluid, full of blood, or full of different colors need not be concerned that it was an offspring. But if the sac was one in which tissue developed, her halakhic status is that of a woman after childbirth. Since the sex of the embryo is unknown, the woman observes the strictures of a woman who gave birth both to a male and to a female; she is impure for fourteen days like a woman who gave birth to a female, but blood that she sees thereafter is pure only until forty days after birth, like a woman who gave birth to a male. A woman who discharges a sandal fetus, i.e., one that has the form of a sandal fish, and one who discharges an afterbirth observes the strictures of a woman who gave birth both to a male and to a female.,Granted, one can understand why a woman who discharges a gestational sac full of blood or water is pure, as such an item is nothing, i.e., it is not an offspring. But if the gestational sac was full of different colors, let us be concerned that perhaps it was an offspring and it liquefied. Abaye says in response: How much undiluted wine, which can be harmful to an embryo, did the mother of this purported embryo drink, that her embryo was liquefied in her womb? In other words, there is no such concern.,Rava says that there is a different explanation: We learned in the mishna that the gestational sac was full of different colors, and if it is so, that there was an embryo in the sac that liquefied, the sac would have been lacking some of the mass of the liquified portion. Rav Adda bar Ahava says that there is yet another explanation: We learned in the mishna that the gestational sac is full of different colors, and if it is so, that there was an embryo there that liquefied, it would all be of one color.,With regard to the effect of drinking wine on a person’s body, it is taught in a baraita that Abba Shaul says: I used to be a gravedigger, and I would observe the bones of corpses. I discovered that the bones of one who drinks too much undiluted wine during his lifetime look burnt, the bones of one who drinks too much diluted wine are black, and the bones of one who drinks the appropriate amount of wine are fat, i.e., full of marrow. And furthermore, I discovered that the bones of anyone who drinks much more than he eats look burnt, the bones of one who eats much more than he drinks are black, and the bones of one who eats and drinks appropriate amounts are fat.,It is taught in a baraita that Abba Shaul says the following, and some say that Rabbi Yoḥa said it: I used to be a gravedigger. Once I ran after a deer, and I entered the thighbone of a corpse; and it was so large that I ran after the deer for three parasangs inside the thighbone, and although I did not reach the deer, the thighbone did not end. When I came back and related this to the Sages, they said to me: It was evidently the thighbone of Og, king of Bashan, a known giant.,It is likewise taught in a baraita that Abba Shaul says: I used to be a gravedigger. Once a burial cave opened up underneath where I was standing, and I found myself standing in the eye socket of a corpse until my nose. When I came back and told this to the Sages, they said to me: It was evidently the eye of Absalom.,And lest you say that Abba Shaul was a midget, and therefore he was capable of standing in an eye socket until his nose, Abba Shaul was the tallest person in his generation. And Rabbi Tarfon reached only his shoulder, and Rabbi Tarfon was the tallest person in his generation. And Rabbi Meir reached only the shoulder of Rabbi Tarfon, and Rabbi Meir was the tallest person in his generation. And Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi reached only the shoulder of Rabbi Meir, and Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi was the tallest person in his generation.,The Gemara continues: And Rabbi Ḥiyya reached only the shoulder of Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, and Rabbi Ḥiyya was the tallest person in his generation. And Rav reached only the shoulder of Rabbi Ḥiyya, and Rav was the tallest person in his generation. And Rav Yehuda reached only the shoulder of Rav, and Rav Yehuda was the tallest person in his generation. And Adda the attendant [dayyala] reached only the shoulder of Rav Yehuda,

179. Anon., Pirqei De Rabbi Eliezer, 49 (4th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 209

180. Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, 12.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 15

181. Anon., Midrash Psalms, 75.3 (4th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 198

182. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 22.9.5-22.9.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342

22.9.5. Having here also in a similar way generously furnished many things that were necessary for repairing the damage done by the earthquake, he went on past Nicaea to the borders of Gallograecia. Galatia (Gallacia); cf. Suet., Calig. 29, 2. From there he made a detour to the right and turned to Pessinus, in order to visit the ancient shrine of the Great Mother. It was from that town, in the second Punic war, that at the direction of the Cumaean verses The Sibylline Verses; see Livy, xxix. 10, 11. her image was brought to Rome by Scipio Nasica. In 204 B.C.; see Livy, l.c. 22.9.6. of its arrival in Italy, along with other matters relating to the subject, I have given a brief account by way of digression in telling of the acts of the emperor Commodus. In one of the lost books. But why the town was called by that name writers of history are not in agreement; 22.9.7. for some have maintained that since the image of the goddess fell from heaven, the city was named from πεσεῖν, which is the Greek word meaning to fall. Others say that Ilus, son of Tros, king of Dardania, Herodian, i. 11, 1. gave the place that name. But Theopompus of Chios, a pupil of Isocrates, and a rhetorician and historian. His works are lost. asserts that it was not Ilus who did it, but Midas, According to Diod. Sic. (iii. 59, 8), he was the first to build a splendid temple to Cybele at Pessinus. the once mighty king of Phrygia.

183. Augustine, The City of God, 18.9-18.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 290

18.9. Athens certainly derived its name from Minerva, who in Greek is called ᾿Αθηνη, and Varro points out the following reason why it was so called. When an olive-tree suddenly appeared there, and water burst forth in another place, these prodigies moved the king to send to the Delphic Apollo to inquire what they meant and what he should do. He answered that the olive signified Minerva, the water Neptune, and that the citizens had it in their power to name their city as they chose, after either of these two gods whose signs these were. On receiving this oracle, Cecrops convoked all the citizens of either sex to give their vote, for it was then the custom in those parts for the women also to take part in public deliberations. When the multitude was consulted, the men gave their votes for Neptune, the women for Minerva; and as the women had a majority of one, Minerva conquered. Then Neptune, being enraged, laid waste the lands of the Athenians, by casting up the waves of the sea; for the demons have no difficulty in scattering any waters more widely. The same authority said, that to appease his wrath the women should be visited by the Athenians with the three-fold punishment - that they should no longer have any vote; that none of their children should be named after their mothers; and that no one should call them Athenians. Thus that city, the mother and nurse of liberal doctrines, and of so many and so great philosophers, than whom Greece had nothing more famous and noble, by the mockery of demons about the strife of their gods, a male and female, and from the victory of the female one through the women, received the name of Athens; and, on being damaged by the vanquished god, was compelled to punish the very victory of the victress, fearing the waters of Neptune more than the arms of Minerva. For in the women who were thus punished, Minerva, who had conquered, was conquered too, and could not even help her voters so far that, although the right of voting was henceforth lost, and the mothers could not give their names to the children, they might at least be allowed to be called Athenians, and to merit the name of that goddess whom they had made victorious over a male god by giving her their votes. What and how much could be said about this, if we had not to hasten to other things in our discourse, is obvious. 18.10. Marcus Varro, however, is not willing to credit lying fables against the gods, lest he should find something dishonoring to their majesty; and therefore he will not admit that the Areopagus, the place where the Apostle Paul disputed with the Athenians, got this name because Mars, who in Greek is called ἌΑρης, when he was charged with the crime of homicide, and was judged by twelve gods in that field, was acquitted by the sentence of six; because it was the custom, when the votes were equal, to acquit rather than condemn. Against this opinion, which is much most widely published, he tries, from the notices of obscure books, to support another reason for this name, lest the Athenians should be thought to have called it Areopagus from the words Mars and field, as if it were the field of Mars, to the dishonor of the gods, forsooth, from whom he thinks lawsuits and judgments far removed. And he asserts that this which is said about Mars is not less false than what is said about the three goddesses, to wit, Juno, Minerva, and Venus, whose contest for the palm of beauty, before Paris as judge, in order to obtain the golden apple, is not only related, but is celebrated in songs and dances amid the applause of the theatres, in plays meant to please the gods who take pleasure in these crimes of their own, whether real or fabled. Varro does not believe these things, because they are incompatible with the nature of the gods and of morality; and yet, in giving not a fabulous but a historic reason for the name of Athens, he inserts in his books the strife between Neptune and Minerva as to whose name should be given to that city, which was so great that, when they contended by the display of prodigies, even Apollo dared not judge between them when consulted; but, in order to end the strife of the gods, just as Jupiter sent the three goddesses we have named to Paris, so he sent them to men, when Minerva won by the vote, and yet was defeated by the punishment of her own voters, for she was unable to confer the title of Athenians on the women who were her friends, although she could impose it on the men who were her opponents. In these times, when Cranaos reigned at Athens as the successor of Cecrops, as Varro writes, but, according to our Eusebius and Jerome, while Cecrops himself still remained, the flood occurred which is called Deucalion's, because it occurred chiefly in those parts of the earth in which he reigned. But this flood did not at all reach Egypt or its vicinity.

184. Anon., Bundahishn, 39a, 109a (5th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 70

185. Anon., Targum Esther, 1.1, 1.6 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 230, 263

186. Etymologicum Magnum Auctum, Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. kubhvbein, s.v. daitivˇ Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 254

187. Anon., Second Targum Esther, 1.5 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 218

188. Anon., Midrash Abba Gorion, 17 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 263

189. Anon., Panim Aherim, 60-61 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 197, 263

190. Epigraphy, Syll. , 282 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, language of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 159

191. Epigraphy, Ig I , 105, 131, 1453, 32, 234 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 256

192. Xenophon, Fragments, 1.6-1.38 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, war with greeks •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 189, 247, 345

193. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

194. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

195. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

196. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

197. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

198. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.106 Tagged with subjects: •persia, persians, and greek world Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 75

199. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 7.18, 7.296, 7.407, 7.709 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, language of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 46, 142, 200, 284

200. Epigraphy, Ml, 59, 45 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 325

201. Andocides, Orations, 1.11-1.24, 1.112-1.131, 3.29, 4.16-4.17 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 258, 280, 281, 283, 285, 323, 324

202. Callimachus, Hymns, 3.242-3.247 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 167

203. Andocides, Orations, 1.11-1.24, 1.112-1.131, 3.29, 4.16-4.17 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 258, 280, 281, 283, 285, 323, 324

204. Zoroastrian Literature, Yasna, 29 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 239

205. Aeschylus, Danaids, fr. 44 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 114

206. Anon., Esther Rabbah, 2.7, 3.18, 5.1 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 195, 218, 239

207. Tosefta, Keritut, 4.15 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 195

208. Babylonian Talmud, Rosh Hash-Shanah, 3b Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 189

209. Aeschines, Or., 3.132 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 222, 225

210. Eupolis, Baptae, fr. 93 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 322

211. Zoroastrian Literature, Dna, 238 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 214

212. Anon., Midrash On Song of Songs, 3.3.4, 4.4, 7.8 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 189, 197, 198, 209

213. Eustathius, Il., 1.6.6-7 = 4.20 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, persian wars, reception of Found in books: Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 15, 16

214. Augustus, Syll.3, 3g Tagged with subjects: •persia/persians, ionian revolt and athenian empire in western and southern asia minor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 143

215. Epigraphy, Malay, 349-353, grrombyzst 24 (1983) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 161

216. Augustus, Tam, i40 Tagged with subjects: •persia/persians, art and architecture Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 168

218. Ctesias, Fragments, 45 Tagged with subjects: •persia/persians, art and architecture Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 164

219. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1013, 3109, 3462, 4638 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

220. Epigraphy, Lbw, 1 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, customs of •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 222

221. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, burn greek temples Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337

222. Anon., Pesiqta Rabbati, 35 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 189

223. Parthenius, Erotica Pathemata, 14 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 341

224. Anon., Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer, 49 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians Found in books: Segal, The Babylonian Esther Midrash: To the end of Esther chapter 1 (1994) 209

225. Conon, Fgrh 262, f1.21 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 138

226. Isocrates, 8 On The, 8.64-8.68, 8.91, 8.114, 8.142, 12.59, 16.4-16.11, 16.16-16.21 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 105, 282, 323, 346

227. Anon., Scholion To Aristides, Panathenaicus, 113, 99, 94 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 244

228. Epigraphy, Fornara, 97 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, war with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 325

229. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 5.4.13-5.4.18, 11.7.6 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 86, 323

230. Ctesias, Persica, 39-40, 47-48, 53 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 158

231. Zoroastrian Literature, Yasht, 10, 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 229, 250

232. Zoroastrian Literature, Xph, 226 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, religion of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 227

233. Zoroastrian Literature, Db, 214 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, conquest of lydia by •persia and persians, empire of •persia and persians, religion of •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 216, 221, 237

234. Epigraphy, Tod, 145 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 349

235. Zoroastrian Literature, A2Sa, 0 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, sovereignty claimed by •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 281

236. Epigraphy, Harding, 57 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 349

237. Cratinus, Thracian Women, fr. 87 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 62

238. Cratinus, Runaway Women, fr. 66 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 62

239. Epigraphy, Chli, 2.31-2.32, 15.15 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and lydian symbols •persia and persians, burn greek temples •persia and persians, conquest of lydia by •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 120, 160

240. Proclus, Hymn To Hecate And Janus, 6.1-6.2 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, and eunuchs •persia and persians, customs of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 160

241. Charon of Lampsacus, Fgrh 262, f10, f5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 114

242. Anon., Parian Chronicle (Fgrh 239), 72 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, empire of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342

243. Papyri, Hellenica Oxyrhynchia, 12-14, 21-22, 11 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 345

244. Parthenius, Erotica Pathemata, 14 Tagged with subjects: •persia and persians, treaties with greeks Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 341

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database