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336 results for "peloponnesian"
1. Homer, Odyssey, 2.68-2.69, 11.489-11.491, 13.297-13.299 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •history of the peloponnesian war (thcuydides) •sparta and spartans, responsibility for peloponnesian war Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 266; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 27; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
2. Archilochus, Fragments, 108, 124, 109 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 113
3. Archilochus, Fragments, 108, 124, 109 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 113
4. Homeric Hymns, To Ares, 4 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 339
4. of arm, and mighty with the spear, who long
5. Homeric Hymns, To Aphrodite, 94 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 339
94. Noble Themis or bright-eyed Athene
6. Homer, Iliad, 2.233, 2.653-2.656, 2.828, 2.830, 3.156-3.157, 3.410-3.412, 6.37-6.65, 6.351, 10.68, 16.693, 20.4-20.6, 23.32 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •war peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 251; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 333, 334, 337; Pucci (2016), Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay, 126; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 384
2.233. / which some man of the horse-taming Trojans shall bring thee out of Ilios as a ransom for his son, whom I haply have bound and led away or some other of the Achaeans? Or is it some young girl for thee to know in love, whom thou wilt keep apart for thyself? Nay, it beseemeth not one that is their captain to bring to ill the sons of the Achaeans. 2.653. / of all these was Idomeneus, famed for his spear, captain, and Meriones, the peer of Enyalius, slayer of men. And with these there followed eighty black ships. 2.654. / of all these was Idomeneus, famed for his spear, captain, and Meriones, the peer of Enyalius, slayer of men. And with these there followed eighty black ships. And Tlepolemus, son of Heracles, a valiant man and tall, led from Rhodes nine ships of the lordly Rhodians, 2.655. / that dwelt in Rhodes sundered in three divisions—in Lindos and Ialysus and Cameirus, white with chalk. These were led by Tlepolemus, famed for his spear, he that was born to mighty Heracles by Astyocheia, whom he had led forth out of Ephyre from the river Selleïs, 2.656. / that dwelt in Rhodes sundered in three divisions—in Lindos and Ialysus and Cameirus, white with chalk. These were led by Tlepolemus, famed for his spear, he that was born to mighty Heracles by Astyocheia, whom he had led forth out of Ephyre from the river Selleïs, 2.828. / men of wealth, that drink the dark water of Aesepus, even the Troes, these again were led by the glorious son of Lycaon, Pandarus, to whom Apollo himself gave the bow.And they that held Adrasteia and the land of Apaesus, and that held Pityeia and the steep mount of Tereia, 2.830. / these were led by Adrastus and Araphius, with corslet of linen, sons twain of Merops of Percote, that was above all men skilled in prophesying, and would not suffer his sons to go into war, the bane of men. But the twain would in no wise hearken, for the fates of black death were leading them on. 3.156. / softly they spake winged words one to another:Small blame that Trojans and well-greaved Achaeans should for such a woman long time suffer woes; wondrously like is she to the immortal goddesses to look upon. But even so, for all that she is such an one, let her depart upon the ships, 3.157. / softly they spake winged words one to another:Small blame that Trojans and well-greaved Achaeans should for such a woman long time suffer woes; wondrously like is she to the immortal goddesses to look upon. But even so, for all that she is such an one, let her depart upon the ships, 3.410. / But thither will I not go—it were a shameful thing—to array that man's couch; all the women of Troy will blame me hereafter; and I have measureless griefs at heart. Then stirred to wrath fair Aphrodite spake to her:Provoke me not, rash woman, lest I wax wroth and desert thee, 3.411. / But thither will I not go—it were a shameful thing—to array that man's couch; all the women of Troy will blame me hereafter; and I have measureless griefs at heart. Then stirred to wrath fair Aphrodite spake to her:Provoke me not, rash woman, lest I wax wroth and desert thee, 3.412. / But thither will I not go—it were a shameful thing—to array that man's couch; all the women of Troy will blame me hereafter; and I have measureless griefs at heart. Then stirred to wrath fair Aphrodite spake to her:Provoke me not, rash woman, lest I wax wroth and desert thee, 6.37. / And the warrior Leïtus slew Phylacus, as he fled before him; and Eurypylus laid Melanthius low. 6.38. / And the warrior Leïtus slew Phylacus, as he fled before him; and Eurypylus laid Melanthius low. 6.39. / And the warrior Leïtus slew Phylacus, as he fled before him; and Eurypylus laid Melanthius low. But Adrastus did Menelaus, good at the warcry, take alive; for his two horses, coursing in terror over the plain, became entangled in a tamarisk bough, and breaking the curved car at the end of the pole, 6.40. / themselves went on toward the city whither the rest were fleeing in rout; but their master rolled from out the car beside the wheel headlong in the dust upon his face. And to his side came Menelaus, son of Atreus, bearing his far-shadowing spear. 6.41. / themselves went on toward the city whither the rest were fleeing in rout; but their master rolled from out the car beside the wheel headlong in the dust upon his face. And to his side came Menelaus, son of Atreus, bearing his far-shadowing spear. 6.42. / themselves went on toward the city whither the rest were fleeing in rout; but their master rolled from out the car beside the wheel headlong in the dust upon his face. And to his side came Menelaus, son of Atreus, bearing his far-shadowing spear. 6.43. / themselves went on toward the city whither the rest were fleeing in rout; but their master rolled from out the car beside the wheel headlong in the dust upon his face. And to his side came Menelaus, son of Atreus, bearing his far-shadowing spear. 6.44. / themselves went on toward the city whither the rest were fleeing in rout; but their master rolled from out the car beside the wheel headlong in the dust upon his face. And to his side came Menelaus, son of Atreus, bearing his far-shadowing spear. 6.45. / Then Adrastus clasped him by the knees and besought him:Take me alive, thou son of Atreus, and accept a worthy ransom; treasures full many lie stored in the palace of my wealthy father, bronze and gold and iron wrought with toil; thereof would my father grant thee ransom past counting, 6.46. / Then Adrastus clasped him by the knees and besought him:Take me alive, thou son of Atreus, and accept a worthy ransom; treasures full many lie stored in the palace of my wealthy father, bronze and gold and iron wrought with toil; thereof would my father grant thee ransom past counting, 6.47. / Then Adrastus clasped him by the knees and besought him:Take me alive, thou son of Atreus, and accept a worthy ransom; treasures full many lie stored in the palace of my wealthy father, bronze and gold and iron wrought with toil; thereof would my father grant thee ransom past counting, 6.48. / Then Adrastus clasped him by the knees and besought him:Take me alive, thou son of Atreus, and accept a worthy ransom; treasures full many lie stored in the palace of my wealthy father, bronze and gold and iron wrought with toil; thereof would my father grant thee ransom past counting, 6.49. / Then Adrastus clasped him by the knees and besought him:Take me alive, thou son of Atreus, and accept a worthy ransom; treasures full many lie stored in the palace of my wealthy father, bronze and gold and iron wrought with toil; thereof would my father grant thee ransom past counting, 6.50. / should he hear that I am alive at the ships of the Achaeans. So spake he, and sought to persuade the other's heart in his breast, and lo, Menelaus was about to give him to his squire to lead to the swift ships of the Achaeans, but Agamemnon came running to meet him, and spake a word of reproof, saying: 6.51. / should he hear that I am alive at the ships of the Achaeans. So spake he, and sought to persuade the other's heart in his breast, and lo, Menelaus was about to give him to his squire to lead to the swift ships of the Achaeans, but Agamemnon came running to meet him, and spake a word of reproof, saying: 6.52. / should he hear that I am alive at the ships of the Achaeans. So spake he, and sought to persuade the other's heart in his breast, and lo, Menelaus was about to give him to his squire to lead to the swift ships of the Achaeans, but Agamemnon came running to meet him, and spake a word of reproof, saying: 6.53. / should he hear that I am alive at the ships of the Achaeans. So spake he, and sought to persuade the other's heart in his breast, and lo, Menelaus was about to give him to his squire to lead to the swift ships of the Achaeans, but Agamemnon came running to meet him, and spake a word of reproof, saying: 6.54. / should he hear that I am alive at the ships of the Achaeans. So spake he, and sought to persuade the other's heart in his breast, and lo, Menelaus was about to give him to his squire to lead to the swift ships of the Achaeans, but Agamemnon came running to meet him, and spake a word of reproof, saying: 6.55. / Soft-hearted Menelaus, why carest thou thus for the men? Hath then so great kindness been done thee in thy house by Trojans? of them let not one escape sheer destruction and the might of our hands, nay, not the man-child whom his mother bears in her womb; let not even him escape, 6.56. / Soft-hearted Menelaus, why carest thou thus for the men? Hath then so great kindness been done thee in thy house by Trojans? of them let not one escape sheer destruction and the might of our hands, nay, not the man-child whom his mother bears in her womb; let not even him escape, 6.57. / Soft-hearted Menelaus, why carest thou thus for the men? Hath then so great kindness been done thee in thy house by Trojans? of them let not one escape sheer destruction and the might of our hands, nay, not the man-child whom his mother bears in her womb; let not even him escape, 6.58. / Soft-hearted Menelaus, why carest thou thus for the men? Hath then so great kindness been done thee in thy house by Trojans? of them let not one escape sheer destruction and the might of our hands, nay, not the man-child whom his mother bears in her womb; let not even him escape, 6.59. / Soft-hearted Menelaus, why carest thou thus for the men? Hath then so great kindness been done thee in thy house by Trojans? of them let not one escape sheer destruction and the might of our hands, nay, not the man-child whom his mother bears in her womb; let not even him escape, 6.60. / but let all perish together out of Ilios, unmourned and unmarked. So spake the warrior, and turned his brother's mind, for he counselled aright; so Menelaus with his hand thrust from him the warrior Adrastus, and lord Agamemnon smote him on the flank, and he fell backward; and the son of Atreus 6.61. / but let all perish together out of Ilios, unmourned and unmarked. So spake the warrior, and turned his brother's mind, for he counselled aright; so Menelaus with his hand thrust from him the warrior Adrastus, and lord Agamemnon smote him on the flank, and he fell backward; and the son of Atreus 6.62. / but let all perish together out of Ilios, unmourned and unmarked. So spake the warrior, and turned his brother's mind, for he counselled aright; so Menelaus with his hand thrust from him the warrior Adrastus, and lord Agamemnon smote him on the flank, and he fell backward; and the son of Atreus 6.63. / but let all perish together out of Ilios, unmourned and unmarked. So spake the warrior, and turned his brother's mind, for he counselled aright; so Menelaus with his hand thrust from him the warrior Adrastus, and lord Agamemnon smote him on the flank, and he fell backward; and the son of Atreus 6.64. / but let all perish together out of Ilios, unmourned and unmarked. So spake the warrior, and turned his brother's mind, for he counselled aright; so Menelaus with his hand thrust from him the warrior Adrastus, and lord Agamemnon smote him on the flank, and he fell backward; and the son of Atreus 6.65. / planted his heel on his chest, and drew forth the ashen spear. Then Nestor shouted aloud, and called to the Argives:My friends, Danaan warriors, squires of Ares, let no man now abide behind in eager desire for spoil, that he may come to the ships bearing the greatest store; 6.351. / would that I had been wife to a better man, that could feel the indignation of his fellows and their many revilings. But this man's understanding is not now stable, nor ever will be hereafter; thereof I deem that he will e'en reap the fruit. But come now, enter in, and sit thee upon this chair, 10.68. / Abide there, lest haply we miss each other as we go, for many are the paths throughout the camp. But lift up thy voice wheresoever thou goest, and bid men be awake, calling each man by his lineage and his father's name, giving due honour to each, and be not thou proud of heart 16.693. / full easily, and again of himself he rouseth men to fight; and he it was that now put fury in the breast of Patroclus.Then whom first, whom last didst thou slay, Patroclus, when the gods called thee deathward? Adrastus first, and Autonous, and Echeclus, 20.4. / 20.4. / So by the beaked ships around thee, O son of Peleus, insatiate of fight, the Achaeans arrayed them for battle; and likewise the Trojans over against them on the rising ground of the plain. But Zeus bade Themis summon the gods to the place of gathering from the 20.5. / 20.5. / So by the beaked ships around thee, O son of Peleus, insatiate of fight, the Achaeans arrayed them for battle; and likewise the Trojans over against them on the rising ground of the plain. But Zeus bade Themis summon the gods to the place of gathering from the 20.5. / brow of many-ribbed Olympus; and she sped everywhither, and bade them come to the house of Zeus. There was no river that came not, save only Oceanus, nor any nymph, of all that haunt the fair copses, the springs that feed the rivers, and the grassy meadows. 20.6. / brow of many-ribbed Olympus; and she sped everywhither, and bade them come to the house of Zeus. There was no river that came not, save only Oceanus, nor any nymph, of all that haunt the fair copses, the springs that feed the rivers, and the grassy meadows. 23.32. / Many sleek bulls bellowed about the knife, as they were slaughtered, many sheep and bleating goats, and many white-tusked swine, rich with fat, were stretched to singe over the flame of Hephaestus; and everywhere about the corpse the blood ran so that one might dip cups therein.
7. Hesiod, Theogony, 133-134, 901-903, 135 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337, 338
135. Their prudent judgment. Chaos then created
8. Hesiod, Works And Days, 303 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 335
303. The gods have placed en route. The road is sheer
9. Alcaeus, Fragments, 298 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 218
10. Alcman, Poems, 66 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 334, 337
11. Solon, Fragments, 9.3-9.4 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 75
12. Hecataeus of Miletus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 145
13. Pindar, Nemean Odes, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 49
14. Bacchylides, Fragmenta Ex Operibus Incertis, 11.0, 11.12, 11.113-11.127, 11.119000000000002, 11.120999999999999, 17.3 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 110, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325
15. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 1, 10-19, 2, 20, 3-6, 8-9, 7 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
7. Φοίβη· δίδωσι δʼ ἣ γενέθλιον δόσιν
16. Bacchylides, Dithyrambi, 5.47 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, and the image of thebes Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 151
17. Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes, 165 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, and the image of thebes Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 151
165. ἑπτάπυλον ἕδος ἐπιρρύου. Χορός 165. defend your seven- gated home! Chorus
18. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 209-210, 62, 936, 944 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 76
944. σὲ τὸν σοφιστήν, τὸν πικρῶς ὑπέρπικρον, 944. To you, the clever and crafty, bitter beyond all bitterness,
19. Aeschylus, Persians, 56, 563, 852-895, 57 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 61
57. Ἀσίας ἕπεται
20. Parmenides, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 76
21. Pindar, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 387
22. Bacchylides, Paeanes, 4.0 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 157, 160
23. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 7 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 9, 250, 251
24. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 341-342 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 113
342. πορθεῖν ἃ μὴ χρή, κέρδεσιν νικωμένους. 342. To sack things sacred — by gain-cravings vanquished
25. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 11.11 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, and the image of thebes Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 151
26. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55, 132, 133
27. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55, 132, 133
28. Simonides, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 244
29. Themistocles, Letters, 20 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 321
30. Pindar, Paeanes, 6 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 9
31. Euripides, Hippolytus, 181-186, 188-194, 671, 843, 187 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 113
32. Euripides, Helen, 1324 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 61
1324. ̓Ιδαιᾶν Νυμφᾶν σκοπιάς:
33. Euripides, Fragments, 181-189, 191-194, 190 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 113
34. Antiphon of Athens, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 321
35. Euripides, Archelaus (Fragmenta Papyracea), 360.13, 370.67-370.70 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, the Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 108, 109
36. Euripides, Antiope (Fragmenta Antiopes ), 360.13, 370.67-370.70 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 108, 109
37. Euripides, Andromache, 518 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 65
518. ψῆφος ἀναιρεῖ, παῖδα δ' ἐμὴ παῖς
38. Eupolis, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 67
39. Eupolis, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 67
40. Androtion, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 84
41. Cratinus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brule (2003), Women of Ancient Greece, 194
42. Cratinus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brule (2003), Women of Ancient Greece, 194
43. Crates Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
44. Crates Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
45. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 155
212d. οὐ σκέψεσθε; καὶ ἐὰν μέν τις τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ᾖ, καλεῖτε· εἰ δὲ μή, λέγετε ὅτι οὐ πίνομεν ἀλλʼ ἀναπαυόμεθα ἤδη. 212d. aid Agathon to the servants; and if it be one of our intimates, invite him in: otherwise, say we are not drinking, but just about to retire.
46. Plato, Theaetetus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 326
47. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, the Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 160
48. Plato Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
49. Plato Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
50. Antiphanes, Fragments, 152 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 62
51. Antiphon, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 321
52. Amipsias, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
53. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 1259-1275, 1277-1283, 1276 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
54. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 784-785 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 292
55. Euripides, Orestes, 1453 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 61
56. Philolaus of Croton, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 57
57. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 133
58. Magnes Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
59. Plato, Critias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 160
60. Plato, Crito, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 332
61. Magnes Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
62. Lysias, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 150
63. Lysias, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 150
64. Isocrates, Antidosis, 235, 268 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 76
65. Isaeus, Orations, 2.47-2.49, 4.27, 4.29, 5.35-5.37, 5.41, 6.38, 6.60-6.61, 7.38, 7.40, 8.10, 11.47 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 156, 200; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 88
66. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 33
472a. ἀλήθειαν· ἐνίοτε γὰρ ἂν καὶ καταψευδομαρτυρηθείη τις ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ δοκούντων εἶναί τι. καὶ νῦν περὶ ὧν σὺ λέγεις ὀλίγου σοι πάντες συμφήσουσιν ταὐτὰ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ ξένοι, ἐὰν βούλῃ κατʼ ἐμοῦ μάρτυρας παρασχέσθαι ὡς οὐκ ἀληθῆ λέγω· μαρτυρήσουσί σοι, ἐὰν μὲν βούλῃ, Νικίας ὁ Νικηράτου καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ μετʼ αὐτοῦ, ὧν οἱ τρίποδες οἱ ἐφεξῆς ἑστῶτές εἰσιν ἐν τῷ Διονυσίῳ, ἐὰν δὲ βούλῃ, Ἀριστοκράτης 472a. for getting at the truth; since occasionally a man may actually be crushed by the number and reputation of the false witnesses brought against him. And so now you will find almost everybody, Athenians and foreigners, in agreement with you on the points you state, if you like to bring forward witnesses against the truth of what I say: if you like, there is Nicias, son of Niceratus, with his brothers, whose tripods are standing in a row in the Dionysium; or else Aristocrates, son of Scellias, whose goodly offering again is well known at Delphi ;
67. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 55
68. Plato, Letters, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 76
69. Plato, Menexenus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 332
70. Plato, Parmenides, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 326
162e. ἄν πῃ ἔτι κινοῖτο; πῶς γάρ; τό γε μὴν ἀκίνητον ἀνάγκη ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, τὸ δὲ ἡσυχάζον ἑστάναι. ἀνάγκη. τὸ ἓν ἄρα, ὡς ἔοικεν, οὐκ ὂν ἕστηκέ τε καὶ κινεῖται. ἔοικεν. καὶ μὴν εἴπερ γε κινεῖται, μεγάλη ἀνάγκη αὐτῷ ἀλλοιοῦσθαι· 162e. nor turns in the same spot, nor changes its place, can it still move in any way? No how can it? But surely that which is without motion must keep still, and that which keeps still must be at rest. Yes, it must. Then the non-existent one is both at rest and in motion. So it appears. Ceph. And if it is in motion, it certainly must change in its nature;
71. Herodotus, Histories, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 38
7.144. The advice of Themistocles had prevailed on a previous occasion. The revenues from the mines at Laurium had brought great wealth into the Athenians' treasury, and when each man was to receive ten drachmae for his share, Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to make no such division but to use the money to build two hundred ships for the war, that is, for the war with Aegina. ,This was in fact the war the outbreak of which saved Hellas by compelling the Athenians to become seamen. The ships were not used for the purpose for which they were built, but later came to serve Hellas in her need. These ships, then, had been made and were already there for the Athenians' service, and now they had to build yet others. ,In their debate after the giving of the oracle they accordingly resolved that they would put their trust in the god and meet the foreign invader of Hellas with the whole power of their fleet, ships and men, and with all other Greeks who were so minded.
72. Hermippus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 65
73. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 54
74. Gorgias of Leontini, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 51; Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 67
75. Anon., Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
76. Euripides, Trojan Women, 765, 764 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 75
77. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 399-406, 408-597, 651, 674-679, 407 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 5
78. Euripides, Rhesus, 161-174, 176-183, 921-922, 962-973, 175 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 86
175. Thou wilt not ask for Ajax, Ileus’ son DOLON.
79. Euripides, Melanippe Captiva, 484 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 157
80. Euripides, Bacchae, 120-134, 141, 274-285, 490, 55, 58, 78-79, 85-87, 489 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 412
489. δίκην σε δοῦναι δεῖ σοφισμάτων κακῶν. Διόνυσος
81. Antiphon Tragicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 321
82. Aristophanes, Wasps, 1043-1050, 123, 355, 380, 656-659, 383 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 259
383. ἀμυνοῦμέν σοι τὸν πρινώδη θυμὸν ἅπαντες καλέσαντες
83. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.6.54 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •causation in thucydides, and ‘truest cause of peloponnesian war’ •peloponnesian war, necessity of Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 262
84. Xenophon, Symposium, 4.30-4.32, 4.45 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 150, 201; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 88
85. Aristophanes, Frogs, 1063-1068, 1419-1434, 1477-1478, 1501, 320, 574, 675-699, 701-737, 700 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311, 341; Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 258
700. ἀλλὰ τῆς ὀργῆς ἀνέντες ὦ σοφώτατοι φύσει
86. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 5.70 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 259
87. Aristophanes, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
88. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.2.41-1.2.42, 3.3.12, 4.6.12, 4.7.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war, athens and delian theoria in •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 118; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 19, 258, 331
1.2.41. εἰπέ μοι, φάναι, ὦ Περίκλεις, ἔχοις ἄν με διδάξαι τί ἐστι νόμος; πάντως δήπου, φάναι τὸν Περικλέα. δίδαξον δὴ πρὸς τῶν θεῶν, φάναι τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην· ὡς ἐγὼ ἀκούων τινῶν ἐπαινουμένων, ὅτι νόμιμοι ἄνδρες εἰσίν, οἶμαι μὴ ἂν δικαίως τούτου τυχεῖν τοῦ ἐπαίνου τὸν μὴ εἰδότα τί ἐστι νόμος. 1.2.42. ἀλλʼ οὐδέν τι χαλεποῦ πράγματος ἐπιθυμεῖς, ὦ Ἀλκιβιάδη, φάναι τὸν Περικλέα, βουλόμενος γνῶναι τί ἐστι νόμος· πάντες γὰρ οὗτοι νόμοι εἰσίν, οὓς τὸ πλῆθος συνελθὸν καὶ δοκιμάσαν ἔγραψε, φράζον ἅ τε δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ ἃ μή. πότερον δὲ τἀγαθὰ νομίσαν δεῖν ποιεῖν ἢ τὰ κακά; τἀγαθὰ νὴ Δία, φάναι, ὦ μειράκιον, τὰ δὲ κακὰ οὔ. 3.3.12. ἢ τόδε οὐκ ἐντεθύμησαι, ὡς, ὅταν γε χορὸς εἷς ἐκ τῆσδε τῆς πόλεως γίγνηται, ὥσπερ ὁ εἰς Δῆλον πεμπόμενος, οὐδεὶς ἄλλοθεν οὐδαμόθεν τούτῳ ἐφάμιλλος γίγνεται οὐδὲ εὐανδρία ἐν ἄλλῃ πόλει ὁμοία τῇ ἐνθάδε συνάγεται; 4.6.12. βασιλείαν δὲ καὶ τυραννίδα ἀρχὰς μὲν ἀμφοτέρας ἡγεῖτο εἶναι, διαφέρειν δὲ ἀλλήλων ἐνόμιζε. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἑκόντων τε τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ κατὰ νόμους τῶν πόλεων ἀρχὴν βασιλείαν ἡγεῖτο, τὴν δὲ ἀκόντων τε καὶ μὴ κατὰ νόμους, ἀλλʼ ὅπως ὁ ἄρχων βούλοιτο, τυραννίδα. καὶ ὅπου μὲν ἐκ τῶν τὰ νόμιμα ἐπιτελούντων αἱ ἀρχαὶ καθίστανται, ταύτην μὲν τὴν πολιτείαν ἀριστοκρατίαν ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι, ὅπου δʼ ἐκ τιμημάτων, πλουτοκρατίαν, ὅπου δʼ ἐκ πάντων, δημοκρατίαν. 4.7.6. ὅλως δὲ τῶν οὐρανίων, ᾗ ἕκαστα ὁ θεὸς μηχανᾶται, φροντιστὴν γίγνεσθαι ἀπέτρεπεν· οὔτε γὰρ εὑρετὰ ἀνθρώποις αὐτὰ ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι οὔτε χαρίζεσθαι θεοῖς ἂν ἡγεῖτο τὸν ζητοῦντα ἃ ἐκεῖνοι σαφηνίσαι οὐκ ἐβουλήθησαν. κινδυνεῦσαι δʼ ἂν ἔφη καὶ παραφρονῆσαι τὸν ταῦτα μεριμνῶντα οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ Ἀναξαγόρας παρεφρόνησεν ὁ μέγιστον φρονήσας ἐπὶ τῷ τὰς τῶν θεῶν μηχανὰς ἐξηγεῖσθαι. 1.2.41. Tell me, Pericles, he said, can you teach me what a law is? Certainly, he replied. Then pray teach me. For whenever I hear men praised for keeping the laws, it occurs to me that no one can really deserve that praise who does not know what a law is. 1.2.42. Well, Alcibiades, there is no great difficulty about what you desire. You wish to know what a law is. Laws are all the rules approved and enacted by the majority in assembly, whereby they declare what ought and what ought not to be done. Do they suppose it is right to do good or evil? Good, of course, young man, — not evil. 3.3.12. Did you never reflect that, whenever one chorus is selected from the citizens of this state — for instance, the chorus that is sent to Delos — no choir from any other place can compare with it, and no state can collect so goodly a company? True. 4.6.12. Kingship and despotism, in his judgment, were both forms of government, but he held that they differed. For government of men with their consent and in accordance with the laws of the state was kingship; while government of unwilling subjects and not controlled by laws, but imposed by the will of the ruler, was despotism. And where the officials are chosen among those who fulfil the requirements of the laws, the constitution is an aristocracy: where rateable property is the qualification for office, you have a plutocracy: where all are eligible, a democracy. 4.7.6. In general, with regard to the phenomena of the heavens, he deprecated curiosity to learn how the deity contrives them: he held that their secrets could not be discovered by man, and believed that any attempt to search out what the gods had not chosen to reveal must be displeasing to them. He said that he who meddles with these matters runs the risk of losing his sanity as completely as Anaxagoras, who took an insane pride in his explanation of the divine machinery.
89. Xenophon, On Household Management, 4.20-4.25, 7.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 200; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 327
90. Aristophanes, Birds, 1021-1054, 1058-1073, 1243-1245, 1583-1585, 1634, 1687, 1706-1749, 175, 1750-1759, 176, 1760-1765, 177-186, 469-470, 685-702, 704-736, 872-875, 958-990, 703 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 107
703. πολὺ πρεσβύτατοι πάντων μακάρων. ἡμεῖς δ' ὡς ἐσμὲν ̓́Ερωτος
91. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 100-125, 32, 321-322, 352-355, 504-506, 523-530, 534, 61-62, 628-629, 63, 630-639, 64, 640-649, 65, 650-659, 66, 660-664, 67-99, 356 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 259
356. ὑπὲρ Λακεδαιμονίων ἅπανθ' ὅς' ἂν λέγω:
92. Aristophanes, Clouds, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 259
1369. ὅμως δὲ τὸν θυμὸν δακὼν ἔφην, “σὺ δ' ἀλλὰ τούτων
93. Aristophanes, Women of The Assembly, 882-883, 918-920, 202 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 259
202. σωτηρία παρέκυψεν, ἀλλ' ὡρᾴζεται
94. Isocrates, Orations, 4.12, 4.27, 4.93-4.99, 4.156, 6.60-6.61, 7.35, 7.40, 7.53-7.55, 8.118-8.119, 8.128, 9.57, 10.57, 12.12, 12.145, 15.94, 15.145, 15.158, 15.160, 16.32, 16.35, 16.49, 18.59-18.61, 18.65 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55, 133, 138, 150, 153, 187, 192, 200, 201, 244, 245; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 79, 83, 84, 88; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 278, 311; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 21
95. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 1155-1156, 653-770, 621 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 74
621. ἐγκατακλινοῦντ' ἄγωμεν εἰς ̓Ασκληπιοῦ.
96. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.1.2, 1.1, 1.2, 1.9.2, 1.9.3, 1.9.1, 1.13.6, 1.20.1, 1.21.1, 1.22.4, 1.23.6, 1.23.5, 1.23.4, 1.23.3, 1.23.1, 1.23, 1.23.2, 1.27, 1.33.2, 1.33.3, 1.44.2, 1.44.1, 1.55.1, 1.67.4, 1.68.2, 1.68.1, 1.68, 1.69.1, 1.69.2, 1.70.2, 1.70.3, 1.70.4, 1.70.7, 1.71.1, 1.71.4, 1.73.3, 1.73.9, 1.73.8, 1.73.7, 1.73.6, 1.73.5, 1.73.4, 1.73.2, 1.73.10, 1.73.11, 1.73.13, 1.73.68, 1.73.69, 1.73.70, 1.73.71, 1.73.72, 1.73.73, 1.73.74, 1.73.67, 1.73.31, 1.73.32, 1.73.33, 1.73.34, 1.73.35, 1.73.36, 1.73.37, 1.73.38, 1.73.39, 1.73.30, 1.73.29, 1.73.28, 1.73.27, 1.73.14, 1.73.15, 1.73.16, 1.73.17, 1.73.18, 1.73.19, 1.73.26, 1.73.25, 1.73.24, 1.73.23, 1.73.22, 1.73.21, 1.73.20, 1.73.62, 1.73.63, 1.73.64, 1.73.65, 1.73.66, 1.73.12, 1.73.40, 1.73.41, 1.73.42, 1.73.43, 1.73.44, 1.73.45, 1.73.46, 1.73.47, 1.73.48, 1.73.49, 1.73.50, 1.73.51, 1.73.52, 1.73.61, 1.73.60, 1.73.59, 1.73.57, 1.73.56, 1.73.55, 1.73.54, 1.73.53, 1.73.58, 1.75.2, 1.76.4, 1.76.2, 1.77.2, 1.78.4, 1.78, 1.78.3, 1.82.1, 1.84.4, 1.84.3, 1.85.2, 1.87.3, 1.87.2, 1.87, 1.88, 1.89, 1.89.2, 1.90, 1.91, 1.92, 1.93, 1.94, 1.95, 1.95-96.1, 1.96, 1.96.2, 1.97, 1.98, 1.99, 1.100, 1.101, 1.102, 1.103, 1.104, 1.105, 1.106, 1.107, 1.108, 1.109, 1.110, 1.111.1, 1.111, 1.112, 1.112.3, 1.112.4, 1.112.2, 1.113, 1.114, 1.115, 1.116, 1.117, 1.118.3, 1.119, 1.122.1, 1.124.2, 1.125.2, 1.125.1, 1.125, 1.126, 1.132.2, 1.139.2, 1.139, 1.139.4, 1.139.1, 1.140.4, 1.140, 1.141.1, 1.141, 1.142, 1.143.5-144.1, 1.143, 1.144.3, 1.144.2, 1.144.1, 1.144, 1.145, 2.1, 2.2.1, 2.7.1, 2.8.4, 2.8.5, 2.8.3, 2.11.7, 2.13.5, 2.13.4, 2.13.3, 2.13, 2.13.2, 2.16.2, 2.17.3, 2.17.1, 2.22.2, 2.23.3, 2.27, 2.34, 2.35, 2.35.1, 2.36, 2.36.2, 2.36.3, 2.36.1, 2.37, 2.37.2, 2.37.1, 2.38, 2.38.2, 2.39, 2.39.2, 2.40, 2.41, 2.41.1, 2.42, 2.43, 2.43.1, 2.43.2, 2.44, 2.45, 2.46, 2.52.4, 2.53.1, 2.56.5, 2.59.3, 2.59.1, 2.59.2, 2.60.5, 2.60.1, 2.60, 2.61, 2.62.3, 2.62, 2.63.2, 2.63, 2.64.1, 2.64, 2.65.3, 2.65.4, 2.65.9, 2.65.1, 2.65.6, 2.65.7, 2.65, 2.65.10, 2.65.8, 2.65.11, 2.67.1, 2.67.4, 2.67, 2.71.4, 2.71.2, 2.71.3, 3.8.1, 3.10.2, 3.10.3, 3.10.4, 3.13, 3.29, 3.30, 3.31, 3.32, 3.33, 3.34, 3.36.4, 3.36.2, 3.37.1, 3.37.2, 3.37, 3.38.7, 3.38, 3.39, 3.40, 3.41, 3.42.1, 3.42, 3.43, 3.44, 3.45.5, 3.45.4, 3.45, 3.46, 3.47, 3.48, 3.49.1, 3.49, 3.50, 3.53.3, 3.58, 3.59.2, 3.60, 3.61, 3.62, 3.62.1, 3.62.2, 3.62.3, 3.62.5, 3.62.4, 3.63, 3.64, 3.65, 3.66, 3.67, 3.67.2, 3.67.6, 3.73, 3.75.2, 3.82.5, 3.82.2, 3.82.6, 3.82.1, 3.83.1, 3.84.2, 3.84.1, 3.85, 3.86.5, 3.86.4, 3.86.3, 3.91, 3.92.5, 3.97, 3.98, 3.99, 3.104.1, 3.104.2, 3.104.3, 3.104, 3.106, 3.107, 3.108, 3.109, 3.110, 3.111, 3.112, 3.114, 3.118, 3.119, 3.120, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.10.1, 4.12.3, 4.14.2, 4.17.4, 4.17.3, 4.20.4, 4.20.1, 4.26, 4.26.5, 4.27, 4.28, 4.29, 4.34.3, 4.37, 4.38, 4.39, 4.40, 4.41, 4.45.2, 4.46, 4.49, 4.50.2, 4.50.1, 4.55.3, 4.55.1, 4.60.2, 4.75.1, 4.76.3, 4.76.2, 4.80, 4.91, 4.92, 4.93, 4.93.4, 4.94, 4.95, 4.96, 4.118.4, 4.118, 4.133.2, 4.133.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.14.3, 5.18, 5.19, 5.23, 5.25.3, 5.29.3, 5.32.1, 5.34.1, 5.38.2, 5.43.2, 5.43.3, 5.47, 5.56.1, 5.56.2, 5.57, 5.61.2, 5.79, 5.82.6, 5.84, 5.85, 5.86, 5.87, 5.88, 5.89, 5.90, 5.91, 5.92, 5.93, 5.94, 5.95, 5.96, 5.97, 5.98, 5.99, 5.100, 5.101, 5.102, 5.103, 5.104, 5.105.2, 5.105, 5.106, 5.107, 5.108, 5.109, 5.110, 5.111, 5.112, 5.113, 5.114, 5.115, 5.116.4, 5.116, 6.2, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10, 6.11, 6.12.2, 6.12, 6.13.1, 6.13, 6.14, 6.15.2, 6.15, 6.15.3, 6.15.4, 6.16, 6.16.2, 6.16.3, 6.16.1, 6.17, 6.18, 6.19, 6.20, 6.21, 6.22, 6.23, 6.24.3, 6.24.2, 6.24, 6.25, 6.26, 6.27, 6.28, 6.29, 6.30, 6.31, 6.32, 6.33, 6.34, 6.35, 6.36, 6.37, 6.38.5-39.2, 6.38, 6.39, 6.40, 6.41, 6.42, 6.43, 6.44, 6.45, 6.46.2, 6.46, 6.47, 6.48, 6.49, 6.50, 6.51, 6.52, 6.53, 6.54.5, 6.54.6, 6.60, 6.61, 6.61.7, 6.61.6, 6.62.4, 6.62.3, 6.77, 6.85.1, 6.89, 6.90.3, 6.90.2, 6.92, 6.93.2, 6.93.1, 6.99.3, 6.105.1, 7.1.1, 7.18.2, 7.18.3, 7.19.3, 7.25.3, 7.26.2, 7.27.5, 7.28.4, 7.29.5, 7.29.3, 7.33.5, 7.33.4, 7.33.3, 7.33.6, 7.57.4, 7.57.11, 7.67.4, 7.70.2, 7.70.4, 7.71.4, 7.71.2, 7.71.7, 7.75.4, 8.1.1, 8.3.2, 8.6, 8.12, 8.15.2, 8.16, 8.33.1, 8.35.1, 8.40.2, 8.44, 8.45, 8.46.1, 8.46.2, 8.46.3, 8.46, 8.47, 8.48, 8.49, 8.56, 8.61.2, 8.81, 8.81.2, 8.82, 8.86.4, 8.88-89.1, 8.91.2, 8.92.8, 8.95, 8.96, 8.96.5, 8.97.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 110
97. Aristophanes, Peace, 107, 108, 143, 169, 170, 171, 172, 204, 363, 364, 371, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 605, 605α, 605β, 606, 607, 608, 609, 610, 611, 612, 614, 615, 616, 617, 618, 619, 620, 621, 622, 623, 624, 625, 626, 627, 659, 835, 836, 837, 838, 839, 840, 871, 872, 873, 874, 875, 889, 890, 891, 892, 893, 894, 895, 929, 930, 931, 932, 933, 934, 976, 613 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 148; Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 259
613. καὶ πίθος πληγεὶς ὑπ' ὀργῆς ἀντελάκτισεν πίθῳ,
98. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.1.2, 1.1.9, 1.1.16, 1.2.6, 1.3.8-1.3.13, 1.4.1-1.4.7, 1.4.11-1.4.21, 1.5.19, 1.33, 2.2.19-2.2.20, 2.3.40, 2.3.52, 2.3.55, 2.4.2, 2.4.9, 2.4.38, 3.3.1-3.3.4, 3.4.7-3.4.8, 3.5.1, 4.3.11, 4.5.13-4.5.14, 4.8.12, 5.1.31, 6.2.1, 6.3.6, 6.5.33-6.5.34 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 185, 243; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 82
99. Xenophon, Constitution of The Athenians, 1.2, 1.13, 2.9-2.10 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 150, 161, 201; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 153
100. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 391-402 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 327
101. Aristophanes, Knights, 1085, 1114, 1225-1252, 1254, 1362, 168-178, 255, 267-268, 280-283, 311, 316, 478, 50, 503-509, 51, 510-519, 52, 520-550, 573-580, 702, 797-800, 927-940, 989-996, 1253 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 243; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 79
1253. ̔Ελλάνιε Ζεῦ σὸν τὸ νικητήριον.
102. Xenophon, Ways And Means, 2.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, evacuation of the attic countryside Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 217
103. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 165-166, 387-388, 164 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 61
104. Sophocles, Oedipus At Colonus, 704-706, 919-920, 922-923, 921 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 152
105. Sophocles, Antigone, 100-114, 116-140, 115 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 151
106. Sophocles, Ajax, 596-599 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 152
107. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 1.2.7-1.2.8, 3.2.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 265, 327
1.2.7. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξελαύνει σταθμοὺς τρεῖς παρασάγγας εἴκοσιν εἰς Κελαινάς, τῆς Φρυγίας πόλιν οἰκουμένην, μεγάλην καὶ εὐδαίμονα. ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας ἀγρίων θηρίων πλήρης, ἃ ἐκεῖνος ἐθήρευεν ἀπὸ ἵππου, ὁπότε γυμνάσαι βούλοιτο ἑαυτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἵππους. διὰ μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν πόλεως. 1.2.8. ἔστι δὲ καὶ μεγάλου βασιλέως βασίλεια ἐν Κελαιναῖς ἐρυμνὰ ἐπὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλει· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὸν Μαίανδρον· τοῦ δὲ Μαρσύου τὸ εὖρός ἐστιν εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε ποδῶν. ἐνταῦθα λέγεται Ἀπόλλων ἐκδεῖραι Μαρσύαν νικήσας ἐρίζοντά οἱ περὶ σοφίας, καὶ τὸ δέρμα κρεμάσαι ἐν τῷ ἄντρῳ ὅθεν αἱ πηγαί· διὰ δὲ τοῦτο ὁ ποταμὸς καλεῖται Μαρσύας. 3.2.12. καὶ εὐξάμενοι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὁπόσους κατακάνοιεν τῶν πολεμίων τοσαύτας χιμαίρας καταθύσειν τῇ θεῷ, ἐπεὶ οὐκ εἶχον ἱκανὰς εὑρεῖν, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν πεντακοσίας θύειν, καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἀποθύουσιν. 3.2.12. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough; According to Herodotus ( Hdt. 6.117 ) the Persian dead numbered 6,400. so they resolved to offer five hundred every year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day.
108. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 1124-1127, 1137-1146, 321, 504-505, 631-635, 672-679, 550 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 259
550. χωρεῖτ' ὀργῇ καὶ μὴ τέγγεσθ': ἔτι γὰρ νῦν οὔρια θεῖτε.
109. Dinarchus, Or., 1.13 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 138
110. Duris of Samos, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 342
111. Ephorus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 148
112. Demades, Fragments, 32, 69, 87 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
113. Demosthenes, Against Eubulides, 18 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 100
114. Cratinus Iunior, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brule (2003), Women of Ancient Greece, 194
115. Menander, Perikeiromenãƒæ’ƀ™Ãƒâ€ Ã‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚‚ª, 271-289, 291, 295-296, 290 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 86
116. Aeschines, Letters, 1.39, 1.101-1.102, 1.112, 1.125, 2.77-2.78, 2.97, 3.17, 3.113, 3.143, 3.178-3.179, 3.187-3.190, 3.187.1, 3.243 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, introduction of asklepios's cult in athens •peloponnesian war, •peloponnesian war, attica ravaged •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 412; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 156, 200, 244, 246; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 82, 84, 86; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 158; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 344; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 43, 278
117. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 217
118. Aristotle, Fragments, 191.72 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 59, 60, 251
119. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 1, 122, 147, 143 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 268
120. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 84
121. Aristotle, Respiration, 191.72 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 59, 60, 251
122. Menander, Epitrepontes, 128-131 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 326
123. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 8.3-8.4, 14.1, 14.3, 16.2, 16.10, 23.2, 23.5, 26.4, 27.3-27.4, 28.3, 41.2, 44.4, 47.4-47.5, 56.3, 57.1, 58.1, 60.1-60.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 76; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55, 156, 200; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 272; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 265, 278, 319; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 31, 51, 90, 269; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 5, 17, 75, 153
124. Callimachus, Hymn To The Baths of Pallas, 34, 33 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 204
125. Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 247
126. Crates, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
127. Philochorus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 149
128. Menander, Kolax, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 412
129. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.936-1.1152 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 327
1.936. ἔστι δέ τις αἰπεῖα Προποντίδος ἔνδοθι νῆσος 1.937. τυτθὸν ἀπὸ Φρυγίης πολυληίου ἠπείροιο 1.938. εἰς ἅλα κεκλιμένη, ὅσσον τʼ ἐπιμύρεται ἰσθμὸς 1.939. χέρσῳ ἐπιπρηνὴς καταειμένος· ἐν δέ οἱ ἀκταὶ 1.940. ἀμφίδυμοι, κεῖνται δʼ ὑπὲρ ὕδατος Λἰσήποιο. 1.941. Λ̓́ρκτων μιν καλέουσιν ὄρος περιναιετάοντες· 1.942. καὶ τὸ μὲν ὑβρισταί τε καὶ ἄγριοι ἐνναίουσιν 1.943. Γηγενέες, μέγα θαῦμα περικτιόνεσσιν ἰδέσθαι. 1.944. ἓξ γὰρ ἑκάστῳ χεῖρες ὑπέρβιοι ἠερέθονται, 1.945. αἱ μὲν ἀπὸ στιβαρῶν ὤμων δύο, ταὶ δʼ ὑπένερθεν 1.946. τέσσαρες αἰνοτάτῃσιν ἐπὶ πλευρῇς ἀραρυῖαι. 1.947. ἰσθμὸν δʼ αὖ πεδίον τε Δολίονες ἀμφενέμοντο 1.948. ἀνέρες· ἐν δʼ ἥρως Λἰνήιος υἱὸς ἄνασσεν 1.949. Κύζικος, ὃν κούρη δίου τέκεν Εὐσώροιο 1.950. Αἰνήτη. τοὺς δʼ οὔτι καὶ ἔκπαγλοί περ ἐόντες 1.951. Γηγενέες σίνοντο, Ποσειδάωνος ἀρωγῇ· 1.952. τοῦ γὰρ ἔσαν τὰ πρῶτα Δολίονες ἐκγεγαῶτες. 1.953. ἔνθʼ Ἀργὼ προύτυψεν ἐπειγομένη ἀνέμοισιν 1.954. Θρηικίοις, Καλὸς δὲ λιμὴν ὑπέδεκτο θέουσαν. 1.955. κεῖσε καὶ εὐναίης ὀλίγον λίθον ἐκλύσαντες 1.956. Τίφυος ἐννεσίῃσιν ὑπὸ κρήνῃ ἐλίποντο, 1.957. κρήνῃ ὑπʼ Ἀρτακίῃ· ἕτερον δʼ ἔλον, ὅστις ἀρήρει, 1.958. βριθύν· ἀτὰρ κεῖνόν γε θεοπροπίαις Ἑκάτοιο 1.959. Νηλεΐδαι μετόπισθεν Ἰάονες ἱδρύσαντο 1.960. ἱερόν, ἣ θέμις ἦεν, Ἰησονίης ἐν Ἀθήνης. 1.961. τοὺς δʼ ἄμυδις φιλότητι Δολίονες ἠδὲ καὶ αὐτὸς 1.962. Κύζικος ἀντήσαντες ὅτε στόλον ἠδὲ γενέθλην 1.963. ἔκλυον, οἵτινες εἶεν, ἐυξείνως ἀρέσαντο, 1.964. καί σφεας εἰρεσίῃ πέπιθον προτέρωσε κιόντας 1.965. ἄστεος ἐν λιμένι πρυμνήσια νηὸς ἀνάψαι, 1.966. ἔνθʼ οἵγʼ Ἐκβασίῳ βωμὸν θέσαν Ἀπόλλωνι 1.967. εἱσάμενοι παρὰ θῖνα, θυηπολίης τʼ ἐμελοντο. 1.968. δῶκεν δʼ αὐτὸς ἄναξ λαρὸν μέθυ δευουένοισιν 1.969. μῆλά θʼ ὁμοῦ· δὴ γάρ οἱ ἔην φάτις, εὖτʼ ἂν ἵκωνται 1.970. ἀνδρῶν ἡρώων θεῖος στόλος, αὐτίκα τόνγε 1.971. μείλιχον ἀντιάαν, μηδὲ πτολέμοιο μέλεσθαι. 1.972. ἶσόν που κἀκείνῳ ἐπισταχύεσκον ἴουλοι, 1.973. οὐδέ νύ πω παίδεσσιν ἀγαλλόμενος μεμόρητο· 1.974. ἀλλʼ ἔτι οἱ κατὰ δώματʼ ἀκήρατος ἦεν ἄκοιτις 1.975. ὠδίνων, Μέροπος Περκωσίου ἐκγεγαυῖα, 1.976. Κλείτη ἐυπλόκαμος, τὴν μὲν νέον ἐξέτι πατρὸς 1.977. θεσπεσίοις ἕδνοισιν ἀνήγαγεν ἀντιπέρηθεν. 1.978. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὧς θάλαμόν τε λιπὼν καὶ δέμνια νύμφης 1.979. τοῖς μέτα δαῖτʼ ἀλέγυνε, βάλεν δʼ ἀπὸ δείματα θυμοῦ. 1.980. ἀλλήλους δʼ ἐρέεινον ἀμοιβαδίς· ἤτοι ὁ μέν σφεων 1.981. πεύθετο ναυτιλίης ἄνυσιν, Πελίαό τʼ ἐφετμάς· 1.982. οἱ δὲ περικτιόνων πόλιας καὶ κόλπον ἅπαντα 1.983. εὐρείης πεύθοντο Προποντίδος· οὐ μὲν ἐπιπρὸ 1.984. ἠείδει καταλέξαι ἐελδομένοισι δαῆναι. 1.985. ἠοῖ δʼ εἰσανέβαν μέγα Δίνδυμον, ὄφρα καὶ αὐτοὶ 1.986. θηήσαιντο πόρους κείνης ἁλός· ἐκ δʼ ἄρα τοίγε 1.987. νῆα Χυτοῦ λιμένος προτέρω ἐξήλασαν ὅρμον· 1.988. ἥδε δʼ Ἰησονίη πέφαται ὁδός, ἥνπερ ἔβησαν. 1.989. Γηγενέες δʼ ἑτέρωθεν ἀπʼ οὔρεος ἀίξαντες 1.990. φράξαν ἀπειρεσίοιο Χυτοῦ στόμα νειόθι πέτρῃς 1.991. πόντιον, οἷά τε θῆρα λοχώμενοι ἔνδον ἐόντα. 1.992. ἀλλὰ γὰρ αὖθι λέλειπτο σὺν ἀνδράσιν ὁπλοτέροισιν 1.993. Ἡρακλέης, ὃς δή σφι παλίντονον αἶψα τανύσσας 1.994. τόξον ἐπασσυτέρους πέλασε χθονί· τοὶ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ 1.995. πέτρας ἀμφιρρῶγας ἀερτάζοντες ἔβαλλον. 1.996. δὴ γάρ που κἀκεῖνα θεὰ τρέφεν αἰνὰ πέλωρα 1.997. Ἥρη, Ζηνὸς ἄκοιτις, ἀέθλιον Ἡρακλῆι. 1.998. σὺν δὲ καὶ ὧλλοι δῆθεν ὑπότροποι ἀντιόωντες, 1.999. πρίν περ ἀνελθέμεναι σκοπιήν, ἥπτοντο φόνοιο 1.1000. γηγενέων ἥρωες ἀρήιοι, ἠμὲν ὀιστοῖς 1.1001. ἠδὲ καὶ ἐγχείῃσι δεδεγμένοι, εἰσόκε πάντας 1.1002. ἀντιβίην ἀσπερχὲς ὀρινομένους ἐδάιξαν. 1.1003. ὡς δʼ ὅτε δούρατα μακρὰ νέον πελέκεσσι τυπέντα 1.1004. ὑλοτόμοι στοιχηδὸν ἐπὶ ῥηγμῖνι βάλωσιν, 1.1005. ὄφρα νοτισθέντα κρατεροὺς ἀνεχοίατο γόμφους· 1.1006. ὧς οἱ ἐνὶ ξυνοχῇ λιμένος πολιοῖο τέταντο 1.1007. ἑξείης, ἄλλοι μὲν ἐς ἁλμυρὸν ἀθρόοι ὕδωρ 1.1008. δύπτοντες κεφαλὰς καὶ στήθεα, γυῖα δʼ ὕπερθεν 1.1009. χέρσῳ τεινάμενοι· τοὶ δʼ ἔμπαλιν, αἰγιαλοῖο 1.1010. κράατα μὲν ψαμάθοισι, πόδας δʼ εἰς βένθος ἔρειδον, 1.1011. ἄμφω ἅμʼ οἰωνοῖσι καὶ ἰχθύσι κύρμα γενέσθαι. 1.1012. ἥρωες δʼ, ὅτε δή σφιν ἀταρβὴς ἔπλετʼ ἄεθλος, 1.1013. δὴ τότε πείσματα νηὸς ἐπὶ πνοιῇς ἀνέμοιο 1.1014. λυσάμενοι προτέρωσε διὲξ ἁλὸς οἶδμα νέοντο. 1.1015. ἡ δʼ ἔθεεν λαίφεσσι πανήμερος· οὐ μὲν ἰούσης 1.1016. νυκτὸς ἔτι ῥιπὴ μένεν ἔμπεδον, ἀλλὰ θύελλαι 1.1017. ἀντίαι ἁρπάγδην ὀπίσω φέρον, ὄφρʼ ἐπέλασσαν 1.1018. αὖτις ἐυξείνοισι Δολίοσιν ἐκ δʼ ἄρʼ ἔβησαν 1.1019. αὐτονυχί· ἱερὴ δὲ φατίζεται ἥδʼ ἔτι πέτρη, 1.1020. ᾗ πέρι πείσματα νηὸς ἐπεσσύμενοι ἐβάλοντο. 1.1021. οὐδέ τις αὐτὴν νῆσον ἐπιφραδέως ἐνόησεν 1.1022. ἔμμεναι· οὐδʼ ὑπὸ νυκτὶ Δολίονες ἂψ ἀνιόντας 1.1023. ἥρωας νημερτὲς ἐπήισαν· ἀλλά που ἀνδρῶν 1.1024. Μακριέων εἴσαντο Πελασγικὸν ἄρεα κέλσαι. 1.1025. τῶ καὶ τεύχεα δύντες ἐπὶ σφίσι χεῖρας ἄειραν. 1.1026. σὺν δʼ ἔλασαν μελίας τε καὶ ἀσπίδας ἀλλήλοισιν 1.1027. ὀξείῃ ἴκελοι ῥιπῇ πυρός, ἥ τʼ ἐνὶ θάμνοις 1.1028. αὐαλέοισι πεσοῦσα κορύσσεται· ἐν δὲ κυδοιμὸς 1.1029. δεινός τε ζαμενής τε Δολιονίῳ πέσε δήμῳ. 1.1030. οὐδʼ ὅγε δηιοτῆτος ὑπὲρ μόρον αὖτις ἔμελλεν 1.1031. οἴκαδε νυμφιδίους θαλάμους καὶ λέκτρον ἱκέσθαι. 1.1032. ἀλλά μιν Λἰσονίδης τετραμμένον ἰθὺς ἑοῖο 1.1033. πλῆξεν ἐπαΐξας στῆθος μέσον, ἀμφὶ δὲ δουρὶ 1.1034. ὀστέον ἐρραίσθη· ὁ δʼ ἐνὶ ψαμάθοισιν ἐλυσθεὶς 1.1035. μοῖραν ἀνέπλησεν. τὴν γὰρ θέμις οὔποτʼ ἀλύξαι 1.1036. θνητοῖσιν· πάντῃ δὲ περὶ μέγα πέπταται ἕρκος. 1.1037. ὧς τὸν ὀιόμενόν που ἀδευκέος ἔκτοθεν ἄτης 1.1038. εἶναι ἀριστήων αὐτῇ ὑπὸ νυκτὶ πέδησεν 1.1039. μαρνάμενον κείνοισι· πολεῖς δʼ ἐπαρηγόνες ἄλλοι 1.1040. ἔκταθεν· Ἡρακλέης μὲν ἐνήρατο Τηλεκλῆα 1.1041. ἠδὲ Μεγαβρόντην· Σφόδριν δʼ ἐνάριξεν Ἄκαστος· 1.1042. Πηλεὺς δὲ Ζέλυν εἷλεν ἀρηίθοόν τε Γέφυρον. 1.1043. αὐτὰρ ἐυμμελίης Τελαμὼν Βασιλῆα κατέκτα. 1.1044. Ἴδας δʼ αὖ Προμέα, Κλυτίος δʼ Ὑάκινθον ἔπεφνεν, 1.1045. Τυνδαρίδαι δʼ ἄμφω Μεγαλοσσάκεα Φλογίον τε. 1.1046. Οἰνεΐδης δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσιν ἕλεν θρασὺν Ἰτυμονῆα 1.1047. ἠδὲ καὶ Ἀρτακέα, πρόμον ἀνδρῶν· οὓς ἔτι πάντας 1.1048. ἐνναέται τιμαῖς ἡρωίσι κυδαίνουσιν. 1.1049. οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι εἴξαντες ὑπέτρεσαν, ἠύτε κίρκους 1.1050. ὠκυπέτας ἀγεληδὸν ὑποτρέσσωσι πέλειαι. 1.1051. ἐς δὲ πύλας ὁμάδῳ πέσον ἀθρόοι· αἶψα δʼ ἀυτῆς 1.1052. πλῆτο πόλις στονόεντος ὑποτροπίῃ πολέμοιο. 1.1053. ἠῶθεν δʼ ὀλοὴν καὶ ἀμήχανον εἰσενόησαν 1.1054. ἀμπλακίην ἄμφω· στυγερὸν δʼ ἄχος εἷλεν ἰδόντας 1.1055. ἥρωας Μινύας Αἰνήιον υἷα πάροιθεν 1.1056. Κύζικον ἐν κονίῃσι καὶ αἵματι πεπτηῶτα. 1.1057. ἤματα δὲ τρία πάντα γόων, τίλλοντό τε χαίτας 1.1058. αὐτοὶ ὁμῶς λαοί τε Δολίονες. αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα 1.1059. τρὶς περὶ χαλκείοις σὺν τεύχεσι δινηθέντες 1.1060. τύμβῳ ἐνεκτερέιξαν, ἐπειρήσαντό τʼ ἀέθλων, 1.1061. ἣ θέμις, ἂμ πεδίον λειμώνιον, ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν περ 1.1062. ἀγκέχυται τόδε σῆμα καὶ ὀψιγόνοισιν ἰδέσθαι. 1.1063. οὐδὲ μὲν οὐδʼ ἄλοχος Κλείτη φθιμένοιο λέλειπτο 1.1064. οὗ πόσιος μετόπισθε· κακῷ δʼ ἐπὶ κύντερον ἄλλο 1.1065. ἤνυσεν, ἁψαμένη βρόχον αὐχένι. τὴν δὲ καὶ αὐταὶ 1.1066. νύμφαι ἀποφθιμένην ἀλσηίδες ὠδύραντο· 1.1067. καί οἱ ἀπὸ βλεφάρων ὅσα δάκρυα χεῦαν ἔραζε, 1.1068. πάντα τάγε κρήνην τεῦξαν θεαί, ἣν καλέουσιν 1.1069. Κλείτην, δυστήνοιο περικλεὲς οὔνομα νύμφης. 1.1070. αἰνότατον δὴ κεῖνο Δολιονίῃσι γυναιξὶν 1.1071. ἀνδράσι τʼ ἐκ Διὸς ἦμαρ ἐπήλυθεν· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτῶν 1.1072. ἔτλη τις πάσσασθαι ἐδητύος, οὐδʼ ἐπὶ δηρὸν 1.1073. ἐξ ἀχέων ἔργοιο μυληφάτου ἐμνώοντο· 1.1074. ἀλλʼ αὔτως ἄφλεκτα διαζώεσκον ἔδοντες. 1.1075. ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν, εὖτʼ ἄν σφιν ἐτήσια χύτλα χέωνται 1.1076. Κύζικον ἐνναίοντες Ἰάονες, ἔμπεδον αἰεὶ 1.1077. πανδήμοιο μύλης πελάνους ἐπαλετρεύουσιν. 1.1078. ἐκ δὲ τόθεν τρηχεῖαι ἀνηέρθησαν ἄελλαι 1.1079. ἤμαθʼ ὁμοῦ νύκτας τε δυώδεκα, τοὺς δὲ καταῦθι 1.1080. ναυτίλλεσθαι ἔρυκον. ἐπιπλομένῃ δʼ ἐνὶ νυκτὶ 1.1081. ὧλλοι μέν ῥα πάρος δεδμημένοι εὐνάζοντο 1.1082. ὕπνῳ ἀριστῆες πύματον λάχος· αὐτὰρ Ἄκαστος 1.1083. Μόψος τʼ Ἀμπυκίδης ἀδινὰ κνώσσοντας ἔρυντο. 1.1084. ἡ δʼ ἄρʼ ὑπὲρ ξανθοῖο καρήατος Αἰσονίδαο 1.1085. πωτᾶτʼ ἀλκυονὶς λιγυρῇ ὀπὶ θεσπίζουσα 1.1086. λῆξιν ὀρινομένων ἀνέμων· συνέηκε δὲ Μόψος 1.1087. ἀκταίης ὄρνιθος ἐναίσιμον ὄσσαν ἀκούσας. 1.1088. καὶ τὴν μὲν θεὸς αὖτις ἀπέτραπεν, ἷζε δʼ ὕπερθεν 1.1089. νηίου ἀφλάστοιο μετήορος ἀίξασα. 1.1090. τὸν δʼ ὅγε κεκλιμένον μαλακοῖς ἐνὶ κώεσιν οἰῶν. 1.1091. κινήσας ἀνέγειρε παρασχεδόν, ὧδέ τʼ ἔειπεν· 1.1092. ‘Αἰσονίδη, χρειώ σε τόδʼ ἱερὸν εἰσανιόντα 1.1093. Δινδύμου ὀκριόεντος ἐύθρονον ἱλάξασθαι 1.1094. μητέρα συμπάντων μακάρων· λήξουσι δʼ ἄελλαι 1.1095. ζαχρηεῖς· τοίην γὰρ ἐγὼ νέον ὄσσαν ἄκουσα 1.1096. ἀλκυόνος ἁλίης, ἥ τε κνώσσοντος ὕπερθεν 1.1097. σεῖο πέριξ τὰ ἕκαστα πιφαυσκομένη πεπότηται. 1.1098. ἐκ γὰρ τῆς ἄνεμοί τε θάλασσά τε νειόθι τε χθὼν 1.1099. πᾶσα πεπείρανται νιφόεν θʼ ἕδος Οὐλύμποιο· 1.1100. καί οἱ, ὅτʼ ἐξ ὀρέων μέγαν οὐρανὸν εἰσαναβαίνῃ, 1.1101. Ζεὺς αὐτὸς Κρονίδης ὑποχάζεται. ὧς δὲ καὶ ὧλλοι 1.1102. ἀθάνατοι μάκαρες δεινὴν θεὸν ἀμφιέπουσιν.’ 1.1103. ὧς φάτο· τῷ δʼ ἀσπαστὸν ἔπος γένετʼ εἰσαΐοντι. 1.1104. ὤρνυτο δʼ ἐξ εὐνῆς κεχαρημένος· ὦρσε δʼ ἑταίρους 1.1105. πάντας ἐπισπέρχων, καί τέ σφισιν ἐγρομένοισιν 1.1106. Ἀμπυκίδεω Μόψοιο θεοπροπίας ἀγόρευεν. 1.1107. αἶψα δὲ κουρότεροι μὲν ἀπὸ σταθμῶν ἐλάσαντες 1.1108. ἔνθεν ἐς αἰπεινὴν ἄναγον βόας οὔρεος ἄκρην. 1.1109. οἱ δʼ ἄρα λυσάμενοι Ἱερῆς ἐκ πείσματα πέτρης 1.1110. ἤρεσαν ἐς λιμένα Θρηίκιον· ἂν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ 1.1111. βαῖνον, παυροτέρους ἑτάρων ἐν νηὶ λιπόντες. 1.1112. τοῖσι δὲ Μακριάδες σκοπιαὶ καὶ πᾶσα περαίη 1.1113. Θρηικίης ἐνὶ χερσὶν ἑαῖς προυφαίνετʼ ἰδέσθαι· 1.1114. φαίνετο δʼ ἠερόεν στόμα Βοσπόρου ἠδὲ κολῶναι 1.1115. Μυσίαι· ἐκ δʼ ἑτέρης ποταμοῦ ῥόος Αἰσήποιο 1.1116. ἄστυ τε καὶ πεδίον Νηπήιον Ἀδρηστείης. 1.1117. ἔσκε δέ τι στιβαρὸν στύπος ἀμπέλου ἔντροφον ὕλῃ, 1.1118. πρόχνυ γεράνδρυον· τὸ μὲν ἔκταμον, ὄφρα πέλοιτο 1.1119. δαίμονος οὐρείης ἱερὸν βρέτας· ἔξεσε δʼ Ἄργος 1.1120. εὐκόσμως, καὶ δή μιν ἐπʼ ὀκριόεντι κολωνῷ 1.1121. ἵδρυσαν φηγοῖσιν ἐπηρεφὲς ἀκροτάτῃσιν, 1.1122. αἵ ῥά τε πασάων πανυπέρταται ἐρρίζωνται. 1.1123. βωμὸν δʼ αὖ χέραδος παρενήνεον· ἀμφὶ δὲ φύλλοις 1.1124. στεψάμενοι δρυΐνοισι θυηπολίης ἐμέλοντο 1.1125. μητέρα Δινδυμίην πολυπότνιαν ἀγκαλέοντες, 1.1126. ἐνναέτιν Φρυγίης, Τιτίην θʼ ἅμα Κύλληνόν τε, 1.1127. οἳ μοῦνοι πολέων μοιρηγέται ἠδὲ πάρεδροι 1.1128. μητέρος Ἰδαίης κεκλήαται, ὅσσοι ἔασιν 1.1129. δάκτυλοι Ἰδαῖοι Κρηταιέες, οὕς ποτε νύμφη 1.1130. Ἀγχιάλη Δικταῖον ἀνὰ σπέος ἀμφοτέρῃσιν 1.1131. δραξαμένη γαίης Οἰαξίδος ἐβλάστησεν. 1.1132. πολλὰ δὲ τήνγε λιτῇσιν ἀποστρέψαι ἐριώλας 1.1133. Λἰσονίδης γουνάζετʼ ἐπιλλείβων ἱεροῖσιν 1.1134. αἰθομένοις· ἄμυδις δὲ νέοι Ὀρφῆος ἀνωγῇ 1.1135. σκαίροντες βηταρμὸν ἐνόπλιον ὠρχήσαντο, 1.1136. καὶ σάκεα ξιφέεσσιν ἐπέκτυπον, ὥς κεν ἰωὴ 1.1137. δύσφημος πλάζοιτο διʼ ἠέρος, ἣν ἔτι λαοὶ 1.1138. κηδείῃ βασιλῆος ἀνέστενον. ἔνθεν ἐσαιεὶ 1.1139. ῥόμβῳ καὶ τυπάνῳ Ῥείην Φρύγες ἱλάσκονται. 1.1140. ἡ δέ που εὐαγέεσσιν ἐπὶ φρένα θῆκε θυηλαῖς 1.1141. ἀνταίη δαίμων· τὰ δʼ ἐοικότα σήματʼ ἔγεντο. 1.1142. δένδρεα μὲν καρπὸν χέον ἄσπετον, ἀμφὶ δὲ ποσσὶν 1.1143. αὐτομάτη φύε γαῖα τερείνης ἄνθεα ποίης. 1.1144. θῆρες δʼ εἰλυούς τε κατὰ ξυλόχους τε λιπόντες 1.1145. οὐρῇσιν σαίνοντες ἐπήλυθον. ἡ δὲ καὶ ἄλλο 1.1146. θῆκε τέρας· ἐπεὶ οὔτι παροίτερον ὕδατι νᾶεν 1.1147. Δίνδυμον· ἀλλά σφιν τότʼ ἀνέβραχε διψάδος αὔτως 1.1148. ἐκ κορυφῆς ἄλληκτον· Ἰησονίην δʼ ἐνέπουσιν 1.1149. κεῖνο ποτὸν κρήνην περιναιέται ἄνδρες ὀπίσσω. 1.1150. καὶ τότε μὲν δαῖτʼ ἀμφὶ θεᾶς θέσαν οὔρεσιν Ἄρκτων, 1.1151. μέλποντες Ῥείην πολυπότνιαν· αὐτὰρ ἐς ἠὼ 1.1152. ληξάντων ἀνέμων νῆσον λίπον εἰρεσίῃσιν.
130. Hermippus of Smyrna, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 65
131. Aristomenes Atheniensis, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
132. Polybius, Histories, 2.15.5, 2.16.13-2.16.15, 5.96.4, 21.6.7, 21.37.5-21.37.7, 27.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370, 412; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 251; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 59
2.15.5. ποιοῦνται γὰρ τὰς καταλύσεις οἱ διοδεύοντες τὴν χώραν ἐν τοῖς πανδοκείοις, οὐ συμφωνοῦντες περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἐπιτηδείων, ἀλλʼ ἐρωτῶντες πόσου τὸν ἄνδρα δέχεται. 2.16.13. τἄλλα δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦτον ἱστορούμενα παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι, λέγω δὴ τὰ περὶ Φαέθοντα καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου πτῶσιν, ἔτι δὲ τὰ δάκρυα τῶν αἰγείρων καὶ τοὺς μελανείμονας τοὺς περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν οἰκοῦντας, οὕς φασι τὰς ἐσθῆτας εἰσέτι νῦν φορεῖν τοιαύτας ἀπὸ τοῦ κατὰ Φαέθοντα πένθους, 2.16.14. καὶ πᾶσαν δὴ τὴν τραγικὴν καὶ ταύτῃ προσεοικυῖαν ὕλην ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ παρόντος ὑπερθησόμεθα διὰ τὸ μὴ λίαν καθήκειν τῷ τῆς προκατασκευῆς γένει τὴν περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἀκριβολογίαν. 2.16.15. μεταλαβόντες δὲ καιρὸν ἁρμόττοντα ποιησόμεθα τὴν καθήκουσαν μνήμην, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν Τιμαίου περὶ τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους ἄγνοιαν. 5.96.4. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ περὶ Φανοτεῖς παλιμπροδοσία τοιόνδε τινὰ τρόπον. Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῆς Φωκίδος ὑπὸ Φιλίππου συνεστήσατο πρᾶξιν ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς διά τινος Ἰάσονος, ὃς ἐτύγχανεν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῆς τῶν Φανοτέων πόλεως· 21.6.7. ἐξελθόντες μὲν Γάλλοι δύο μετὰ τύπων καὶ προστηθιδίων ἐδέοντο μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῆς πόλεως. — 21.37.5. καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ποταμὸν στρατοπεδευσαμένου παραγίνονται Γάλλοι παρʼ Ἄττιδος καὶ Βαττάκου τῶν ἐκ Πεσσινοῦντος ἱερέων τῆς Μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν, 21.37.6. ἔχοντες προστηθίδια καὶ τύπους, φάσκοντες προσαγγέλλειν τὴν θεὸν νίκην καὶ κράτος. 21.37.7. οὓς ὁ Γνάιος φιλανθρώπως ὑπεδέξατο. — 2.15.5.  Travellers in this country who put up in inns, do not bargain for each separate article they require, but ask what is the charge per diem for one person. 2.16.13.  The other tales the Greeks tell about this river, I mean touching Phaëthon and his fall and the weeping poplar-trees and the black clothing of the inhabitants near the river, who, they say, still dress thus in mourning for Phaëthon, 2.16.14.  and all matter for tragedy and the like, may be left aside for the present, detailed treatment of such things not suiting very well the plan of this work. 2.16.15.  I will, however, when I find a suitable occasion make proper mention of all this, especially as Timaeus has shown much ignorance concerning the district. 5.96.4. The following instance of treachery countered by treachery also took place at Phanoteus. Alexander, who had been appointed to the command in Phocis by Philip, made a plan for outwitting the Aetolians by the agency of a certain Jason whom he had placed in charge of Phanoteus. 21.6.7.  Two Galli or priests of Cybele with images and pectorals came out of the town, and besought them not to resort to extreme measures against the city. Naval Matters (Suid.) 21.37.5.  As he was encamped close to the river, two Galli, with pectorals and images, came on behalf of Attis and Battacus, the priests of the Mother of the Gods at Pessinus, 21.37.6.  announcing that the goddess foretold his victory. 21.37.7.  Manlius gave them a courteous reception. (Cp. Livy XXXVIII.18.10) 27.4. 1.  Perseus, after his conference with the Romans, sent identical letters to various Greek states, in which he drew up a statement of all questions of right, and quoted the arguments used on both sides, with the double purpose of making it appear that in point of right his position was superior, and of sounding the intentions of the several states.,3.  To other peoples he sent the letters in charge of the couriers alone; but to Rhodes he sent also Antenor and Philippus as envoys.,4.  On arriving there they delivered the letter to the magistrates, and after a few days appeared before the Rhodian senate and begged the Rhodians to remain for the present quiet spectators of what would happen; but, should the Romans attack Perseus and the Macedonians in violation of the treaty, they asked them to attempt to effect a reconciliation. This they said was in the interest of all; but the Rhodians were the most proper people to undertake the task. For the more they were the champions of equality and freedom of speech, and the constant protectors not only of their own liberty, but of that of the rest of Greece, the more they should do all in their power to provide and guard against the victory of principles contrary to these.,8.  When the envoys had spoken thus and further in the same sense what they said pleased everybody;,9.  but, prepossessed as the people were by their friendly feeling for Rome, better counsels prevailed, and while they gave a kind reception to the envoys in other respects they begged Perseus in their answer to request them to do nothing which might seem to be in opposition to the wishes of the Romans.,10.  Antenor and Philippus did not therefore receive the answer they wished, but after thanking the Rhodians for their kindness in other respects sailed back to Macedonia. Perseus and Boeotia (Cp. Livy XLII.46.7)
133. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Thucydides, 27.371.3-27.371.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, as commonly characterized by thucydides •peloponnesian war, Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 14; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 145
134. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On The Admirable Style of Demosthenes, 57.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
135. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.12.2, 1.19.3, 3.25.1, 8.32.5, 9.22.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 321, 324
1.12.2.  What I say is supported by the testimony of Sophocles, the tragic poet, in his drama entitled Triptolemus; for he there represents Demeter as informing Triptolemus how large a tract of land he would have to travel over while sowing it with the seeds she had given him. For, after first referring to the eastern part of Italy, which reaches from the Iapygian Promontory to the Sicilian Strait, and then touching upon Sicily on the opposite side, she returns again to the western part of Italy and enumerates the most important nations that inhabit this coast, beginning with the settlement of the Oenotrians. But it is enough to quote merely the iambics in which he says: "And after this, — first, then, upon the right, Oenotria wide-outstretched and Tyrrhene Gulf, And next the Ligurian land shall welcome thee." 1.19.3.  For this oracle, which had been delivered to them in Dodona and which Lucius Mallius, no obscure man, says he himself saw engraved in ancient characters upon one of the tripods standing in the precinct of Zeus, was as follows: "Fare forth the Sicels' Saturnian land to seek, Aborigines' Cotylê, too, where floats an isle; With these men mingling, to Phoebus send a tithe, And heads to Cronus' son, and send to the sire a man." 3.25.1.  These words he repeated as he rode past all the ranks. And immediately the Fidenates became afraid of counter-treachery, suspecting that the Alban had deceived them by a stratagem, since they did not see either that he had changed his battle order so as to face the other way or that he was promptly charging the Romans, according to his promise; but the Romans, on their side, were emboldened by the words of Tullus and filled with confidence, and giving a great shout, they rushed in a body against the enemy. Upon this, the Fidenates gave way and fled toward their city in disorder. 8.32.5.  Look you, with what heart would I now betray these men by whom I have been decked with such honours, when I have suffered no injury, great or small, at their hands? Unless, indeed, their favours are injurious to me, as mine are to you! A fine reputation forsooth, throughout all the world will such double treachery bring me, when it shall be known! Who would not praise me on hearing that when I found my friends, from whom I had the right to expect kindness, to be my enemies, and my foes, by whom I should have been put to death, to be my friends, instead of hating those who hate me and loving those who love me, I took the opposite view! 9.22.3.  But even if one were to admit this assumption, yet he would never make the further assumption that none of them had any brothers still in their childhood. Why, such institutions resemble myths and fictions of the stage! Besides, would not as many of their fathers as were still of an age to beget children, now that so great a desolation had come upon their clan, have begotten other children both willingly and unwillingly, in order that neither the sacrifices of their ancestors might be abandoned nor the great reputation of the clan be extinguished?
136. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 3.57.2-3.57.3, 4.8.4, 5.66.3, 9.20, 10.25, 11.3.8, 11.4.7, 11.29, 11.33.3, 11.46.4-11.46.5, 11.62.3, 11.78, 11.81-11.83, 11.83.3-11.83.4, 12.3-12.4, 12.5.6, 12.6.1-12.6.2, 12.10.3-12.10.4, 12.23.2, 12.35.1-12.35.3, 12.36.4, 12.38.3-12.38.4, 12.39, 12.41.1, 12.70, 13.3.4-13.3.5, 13.38.5, 13.47.7, 13.47.52, 13.52, 13.69.1, 13.74.3-13.74.4, 13.75.1, 14.3-14.6, 14.32-14.33, 14.83.5-14.83.7, 15.33.4, 15.54.2, 15.91.5, 16.36.2, 17.9.5, 18.18.1, 20.81, 34.33.1-34.33.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •athens, and sparta, in first peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, first •peloponnesian war, •war peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 184, 370; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 24, 155; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 305; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 192, 201, 244; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 84, 88, 154; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 34, 38; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 157, 250, 251, 321, 323, 354, 387; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 186; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 148; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 110; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 247, 278, 284, 313, 320, 322, 323, 332, 338, 342; Pucci (2016), Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay, 126; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 75
3.57.2.  Titaea, because she was prudent and had brought about many good deeds for the peoples, was deified after her death by those whom she had helped and her name was changed to Gê. To Uranus were also born daughters, the two eldest of whom were by far the most renowned above all the others and were called Basileia and Rhea, whom some also named Pandora. 3.57.3.  of these daughters Basileia, who was the eldest and far excelled the others in both prudence and understanding, reared all her brothers, showing them collectively a mother's kindness; consequently she was given the appellation of "Great Mother"; and after her father had been translated from among men into the circle of the gods, with the approval of the masses and of her brothers she succeeded to the royal dignity, though she was still a maiden and because of her exceedingly great chastity had been unwilling to unite in marriage with any man. But later, because of her desire to leave sons who should succeed to the throne, she united in marriage with Hyperion, one of her brothers, for whom she had the greatest affection. 4.8.4.  For, speaking generally, when the histories of myths are concerned, a man should by no means scrutinize the truth with so sharp an eye. In the theatres, for instance, though we are persuaded there have existed no Centaurs who are composed of two different kinds of bodies nor any Geryones with three bodies, we yet look with favour upon such products of the myth as these, and by our applause we enhance the honour of the god. 5.66.3.  The males were Cronus, Hyperion, Coeus, Iapetus, Crius, and Oceanus, and their sisters were Rhea, Themis, Mnemosynê, Phoebê, and Tethys. Each one of them was the discoverer of things of benefit to mankind, and because of the benefaction they conferred upon all men they were accorded honours and everlasting fame. 9.20. 1.  Solon the law-giver once entered the assembly and urged the Athenians to overthrow the tyranny before it became all-powerful. And when no man paid attention to him, he put on his full armour and appeared in the market-place, although an old man, and calling upon the gods as witnesses he declared that by word and deed, so far as in him lay, he had brought aid to the fatherland when it was in peril. But since the populace did not perceive the design of Peisistratus, it turned out that Solon, though he spoke the truth, was disregarded.,2.  And it is said that Solon also predicted the approaching tyranny to the Athenians in elegiac verse: From cloud is born the might of snow and hail And from bright lightning's flash the thunder comes. And from great men a city finds its doom; The people in their ignorance have bowed In slavery to a monarch's single rule. For him who puts too far from shore 'tis hard The harbour later on to make; but now At once one needs must think of everything. ,3.  And later, when the tyranny was already established, he said: If now you suffer grievous things because of your own cowardice, charge not this fate Unto the gods' account; for you yourselves Exalted these men's power by giving them A guard, and on this count have you put on The yoke of evil slavery. Each by each With fox's steps you move, but meeting all Together trifling judgement do you show. For to man's tongue and shifty word you look, But to the deed he does you ne'er give heed. ,4.  Peisistratus urged Solon to hold his peace and to share with him in the advantages arising from the tyranny. And when he could find no means to change Solon's purpose, but saw in fact that he was ever more and more aroused and steadfastly threatening to bring him to punishment, he asked him upon what resources he relied in his opposition to his designs. And we are told that Solon replied, "Upon my old age." [Herodotus, who lived in the time of Xerxes, gives this account: After the Assyrians had ruled Asia for five hundred years they were conquered by the Medes, and thereafter no king arose for many generations to lay claim to supreme power, but the city-states, enjoying a regimen of their own, were administered in a democratic fashion; finally, however, after many years a man distinguished for his justice, named Cyaxares, was chosen king among the Medes. He was the first to try to attach to himself the neighbouring peoples and became for the Medes the founder of their universal empire; and after him each of his successive descendants extended the kingdom by adding a great deal of the adjoining country, until the reign of Astyages, who was conquered by Cyrus and the Persians. We have for the present given only the most important of these events in summary and shall later give a detailed account of them one by one when we come to the periods in which they fall; for it was in the second year of the Seventeenth Olympiad, according to Herodotus, that Cyaxares was chosen king of the Medes.] [When Astibaras, the king of the Medes, died of old age in Ecbatana, his son Aspandas, whom the Greeks call Astyages, succeeded to the throne. And when he had been defeated by Cyrus the Persian, the kingdom passed to the Persians. of them we shall give a detailed and exact account at the proper time.] 11.3.8.  of the Greeks the Dorians who dwelt off Caria, together with the Rhodians and Coans, sent forty ships, the Ionians, together with the Chians and Samians, one hundred, the Aeolians, together with the Lesbians and Tenedans, forty, the peoples of the region of the Hellespont, together with those who dwelt along the shores of the Pontus, eighty, and the inhabitants of the islands fifty; for the king had won over to his side the islands lying within the Cyanean Rocks and Triopium and Sunium. 11.4.7.  And there gathered at Thermopylae also a thousand Locrians, an equal number of Melians, and almost a thousand Phocians, as well as some four hundred Thebans of the other party; for the inhabitants of Thebes were divided against each other with respect to the alliance with the Persians. Now the Greeks who were drawn up with Leonidas for battle, being as many in number as we have set forth, tarried in Thermopylae, awaiting the arrival of the Persians. 11.29. 1.  When Mardonius and his army had returned to Thebes, the Greeks gathered in congress decreed to make common cause with the Athenians and advancing to Plataea in a body, to fight to a finish for liberty, and also to make a vow to the gods that, if they were victorious, the Greeks would unite in celebrating the Festival of Liberty on that day and would hold the games of the Festival in Plataea.,2.  And when the Greek forces were assembled at the Isthmus, all of them agreed that they should swear an oath about the war, one that would make staunch the concord among them and would compel entrenchment nobly to endure the perils of the battle.,3.  The oath ran as follows: "I will not hold life dearer than liberty, nor will I desert the leaders, whether they be living or dead, but I will bury all the allies who have perished in the battle; and if I overcome the barbarians in the war, I will not destroy any one of the cities which have participated in the struggle; nor will I rebuild any one of the sanctuaries which have been burnt or demolished, but I will let them be and leave them as a reminder to coming generations of the impiety of the barbarians.",4.  After they had sworn the oath, they marched to Boeotia through the pass of Cithaeron, and when they had descended as far as the foothills near Erythrae, they pitched camp there. The command over the Athenians was held by Aristeides, and the supreme command by Pausanias, who was the guardian of the son of Leonidas. 11.33.3.  In like manner the citizen-body of the Athenians embellished the tombs of those who had perished in the Persian War, held the Funeral Games then for the first time, and passed a law that laudatory addresses upon men who were buried at the public expense should be delivered by speakers selected for each occasion. 11.46.4.  And in truth because of his own baseness Pausanias not only himself received the punishment he deserved, but he also brought it about that his countrymen lost the supremacy at sea. In comparison, for instance, take the fine tact of Aristeides in dealing with the allies: when they took note of it, both because of his affability toward his subordinates and his uprightness in general, it caused them all as with one impulse to incline toward the Athenian cause. 11.46.5.  Consequently the allies no longer paid any heed to the commanders who were sent from Sparta, but in their admiration of Aristeides they eagerly submitted to him in every matter and thus brought it about that he received the supreme command by sea without having to fight for it. 11.62.3.  And the Athenian people, taking a tenth part of the booty, dedicated it to the god, and the inscription which they wrote upon the dedication they made ran as follows: E'en from the day when the sea divided Europe from Asia, And the impetuous god, Ares, the cities of men Took for his own, no deed such as this among earth-dwelling mortals Ever was wrought at one time both upon land and at sea. These men indeed upon Cyprus sent many a Mede to destruction, Capturing out on the sea warships a hundred in sum Filled with Phoenician men; and deeply all Asia grieved o'er them, Smitten thus with both hands, vanquished by war's mighty power. 11.78. 1.  At the conclusion of this year Philocles was archon in Athens, and in Rome Aulus Postumius Regulus and Spurius Furius Mediolanus succeeded to the consulship. During this year a war arose between the Corinthians and Epidaurians on the one hand and the Athenians on the other, and the Athenians took the field against them and after a sharp battle were victorious.,2.  With a large fleet they put in at a place called Halieis, landed on the Peloponnesus, and slew not a few of the enemy. But the Peloponnesians rallied and gathered a strong force, and it came to a battle with the Athenians near the place called Cecryphaleia in which the Athenians were again victorious.,3.  After such successes the Athenians, seeing that the Aeginetans were not only puffed up over their former achievements but also hostile to Athens, decided to reduce them by war.,4.  Therefore the Athenians dispatched a strong fleet against them. The inhabitants of Aegina, however, who had great experience in fighting at sea and enjoyed a great reputation therefor, were not dismayed at the superiority of the Athenians, but since they had a considerable number of triremes and had built some new ones, they engaged the Athenians in battle, but were defeated with the loss of seventy ships; and, their spirits crushed by so great a disaster, they were forced to join the league which paid tribute to Athenians. This was accomplished for the Athenians by their general Leocrates, who was engaged in the war with the Aeginetans nine months in all.,5.  While these events were taking place, in Sicily the king of the Siceli, Ducetius, a man of famous family and influential at this time, founded the city of Menaenum and distributed the neighbouring territory among the settlers, and making a campaign against the strong city of Morgantina and reducing it, he won fame among his own people. 11.81. 1.  When the year ended, in Athens Mnesitheides was archon, and in Rome the consuls elected were Lucius Lucretius and Titus Veturius Cicurinus. During this year the Thebans, who had been humbled because of their alliance with Xerxes, sought a way by which they might recover both their ancient influence and reputation.,2.  Consequently, since all the Boeotians held the Thebans in disdain and no longer paid any attention to them, the Thebans asked the Lacedaemonians to aid them in winning for their city the hegemony over all Boeotia; and they promised that in return for this favour they would make war by themselves upon the Athenians, so that it would no longer be necessary for the Spartans to lead troops beyond the border of the Peloponnesus.,3.  And the Lacedaemonians assented, judging the proposal to be to their advantage and believing that, if Thebes should grow in strength, she would be a kind of counterweight to the increasing power of the Athenians; consequently, since they had at the time a large army in readiness at Tanagra, they increased the extent of the circuit wall of Thebes and compelled the cities of Boeotia to subject themselves to the Thebans.,4.  The Athenians, however, being eager to break up the plan of the Lacedaemonians, made ready a large army and elected as general Myronides the son of Callias. He enrolled the required number of citizens and gave them orders, announcing a day on which he planned to march forth from the city.,5.  And when the appointed time arrived and some of the soldiers had not put in appearance at the specified rendezvous, he took those who had reported and advanced into Boeotia. And when certain of his officers and friends said that he should wait for the tardy men, Myronides, who was not only a sagacious general but energetic as well, replied that he would not do so; for, he declared, men of their own choice are late for the departure will in battle also play an ignoble and cowardly part, and will therefore not withstand the perils of war in defence of their country either, whereas the men who presented themselves ready for service on the appointed day gave clear evidence that they would not desert their posts in the war.,6.  And this is what actually took place; for leading forth soldiers who were few in number but the bravest in courage, he drew them up in Boeotia against a vastly superior force and utterly defeated his opponents. 11.82. 1.  In my opinion this action was in no way inferior to any of the battles fought by the Athenians in former times; for neither the victory at Marathon nor the success over the Persians at Plataea nor the other renowned exploits of the Athenians seem in any way to surpass the victory which Myronides won over the Boeotians.,2.  For of those other battles, some were fought against barbarians and others were gained with the aid of allies, but this struggle was won by the Athenians single-handed in pitched battle, and they were pitted against the bravest warriors to be found among the Greeks.,3.  For in staunchness in the face of perils and in the fierce contests of war the Boeotians are generally believed to be surpassed by no other people; at any rate, sometime after this the Thebans at Leuctra and Mantineia, when they unaided confronted all the Lacedaemonians and their allies, won for themselves the highest reputation for courage, and contrary to expectation became the leading nation of all Greece.,4.  And yet, although the battle of Myronides has become famous, none of our historians has described either the way it was fought or the disposition of the troops engaged in it. Myronides, then, after defeating the Boeotians in a remarkable battle, came to rival the reputations of the most renowned commanders before his time, namely, Themistocles, Miltiades, and Cimon.,5.  Myronides after this victory took Tanagra by siege, levelled its walls, and then he passed through all Boeotia, breaking it up and destroying it, and dividing the booty among his soldiers he loaded them all down with spoil in abundance. 11.83. 1.  The Boeotians, exasperated by the wasting of their land, sprang to arms as a nation and when they had taken the field constituted a great army. A battle took place at Oenophyta in Boeotia, and since both sides withstood the stress of the conflict with stout hearts, they spent the day in fighting; but after a severe struggle the Athenians put the Boeotians to flight and Myronides became master of all the cities of Boeotia with the exception of Thebes.,2.  After this he marched out of Boeotia and led his army against the Locrians who are known as Opuntian. These he overpowered at the first attack, and taking hostages from them he then entered Parnasia.,3.  In like manner as he had done with the Locrians, he also subdued the Phocians, and after taking hostages he marched into Thessaly, finding fault with the Thessalians for their act of treachery and ordering them to receive back their exiles; and when the Pharsalians would not open their gates to him, he laid siege to the city.,4.  But since he could not master the city by force and the Pharsalians held out for a long time against the siege, for the purpose he gave up his designs regarding Thessaly and returned to Athens. Thus Myronides, who had performed great deeds in a short space of time, won among his fellow citizens the renown which was so widely acclaimed. These, then, were the events of this year. 11.83.3.  In like manner as he had done with the Locrians, he also subdued the Phocians, and after taking hostages he marched into Thessaly, finding fault with the Thessalians for their act of treachery and ordering them to receive back their exiles; and when the Pharsalians would not open their gates to him, he laid siege to the city. 11.83.4.  But since he could not master the city by force and the Pharsalians held out for a long time against the siege, for the purpose he gave up his designs regarding Thessaly and returned to Athens. Thus Myronides, who had performed great deeds in a short space of time, won among his fellow citizens the renown which was so widely acclaimed. These, then, were the events of this year. 12.3. 1.  When Euthydemus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus and Marcus Fabius Vibulanus. In this year the Athenians, who had been at war with the Persians on behalf of the Egyptians and had lost all their ships at the island which is known as Prosopitis, after a short time resolved to make war again upon the Persians on behalf of the Greeks in Asia Minor. And fitting out a fleet of two hundred triremes, they chose Cimon, the son of Miltiades, to be general and commanded him to sail to Cyprus to make war on the Persians.,2.  And Cimon, taking the fleet which had been furnished with excellent crews and abundant supplies, sailed to Cyprus. At that time the generals of the Persian armaments were Artabazus and Megabyzus. Artabazus held the supreme command and was tarrying in Cyprus with three hundred triremes, and Megabyzus was encamped in Cilicia with the land forces, which numbered three hundred thousand men.,3.  Cimon, when he arrived in Cyprus and was master of the sea, reduced by siege Citium and Marium, treating the conquered in humane fashion. But after this, when triremes from Cilicia and Phoenicia bore down upon the island, Cimon, putting out to sea against them and forcing battle upon them, sank many of the ships, captured one hundred together with their crews, and pursued the remainder as far as Phoenicia.,4.  Now the Persians with the ships that were left sought refuge on the land in the region where Megabyzus lay encamped with the land force. And the Athenians, sailing up and disembarking the soldiers, joined battle, in the course of which Anaxicrates, the other general, who had fought brilliantly, ended his life heroically; but the rest were victorious in the battle and after slaying many returned to the ships. After this the Athenians sailed back again to Cyprus. Such, then, were the events of the first year of the war. 12.4. 1.  When Pedieus was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius Lactuca and Spurius Verginius Tricostus. In this year Cimon, the general of the Athenians, being master of the sea, subdued the cities of Cyprus. And since a large Persian garrison was there in Salamis and the city was filled with missiles and arms of every description, and of grain and supplies of every other kind, he decided that it would be to his advantage to reduce it by siege.,2.  For Cimon reasoned that this would be the easiest way for him not only to become master of all Cyprus but also to confound the Persians, since their being unable to come to the aid of the Salaminians, because the Athenians were masters of the sea, and their having left their allies in the lurch would cause them to be despised, and that, in a word, the entire war would be decided if all Cyprus were reduced by arms. And that in which what actually happened.,3.  The Athenians began the siege of Salamis and were making daily assaults, but the soldiers in the city, supplied as they were with missiles and matériel, were with ease warding off the besiegers from the walls.,4.  Artaxerxes the king, however, when he learned of the reverses his forces had suffered at Cyprus, took counsel on the war with his friends and decided that it was to his advantage to conclude a peace with the Greeks.,5.  Accordingly he dispatched to the generals in Cyprus and to the satraps the written terms on which they were permitted to come to a settlement with the Greeks. Consequently Artabazus and Megabyzus sent ambassadors to Athens to discuss a settlement. The Athenians were favourable and dispatched ambassadors plenipotentiary, the leader of whom was Callias the son of Hipponicus; and so the Athenians and their allies concluded with the Persians a treaty of peace, the principal terms of which run as follows: All the Greek cities are to live under laws of their own making; the satraps of the Persians are not to come nearer to the sea than a three days' journey and no Persian warship is to sail inside of Phaselis or the Cyanean Rocks; and if these terms are observed by the king and his generals, the Athenians are not to send troops into the territory over which the king is ruler.,6.  After the treaty had been solemnly concluded, the Athenians withdrew their armaments from Cyprus, having won a brilliant victory and concluded most noteworthy terms of peace. And it so happened that Cimon died of an illness during his stay in Cyprus. 12.6.1.  When Timarchides was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Spurius Tarpeius and Aulus Asterius Fontinius. In this year the Lacedaemonians invaded Attica and ravaged a large part of the countryside, and after laying siege to some of the Athenian fortresses they withdrew to the Peloponnesus; and Tolmides, the Athenian general, seized Chaeroneia. 12.6.2.  And when the Boeotians gathered their forces and caught Tolmides' troops in an ambush, a violent battle took place at Coroneia, in the course of which Tolmides fell fighting and of the remaining Athenians some were massacred and others were taken alive. The result of a disaster of such magnitude was that the Athenians were compelled to allow all the cities throughout Boeotia to live under laws of their own making, in order to get back their captured citizens. 12.10.3.  And shortly thereafter the city was moved to another site and received another name, its founders being Lampon and Xenocritus; the circumstances of its founding were as follows. The Sybarites who were driven a second time from their native city dispatched ambassadors to Greece, to the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, requesting that they assist their repatriation and take part in the settlement. 12.10.4.  Now the Lacedaemonians paid no attention to them, but the Athenians promised to join in the enterprise, and they manned ten ships and sent them to the Sybarites under the leadership of Lampon and Xenocritus; they further sent word to the several cities of the Peloponnesus, offering a share in the colony to anyone who wished to take part in it. 12.23.2.  This year the Thurians and the Tarantini handle up continuous warfare and ravaged each other's territory both by land and by sea. They engaged in many light battles and skirmishes, but accomplished no deed worthy of mention. 12.35.1.  When Crates was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Quintus Furius Fusus and Manius Papirius Crassus. This year in Italy the inhabitants of Thurii, who had been gathered together from many cities, divided into factions over the question from what city the Thurians should say they came as colonists and what man should justly be called the founder of the city. 12.35.2.  The situation was that the Athenians were laying claim to this colony on the grounds, as they alleged, that the majority of its colonists had come from Athens; and, besides, the cities of the Peloponnesus, which had provided from their people not a few to the founding of Thurii, maintained that the colonization of the city should be ascribed to them. 12.35.3.  Likewise, since many able men had shared in the founding of the colony and had rendered many services, there was much discussion on the matter, since each one of them was eager to have this honour fall to him. In the end the Thurians sent a delegation to Delphi to inquire what man they should call the founder of their city, and the god replied that he himself should be considered to be its founder. After the dispute had been settled in this manner, they declared Apollo to have been the founder of Thurii, and the people, being now freed from the civil discord, returned to the state of harmony which they had previously enjoyed. 12.36.4.  In Italy the Tarantini removed the inhabitants of Siris, as it is called, from their native city, and adding to them colonists from their own citizens, they founded a city which they named Heracleia. 12.38.3.  While he was worried over the matter, Alcibiades, his nephew, who was an orphan and was being reared at the home of Pericles, though still a lad showed him a way out of making an explanation of the use of the money. Seeing how his uncle was troubled he asked him the cause of his worry. And when Pericles said, "I am asked for the explanation of the use of the money and I am seeking some means whereby I may be able to render an accounting of it to the citizens," Alcibiades replied, "You should be seeking some means not how to render but how not to render an accounting." 12.38.4.  Consequently Pericles, accepting the reply of the boy, kept pondering in what way he could embroil the Athenians in a great war; for that would be the best way, he thought, because of the disturbance and distractions and fears which would the city, for him to escape giving an exact accounting of the money. Bearing upon this expedient an incident happened to him by mere chance for the following causes. 12.39. 1.  The statue of Athens was a work of Pheidias, and Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, had been appointed overseer of the undertaking. But sometimes assistants of Pheidias, who had been prevailed upon by Pericles' enemies, took seats as suppliants at the altars of the gods; and when they were called upon to explain their surprising action, they claimed that they would show that Pheidias had possession of a large amount of the sacred funds, with the connivance and assistance of Pericles the overseer.,2.  Consequently, when the Assembly convened to consider the affair, the enemies of Pericles persuaded the people to arrest Pheidias and lodged a charge against Pericles himself of stealing sacred property. Furthermore, they falsely accused the sophist Anaxagoras, who was Pericles' teacher, of impiety against the gods; and they involved Pericles in their accusations and malicious charges, since jealousy made them eager to discredit the eminence as well as the fame of the man.,3.  But Pericles, knowing that during the operations of war the populace has respect for noble men because of their urgent need of them, whereas in times of peace they keep bringing false accusations against the very same men because they have nothing to do and are envious, came to the conclusion that it would be to his own advantage to embroil the state in a great war, in order that the city, in its need of the ability and skill in generalship of Pericles, should pay no attention to the accusations being lodged against him and would have neither leisure nor time to scrutinize carefully the accounting he would render of the funds.,4.  Now when the Athenians voted to exclude the Megarians from both their market and harbours, the Megarians turned to the Spartans for aid. And the Lacedaemonians, being won over by the Megarians, in the most open manner dispatched ambassadors in accordance with the decision of the Council of the League, ordering the Athenians to rescind the action against the Megarians and threatening, if they did not accede, to wage war upon them together with the forces of their allies.,5.  When the Assembly convened to consider the matter, Pericles, who far excelled his fellow citizens in skill of oratory, persuaded the Athenians not to rescind the action, saying that for them to accede to the demands of the Lacedaemonians, contrary to their own interests, would be the first step toward slavery. Accordingly he advised that they bring their possessions from the countryside into the city and fight it out with the Spartans by means of their command of the sea. 12.41.1.  Now the causes of the Peloponnesian War were in general what I have described, as Ephorus has recorded them. And when the leading states had become embroiled in war in this fashion, the Lacedaemonians, sitting in council with the Peloponnesians, voted to make war upon the Athenians, and dispatching ambassadors to the king of the Persians, urged him to ally himself with them, while they also treated by means of ambassadors with their allies in Sicily and Italy and persuaded them to come to their aid with two hundred triremes; 12.70. 1.  Both armies advanced to the fray in high spirits and the forces were disposed in the following manner. On the Boeotian side, the Thebans were drawn up on the right wing, the Orchomenians on the left, and the centre of the line was made up of the other Boeotians; the first line of the whole army was formed of what they called "charioteers and footmen," a select group of three hundred. The Athenians were forced to engage the enemy while still marshalling their army.,2.  A fierce conflict ensued and at first the Athenian cavalry, fighting brilliantly, compelled the opposing cavalry to flee; but later, after the infantry had become engaged, the Athenians who were opposed to the Thebans were overpowered and put to flight, although the remaining Athenians overcame the other Boeotians, slew great numbers of them, and pursued them for some distance.,3.  But the Thebans, whose bodily strength was superior, turned back from the pursuit, and falling on the pursuing Athenians forced them to flee; and since they had won a conspicuous victory, they gained for themselves great fame for valour.,4.  of the Athenians some fled for refuge to Oropus and others to Delium; certain of them made for the sea and the Athenian ships; still others scattered this way and that, as chance dictated. When night fell, the Boeotian dead were not in excess of five hundred, the Athenian many times that number. However, if night had not intervened, most of the Athenians would have perished, for it broke the drive of the pursuers and brought safety to those in flight.,5.  Even so the multitude of the slain was so great that from the proceeds of the booty the Thebans not only constructed the great colonnade in their market-place but also embellished it with bronze statues, and their temples and the colonnades in the market-place they covered with bronze by the armour from the booty which they nailed to them; furthermore, it was with this money that they instituted the festival called Delia.,6.  After the battle the Boeotians launched assaults upon Delium and took the place by storm; of the garrison of Delium the larger number died fighting gallantly and two hundred were taken prisoner; the rest fled for safety to the ships and were transported with the other refugees to Attica. Thus the Athenians, who devised a plot against the Boeotians, were involved in the disaster we have described. 13.3.4.  They were not received by the Tarantini, and they also sailed on past the Metapontines and Heracleians; but when they put in at Thurii they were accorded every kind of courtesy. From there they sailed on to Croton, from whose inhabitants they got a market, and then they sailed on past the temple of Hera Lacinia and doubled the promontory known as Dioscurias. 13.3.5.  After this they passed by Scylletium, as it is called, and Locri, and dropping anchor near Rhegium they endeavoured to persuade the Rhegians to become their allies; but the Rhegians replied that they would consult with the other Greek cities of Italy. 13.38.5.  But when a little later he learned from sundry persons that Pharnabazus had been won over by Alcibiades and had sent the fleet back to Phoenicia, he gave up the hopes he had placed in Pharnabazus and by himself, after equipping both the ships bought from the Peloponnesus and those supplied by his allies from abroad, he dispatched Dorieus with thirteen ships to Rhodes, since he had learned that certain Rhodians were banding together for a revolution. — 13.47.7.  And since he wished to relieve both the citizens and the allies from their contributions, he laid waste the territory of the enemy and collected great quantities of booty. He visited also the allied cities and exacted money of such inhabitants as were advocating a change in government. 13.52. 1.  When the news of the victory came to Athens, the people, contemplating the unexpected good fortune which had come to the city after their former disasters, were elated over their successes and the populace in a body offered sacrifices to the gods and gathered in festive assemblies; and for the war they selected from their most stalwart men one thousand hoplites and one hundred horsemen, and in addition to these they dispatched thirty triremes to Alcibiades, in order that, now that they dominated the sea, they might lay waste with impunity the cities which favoured the Lacedaemonians.,2.  The Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, when they heard of the disaster they had suffered at Cyzicus, sent ambassadors to Athens to treat for peace, the chief of whom was Endius. When permission was given him, he took the floor and spoke succinctly and in the terse fashion of Laconians, and for this reason I have decided not to omit the speech as he delivered it.,3.  "We want to be at peace with you, men of Athens, and that each party should keep the cities which it now possesses and cease to maintain its garrisons in the other's territory, and that our captives be ransomed, one Laconian for one Athenian. We are not unmindful that the war is hurtful to both of us, but far more to you.,4.  Never mind the words I use but learn from the facts. As for us, we till the entire Peloponnesus, but you only a small part of Attica. While to the Laconians the war has brought many allies, from the Athenians it has taken away as many as it has given to their enemies. For us the richest king to be found in the inhabited world defrays the cost of the war, for you the most poverty-stricken folk of the inhabited world.,5.  Consequently our troops, in view of their generous pay, make war with spirit, while your soldiers, because they pay the war-taxes out of their own pockets, shrink from both the hardships and the costs of war.,6.  In the second place, when we make war at sea, we risk losing only hulls among resources of the state, while you have on board crews most of whom are citizens. And, what is the most important, even if we meet defeat in our actions at sea, we still maintain without dispute the mastery on land — for a Spartan foot-soldier does not even know what flight means — but you, if you are driven from the sea, contend, not for the supremacy on land, but for survival.,7.  "It remains for me to show you why, despite so many and great advantages we possess in the fighting, we urge you to make peace. I do not affirm that Sparta is profiting from the war, but only that she is suffering less than the Athenians. Only fools find satisfaction in sharing the misfortunes of their enemies, when it is in their power to make no trial whatsoever of misfortune. For the destruction of the enemy brings no joy that can balance the gift caused by the distress of one's own people.,8.  And not for these reasons alone are we eager to come to terms, but because we hold fast to the custom of our fathers; for when we consider the many terrible sufferings which are caused by the rivalries which accompany war, we believe we should make it clear in the sight of all gods and men that we are least responsible of all men for such things." 13.69.1.  So when the fleet came to land the multitude turned to the ship of Alcibiades, and as he stepped from it all gave their welcome to the man, congratulating him on both his successes and his return from exile. He in turn, after greeting the crowds kindly, called a meeting of the Assembly, and offering a long defence of his conduct he brought the masses into such a state of goodwill that all agreed that the city had been to blame for the decrees issued against him. 13.74.3.  For there were many who, on seeing how he was hated, had filed numerous complaints against him, the most important of which was the one about the horses, involving the sum of eight talents. Diomedes, it appears, one of his friends, had sent in his care a four-horse team to Olympia; and Alcibiades, when entering it in the usual way, listed the horses as his own; and when he was the victor in the four-horse race, Alcibiades took for himself the glory of the victory and did not return the horses to the man who had entrusted them to his care. 13.74.4.  As he thought about all these things he was afraid lest the Athenians, seizing a suitable occasion, would inflict punishment upon him for all the wrongs he had committed against them. Consequently he himself condemned himself to exile. 13.75.1.  The two-horse chariot race was added in this same Olympic Festival; and, among the Lacedaemonians Pleistonax, their king, died after a reign of fifty years, and Pausanias succeeded to the throne and reigned for fourteen years. Also the inhabitants of the island of Rhodes left the cities of Ielysus, Lindus and Cameirus and settled in one city, that which is now called Rhodes. 14.3. 1.  There was no archon in Athens because of the overthrow of the government, it being the seven hundred and eightieth year from the capture of Troy, and in Rome four military tribunes succeeded to the consular magistracy, Gaius Fulvius, Gaius Servilius, Gaius Valerius, and Numerius Fabius; and in this year the Ninety-fourth Olympiad was celebrated, that in which Corcinas of Larisa was victor.,2.  At this time the Athenians, completely reduced by exhaustion, made a treaty with the Lacedaemonians whereby they were bound to demolish the walls of their city and to employ the polity of their fathers. They demolished the walls, but were unable to agree among themselves regarding the form of government.,3.  For those who were bent on oligarchy asserted that the ancient constitution should be revived, in which only a very few represented the state, whereas the greatest number, who were partisans of democracy, made the government of their fathers their platform and declared that this was by common consent a democracy.,4.  After a controversy over this had continued for some days, the oligarchic party sent an embassy to Lysander the Spartan, who, at the end of the war, had been dispatched to administer the governments of the cities and had established oligarchies in the greater number of them, for they hoped that, as well he might, he would support them in their design. Accordingly they sailed across to Samos, for it happened that Lysander was tarrying there, having just seized the city.,5.  He gave his assent to their pleas for co-operation, appointed Thorax the Spartan harmost of Samos, and put in himself at the Peiraeus with one hundred ships. Calling an assembly of the Athenians, he advised them to choose thirty men to head the government and to manage all the affairs of the state.,6.  And when Theramenes opposed him and read to him the terms of the peace, which agreed that they should enjoy the government of their fathers, and declared that it would be a terrible thing if they should be robbed of their freedom contrary to the oaths, Lysander stated that the terms of peace had been broken by the Athenians, since, he asserted, they had destroyed the walls later than the days of grace agreed upon. He also invoked the direst of threats against Theramenes, saying that he would have him put to death if he did not stop opposing the Lacedaemonians.,7.  Consequently Theramenes and the people, being struck with terror, were compelled to dissolve the democracy by a show of hands. Accordingly thirty men were elected with power to manage the affairs of the state, as directors ostensibly but tyrants in fact. 14.4. 1.  The people, observing the fair dealing of Theramenes and believing that his honourable principles would act to some extent to check the encroachments of the leaders, elected him also as one of the thirty officials. It was the duty of those selected to appoint both a Council and the other magistrates and to draw up laws in accordance with which they were to administer the state.,2.  Now they kept postponing the drawing up of laws, always putting forth fine-sounding excuses, but a Council and the other magistrates they appointed from their personal friends, so that these men bore the name indeed of magistrates but actually were underlings of the Thirty. At first they brought to trial the lowest elements of the city and condemned them to death; and thus far the most honourable citizens approved of their actions.,3.  But after this, desiring to commit acts more violent and lawless, they asked the Lacedaemonians for a garrison, saying that they were going to establish a form of government that would serve the interests of the Lacedaemonians. For they realized that they would be unable to accomplish murders without foreign armed aid, since all men, they knew, would unite to support the common security.,4.  When the Lacedaemonians sent a garrison and Callibius to command it, the Thirty won the commander over by bribes and other accommodations. Then, choosing out from the rich such men as suited their ends, they proceeded to arrest them as revolutionaries, put them to death, and confiscated their possessions.,5.  When Theramenes opposed his colleagues and threatened to join the ranks of those who claimed the right to be secure, the Thirty called a meeting of the Council. Critias was their spokesman, and in a long speech accused Theramenes of betraying this government of which he was a voluntary member; but Theramenes in his reply cleared himself of the several charges and gained the sympathy of the entire Council.,6.  Critias, fearing that Theramenes might overthrow the oligarchy, threw about him a band of soldiers with drawn swords. They were going to arrest him, but, forestalling them, Theramenes leaped up to the altar of Hestia of the Council Chamber, crying out,,7.  "I flee for refuge to the gods, not with the thought that I shall be saved, but to make sure that my slayers will involve themselves in an act of impiety against the gods." 14.5. 1.  When the attendants came forward and were dragging him off, Theramenes bore his bad fortune with a noble spirit, since indeed he had had no little acquaintance with philosophy in company with Socrates; the multitude, however, in general mourned the ill-fortune of Theramenes, but had not the courage to come to his aid since a strong armed guard stood around him.,2.  Now Socrates the philosopher and two of his intimates ran forward and endeavoured to hinder the attendants. But Theramenes entreated them to do nothing of the kind; he appreciated, he said, their friendship and bravery, but as for himself, it would be the greatest grief if he should be the cause of the death of those who were so intimately associated with him.,3.  Socrates and his helpers, since they had no aid from anyone else and saw the intransigence of those in authority increasing, made no move. Then those who had received their orders dragged Theramenes from the altar and hustled him through the centre of the market-place to his execution;,4.  and the populace, terror-stricken at the arms of the garrison, were filled with pity for the unfortunate man and shed tears, not only over his fate, but also over their own slavery. For all the common sort, when they saw a man of such virtue as Theramenes treated with such contumely, had concluded that they in their weakness would be sacrificed without a thought.,5.  After the death of Theramenes the Thirty drew up a list of the wealthy, lodged false charges against them, put them to death, and seized their estates. They slew even Niceratus, the son of Nicias who had commanded the campaign against the Syracusans, a man who had conducted himself toward all men with fairness and humanity, and who perhaps first of all Athenians in wealth and reputation.,6.  It came about, therefore, that every house was filled with pity for the end of the man, as fond thoughts due to their memory of his honest ways provoked them to tears. Nevertheless, the tyrants did not cease from their lawless conduct; rather their madness became so much the more acute that of the metics they slaughtered sixty of the wealthiest in order to gain possession of their property, and as for the citizens, since they were being killed daily, the well-to-do among them fled from the city almost to a man.,7.  They also slew Autolycus, an outspoken man, and, in a word, selected the most respectable citizens. So far did their wasting of the city go that more than half of the Athenians took to flight. 14.6. 1.  The Lacedaemonians, seeing the city of the Athenians abased in power and having no desire that the Athenians should ever gain strength, were delighted and made their attitude clear; for they voted that the Athenian exiles should be delivered up to the Thirty from all over Greece and that anyone who attempted to prevent this should be liable to fine of five talents.,2.  Though this decree was shocking, all the rest of the cities, dismayed at the power of the Spartans, obeyed it, with the exception of the Argives who, hating as they did the cruelty of the Lacedaemonians and pitying the hard lot of the unfortunate, were the first to receive the exiles in a spirit of humanity.,3.  Also the Thebans voted that anyone who witnessed an exile being led off and did not render him all aid within his power should be subject to a fine. Such, then, was the state of the affairs of the Athenians. 14.32. 14.32. 1.  In Athens the Thirty Tyrants, who were in supreme control, made no end out of daily exiling some citizens and putting to death others. When the Thebans were displeased at what was taking place and extended kindly hospitality to the exiles, Thrasybulus of the deme of Stiria, as he was called, who was an Athenian and had been exiled by the Thirty, with the secret aid of the Thebans seized a stronghold in Attica called Phylê. This was an outpost, which was not only very strong but was also only one hundred stades distant from Athens, so that it afforded them many advantages for attack.,2.  The Thirty Tyrants, on learning of this act, at first led forth their troops against the band with the intention of laying siege to the stronghold. But while they were encamped near Phylê there came a heavy snow,,3.  and when some set to work to shift their encampment, the majority of the soldiers assumed that they were taking to flight and that a hostile force was at hand; and the uproar which men call Panic struck the army and they removed their camp to another place.,4.  The Thirty, seeing that those citizens of Athens who enjoyed no political rights in the government of the three thousand were elated at the prospect of the overthrow of their control of the state, transferred them to Peiraeus and maintained their control of the city by means of mercenary troops; and accusing the Eleusians and Salaminians of siding with the exiles, they put them all to death.,5.  While these things were being done, many of the exiles flocked to Thrasybulus; (and the Thirty dispatched ambassadors to Thrasybulus) publicly to treat with him about some prisoners, but privately to advise him to dissolve the band of exiles and to associate himself with the Thirty in the rule of the city, taking the place of Theramenes; and they promised further that he could have licence to restore to their native land any ten exiles he chose.,6.  Thrasybulus replied that he preferred his own state of exile to the rule of the Thirty and that he would not end the war unless all the citizens returned from exile and the people got back the form of government they had received from their fathers. The Thirty, seeing many revolting from them because of hatred and the exiles growing ever more numerous, dispatched ambassadors to Sparta for aid, and meanwhile themselves gathered as many troops as they could and pitched a camp in the open country near Acharnae, as it is called. 14.33. 1.  Thrasybulus, leaving behind an adequate guard at the stronghold, led forth the exiles, twelve hundred in number, and delivering an unexpected attack by night on the camp of his opponents, he slew a large number of them, struck terror into the rest by his unexpected move, and forced them to flee to Athens.,2.  After the battle Thrasybulus set out straightway for the Peiraeus and seized Munychia, which was an uninhabited and strong hill; and the Tyrants with all the troops at their disposal went down to the Peiraeus and attacked Munychia, under the command of Critias. In the sharp battle which continued for a long time the Thirty held the advantage in numbers and the exiles in the strength of their position.,3.  At last, however, when Critias fell, the troops of the Thirty were dismayed and fled for safety to more level ground, the exiles not daring to come down against them. When after this great numbers went over to the exiles, Thrasybulus made an unexpected attack upon his opponents, defeated them in battle, and became master of the Peiraeus.,4.  At once many of the inhabitants of the city who wished to be rid of the tyranny flocked to the Peiraeus and all the exiles who were scattered throughout the cities of Greece, on hearing of the successes of Thrasybulus, came to the Peiraeus, so that from now on the exiles were far superior in force. In consequence they began to lay siege to the city.,5.  The remaining citizens in Athens now removed the Thirty from office and sent them out of the city, and then they elected ten men with supreme power first and foremost to put an end to the war, in any way possible, on friendly terms. But these men, as soon as they had succeeded to office, paid no attention to these orders, but established themselves as tyrants and sent to Lacedaemon for forty warships and a thousand soldiers, under the command of Lysander.,6.  But Pausanias, the king of the Lacedaemonians, being jealous of Lysander and observing that Sparta was in ill repute among the Greeks, marched forth with a strong army and on his arrival in Athens brought about a reconciliation between the men in the city and the exiles. As a result the Athenians got back their country and henceforth conducted their government under laws of their own making; and the men who lived in fear of punishment for their unbroken series of past crimes they allowed to make their home in Eleusis. 14.83.5.  When they learned that the enemy's naval forces were at Cnidus, they made preparations for battle. Peisander, the Lacedaemonian admiral, set out from Cnidus with eighty-five triremes and put in at Physcus of the Chersonesus. 14.83.6.  On sailing from there he fell in with the King's fleet, and engaging the leading ships, he won the advantage over them; but when the Persians came to give aid with their triremes in close formation, all his allies fled to the land. But Peisander turned his own ship against them, believing ignoble flight to be disgraceful and unworthy of Sparta. 14.83.7.  After fighting brilliantly and slaying many of the enemy, in the end he was overcome, battling in a manner worthy of his native land. Conon pursued the Lacedaemonians as far as the land and captured fifty of their triremes. As for the crews, most of them leaped overboard and escaped by land, but about five hundred were captured. The rest of the triremes found safety at Cnidus. 15.33.4.  After this Agesilaüs returned with his army to the Peloponnese, while the Thebans, saved by the generalship of Chabrias, though he had performed many gallant deeds in war, was particularly proud of this bit of strategy and he caused the statues which had been granted to him by his people to be erected to display that posture. 15.54.2.  Certain local oracle-mongers likewise came up to Epameinondas, saying that the Lacedaemonians were destined to meet with a great disaster by the tomb of the daughters of Leuctrus and Scedasus for the following reasons. 15.91.5.  Artabazus, at first unaware of the truth and suspecting that the man who had deserted Datames was effecting a counter-betrayal, ordered his own men to slay all the horsemen who approached. And Mithrobarzanes, caught between the two parties one group seeking revenge against him as a traitor; the other trying to punish him for counter-betrayal — was in a predicament, but since the situation allowed no time to deliberate, he had recourse to force, and fighting against both parties caused grievous slaughter. When, finally, more than ten thousand had been slain, Datames, having put the rest of Mithrobarzanes' men to flight and slain many of them, recalled with the trumpet his soldiers who had gone in pursuit. 16.36.2.  About the same time Mausolus, the tyrant of Caria, died after ruling twenty-four years, and Artemisia, his sister and wife, succeeded to the throne and reigned for two years. 17.9.5.  He made his forces ready for battle, then announced through a herald that any of the Thebans who wished might come to him and enjoy the peace which was common to all the Greeks. In response, the Thebans with equal spirit proclaimed from a high tower that anyone who wished to join the Great King and Thebes in freeing the Greeks and destroying the tyrant of Greece should come over to them. 18.18.1.  Antipater, after he had destroyed the alliance of the Greeks by this device, led all his forces against the Athenians. The people, bereft of the aid of their allies, were in great perplexity. All turned to Demades and shouted that he must be sent as envoy to Antipater to sue for peace; but, although he was called on by name to give advice, he did not respond. 20.81. 1.  When this year had passed, Euxenippus became archon in Athens, and in Rome Lucius Postumius and Tiberius Minucius were consuls. While these held office war arose between the Rhodians and Antigonus for some such reasons as these.,2.  The city of the Rhodians, which was strong in sea power and was the best governed city of the Greeks, was a prize eagerly sought after by the dynasts and kings, each of them striving to add her to his alliance. Seeing far in advance what was advantageous and establishing friendship with each of the dynasts separately, Rhodes took no part in their wars with each other.,3.  As a result she was honoured by each of them with regal gifts and, while enjoying peace for a long time, made great steps forward. In fact she advanced to such strength that in behalf of the Greeks she by herself undertook her war against the pirates and purged the seas of these evil-doers; and Alexander, the most powerful of men known to memory, honouring Rhodes above all cities, both deposited there the testament disposing of his whole realm and in other ways showed admiration for her and promoted her to a commanding position.,4.  At any rate, the Rhodians, having established pacts of friendship with all the rulers, carefully avoided giving legitimate grounds for complaint; but in displaying goodwill they inclined chiefly toward Ptolemy, for it happened that most of their revenues were due to the merchants who sailed to Egypt, and that in general the city drew its food supply from that kingdom.
137. Livy, History, 5.13.6, 5.21.8-5.21.9, 21.1, 29.10.4-29.10.6, 38.18.9-38.18.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 152; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 59, 342; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 295
138. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.7-2.8, 2.581-2.645 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 58; Star (2021), Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought 64
2.7. sed nihil dulcius est, bene quam munita tenere 2.8. edita doctrina sapientum templa serena, 2.581. Illud in his obsignatum quoque rebus habere 2.582. convenit et memori mandatum mente tenere, 2.583. nil esse, in promptu quorum natura videtur, 2.584. quod genere ex uno consistat principiorum, 2.585. nec quicquam quod non permixto semine constet. 2.586. et quod cumque magis vis multas possidet in se 2.587. atque potestates, ita plurima principiorum 2.588. in sese genera ac varias docet esse figuras. 2.589. Principio tellus habet in se corpora prima, 2.590. unde mare inmensum volventes frigora fontes 2.591. adsidue renovent, habet ignes unde oriantur; 2.592. nam multis succensa locis ardent sola terrae, 2.593. ex imis vero furit ignibus impetus Aetnae. 2.594. tum porro nitidas fruges arbustaque laeta 2.595. gentibus humanis habet unde extollere possit, 2.596. unde etiam fluvios frondes et pabula laeta 2.597. montivago generi possit praebere ferarum. 2.598. quare magna deum mater materque ferarum 2.599. et nostri genetrix haec dicta est corporis una. 2.600. Hanc veteres Graium docti cecinere poetae 2.601. sedibus in curru biiugos agitare leones, 2.602. aeris in spatio magnam pendere docentes 2.603. tellurem neque posse in terra sistere terram. 2.604. adiunxere feras, quia quamvis effera proles 2.605. officiis debet molliri victa parentum. 2.606. muralique caput summum cinxere corona, 2.607. eximiis munita locis quia sustinet urbes. 2.608. quo nunc insigni per magnas praedita terras 2.609. horrifice fertur divinae matris imago. 2.610. hanc variae gentes antiquo more sacrorum 2.611. Idaeam vocitant matrem Phrygiasque catervas 2.612. dant comites, quia primum ex illis finibus edunt 2.613. per terrarum orbes fruges coepisse creari. 2.614. Gallos attribuunt, quia, numen qui violarint 2.615. Matris et ingrati genitoribus inventi sint, 2.616. significare volunt indignos esse putandos, 2.617. vivam progeniem qui in oras luminis edant. 2.618. tympana tenta tot palmis et cymbala circum 2.619. concava, raucisonoque mitur cornua cantu, 2.620. et Phrygio stimulat numero cava tibia mentis, 2.621. telaque praeportant, violenti signa furoris, 2.622. ingratos animos atque impia pectora volgi 2.623. conterrere metu quae possint numine divae. 2.624. ergo cum primum magnas invecta per urbis 2.625. munificat tacita mortalis muta salute, 2.626. aere atque argento sternunt iter omne viarum 2.627. largifica stipe ditantes ninguntque rosarum 2.628. floribus umbrantes matrem comitumque catervam. 2.629. hic armata manus, Curetas nomine Grai 2.630. quos memorant, Phrygias inter si forte catervas 2.631. ludunt in numerumque exultant sanguine laeti 2.632. terrificas capitum quatientes numine cristas, 2.633. Dictaeos referunt Curetas, qui Iovis illum 2.634. vagitum in Creta quondam occultasse feruntur, 2.635. cum pueri circum puerum pernice chorea 2.636. armat et in numerum pernice chorea 2.637. armati in numerum pulsarent aeribus aera, 2.638. ne Saturnus eum malis mandaret adeptus 2.639. aeternumque daret matri sub pectore volnus. 2.640. propterea magnam armati matrem comitantur, 2.641. aut quia significant divam praedicere ut armis 2.642. ac virtute velint patriam defendere terram 2.643. praesidioque parent decorique parentibus esse. 2.644. quae bene et eximie quamvis disposta ferantur, 2.645. longe sunt tamen a vera ratione repulsa.
139. Ovid, Fasti, 4.363-4.364 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 339
4.363. inter ait ‘viridem Cybelen altasque Celaenas 4.364. amnis it insana, nomine Gallus, aqua. 4.363. ‘Between green Cybele and high Celaenae,’ she said, 4.364. ‘Runs a river of maddening water, called the Gallus.
140. Nepos, Vitae, 7.6.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 323
141. Nepos, Phocion, 3.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 412
142. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On The Character of Thucydides, 6.427.7-6.427.8, 6.427.12-6.427.16, 14.433.15-14.433.16 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •causation in thucydides, and ‘truest cause of peloponnesian war’ •peloponnesian war, necessity of •sparta and spartans, reopening peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, responsibility for peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, as cosmic principle •peloponnesian war, personified Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 53, 164, 166
143. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.11.100, 5.10.96 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370; Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 133
144. Anon., Fragments, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
145. Gorgias Atheniensis, Fragments, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 51; Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 67
146. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.1.6, 1.2.2-1.2.3, 1.9.5, 3.10.4, 3.10.6-3.10.7, 3.13.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 324; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 333, 336, 337
1.1.6. ὀργισθεῖσα δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις Ῥέα παραγίνεται μὲν εἰς Κρήτην, ὁπηνίκα τὸν Δία ἐγκυμονοῦσα ἐτύγχανε, γεννᾷ δὲ ἐν ἄντρῳ τῆς Δίκτης Δία. καὶ τοῦτον μὲν δίδωσι τρέφεσθαι Κούρησί τε καὶ ταῖς Μελισσέως 1 -- παισὶ νύμφαις, Ἀδραστείᾳ τε καὶ Ἴδῃ. 1.2.2. ἐγένοντο δὲ Τιτάνων ἔκγονοι Ὠκεανοῦ μὲν καὶ Τηθύος Ὠκεανίδες, 3 -- Ἀσία Στὺξ Ἠλέκτρα Δωρὶς Εὐρονόμη Ἀμφιτρίτη Μῆτις, Κοίου δὲ καὶ Φοίβης Ἀστερία καὶ Λητώ, Ὑπερίονος δὲ καὶ Θείας Ἠὼς Ἥλιος Σελήνη, Κρείου δὲ καὶ Εὐρυβίας τῆς Πόντου Ἀστραῖος Πάλλας Πέρσης, 1.2.3. Ιαπετοῦ δὲ καὶ Ἀσίας 1 -- Ἄτλας, ὃς ἔχει τοῖς ὤμοις τὸν οὐρανόν, καὶ Προμηθεὺς καὶ Ἐπιμηθεὺς καὶ Μενοίτιος, ὃν κεραυνώσας ἐν τῇ τιτανομαχίᾳ Ζεὺς κατεταρτάρωσεν. 1.9.5. Περιήρης δὲ Μεσσήνην κατασχὼν Γοργοφόνην τὴν Περσέως ἔγημεν, ἐξ ἧς Ἀφαρεὺς αὐτῷ καὶ Λεύκιππος καὶ Τυνδάρεως ἔτι τε Ἰκάριος παῖδες ἐγένοντο. πολλοὶ δὲ τὸν Περιήρην λέγουσιν οὐκ Αἰόλου παῖδα ἀλλὰ Κυνόρτα 1 -- τοῦ Ἀμύκλα· διόπερ τὰ περὶ τῶν Περιήρους ἐκγόνων ἐν τῷ Ἀτλαντικῷ γένει δηλώσομεν. 3.10.4. Ζεὺς δὲ φοβηθεὶς μὴ λαβόντες ἄνθρωποι θεραπείαν παρʼ αὐτοῦ 2 -- βοηθῶσιν ἀλλήλοις, ἐκεραύνωσεν αὐτόν. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὀργισθεὶς Ἀπόλλων κτείνει Κύκλωπας τοὺς τὸν κεραυνὸν Διὶ κατασκευάσαντας. Ζεὺς δὲ ἐμέλλησε ῥίπτειν αὐτὸν εἰς Τάρταρον, δεηθείσης δὲ Λητοῦς ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἀνδρὶ θητεῦσαι. ὁ δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς Φερὰς πρὸς Ἄδμητον τὸν Φέρητος τούτῳ λατρεύων ἐποίμαινε, καὶ τὰς θηλείας βόας πάσας διδυμοτόκους ἐποίησεν. εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ λέγοντες Ἀφαρέα μὲν καὶ Λεύκιππον ἐκ Περιήρους γενέσθαι τοῦ Αἰόλου, Κυνόρτου δὲ Περιήρην, τοῦ δὲ Οἴβαλον, Οἰβάλου δὲ καὶ νηίδος νύμφης Βατείας Τυνδάρεων Ἱπποκόωντα Ἰκάριον. 3.10.6. Ἰκαρίου μὲν οὖν καὶ Περιβοίας νύμφης νηίδος Θόας Δαμάσιππος Ἰμεύσιμος Ἀλήτης Περίλεως, καὶ θυγάτηρ Πηνελόπη, ἣν ἔγημεν Ὀδυσσεύς· Τυνδάρεω δὲ καὶ Λήδας Τιμάνδρα, ἣν Ἔχεμος ἔγημε, καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρα, ἣν ἔγημεν Ἀγαμέμνων, ἔτι τε Φυλονόη, ἣν Ἄρτεμις ἀθάνατον ἐποίησε. 3.10.7. Διὸς δὲ Λήδᾳ συνελθόντος ὁμοιωθέντος κύκνῳ, καὶ κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν νύκτα Τυνδάρεω, 3 -- Διὸς μὲν ἐγεννήθη Πολυδεύκης καὶ Ἑλένη, Τυνδάρεω δὲ Κάστωρ καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρα . 4 -- λέγουσι δὲ ἔνιοι Νεμέσεως Ἑλένην εἶναι καὶ Διός. ταύτην γὰρ τὴν Διὸς φεύγουσαν συνουσίαν εἰς χῆνα τὴν μορφὴν μεταβαλεῖν, ὁμοιωθέντα δὲ καὶ Δία κύκνῳ συνελθεῖν· τὴν δὲ ᾠὸν ἐκ τῆς συνουσίας ἀποτεκεῖν, τοῦτο δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἄλσεσιν 1 -- εὑρόντα τινὰ ποιμένα Λήδᾳ κομίσαντα δοῦναι, τὴν δὲ καταθεμένην εἰς λάρνακα φυλάσσειν, καὶ χρόνῳ καθήκοντι γεννηθεῖσαν Ἑλένην ὡς ἐξ αὑτῆς θυγατέρα τρέφειν. γενομένην δὲ αὐτὴν κάλλει διαπρεπῆ Θησεὺς ἁρπάσας εἰς Ἀφίδνας 2 -- ἐκόμισε. Πολυδεύκης δὲ καὶ Κάστωρ 3 -- ἐπιστρατεύσαντες, ἐν Ἅιδου Θησέως ὄντος, αἱροῦσι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν Ἑλένην λαμβάνουσι, καὶ τὴν Θησέως μητέρα Αἴθραν ἄγουσιν αἰχμάλωτον. 3.13.5. αὖθις δὲ γαμεῖ Θέτιν τὴν Νηρέως, περὶ ἧς τοῦ γάμου Ζεὺς καὶ Ποσειδῶν ἤρισαν, Θέμιδος 1 -- δὲ θεσπιῳδούσης ἔσεσθαι τὸν ἐκ ταύτης γεννηθέντα κρείττονα τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπέσχοντο. ἔνιοι δέ φασι, Διὸς ὁρμῶντος ἐπὶ τὴν ταύτης συνουσίαν, εἰρηκέναι Προμηθέα τὸν ἐκ ταύτης αὐτῷ γεννηθέντα οὐρανοῦ δυναστεύσειν. 2 -- τινὲς δὲ λέγουσι Θέτιν μὴ βουληθῆναι Διὶ συνελθεῖν ὡς 3 -- ὑπὸ Ἥρας τραφεῖσαν, Δία δὲ ὀργισθέντα θνητῷ θέλειν αὐτὴν 4 -- συνοικίσαι. 5 -- Χείρωνος οὖν ὑποθεμένου Πηλεῖ συλλαβεῖν καὶ κατασχεῖν 6 -- αὐτὴν μεταμορφουμένην, ἐπιτηρήσας συναρπάζει, γινομένην δὲ ὁτὲ μὲν πῦρ ὁτὲ δὲ ὕδωρ ὁτὲ δὲ θηρίον οὐ πρότερον ἀνῆκε πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἀρχαίαν μορφὴν εἶδεν ἀπολαβοῦσαν. γαμεῖ δὲ ἐν τῷ Πηλίῳ, κἀκεῖ θεοὶ τὸν γάμον εὐωχούμενοι καθύμνησαν. καὶ δίδωσι Χείρων Πηλεῖ δόρυ μείλινον, Ποσειδῶν δὲ ἵππους Βαλίον καὶ Ξάνθον· ἀθάνατοι δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι.
147. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.129, 5.132, 36.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 250; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 63, 342
148. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 3.1-3.5, 14.2, 19.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 24; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 341
3.1. βασιλεύοντος δὲ Ἄγιδος ἧκεν Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκ Σικελίας φυγὰς εἰς Λακεδαίμονα· καὶ χρόνον οὔπω πολὺν ἐν τῇ πόλει διάγων, αἰ,τίαν ἔσχε τῇ γυναικὶ τὸν βασιλέως, Τιμαίᾳ, συνεῖναι. καὶ τὸ γεννηθὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδάριον οὐκ ἔφη γινώσκειν ὁ Ἆγις, ἀλλʼ ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ πάνυ δυσκόλως τὴν Τιμαίαν ἐνεγκεῖν φησι Δοῦρις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ψιθυρίζουσαν οἴκοι πρὸς τὰς εἱλωτίδας Ἀλκιβιάδην τὸ παιδίον, οὐ Λεωτυχίδην, καλεῖν· 3.2. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην αὐτὸν οὐ πρὸς ὕβριν τῇ Τιμαίᾳ φάναι πλησιάζειν, ἀλλὰ φιλοτιμούμενον βασιλεύεσθαι Σπαρτιάτας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεγονότων. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Ἀλκιβιάδης ὑπεξῆλθε, φοβηθεὶς τὸν Ἆγιν ὁ δὲ παῖς τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον ὕποπτος ἦν τῷ Ἄγιδι, καὶ γνησίου τιμὴν οὐκ εἶχε παρʼ αὐτῷ, νοσοῦντι δὲ προσπεσὼν καὶ δακρύων ἔπεισεν υἱὸν ἀποφῆναι πολλῶν ἐναντίον. 3.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἤδη κατανεναυμαχηκὼς Ἀθηναίους καὶ μέγιστον ἐν Σπάρτῃ δυνάμενος, τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν προῆγεν, ὡς οὐ προσήκουσαν ὄντι νόθῳ τῷ Λεωτυχίδῃ. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν Coraës and Bekker, after Bryan. τὴν ἀρετὴν. τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου καὶ τὸ συντετράφθαι καὶ μετεσχηκέναι τῆς ἀγωγῆς, ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο καὶ συνέπραττον αὐτῷ προθύμως. ἦν δὲ Διοπείθης ἀνὴρ χρησμολόγος ἐν Σπάρτῃ, μαντειῶν τε παλαιῶν ὑπόπλεως καὶ δοκῶν περὶ τὰ θεῖα σοφὸς εἶναι καὶ περιττός. 3.4. οὗτος οὐκ ἔφη θεμιτὸν εἶναι χωλὸν γενέσθαι τῆς Λακεδαίμονος βασιλέα, καὶ χρησμὸν ἐν τῇ δίκῃ; τοιοῦτον ἀνεγίνωσκε· φράζεο δή, Σπάρτη, καίπερ μεγάλαυχος ἐοῦσα, μὴ σέθεν ἀρτίποδος βλάστῃ χωλὴ βασιλεία δηρὸν γὰρ νοῦσοί σε κατασχήσουσιν ἄελπτοι φθισιβρότου τʼ ἐπὶ κῦμα κυλινδόμενον πολέμοιο. 3.5. πρὸς ταῦτα Λύσανδρος ἔλεγεν ὡς, εἰ πάνυ φοβοῖντο τὸν χρησμὸν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, φυλακτέον αὐτοῖς εἴη τὸν Λεωτυχίδην οὐ γὰρ εἰ προσπταίσας τις τὸν πόδα βασιλεύοι, τῷ θεῷ διαφέρειν, ἀλλʼ εἰ μὴ γνήσιος ὢν μηδὲ Ἡρακλείδης, τοῦτο τὴν χωλὴν εἶναι βασιλείαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ἔφη καὶ τὸν Ποσειδῶ καταμαρτυρεῖν τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου τὴν νοθείαν, ἐκβαλόντα σεισμῷ τοῦ θαλάμου τὸν Ἆγιν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ πλέον ἢ δέκα μηνῶν διελθόντων γενέσθαι τὸν Λεωτυχίδην. 14.2. πρός τε θάλπος οὕτω καὶ ψῦχος εἶχεν ὥσπερ μόνος ἀεὶ χρῆσθαι ταῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κεκραμέναις ὥραις πεφυκώς. ἥδιστον δὲ θέαμα τοῖς κατοικοῦσι τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἕλλησιν ἦσαν οἱ πάλαι βαρεῖς καὶ ἀφόρητοι καὶ διαρρέοντες ὑπὸ πλούτου καὶ τρυφῆς ὕπαρχοι καὶ στρατηγοὶ δεδιότες καὶ θεραπεύοντες ἄνθρωπον ἐν τρίβωνι περιϊόντα λιτῷ, καὶ πρὸς ἓν ῥῆμα βραχὺ καὶ Λακωνικὸν ἁρμόζοντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ μετασχηματίζοντες, ὥστε πολλοῖς ἐπῄει τὰ τοῦ Τιμοθέου λέγειν, Ἄρης τύραννος· χρυσὸν δὲ Ἕλλας οὐ δέδοικε. 19.2. πλησίον γὰρ ὁ νεώς ἐστιν ὁ τῆς Ἰτωνίας Ἀθηνᾶς, καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ τρόπαιον ἕστηκεν, ὃ πάλαι Βοιωτοὶ Σπάρτωνος στρατηγοῦντος ἐνταῦθα νικήσαντες Ἀθηναίους καὶ Τολμίδην ἀποκτείναντες ἔστησαν, ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ βουλόμενος ἐξελέγξαι τοὺς Θηβαίους ὁ Ἀγησίλαος, εἰ διαμαχοῦνται, στεφανοῦσθαι μὲν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς στρατιώτας, αὐλεῖν δὲ τοὺς αὐλητάς, ἱστάναι δὲ καὶ κοσμεῖν τρόπαιον ὡς νενικηκότας. 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 14.2. 19.2.
149. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 1.2, 4.5, 6.1-6.5, 7.1-7.3, 11.2, 12.1-12.3, 13.3, 13.6, 16.1-16.3, 16.5, 17.1-17.4, 23.7, 24.5, 25.11, 27.4, 32.2-32.3, 33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 155, 172; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 88; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55, 243; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 82; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 218, 319, 320, 323, 326, 327, 329, 330; Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 224
1.2. λέγεται δʼ οὐ κακῶς ὅτι τῆς Σωκράτους πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας καὶ φιλανθρωπίας οὐ μικρὰ πρὸς δόξαν ἀπέλαυσεν, εἴγε Νικίου μὲν καὶ Δημοσθένους καὶ Λαμάχου καὶ Φορμίωνος Θρασυβούλου τε καὶ Θηραμένους, ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν γενομένων κατʼ αὐτόν, οὐδενὸς οὐδʼ ἡ μήτηρ ὀνόματος τετύχηκεν, Ἀλκιβιάδου δὲ καὶ τίτθην, γένος Λάκαιναν, Ἀμύκλαν ὄνομα, καὶ Ζώπυρον παιδαγωγὸν ἴσμεν, ὧν τὸ μὲν Ἀντισθένης, τὸ δὲ Πλάτων ἱστόρηκε. 4.5. ἐτύγχανε μὲν γὰρ ἐρῶν τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου, ξένους δε τινας ἑστιῶν ἐκάλει κἀκεῖνον ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν κλῆσιν ἀπείπατο, μεθυσθεὶς δʼ οἴκοι μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων ἐκώμασε πρὸς τὸν Ἄνυτον, καὶ ταῖς θύραις ἐπιστὰς τοῦ ἀνδρῶνος καὶ θεασάμενος ἀργυρῶν ἐκπωμάτων καὶ χρυσῶν πλήρεις τὰς τραπέζας, ἐκέλευσε τοὺς παῖδας τὰ ἡμίση λαβόντας οἴκαδε κομίζειν πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰσελθεῖν δʼ οὐκ ἠξίωσεν, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πράξας ἀπῆλθε. τῶν οὖν ξένων δυσχεραινόντων καὶ λεγόντων ὡς ὑβριστικῶς καὶ ὑπερηφάνως εἴη τῷ Ἀνύτῳ κεχρημένος ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, ἐπιεικῶς μὲν οὖν, ὁ Ἄνοτος ἔφη, καὶ φιλανθρώπως· ἃ γὰρ ἐξῆν αὐτῷ λαβεῖν ἅπαντα, τούτων ἡμῖν τὰ μέρη καταλέλοιπεν. 6.1. ὁ δὲ Σωκράτους ἔρως πολλοὺς ἔχων καὶ μεγάλους ἀνταγωνιστὰς πῇ μὲν ἐκράτει τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου, διʼ εὐφυΐαν ἁπτομένων τῶν λόγων αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν καρδίαν στρεφόντων καὶ δάκρυα ἐκχεόντων, ἔστι δʼ ὅτε καὶ τοῖς κόλαξι πολλὰς ἡδονὰς ὑποβάλλουσιν ἐνδιδοὺς ἑαυτόν, ἀπωλίσθαινε τοῦ Σωκράτους καὶ δραπετεύων ἀτεχνῶς ἐκυνηγεῖτο, πρὸς μόνον ἐκεῖνον ἔχων τὸ αἰδεῖσθαι καὶ τὸ φοβεῖσθαι, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων ὑπερορῶν. 6.2. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κλεάνθης ἔλεγε τὸν ἐρώμενον ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ μὲν ἐκ τῶν ὤτων κρατεῖσθαι, τοῖς δʼ ἀντερασταῖς πολλὰς λαβὰς παρέχειν ἀθίκτους ἑαυτῷ, τὴν γαστέρα λέγων καὶ τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τὸν λαιμόν· Ἀλκιβιάδης δʼ ἦν μὲν ἀμέλει καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὰς ἀγώγιμος· ἡ γὰρ ὑπὸ Θουκυδίδου λεγομένη παρανομία εἰς τὸ σῶμα τῆς διαίτης ὑποψίαν τοιαύτην δίδωσιν. 6.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον αὐτοῦ τῆς φιλοτιμίας ἐπιλαμβανόμενοι καὶ τῆς φιλοδοξίας οἱ διαφθείροντες ἐνέβαλλον οὐ καθʼ ὥραν εἰς μεγαλοπραγμοσύνην, ἀναπείθοντες ὡς, ὅταν πρῶτον ἄρξηται τὰ δημόσια πράττειν, οὐ μόνον ἀμαυρώσοντα τοὺς ἄλλους στρατηγοὺς καὶ δημαγωγοὺς εὐθύς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν Περικλέους δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι καὶ δόξαν ὑπερβαλούμενον. 6.4. ὥσπερ οὖν ὁ σίδηρος ἐν τῷ πυρὶ μαλασσόμενος αὖθις ὑπὸ τοῦ ψυχροῦ πυκνοῦται καὶ σύνεισι τοῖς μορίοις εἰς αὑτόν, οὕτως ἐκεῖνον ὁ Σωκράτης θρύψεως διάπλεων καὶ χαυνότητος ὁσάκις ἂν λάβοι, πιέζων τῷ λόγῳ καὶ συστέλλων ταπεινὸν ἐποίει καὶ ἄτολμον, ἡλίκων ἐνδεής ἐστι καὶ ἀτελὴς πρὸς ἀρετὴν μανθάνοντα. 7.1. τὴν δὲ παιδικὴν ἡλικίαν παραλλάσσων ἐπέστη γραμματοδιδασκάλῳ καὶ βιβλίον ᾔτησεν Ὁμηρικόν. εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ διδασκάλου μηδὲν ἔχειν Ὁμήρου, κονδύλῳ καθικόμενος αὐτοῦ παρῆλθεν. ἑτέρου δὲ φήσαντος ἔχειν Ὅμηρον ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ διωρθωμένον, εἶτʼ, ἔφη, γράμματα διδάσκεις, Ὅμηρον ἐπανορθοῦν ἱκανὸς ὤν; οὐχὶ τοὺς νέους παιδεύεις; 7.2. Περικλεῖ δὲ βουλόμενος ἐντυχεῖν ἐπὶ θύρας ἦλθεν αὐτοῦ. πυθόμενος δὲ μὴ σχολάζειν, ἀλλὰ σκοπεῖν καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ὅπως ἀποδώσει λόγον Ἀθηναίοις, ἀπιὼν ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, εἶτα, ἔφη, βέλτιον οὐκ ἦν σκοπεῖν αὐτὸν ὅπως οὐκ ἀποδώσει λόγον Ἀθηναίοις; ἔτι δὲ μειράκιον ὢν ἐστρατεύσατο τὴν εἰς Ποτίδαιαν στρατείαν, καὶ Σωκράτη σύσκηνον εἶχε καὶ παραστάτην ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν. 7.3. ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ γενομένης μάχης ἠρίστευσαν μὲν ἀμφότεροι, τοῦ δʼ Ἀλκιβιάδου τραύματι περιπεσόντος ὁ Σωκράτης προέστη καὶ ἤμυνε καὶ μάλιστα δὴ προδήλως ἔσωσεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων. ἐγίνετο μὲν οὖν τῷ δικαιοτάτῳ λόγῳ Σωκράτους τὸ ἀριστεῖον· ἐπεὶ δʼ οἱ στρατηγοὶ διὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ σπουδάζοντες ἐφαίνοντο περιθεῖναι τὴν δόξαν, ὁ Σωκράτης βουλόμενος αὔξεσθαι τὸ φιλότιμον ἐν τοῖς καλοῖς αὐτοῦ πρῶτος ἐμαρτύρει καὶ παρεκάλει στεφανοῦν ἐκεῖνον καὶ διδόναι τὴν πανοπλίαν. 11.2. λέγει δʼ ὁ Εὐριπίδης ἐν τῷ ᾄσματι ταῦτα· 12.1. τοῦτο μέντοι τὸ λαμπρὸν ἐπιφανέστερον ἐποίησεν ἡ τῶν πόλεων φιλοτιμία. σκηνὴν μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ κεκοσμημένην διαπρεπῶς ἔστησαν Ἐφέσιοι, τροφὰς δὲ ἵπποις καὶ πλῆθος ἱερείων παρεῖχεν ἡ Χίων πόλις, οἶνον δὲ Λέσβιοι καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὑποδοχὴν ἀφειδῶς ἑστιῶντι πολλούς. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ διαβολή τις ἢ κακοήθεια γενομένη περὶ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ἐκείνην πλείονα λόγον παρέσχε. 12.2. λέγεται γὰρ ὡς ἦν Ἀθήνησι Διομήδης, ἀνὴρ οὐ πονηρός, Ἀλκιβιάδου φίλος, ἐπιθυμῶν δὲ νίκην Ὀλυμπικὴν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι· καὶ πυνθανόμενος ἅρμα δημόσιον Ἀργείοις εἶναι, τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην εἰδὼς ἐν Ἄργει μέγα δυνάμενον καὶ φίλους ἔχοντα πολλούς, ἔπεισεν αὐτῷ πρίασθαι τὸ ἅρμα. 12.3. πριάμενος δὲ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἴδιον ἀπεγράψατο, τὸν δὲ Διομήδη χαίρειν εἴασε χαλεπῶς φέροντα καὶ μαρτυρόμενον θεοὺς καὶ ἀνθρώπους. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ δίκη συστᾶσα περὶ τούτου, καὶ λόγος Ἰσοκράτει γέγραπται περὶ τοῦ ζεύγους ὑπὲρ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου παιδός, ἐν ᾧ Τισίας ἐστίν, οὐ Διομήδης, ὁ δικασάμενος. 13.3. ἦν δέ τις Ὑπέρβολος Περιθοίδης, οὗ μέμνηται μὲν ὡς ἀνθρώπου πονηροῦ καὶ Θουκυδίδης, τοῖς δὲ κωμικοῖς ὁμοῦ τι πᾶσι διατριβὴν ἀεὶ σκωπτόμενος ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις παρεῖχεν. ἄτρεπτος δὲ πρὸς τὸ κακῶς ἀκούειν καὶ ἀπαθὴς ὢν ὀλιγωρίᾳ δόξης, ἣν ἀναισχυντίαν καὶ ἀπόνοιαν οὖσαν εὐτολμίαν ἔνιοι καὶ ἀνδρείαν καλοῦσιν, οὐδενὶ μὲν ἤρεσκεν, ἐχρῆτο δʼ αὐτῷ πολλάκις ὁ δῆμος ἐπιθυμῶν προπηλακίζειν τοὺς ἐν ἀξιώματι καὶ συκοφαντεῖν. 16.1. ἐν δὲ τοιούτοις πολιτεύμασι καὶ λόγοις καὶ φρονήματι καὶ δεινότητι πολλὴν αὖ πάλιν τὴν τρυφὴν τῆς διαίτης καὶ περὶ πότους καὶ ἔρωτας ὑβρίσματα, καὶ θηλύτητας ἐσθήτων ἁλουργῶν ἑλκομένων διʼ ἀγορᾶς, καὶ πολυτέλειαν ὑπερήφανον, ἐκτομάς τε καταστρωμάτων ἐν ταῖς τριήρεσιν, ὅπως μαλακώτερον ἐγκαθεύδοι, κειρίαις, ἀλλὰ μὴ σανίσι, τῶν στρωμάτων ἐπιβαλλομένων, ἀσπίδος τε διαχρύσου ποίησιν οὐδὲν ἐπίσημον τῶν πατρίων ἔχουσαν, 16.2. ἀλλʼ Ἔρωτα κεραυνοφόρον, ἅπερ ἄπερ . Either some verb is to be supplied from the context for the preceding accusatives (so Coraës), or ἅπερ is to be deleted (so Bekker and Sintenis 2 ). ὁρῶντες οἱ μὲν ἔνδοξοι μετὰ τοῦ βδελύττεσθαι καὶ δυσχεραίνειν ἐφοβοῦντο τὴν ὀλιγωρίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ παρανομίαν, ὡς τυραννικὰ καὶ ἀλλόκοτα, τοῦ δὲ δήμου τὸ πάθος τὸ πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐ κακῶς ἐξηγούμενος ὁ Ἀριστοφάνης ταῦτʼ εἴρηκε· 16.3. ἐπιδόσεις γὰρ καὶ χορηγίαι καὶ φιλοτιμήματα πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὑπερβολὴν μὴ ἀπολείποντα καὶ δόξα προγόνων καὶ λόγου δύναμις καὶ σώματος εὐπρέπεια καὶ ῥώμη μετʼ ἐμπειρίας τῶν πολεμικῶν καὶ ἀλκῆς πάντα τἆλλα συγχωρεῖν ἐποίει καὶ φέρειν μετρίως τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ἀεὶ τὰ πρᾳότατα τῶν ὀνομάτων τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασι τιθεμένους, παιδιὰς καὶ φιλοτιμίας. 16.5. καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο φιλάνθρωπον ἐκάλουν· πλὴν ὅτι τοὺς Μηλίους ἡβηδὸν ἀποσφαγῆναι τὴν πλείστην αἰτίαν ἔσχε, τῷ ψηφίσματι συνειπών. Ἀριστοφῶντος δὲ Νεμέαν γράψαντος ἐν ταῖς ἀγκάλαις αὑτῆς καθήμενον Ἀλκιβιάδην ἔχουσαν, ἐθεῶντο καὶ συνέτρεχον χαίροντες. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ τούτοις ἐδυσχέραινον ὡς τυραννικοῖς καὶ παρανόμοις. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ Ἀρχέστρατος οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου λέγειν ὡς ἡ Ἑλλὰς οὐκ ἂν ἤνεγκε δύο Ἀλκιβιάδας. 17.1. Σικελίας δὲ καὶ Περικλέους ἔτι ζῶντος ἐπεθύμουν Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ τελευτήσαντος ἥπτοντο, καὶ τὰς λεγομένας βοηθείας καὶ συμμαχίας ἔπεμπον ἑκάστοτε τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις ὑπὸ Συρακουσίων ἐπιβάθρας τῆς μείζονος στρατείας τιθέντες. 17.2. ὁ δὲ παντάπασι τὸν ἔρωτα τοῦτον ἀναφλέξας αὐτῶν, καὶ πείσας μὴ κατὰ μέρος μηδὲ κατὰ μικρόν, ἀλλὰ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ πλεύσαντας ἐπιχειρεῖν καὶ καταστρέφεσθαι τὴν νῆσον, Ἀλκιβιάδης ἦν, τόν τε δῆμον μεγάλα πείσας ἐλπίζειν, αὐτός τε μειζόνων ὀρεγόμενος. ἀρχὴν γὰρ εἶναι, πρὸς ἃ ἠλπίκει, διενοεῖτο τῆς στρατείας, οὐ τέλος, ὥσπερ οἱ λοιποί, Σικελίαν. 17.3. καὶ Νικίας μὲν ὡς χαλεπὸν ἔργον ὂν τὰς Συρακούσας ἑλεῖν ἀπέτρεπε τὸν δῆμον, Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ Καρχηδόνα καὶ Λιβύην ὀνειροπολῶν, ἐκ δὲ τούτων προσγενομένων Ἰταλίαν καὶ Πελοπόννησον ἤδη περιβαλλόμενος, ὀλίγου δεῖν ἐφόδια τοῦ πολέμου Σικελίαν ἐποιεῖτο. καὶ τοὺς μὲν νέους αὐτόθεν εἶχεν ἤδη ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπηρμένους, τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων ἠκροῶντο πολλὰ θαυμάσια περὶ τῆς στρατείας περαινόντων, ὥστε πολλοὺς ἐν ταῖς παλαίστραις καὶ τοῖς ἡμικυκλίοις καθέζεσθαι τῆς τε νήσου τὸ σχῆμα καὶ θέσιν Λιβύης καὶ Καρχηδόνος ὑπογράφοντας. 17.4. Σωκράτη μέντοι τὸν φιλόσοφον καὶ Μέτωνα τὸν ἀστρολόγον οὐδὲν ἐλπίσαι τῇ πόλει χρηστὸν ἀπὸ τῆς στρατείας ἐκείνης λέγουσιν, ὁ μέν, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῦ συνήθους δαιμονίου γενομένου καὶ προσημαίνοντος, ὁ δὲ Μέτων εἴτε δείσας ἐκ λογισμοῦ τὸ μέλλον εἴτε μαντικῆς τινι τρόπῳ χρησάμενος ἐσκήψατο μεμηνέναι, καὶ λαβὼν δᾷδα καιομένην οἷος ἦν αὑτοῦ τὴν οἰκίαν ὑφάπτειν. 23.7. Τιμαίαν γὰρ τὴν Ἄγιδος γυναῖκα τοῦ βασιλέως στρατευομένου καὶ ἀποδημοῦντος οὕτω διέφθειρεν ὥστε καὶ κύειν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ μὴ ἀρνεῖσθαι, καὶ τεκούσης παιδάριον ἄρρεν ἔξω μὲν Λεωτυχίδην καλεῖσθαι, τὸ δʼ ἐντὸς αὐτοῦ ψιθυριζόμενον ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς φίλας καὶ τὰς ὀπαδοὺς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀλκιβιάδην εἶναι· τοσοῦτος ἔρως κατεῖχε τὴν ἄνθρωπον. ὁ δʼ ἐντρυφῶν ἔλεγεν οὐχ ὕβρει τοῦτο πράττειν οὐδὲ κρατούμενος ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς, ἀλλʼ ὅπως Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύσωσιν οἱ ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγονότες. 24.5. τἆλλʼ οὖν ὢν καὶ μισέλλην ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Περσῶν ὁ Τισαφέρνης, οὕτως ἐνεδίδου τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ κολακευόμενος ὥσθʼ ὑπερβάλλειν αὐτὸν ἀντικολακεύων ἐκεῖνος. ὧν γὰρ ἐκέκτητο παραδείσων τὸν κάλλιστον καὶ ὑδάτων καὶ λειμώνων ὑγιεινῶν ἕνεκεν, διατριβὰς ἔχοντα καὶ καταφυγὰς ἠσκημένας βασιλικῶς καὶ περιττῶς, Ἀλκιβιάδην καλεῖν ἔθετο· καὶ πάντες οὕτω καλοῦντες καὶ προσαγορεύοντες διετέλουν. 27.4. τέλος δὲ τῶν μὲν πολεμίων τριάκοντα λαβόντες, ἀνασώσαντες δὲ τὰς αὑτῶν, τρόπαιον ἔστησαν. οὕτω δὲ λαμπρᾷ χρησάμενος εὐτυχίᾳ, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος εὐθὺς ἐγκαλλωπίσασθαι τῷ Τισαφέρνῃ, ξένια καὶ δῶρα παρασκευασάμενος καὶ θεραπείαν ἔχων ἡγεμονικὴν ἐπορεύετο πρὸς αὐτόν. 32.2. ἃ δὲ Δοῦρις ὁ Σάμιος Ἀλκιβιάδου φάσκων ἀπόγονος εἶναι προστίθησι τούτοις, αὐλεῖν μὲν εἰρεσίαν τοῖς ἐλαύνουσι Χρυσόγονον τὸν πυθιονίκην, κελεύειν δὲ Καλλιππίδην τὸν τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ὑποκριτήν, στατοὺς καὶ ξυστίδας καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ἐναγώνιον ἀμπεχομένους κόσμον, ἱστίῳ δʼ ἁλουργῷ τὴν ναυαρχίδα προσφέρεσθαι τοῖς λιμέσιν, ὥσπερ ἐκ μέθης ἐπικωμάζοντος, 32.3. οὔτε Θεόπομπος οὔτʼ Ἔφορος οὔτε Ξενοφῶν γέγραφεν, οὔτʼ εἰκὸς ἦν οὕτως ἐντρυφῆσαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις μετὰ φυγὴν καὶ συμφορὰς τοσαύτας κατερχόμενον, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος καὶ δεδιὼς κατήγετο, καὶ καταχθεὶς οὐ πρότερον ἀπέβη τῆς τριήρους, πρὶν στὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος ἰδεῖν Εὐρυπτόλεμόν τε τὸν ἀνεψιὸν παρόντα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων καὶ οἰκείων συχνοὺς ἐκδεχομένους καὶ παρακαλοῦντας. 33.2. τότε δὲ τοῦ δήμου συνελθόντος εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρελθὼν ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, καὶ τὰ μὲν αὑτοῦ πάθη κλαύσας καὶ ὀλοφυράμενος, ἐγκαλέσας δὲ μικρὰ καὶ μέτρια τῷ δήμῳ, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἀναθεὶς αὑτοῦ τινι τύχῃ πονηρᾷ καὶ φθονερῷ δαίμονι, πλεῖστα δʼ εἰς ἐλπίδας τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν διαλεχθεὶς καὶ παρορμήσας, στεφάνοις μὲν ἐστεφανώθη χρυσοῖς, ᾑρέθη δʼ ἅμα καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν αὐτοκράτωρ στρατηγός. 1.2. It is said, and with good reason, that the favour and affection which Socrates showed him contributed not a little to his reputation. Certain it is that Nicias, Demosthenes, Lamachus, Phormio, Thrasybulus, and Theramenes were prominent men, and his contemporaries, and yet we cannot so much as name the mother of any one of them; whereas, in the case of Alcibiades, we even know that his nurse, who was a Spartan woman, was called Amycla, and his tutor Zopyrus. The one fact is mentioned by Antisthenes, the other by Plato. Plat. Alc. 1 122 4.5. This man was a lover of his, who, entertaining some friends, asked Alcibiades also to the dinner. Alcibiades declined the invitation, but after having drunk deep at home with some friends, went in revel rout to the house of Anytus, took his stand at the door of the men’s chamber, and, observing the tables full of gold and silver beakers, ordered his slaves to take half of them and carry them home for him. He did not deign to go in, but played this prank and was off. The guests were naturally indigt, and declared that Alcibiades had treated Anytus with gross and overweening insolence. Not so, said Anytus, but with moderation and kindness; he might have taken all there were: he has left us half. 6.1. But the love of Socrates, though it had many powerful rivals, somehow mastered Alcibiades. For he was of good natural parts, and the words of his teacher took hold of him and wrung his heart and brought tears to his eyes. But sometimes he would surrender himself to the flatterers who tempted him with many pleasures, and slip away from Socrates, and suffer himself to be actually hunted down by him like a runaway slave. And yet he feared and reverenced Socrates alone, and despised the rest of his lovers. 6.2. It was Cleanthes who said that any one beloved of him must be downed, as wrestlers say, by the ears alone, though offering to rival lovers many other holds which he himself would scorn to take,—meaning the various lusts of the body. And Alcibiades was certainly prone to be led away into pleasure. That lawless self-indulgence of his, of which Thucydides speaks, Thuc. 6.15.4 leads one to suspect this. 6.3. However, it was rather his love of distinction and love of fame to which his corrupters appealed, and thereby plunged him all too soon into ways of pre-sumptuous scheming, persuading him that he had only to enter public life, and he would straightway cast into total eclipse the ordinary generals and public leaders, and not only that, he would even surpass Pericles in power and reputation among the Hellenes. 6.4. Accordingly, just as iron, which has been softened in the fire, is hardened again by cold water, and has its particles compacted together, so Alcibiades, whenever Socrates found him filled with vanity and wantonness, was reduced to shape by the Master’s discourse, and rendered humble and cautious. He learned how great were his deficiencies and how incomplete his excellence. 7.1. Once, as he was getting on past boyhood, he accosted a school-teacher, and asked him for a book of Homer. The teacher replied that he had nothing of Homer’s, whereupon Alcibiades fetched him a blow with his fist, and went his way. Another teacher said he had a Homer which he had corrected himself. What! said Alcibiades, are you teaching boys to read when you are competent to edit Homer? You should be training young men. 7.2. He once wished to see Pericles, and went to his house. But he was told that Pericles could not see him; he was studying how to render his accounts to the Athenians. Were it not better for him, said Alcibiades, as he went away, to study how not to render his accounts to the Athenians? While still a stripling, he served as a soldier in the campaign of Potidaea, 432-431 B.C. Cf. Plut. Nic. 4.4 . and had Socrates for his tentmate and comrade in action. 7.3. A fierce battle took place, wherein both of them distinguished themselves; but when Alcibiades fell wounded, it was Socrates who stood over him and defended him, and with the most conspicuous bravery saved him, armour and all. The prize of valor fell to Socrates, of course, on the justest calculation; but the generals, owing to the high position of Alcibiades, were manifestly anxious to give him the glory of it. Socrates, therefore, wishing to increase his pupil’s honorable ambitions, led all the rest in bearing witness to his bravery, and in begging that the crown and the suit of armour be given to him. 11.2. The ode of Euripides An Epinikion, or hymn of victory, like the extant odes of Pindar. to which I refer runs thus:— Thee will I sing, O child of Cleinias; A fair thing is victory, but fairest is what no other Hellene has achieved, To run first, and second, and third in the contest of racing-chariots, And to come off unwearied, and, wreathed with the olive of Zeus, To furnish theme for herald’s proclamation. 12.1. Moreover, this splendor of his at Olympia was made even more conspicuous by the emulous rivalry of the cities in his behalf. The Ephesians equipped him with a tent of magnificent adornment; the Chians furnished him with provender for his horses and with innumerable animals for sacrifice; the Lesbians with wine and other provisions for his unstinted entertainment of the multitude. However, a grave calumny—or malpractice on his part—connected with this rivalry was even more in the mouths of men. 12.2. It is said, namely, that there was at Athens one Diomedes, a reputable man, a friend of Alcibiades, and eagerly desirous of winning a victory at Olympia. He learned that there was a racing-chariot at Argos which was the property of that city, and knowing that Alcibiades had many friends and was very influential there, got him to buy the chariot. 12.3. Alcibiades bought it for his friend, and then entered it in the racing lists as his own, bidding Diomedes go hang. Diomedes was full of indignation, and called on gods and men to witness his wrongs. It appears also that a law-suit arose over this matter, and a speech was written by Isocrates Isoc. 16 , De bigis. for the son of Alcibiades Concerning the Team of Horses. In this speech, however it is Tisias, not Diomedes, who is the plaintiff. 13.3. Now there was a certain Hyperbolus, of the deme Perithoedae, whom Thucydides mentions Thuc. 8.73.3 as a base fellow, and who afforded all the comic poets, without any exception, constant material for jokes in their plays. But he was unmoved by abuse, and insensible to it, owing to his contempt of public opinion. This feeling some call courage and valor, but it is really mere shamelessness and folly. No one liked him, but the people often made use of him when they were eager to besmirch and calumniate men of rank and station. 16.1. But all this statecraft and eloquence and lofty purpose and cleverness was attended with great luxuriousness of life, with wanton drunkenness and lewdness, with effeminacy in dress,—he would trail long purple robes through the market place,—and with prodigal expenditures. He would have the decks of his triremes cut away that he might sleep more softly, his bedding being slung on cords rather than spread on the hard planks. He had a golden shield made for himself, bearing no ancestral device, 16.2. but an Eros armed with a thunderbolt. The reputable men of the city looked on all these things with loathing and indignation, and feared his contemptuous and lawless spirit. They thought such conduct as his tyrant-like and monstrous. How the common folk felt towards him has been well set forth by Aristophanes Frogs , 1425 ; 1431-1432 . in these words:— It yearns for him, and hates him too, but wants him back; and again, veiling a yet greater severity in his metaphor:— A lion is not to be reared within the state; But, once you’ve reared him up, consult his every mood. 16.3. And indeed, his voluntary contributions of money, his support of public exhibitions, his unsurpassed munificence towards the city, the glory of his ancestry, the power of his eloquence, the comeliness and vigor of his person, together with his experience and prowess in war, made the Athenians lenient and tolerant towards everything else; they were forever giving the mildest of names to his transgressions, calling them the product of youthful spirits and ambition. 16.5. This was an instance of what they called his kindness of heart, but the execution of all the grown men of Melos In the summer of 416. Cf. Thuc. 5.116.2-4 . was chiefly due to him, since he supported the decree therefor. Aristophon painted Nemea A personification of the district of Nemea, in the games of which Alcibiades had been victorious. Cf. Paus. 1.22.7 , with Frazer’s notes. with Alcibiades seated in her arms; whereat the people were delighted, and ran in crowds to see the picture. But the elders were indigt at this too; they said it smacked of tyranny and lawlessness. And it would seem that Archestratus, in his verdict on the painting, did not go wide of the mark when he said that Hellas could not endure more than one Alcibiades. 17.1. On Sicily the Athenians had cast longing eyes even while Pericles was living; and after his death they actually tried to lay hands upon it. The lesser expeditions which they sent thither from time to time, ostensibly for the aid and comfort of their allies on the island who were being wronged by the Syracusans, they regarded merely as stepping stones to the greater expedition of conquest. 17.2. But the man who finally fanned this desire of theirs into flame, and persuaded them not to attempt the island any more in part and little by little, but to sail thither with a great armament and subdue it utterly, was Alcibiades; he persuaded the people to have great hopes, and he himself had greater aspirations still. Such were his hopes that he regarded Sicily as a mere beginning, and not, like the rest, as an end of the expedition. 17.3. So while Nicias was trying to divert the people from the capture of Syracuse as an undertaking too difficult for them, Alcibiades was dreaming of Carthage and Libya, and, after winning these, of at once encompassing Italy and Peloponnesus. He almost regarded Sicily as the ways and means provided for his greater war. The young men were at once carried away on the wings of such hopes, and their elders kept recounting in their ears many wonderful things about the projected expedition. Many were they who sat in the palaestras and lounging-places mapping out in the sand the shape of Sicily and the position of Libya and Carthage. Cf. Plut. Nic. 12.1-2 . 17.4. Socrates the philosopher, however, and Meton the astrologer, are said to have had no hopes that any good would come to the city from this expedition; Socrates, as it is likely, because he got an inkling of the future from the divine guide who was his familiar. Meton—whether his fear of the future arose from mere calculation or from his use of some sort of divination—feigned madness, and seizing a blazing torch, was like to have set fire to his own house. 23.7. For while Agis the king was away on his campaigns, Alcibiades corrupted Timaea his wife, so that she was with child by him and made no denial of it. When she had given birth to a male child, it was called Leotychides in public, but in private the name which the boy’s mother whispered to her friends and attendants was Alcibiades. Such was the passion that possessed the woman. But he, in his mocking way, said he had not done this thing for a wanton insult, nor at the behest of mere pleasure, but in order that descendants of his might be kings of the Lacedaemonians. 24.5. And thus it was that Tissaphernes, though otherwise the most ardent of the Persians in his hatred of the Hellenes, so completely surrendered to the flatteries of Alcibiades as to outdo him in reciprocal flatteries. Indeed, the most beautiful park he had, both for its refreshing waters and grateful lawns, with resorts and retreats decked out in regal and extravagant fashion, he named Alcibiades; everyone always called it by that name. 27.4. But finally the Athenians captured thirty of them, rescued their own, and erected a trophy of victory. Taking advantage of a success so brilliant as this, and ambitious to display himself at once before Tissaphernes, Alcibiades supplied himself with gifts of hospitality and friendship and proceeded, at the head of an imperial retinue, to visit the satrap. 32.2. Duris the Samian, who claims that he was a descendant of Alcibiades, gives some additional details. He says that the oarsmen of Alcibiades rowed to the music of a flute blown by Chrysogonus the Pythian victor; that they kept time to a rhythmic call from the lips of Callipides the tragic actor; that both these artists were arrayed in the long tunics, flowing robes, and other adornment of their profession; and that the commander’s ship put into harbors with a sail of purple hue, as though, after a drinking bout, he were off on a revel. 32.3. But neither Theopompus, nor Ephorus, nor Xenophon mentions these things, nor is it likely that Alcibiades put on such airs for the Athenians, to whom he was returning after he had suffered exile and many great adversities. Nay, he was in actual fear as he put into the harbor, and once in, he did not leave his trireme until, as he stood on deck, he caught sight of his cousin Euryptolemus on shore, with many other friends and kinsmen, and heard their cries of welcome. 33.2. At this time, In the early summer of 408 B.C. therefore, the people had only to meet in assembly, and Alcibiades addressed them. He lamented and bewailed his own lot, but had only little and moderate blame to lay upon the people. The entire mischief he ascribed to a certain evil fortune and envious genius of his own. Then he descanted at great length upon the vain hopes which their enemies were cherishing, and wrought his hearers up to courage. At last they crowned him with crowns of gold, and elected him general with sole powers by land and sea.
150. Plutarch, Fabius, 16.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 265
16.6. ἦν δὲ διʼ αἵματος πλῆθος, ᾧ συνεπέφυρτο τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον, οὐ πολλοῖς διάδηλος, ἀλλὰ καὶ φίλοι καὶ θεράποντες αὑτὸν ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας παρῆλθον. μόνος δὲ Κορνήλιος Λέντλος, εὐπατρίδης νέος, ἰδὼν καὶ προνοήσας ἀπεπήδησε τοῦ ἵππου, καὶ προσαγαγὼν παρεκάλει χρῆσθαι καὶ σῴζειν αὑτὸν τοῖς πολίταις ἄρχοντος ἀγαθοῦ τότε μάλιστα χρῄζουσιν. 16.6. His head and face were so profusely smeared with blood that few could recognize him; even his friends and retainers passed him by without knowing him. Only Cornelius Lentulus, a young man of the patrician order, saw who he was, and leaping from his horse, led him to Paulus and besought the consul to take him and save himself for the sake of his fellow-citizens, who now more than ever needed a brave commander. 16.6. His head and face were so profusely smeared with blood that few could recognize him; even his friends and retainers passed him by without knowing him. Only Cornelius Lentulus, a young man of the patrician order, saw who he was, and leaping from his horse, led him to Paulus and besought the consul to take him and save himself for the sake of his fellow-citizens, who now more than ever needed a brave commander.
151. Plutarch, Lysander, 11.7, 18.3-18.4, 22.3-22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 320, 341, 342
11.7. ὃς μυρίας μορφὰς ἀγώνων καὶ πραγμάτων μεταβολὰς ἀμείψας, καὶ στρατηγοὺς ὅσους οὐδὲ οἱ σύμπαντες οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀναλώσας, ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς εὐβουλία καὶ δεινότητι συνῄρητο· διὸ καὶ θεῖόν τινες ἡγήσαντο τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον. 18.3. πρώτῳ μὲν γάρ, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Δοῦρις, Ἑλλήνων ἐκείνῳ βωμοὺς αἱ πόλεις ἀνέστησαν ὡς θεῷ καὶ θυσίας ἔθυσαν, εἰς πρῶτον δὲ παιᾶνες ᾔσθησαν, ὧν ἑνὸς ἀρχὴν ἀπομνημονεύουσι τοιάνδε· 18.4. σάμιοι δὲ τὰ παρʼ αὐτοῖς Ἡραῖα Λυσάνδρεια καλεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν Χοιρίλον μὲν ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ὡς κοσμήσοντα τὰς πράξεις διὰ ποιητικῆς, Ἀντιλόχῳ δὲ ποιήσαντι μετρίους τινὰς εἰς αὐτὸν στίχους ἡσθεὶς ἔδωκε πλήσας ἀργυρίου τὸν πῖλον. Ἀντιμάχου δὲ τοῦ Κολοφωνίου καὶ Νικηράτου τινὸς Ἡρακλεώτου ποιήμασι Λυσάνδρεια διαγωνισαμένων ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Νικήρατον ἐστεφάνωσεν, ὁ δὲ Ἀντίμαχος ἀχθεσθεὶς ἠφάνισε τὸ ποίημα. 22.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἆγις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐτελεύτησεν ἀδελφὸν μὲν Ἀγησίλαον καταλιπών, υἱὸν δὲ νομιζόμενον Λεωτυχίδαν, ἐραστὴς τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου γεγονὼς ὁ Λύσανδρος ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ὡς Ἡρακλείδην ὄντα γνήσιον. ὁ γὰρ Λεωτυχίδας διαβολὴν εἶχεν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι, συνόντος κρύφα τῇ Ἄγιδος γυναικὶ Τιμαίᾳ καθʼ ὃν χρόνον φεύγων ἐν Σπάρτῃ διέτριβεν. 22.4. ὁ δὲ Ἆγις, ὥς φασι, χρόνου λογισμῷ τὸ πρᾶγμα συνελών, ὡς οὐ κυήσειεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ, παρημέλει μέλει τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἀναινόμενος αὐτὸν παρά γε τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον. ἐπεὶ δὲ νοσῶν εἰς Ἡραίαν ἐκομίσθη καὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, τὰ μὲν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ νεανίσκου, τὰ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἐκλιπαρηθεὶς ἐναντίον πολλῶν ἀπέφηνεν υἱὸν αὑτοῦ τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, καὶ δεηθεὶς τῶν παρόντων ἐπιμαρτυρῆσαι ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπέθανεν. 22.5. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐμαρτύρουν ταῦτα τῷ Λεωτυχίδᾳ· τὸν δʼ Ἀγησίλαον λαμπρὸν ὄντα τἆλλα καὶ συναγωνιστῇ τῷ Λυσάνδρῳ χρώμενον ἔβλαπτε Διοπείθης, ἀνὴρ εὐδόκιμος ἐπὶ χρησμολογίᾳ, τοιόνδε μάντευμα προφέρων εἰς τὴν χωλότητα τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου· 22.6. πολλῶν οὖν ὑποκατακλινομένων πρὸς τὸ λόγιον καὶ τρεπομένων πρὸς τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, ὁ Λύσανδρος οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἔφη τὸν Διοπείθη τὴν μαντείαν ὑπολαμβάνειν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν προσπταίσας τις ἄρχῃ Λακεδαιμονίων, δυσχεραίνειν τὸν θεόν, ἀλλὰ χωλὴν εἶναι τὴν βασιλείαν εἰ νόθοι καὶ κακῶς γεγονότες βασιλεύσουσι σὺν σὺν supplied by Sintenis alone. Ἡρακλείδαις. τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ δυνάμενος πλεῖστον ἔπεισε, καὶ γίνεται βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίλαος. 11.7. 18.3. 18.4. 22.3. 22.4. 22.5. 22.6.
152. Plutarch, Marius, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 265
11.1. ταχὺ μέντοι τὸν φθόνον τοῦτον καὶ τὰ μίση καὶ τὰς διαβολὰς ἀπεσκέδασε τοῦ Μαρίου καὶ μετέστησεν ὁ κατασχὼν τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας κίνδυνος, ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον ἐν χρείᾳ μεγάλου στρατηγοῦ γενέσθαι καὶ περισκέψασθαι τὴν πόλιν ᾧ χρωμένη κυβερνήτῃ διαφεύξεται κλύδωνα πολέμου τοσοῦτον, οὐδενὸς ἀνασχομένου τῶν ἀπὸ γένους μεγάλων ἢ πλουσίων οἴκων ἐπὶ τὰς ὑπατικὰς κατιόντων ἀρχαιρεσίας, ἀλλʼ ἀπόντα τὸν Μάριον ἀναγορευσάντων. 23.1. ἡ δὲ μηθὲν ἐῶσα τῶν μεγάλων εὐτυχημάτων ἄκρατον εἰς ἡδονὴν καὶ καθαρόν, ἀλλὰ μείξει κακῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ποικίλλουσα τὸν ἀνθρώπινον βίον ἢ τύχη τις ἢ νέμεσις ἢ πραγμάτων ἀναγκαία φύσις οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἡμέραις ἐπήγαγε τῷ Μαρίῳ τὴν περὶ Κάτλου τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἀγγελίαν, ὥσπερ ἐν εὐδίᾳ καὶ γαλήνῃ νέφος, αὖθις ἕτερον φόβον καὶ χειμῶνα τῇ Ῥώμῃ περιστήσασα. 11.1. 23.1.
153. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.1-1.2, 2.2-2.6, 3.5-3.8, 7.3-7.7, 8.2, 11.1, 12.1-12.2, 13.1, 16.9, 21.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 88; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55; Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 14; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 111; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 218, 316
1.1. ἐπεὶ δοκοῦμεν οὐκ ἀτόπως τῷ Νικίᾳ τὸν Κράσσον παραβάλλειν, καὶ τὰ Παρθικὰ παθήματα τοῖς Σικελικοῖς, ὥρα παραιτεῖσθαι καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τοῖς συγγράμμασι τούτοις, ὅπως ἐπὶ ταῖς διηγήσεσιν αἷς Θουκυδίδης, αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ περὶ ταῦτα παθητικώτατος, ἐναργέστατος, ποικιλώτατος γενόμενος, ἀμιμήτως ἐξενήνοχε, μηδὲν ἡμᾶς ὑπολάβωσι πεπονθέναι Τιμαίῳ πάθος ὅμοιον, 1.2. ὃς ἐλπίσας τὸν μὲν Θουκυδίδην ὑπερβαλεῖσθαι δεινότητι, τὸν δὲ Φίλιστον ἀποδείξειν παντάπασι φορτικὸν καὶ ἰδιώτην, διὰ μέσων ὠθεῖται τῇ ἱστορίᾳ τῶν μάλιστα κατωρθωμένων ἐκείνοις ἀγώνων καὶ ναυμαχιῶν καὶ δημηγοριῶν, οὐ μὰ Δία 2.2. ἐκείνων δὲ πρεσβύτερος μὲν ὁ Θονκυδίδης ἦν, καὶ πολλὰ καὶ Περικλεῖ δημαγωγοῦντι τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν προϊστάμενος ἀντεπολιτεύσατο, νεώτερος δὲ Νικίας γενόμενος ἦν μὲν ἔν τινι λόγῳ καὶ Περικλέους ζῶντος, ὥστε κἀκείνῳ συστρατηγῆσαι καὶ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἄρξαι πολλάκις, Περικλέους δʼ ἀποθανόντος εὐθὺς εἰς τὸ πρωτεύειν προήχθη, μάλιστα μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πλουσίων καὶ γνωρίμων, ἀντίταγμα ποιουμένων αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν Κλέωνος βδελυρίαν καὶ τόλμαν, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν δῆμον εἶχεν εὔνουν καὶ συμφιλοτιμούμενον. 2.3. ἴσχυε μὲν γὰρ ὁ Κλέων μέγα γερονταγωγῶν κἀναμισθαρνεῖν διδούς, ὅμως δὲ καὶ τὴν πλεονεξίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἰταμότητα καὶ τὸ θράσος τὸ θράσος Coraës and Bekker, after Reiske: θράσος . ὁρῶντες αὐτοὶ οἷς πρὸς χάριν ἔπραττεν, οἱ πολλοὶ τὸν Νικίαν ἐπήγοντο. καὶ γὰρ οὐκ ἦν αὐστηρὸν οὐδʼ ἐπαχθὲς ἄγαν αὐτοῦ τὸ σεμνόν, ἀλλʼ εὐλαβείᾳ τινὶ μεμιγμένον αὐτῷ τῷ δεδιέναι δοκοῦντι τοὺς πολλοὺς δημαγωγοῦν. 2.4. τῇ φύσει γὰρ ὢν ἀθαρσὴς καὶ δύσελπις, ἐν μὲν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἀπέκρυπτεν εὐτυχίᾳ τὴν δειλίαν· κατώρθου γὰρ ὁμαλῶς στρατηγῶν· τὸ δʼ ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ ψοφοδεὲς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς συκοφάντας εὐθορύβητον αὐτοῦ καὶ δημοτικὸν ἐδόκει, καὶ δύναμιν οὐ μικρὰν ἀπʼ εὐνοίας τοῦ δήμου παρεῖχε τῷ δεδιέναι τοὺς ὑπερορῶντας, αὔξειν δὲ τοὺς δεδιότας. τοῖς γὰρ πολλοῖς τιμὴ μεγίστη παρὰ τῶν μειζόνων τὸ μὴ καταφρονεῖσθαι. 3.5. ἐκεῖνος, ὅτε τὴν θεωρίαν ἦγεν, αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς Ῥήνειαν ἀπέβη τὸν χορὸν ἔχων καὶ τὰ ἱερεῖα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην παρασκευήν, ζεῦγμα δὲ πεποιημένον Ἀθήνησι πρὸς τὰ μέτρα καὶ κεκοσμημένον ἐκπρεπῶς χρυσώσεσι καὶ βαφαῖς καὶ στεφάνοις καὶ αὐλαίαις κομίξων, διὰ νυκτὸς ἐγεφύρωσε τὸν μεταξὺ Ῥηνείας καὶ Δήλου πόρον οὐκ ὄντα μέγαν· εἶθʼ ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ τήν τε πομπὴν τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὸν χορὸν ἄγων κεκοσμημένον πολυτελῶς καὶ ᾄδοντα διὰ τῆς γεφύρας ἀπεβίβαζε. 3.6. μετὰ δὲ τὴν θυσίαν καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ τὰς ἑστιάσεις τόν τε φοίνικα τὸν χαλκοῦν ἔστησεν ἀνάθημα τῷ θεῷ, καὶ χωρίον μυρίων δραχμῶν πριάμενος καθιέρωσεν, οὗ τὰς προσόδους ἔδει Δηλίους καταθύοντας ἑστιᾶσθαι, πολλὰ καὶ ἀγαθὰ Νικίᾳ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν αἰτουμένους· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο τῇ στήλῃ ἐνέγραψεν, ἣν ὥσπερ φύλακα τῆς δωρεᾶς ἐν Δήλῳ κατέλιπεν. ὁ δὲ φοῖνιξ ἐκεῖνος ὑπὸ τῶν πνευμάτων ἀποκλασθεὶς ἐνέπεσε τῷ Ναξίων ἀνδριάντι τῷ μεγάλῳ καὶ ἀνέτρεψε. 7.3. τοῦ δʼ εἰς τὸν Νικίαν ἐκτρέποντος τὴν αἰτίαν, καὶ κατηγοροῦντος ὅτι δειλίᾳ καὶ μαλακίᾳ προΐεται τοὺς ἄνδρας, ὡς αὐτοῦ γε στρατηγοῦντος οὐκ ἂν περιγενομένους χρόνον τοσοῦτον, τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις εἰπεῖν παρέστη· τί δʼ οὐχὶ καὶ νῦν αὐτὸς σὺ πλεῖς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας; ὅ τε Νικίας ἀναστὰς ἐξίστατο τῆς ἐπὶ Πύλον στρατηγίας αὐτῷ, καὶ λαμβάνειν ὁπόσην βούλεται δύναμιν ἐκέλευσε, καὶ μὴ θρασύνεσθαι λόγοις ἀκινδύνοις, ἀλλʼ ἔργον τι τῇ πόλει παρασχεῖν ἄξιον σπουδῆς. 7.4. ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀνεδύετο, τῷ μὴ προσδοκῆσαι τοῦτο θορυβούμενος· ἐγκελευομένων δὲ ταὐτὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τοῦ Νικίου καταβοῶντος, ἐξαρθεὶς καὶ ἀναφλεχθεὶς τὸ φιλότιμον ὑπεδέξατό τε τὴν στρατηγίαν, καὶ προσδιωρίσατο πλεύσας ἐντὸς ἡμερῶν εἴκοσιν ἢ κατακτενεῖν ἐκεῖ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἢ ζῶντας ἄξειν Ἀθήναζε. τοῖς δʼ Ἀθηναίοις ἐπῆλθε γελάσαι μέγα μᾶλλον ἢ πιστεῦσαι· καὶ γὰρ ἄλλως εἰώθεσαν αὐτοῦ τὴν κουφότητα καὶ μανίαν φέρειν μετὰ παιδιᾶς οὐκ ἀηδῶς. 7.5. λέγεται γὰρ ἐκκλησίας ποτὲ οὔσης τὸν μὲν δῆμον καθήμενον ἄνω περιμένειν πολὺν χρόνον, ὀψὲ δʼ εἰσελθεῖν ἐκεῖνον ἐστεφανωμένον καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὑπερθέσθαι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εἰς αὔριον· ἀσχολοῦμαι γάρ, ἔφη, σήμερον, ἑστιᾶν μέλλων ξένους καὶ τεθυκὼς τοῖς θεοῖς. τοὺς δʼ Ἀθηναίους γελάσαντας ἀναστῆναι καὶ διαλῦσαι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. 8.2. σκώπτει δʼ αὐτὸν εἰς ταῦτα πάλιν Ἀριστοφάνης ἐν μὲν Ὄρνισιν οὕτω πως λέγων· 11.1. ἀκμαζούσης δὲ τῆς πρὸς τὸν Νικίαν τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου διαφορᾶς, καὶ γιγνομένης ὀστρακοφορίας, ἣν εἰώθει διὰ χρόνου τινὸς ὁ δῆμος ποιεῖσθαι, ἕνα τῶν ὑπόπτων ἢ διὰ δόξαν ἄλλως ἢ πλοῦτον ἐπιφθόνων ἀνδρῶν τῷ ὀστράκῳ μεθιστὰς εἰς δέκα ἔτη, πολὺς θόρυβος ἀμφοτέρους περιΐστατο καὶ κίνδυνος, ὡς θατέρου πάντως ὑποπεσουμένου τῷ ἐξοστρακισμῷ. 12.1. ὁ δʼ οὖν Νικίας, τῶν Αἰγεστέων πρέσβεων καὶ Λεοντίνων παραγενομένων καὶ πειθόντων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Σικελίαν, ἀνθιστάμενος ἡττᾶτο τῆς βουλῆς Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ φιλοτιμίας, πρὶν ὅλως ἐκκλησίαν γενέσθαι, κατασχόντος ἤδη πλῆθος ἐλπίσι καὶ λόγοις προδιεφθαρμένον, ὥστε καὶ νέους ἐν παλαίστραις καὶ γέροντας ἐν ἐργαστηρίοις καὶ ἡμικυκλίοις συγκαθεζομένους ὑπογράφειν τὸ σχῆμα τῆς Σικελίας, καὶ τὴν φύσιν τῆς περὶ αὐτὴν θαλάσσης, καὶ λιμένας καὶ τόπους οἷς τέτραπται πρὸς Λιβύην ἡ νῆσος. 12.2. οὐ γὰρ ἆθλον ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ πολέμου Σικελίαν, ἀλλʼ ὁρμητήριον, ὡς ἀπʼ αὐτῆς διαγωνισόμενοι πρὸς Καρχηδονίους καὶ σχήσοντες ἅμα Λιβύην καὶ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν θάλασσαν. ὡς οὖν ὥρμηντο πρὸς ταῦτα, ὁ Νικίας ἐναντιούμενος οὔτε πολλοὺς οὔτε δυνατοὺς εἶχε συναγωνιστάς. οἱ γὰρ εὔποροι δεδιότες μὴ δοκῶσι τὰς λειτουργίας καὶ τριηραρχίας ἀποδιδράσκειν, παρὰ γνώμην ἡσύχαζον· 13.1. καίτοι λέγεται πολλὰ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἱερέων ἐναντιοῦσθαι πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν· ἀλλʼ ἑτέρους ἔχων μάντεις ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκ δή τινων λογίων προὔφερε παλαιῶν μέγα κλέος τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπὸ Σικελίας ἔσεσθαι. καὶ θεοπρόποι τινὲς αὐτῷ παρʼ Ἄμμωνος ἀφίκοντο χρησμὸν κομίζοντες ὡς λήψονται Συρακουσίους ἅπαντας Ἀθηναῖοι· τὰ δʼ ἐναντία φοβούμενοι δυσφημεῖν ἔκρυπτον. 21.6. διʼ ὅλου δὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος εὐθὺς ἦν πτοία καὶ ταραχή, καὶ τοῦ φεύγοντος ἤδη καταπιμπλάμενον τὸ ἔτι νικῶν, καὶ τὸ ἐπιβαῖνον καὶ προσφερόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πεφοβημένων ἀνακοπτόμενον ἑαυτῷ περιέπιπτε, τοὺς μὲν φεύγοντας οἰόμενον διώκειν, τοῖς δὲ φίλοις ὡς πολεμίοις χρώμενον. 1.1. 1.2. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 3.5. 3.6. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 8.2. 11.1. 12.1. 12.2. 13.1. 21.6.
154. Plutarch, Pericles, 3.3, 6.2, 7.1, 8.9, 9.2-9.3, 15.1-15.2, 16.1, 17.1, 17.3, 18.3, 21.1, 24.9, 29.1, 29.7-29.8, 30.2, 30.4, 32.1, 33.6, 34.5, 37.5, 38.4, 39.1-39.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 24, 115, 265; Brule (2003), Women of Ancient Greece, 194, 197; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 58, 98; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 156; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 150; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 258, 289, 313, 314, 319, 336, 341; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 244, 247
3.3. τῶν δὲ κωμικῶν ὁ μὲν Κρατῖνος ἐν Χείρωσι· στάσις δὲ (φησὶ) καὶ πρεσβυγενὴς Κρόνος ἀλλήλοισι μιγέντε μέγιστον τίκτετον τύραννον, ὃν δὴ κεφαληγερέταν θεοὶ καλέουσι· καὶ πάλιν ἐν Νεμέσει· μόλʼ, ὦ Ζεῦ ξένιε καὶ καραιέ. 6.2. λέγεται δέ ποτε κριοῦ μονόκερω κεφαλὴν ἐξ ἀγροῦ τῷ Περικλεῖ κομισθῆναι, καὶ Λάμπωνα μὲν τὸν μάντιν, ὡς εἶδε τὸ κέρας ἰσχυρὸν καὶ στερεὸν ἐκ μέσου τοῦ μετώπου πεφυκός, εἰπεῖν ὅτι δυεῖν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει δυναστειῶν, τῆς Θουκυδίδου καὶ Περικλέους, εἰς ἕνα περιστήσεται τὸ κράτος παρʼ ᾧ γένοιτο τὸ σημεῖον· τὸν δʼ Ἀναξαγόραν τοῦ κρανίου διακοπέντος ἐπιδεῖξαι τὸν ἐγκέφαλον οὐ πεπληρωκότα τὴν βάσιν, ἀλλʼ ὀξὺν ὥσπερ ὠὸν ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς ἀγγείου συνωλισθηκότα κατὰ τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον ὅθεν ἡ ῥίζα τοῦ κέρατος εἶχε τὴν ἀρχήν. 7.1. ὁ δὲ Περικλῆς νέος μὲν ὢν σφόδρα τὸν δῆμον εὐλαβεῖτο. καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει Πεισιστράτῳ τῷ τυράννῳ τὸ εἶδος ἐμφερὴς εἶναι, τήν τε φωνὴν ἡδεῖαν οὖσαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν εὔτροχον ἐν τῷ διαλέγεσθαι καὶ ταχεῖαν οἱ σφόδρα γέροντες ἐξεπλήττοντο πρὸς τὴν ὁμοιότητα. πλούτου δὲ καὶ γένους προσόντος αὐτῷ λαμπροῦ καὶ φίλων οἳ πλεῖστον ἠδύναντο, φοβούμενος ἐξοστρακισθῆναι, τῶν μὲν πολιτικῶν οὐδὲν ἔπραττεν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς στρατείαις ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἦν καὶ φιλοκίνδυνος. 9.2. ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν γάρ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, πρὸς τὴν Κίμωνος δόξαν ἀντιταττόμενος ὑπεποιεῖτο τὸν δῆμον· ἐλαττούμενος δὲ πλούτῳ καὶ χρήμασιν, ἀφʼ ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἀνελάμβανε τοὺς πένητας, δεῖπνόν τε καθʼ ἡμέραν τῷ δεομένῳ παρέχων Ἀθηναίων, καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ἀμφιεννύων, τῶν τε χωρίων τοὺς φραγμοὺς ἀφαιρῶν ὅπως ὀπωρίζωσιν οἱ βουλόμενοι, τούτοις ὁ Περικλῆς καταδημαγωγούμενος τρέπεται πρὸς τὴν τῶν δημοσίων διανομήν, συμβουλεύσαντος αὐτῷ Δαμωνίδου τοῦ Ὄαθεν, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης ἱστόρηκε. 9.3. καὶ ταχὺ θεωρικοῖς καὶ δικαστικοῖς λήμμασιν ἄλλαις τε μισθοφοραῖς καὶ χορηγίαις συνδεκάσας τὸ πλῆθος, ἐχρῆτο κατὰ τῆς ἐξ Ἀρείου πάγου βουλῆς, ἧς αὐτὸς οὐ μετεῖχε διὰ τὸ μήτʼ ἄρχων μήτε θεσμοθέτης μήτε βασιλεὺς μήτε πολέμαρχος λαχεῖν. αὗται γὰρ αἱ ἀρχαὶ κληρωταί τε ἦσαν ἐκ παλαιοῦ, καὶ διʼ αὐτῶν οἱ δοκιμασθέντες ἀνέβαινον εἰς Ἄρειον πάγον. 15.1. ὡς οὖν παντάπασι λυθείσης τῆς διαφορᾶς καὶ τῆς πόλεως οἷον ὁμαλῆς καὶ μιᾶς γενομένης κομιδῇ, περιήνεγκεν εἰς ἑαυτὸν τὰς Ἀθήνας καὶ τὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐξηρτημένα πράγματα, φόρους καὶ στρατεύματα καὶ τριήρεις καὶ νήσους καὶ θάλασσαν, καὶ πολλὴν μὲν διʼ Ἑλλήνων, πολλὴν δὲ καὶ διὰ βαρβάρων ἥκουσαν ἰσχύν, καὶ ἡγεμονίαν ὑπηκόοις ἔθνεσι καὶ φιλίαις βασιλέων καὶ συμμαχίαις πεφραγμένην δυναστῶν, 15.2. οὐκέθʼ ὁ αὐτὸς ἦν οὐδʼ ὁμοίως χειροήθης τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ῥᾴδιος ὑπείκειν καὶ συνενδιδόναι ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ὥσπερ πνοαῖς τῶν πολλῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῆς ἀνειμένης ἐκείνης καὶ ὑποθρυπτομένης ἔνια δημαγωγίας, ὥσπερ ἀνθηρᾶς καὶ μαλακῆς ἁρμονίας, ἀριστοκρατικὴν καὶ βασιλικὴν ἐντεινάμενος πολιτείαν, καὶ χρώμενος αὐτῇ πρὸς τὸ βέλτιστον ὀρθῇ καὶ ἀνεγκλίτῳ, 16.1. καίτοι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ σαφῶς μὲν ὁ Θουκυδίδης διηγεῖται, κακοήθως δὲ παρεμφαίνουσιν οἱ κωμικοί, Πεισιστρατίδας μὲν νέους τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἑταίρους καλοῦντες, αὐτὸν δʼ ἀπομόσαι μὴ τυραννήσειν κελεύοντες, ὡς ἀσυμμέτρου πρὸς δημοκρατίαν καὶ βαρυτέρας περὶ αὐτὸν οὔσης ὑπεροχῆς· 17.1. ἀρχομένων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων ἄχθεσθαι τῇ αὐξήσει τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἐπαίρων ὁ Περικλῆς τὸν δῆμον ἔτι μᾶλλον μέγα φρονεῖν καὶ μεγάλων αὑτὸν ἀξιοῦν πραγμάτων, γράφει ψήφισμα, πάντας Ἕλληνας τοὺς ὁπήποτε κατοικοῦντας Εὐρώπης ἢ τῆς Ἀσίας παρακαλεῖν, καὶ μικρὰν πόλιν καὶ μεγάλην, εἰς σύλλογον πέμπειν Ἀθήναζε τοὺς βουλευσομένους περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱερῶν, ἃ κατέπρησαν οἱ βάρβαροι, καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ἃς ὀφείλουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος εὐξάμενοι τοῖς θεοῖς ὅτε πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐμάχοντο, καὶ τῆς θαλάττης, ὅπως πλέωσι πάντες ἀδεῶς καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγωσιν. 17.3. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ διʼ Εὐβοίας ἐπʼ Οἰταίους καὶ τὸν Μαλιέα κόλπον καὶ Φθιώτας Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ Θεσσαλοὺς ἐπορεύοντο, συμπείθοντες ἰέναι καὶ μετέχειν τῶν βουλευμάτων ἐπʼ εἰρήνῃ καὶ κοινοπραγίᾳ τῆς Ἑλλάδος. ἐπράχθη δὲ οὐδέν, οὐδὲ συνῆλθον αἱ πόλεις, Λακεδαιμονίων ὑπεναντιωθέντων, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ τῆς πείρας ἐλεγχθείσης. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν παρεθέμην ἐνδεικνύμενος αὐτοῦ τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην. 18.3. τότε μὲν οὖν μετρίως εὐδοκίμησε τοῦτʼ εἰπών· ὀλίγαις δʼ ὕστερον ἡμέραις, ὡς ἀνηγγέλθη τεθνεὼς μὲν αὐτὸς Τολμίδης περὶ Κορώνειαν ἡττηθεὶς μάχῃ, τεθνεῶτες δὲ πολλοὶ κἀγαθοὶ τῶν πολιτῶν, μεγάλην τοῦτο τῷ Περικλεῖ μετʼ εὐνοίας δόξαν ἤνεγκεν, ὡς ἀνδρὶ φρονίμῳ καὶ φιλοπολίτῃ. 21.1. ἀλλʼ ὁ Περικλῆς κατεῖχε τὴν ἐκδρομὴν ταύτην καὶ περιέκοπτε τὴν πολυπραγμοσύνην, καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς δυνάμεως ἔτρεπεν εἰς φυλακὴν καὶ βεβαιότητα τῶν ὑπαρχόντων, μέγα ἔργον ἡγούμενος ἀνείργειν Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ ὅλως ὑπεναντιούμενος ἐκείνοις, ὡς ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς ἔδειξε καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς περὶ τὸν ἱερὸν πραχθεῖσι πόλεμον. 29.1. μετὰ ταῦτα κυμαίνοντος ἤδη τοῦ Πελοποννησιακοῦ πολέμου, Κερκυραίοις πολεμουμένοις ὑπὸ Κορινθίων ἔπεισε τὸν δῆμον ἀποστεῖλαι βοήθειαν καὶ προσλαβεῖν ἐρρωμένην ναυτικῇ δυνάμει νῆσον, ὡς ὅσον οὐδέπω Πελοποννησίων ἐκπεπολεμωμένων πρὸς αὐτούς. 30.2. ὑπῆν μὲν οὖν τις, ὡς ἔοικεν, αὐτῷ καὶ ἰδία πρὸς τοὺς Μεγαρεῖς ἀπέχθεια· κοινὴν δὲ καὶ φανερὰν ποιησάμενος αἰτίαν κατʼ αὐτῶν ἀποτέμνεσθαι τὴν ἱερὰν ὀργάδα, γράφει ψήφισμα κήρυκα πεμφθῆναι πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους τὸν αὐτὸν κατηγοροῦντα τῶν Μεγαρέων. 30.4. Μεγαρεῖς δὲ τὸν Ἀνθεμοκρίτου φόνον ἀπαρνούμενοι τὰς αἰτίας εἰς Ἀσπασίαν καὶ Περικλέα τρέπουσι, χρώμενοι τοῖς περιβοήτοις καὶ δημώδεσι τούτοις ἐκ τῶν Ἀχαρνέων στιχιδίοις· 32.1. περὶ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἀσπασία δίκην ἔφευγεν ἀσεβείας, Ἑρμίππου τοῦ κωμῳδοποιοῦ διώκοντος καὶ προσκατηγοροῦντος ὡς Περικλεῖ γυναῖκας ἐλευθέρας εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτώσας ὑποδέχοιτο. καὶ ψήφισμα Διοπείθης ἔγραψεν εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἢ λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας, ἀπερειδόμενος εἰς Περικλέα διʼ Ἀναξαγόρου τὴν ὑπόνοιαν. 33.6. καίτοι πολλοὶ μὲν αὐτοῦ τῶν φίλων δεόμενοι προσέκειντο, πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπειλοῦντες καὶ κατηγοροῦντες, χοροὶ χοροὶ Fuhr and Blass, with F a S: πολλοί . δʼ ᾖδον ᾄσματα καὶ σκώμματα πρὸς αἰσχύνην, ἐφυβρίζοντες αὐτοῦ τὴν στρατηγίαν ὡς ἄνανδρον καὶ προϊεμένην τὰ πράγματα τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἐπεφύετο δὲ καὶ Κλέων ἤδη, διὰ τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ὀργῇς τῶν πολιτῶν πορευόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν δημαγωγίαν, 37.5. ὄντος οὖν δεινοῦ τὸν κατὰ τοσούτων ἰσχύσαντα νόμον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ πάλιν λυθῆναι τοῦ γράψαντος, ἡ παροῦσα δυστυχία τῷ Περικλεῖ περὶ τὸν οἶκον, ὡς δίκην τινὰ δεδωκότι τῆς ὑπεροψίας καὶ τῆς μεγαλαυχίας ἐκείνης, ἐπέκλασε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ δόξαντες αὐτὸν νεμεσητά τε παθεῖν ἀνθρωπίνων ἀνθρωπίνων Fuhr and Blass, with F a S: ἀνθρωπίνως . τε δεῖσθαι συνεχώρησαν ἀπογράψασθαι τὸν νόθον εἰς τοὺς φράτορας, ὄνομα θέμενον τὸ αὑτοῦ. καὶ τοῦτον μὲν ὕστερον ἐν Ἀργινούσαις καταναυμαχήσαντα Πελοποννησίους ἀπέκτεινεν ὁ δῆμος μετὰ τῶν συστρατήγων. 38.4. ταῦτα, ὡς οὐκέτι συνιέντος, ἀλλὰ καθῃρημένου τὴν αἴσθησιν αὐτοῦ, διελέγοντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους· ὁ δὲ πᾶσιν ἐτύγχανε τὸν νοῦν προσεσχηκώς, καὶ φθεγξάμενος εἰς μέσον ἔφη θαυμάζειν ὅτι ταῦτα μὲν ἐπαινοῦσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ μνημονεύουσιν, ἃ καὶ πρὸς τύχην ἐστὶ κοινὰ καὶ γέγονεν ἤδη πολλοῖς στρατηγοῖς, τὸ δὲ κάλλιστον καὶ μέγιστον οὐ λέγουσιν. οὐδεὶς γάρ, ἔφη, διʼ ἐμὲ τῶν ὄντων Ἀθηναίων μέλαν ἱμάτιον περιεβάλετο. 39.1. θαυμαστὸς οὖν ὁ ἀνὴρ οὐ μόνον τῆς ἐπιεικείας καὶ πρᾳότητος, ἣν ἐν πράγμασι πολλοῖς καὶ μεγάλαις ἀπεχθείαις διετήρησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ φρονήματος, εἰ τῶν αὑτοῦ καλῶν ἡγεῖτο βέλτιστον εἶναι τὸ μήτε φθόνῳ μήτε θυμῷ χαρίσασθαι μηδὲν ἀπὸ τηλικαύτης δυνάμεως, μηδὲ χρήσασθαί τινι τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὡς ἀνηκέστῳ. 39.2. καί μοι δοκεῖ τὴν μειρακιώδη καὶ σοβαρὰν ἐκείνην προσωνυμίαν ἓν τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἀνεπίφθονον καὶ πρέπουσαν, οὕτως εὐμενὲς ἦθος καὶ βίον ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ καθαρὸν καὶ ἀμίαντον Ὀλύμπιον προσαγορεύεσθαι, καθάπερ τὸ τῶν θεῶν γένος ἀξιοῦμεν αἴτιον μὲν ἀγαθῶν, ἀναίτιον δὲ κακῶν πεφυκὸς ἄρχειν καὶ βασιλεύειν τῶν ὄντων, οὐχ ὥσπερ οἱ ποιηταὶ συνταράττοντες ἡμᾶς ἀμαθεστάταις δόξαις ἁλίσκονται τοῖς αὑτῶν μυθεύμασι, μυθεύμασι Fuhr and Blass with S ( μηθεύμασι F a ): ποιήμασι . 3.3. So the comic poet Cratinus, in his Cheirons, says: Faction and Saturn, that ancient of days, were united in wedlock; their offspring was of all tyrants the greatest, and lo! he is called by the gods the head-compeller. Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 86. And again in his Nemesis : Come, Zeus! of guests and heads the Lord! Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 49. 6.2. A story is told that once on a time the head of a one-horned ram was brought to Pericles from his country-place, and that Lampon the seer, when he saw how the horn grew strong and solid from the middle of the forehead, declared that, whereas there were two powerful parties in the city, that of Thucydides and that of Pericles, the mastery would finally devolve upon one man,—the man to whom this sign had been given. Anaxagoras, however, had the skull cut in two, and showed that the brain had not filled out its position, but had drawn together to a point, like an egg, at that particular spot in the entire cavity where the root of the horn began. 7.1. As a young man, Pericles was exceedingly reluctant to face the people, since it was thought that in feature he was like the tyrant Peisistratus; and when men well on in years remarked also that his voice was sweet, and his tongue glib and speedy in discourse, they were struck with amazement at the resemblance. Besides, since he was rich, of brilliant lineage, and had friends of the greatest influence, he feared that he might be ostracized, and so at first had naught to do with politics, but devoted himself rather to a military career, where he was brave and enterprising. 9.2. In the beginning, as has been said, pitted as he was against the reputation of Cimon, he tried to ingratiate himself with the people. And since he was the inferior in wealth and property, by means of which Cimon would win over the poor,—furnishing a dinner every day to any Athenian who wanted it, bestowing raiment on the elderly men, and removing the fences from his estates that whosoever wished might pluck the fruit,—Pericles, outdone in popular arts of this sort, had recourse to the distribution of the people’s own wealth. This was on the advice of Damonides, of the deme Oa, as Aristotle has stated. Aristot. Const. Ath. 27.4 . 9.3. And soon, what with festival-grants and jurors’ wages and other fees and largesses, he bribed the multitude by the wholesale, and used them in opposition to the Council of the Areiopagus. of this body he himself was not a member, since the lot had not made him either First Archon, or Archon Thesmothete, or King Archon, or Archon Polemarch. These offices were in ancient times filled by lot, and through them those who properly acquitted themselves were promoted into the Areiopagus. 15.1. Thus, then, seeing that political differences were entirely remitted and the city had become a smooth surface, as it were, and altogether united, he brought under his own control Athens and all the issues dependent on the Athenians,—tributes, armies, triremes, the islands, the sea, the vast power derived from Hellenes, vast also from Barbarians, and a supremacy that was securely hedged about with subject nations, royal friendships, and dynastic alliances. 15.2. But then he was no longer the same man as before, nor alike submissive to the people and ready to yield and give in to the desires of the multitude as a steersman to the breezes. Nay rather, forsaking his former lax and sometimes rather effeminate management of the people, as it were a flowery and soft melody, he struck the high and clear note of an aristocratic and kingly statesmanship, and employing it for the best interests of all in a direct and undeviating fashion, 16.1. of his power there can be no doubt, since Thucydides gives so clear an exposition of it, and the comic poets unwittingly reveal it even in their malicious gibes, calling him and his associates new Peisistratidae, and urging him to take solemn oath not to make himself a tyrant, on the plea, forsooth, that his preeminence was incommensurate with a democracy and too oppressive. 17.1. When the Lacedaemonians began to be annoyed by the increasing power of the Athenians, Pericles, by way of inciting the people to cherish yet loftier thoughts and to deem it worthy of great achievements, introduced a bill to the effect that all Hellenes wheresoever resident in Europe or in Asia, small and large cities alike, should be invited to send deputies to a council at Athens. This was to deliberate concerning the Hellenic sanctuaries which the Barbarians had burned down, concerning the sacrifices which were due to the gods in the name of Hellas in fulfillment of vows made when they were fighting with the Barbarians, and concerning the sea, that all might sail it fearlessly and keep the peace. 17.3. while the rest proceeded through Euboea to the Oetaeans and the Maliac Gulf and the Phthiotic Achaeans and the Thessalians, urging them all to come and take part in the deliberations for the peace and common welfare of Hellas. But nothing was accomplished , nor did the cities come together by deputy, owing to the opposition of the Lacedaemonians, as it is said, since the effort met with its first check in Peloponnesus. I have cited this incident, however, to show forth the man’s disposition and the greatness of his thoughts. 18.3. This saying brought him only moderate repute at the time; but a few days afterwards, when word was brought that Tolmides himself was dead after defeat in battle near Coroneia, 447 B.C. and that many brave citizens were dead likewise, then it brought Pericles great repute as well as goodwill, for that he was a man of discretion and patriotism. 21.1. But Pericles was ever trying to restrain this extravagance of theirs, to lop off their expansive meddlesomeness, and to divert the greatest part of their forces to the guarding and securing of what they had already won. He considered it a great achievement to hold the Lacedaemonians in check, and set himself in opposition to these in every way, as he showed, above all other things, by what he did in the Sacred War. About 448 B.C. 29.1. After this, when the billows of the Peloponnesian War were already rising and swelling, he persuaded the people to send aid and succour to the Corcyraeans 433 B.C. in their war with the Corinthians, and so to attach to themselves an island with a vigorous naval power at a time when the Peloponnesians were as good as actually at war with them. 30.2. He must have secretly cherished, then, as it seems, some private grudge against the Megarians; but by way of public and open charge he accused them of appropriating to their own profane uses the sacred territory of Eleusis, and proposed a decree that a herald be sent to them, the same to go also to the Lacedaemonians with a denunciation of the Megarians. 30.4. But the Megarians denied the murder of Anthemocritus, and threw the blame for Athenian hate on Aspasia and Pericles, appealing to those far-famed and hackneyed versicles of the Acharnians :— Simaetha, harlot, one of Megara’s womankind, Was stolen by gilded youths more drunk than otherwise; And so the Megarians, pangs of wrath all reeking hot, Paid back the theft and raped of Aspasia’s harlots two. Verses 524 ff. 32.1. About this time also Aspasia was put on trial for impiety, Hermippus the comic poet being her prosecutor, who alleged further against her that she received free-born women into a place of assignation for Pericles. And Diopeithes brought in a bill providing for the public impeachment of such as did not believe in gods, or who taught doctrines regarding the heavens, directing suspicion against Pericles by means of Anaxagoras. 33.6. And yet many of his friends beset him with entreaties, and many of his enemies with threats and denunciations, and choruses sang songs of scurrilous mockery, railing at his generalship for its cowardice, and its abandonment of everything to the enemy. Cleon, too, was already harassing him, taking advantage of the wrath with which the citizens regarded him to make his own way toward the leadership of the people, 37.5. It was, accordingly, a grave matter, that the law which had been rigorously enforced against so many should now be suspended by the very man who had introduced it, and yet the calamities which Pericles was then suffering in his family life, regarded as a kind of penalty which he had paid for his arrogance and haughtiness of old, broke down the objections of the Athenians. They thought that what he suffered was by way of retribution, and that what he asked became a man to ask and men to grant, and so they suffered him to enroll his illegitimate son in the phratry-lists and to give him his own name. This was the son who afterwards conquered the Peloponnesians in a naval battle at the Arginusae islands, 406 B.C. and was put to death by the people along with his fellow-generals. 38.4. This discourse they were holding with one another, supposing that he no longer understood them but had lost consciousness. He had been attending to it all, however, and speaking out among them said he was amazed at their praising and commemorating that in him which was due as much to fortune as to himself, and which had fallen to the lot of many generals besides, instead of mentioning his fairest and greatest title to their admiration; for, said he, no living Athenian ever put on mourning because of me. 39.1. So, then, the man is to be admired not only for his reasonableness and the gentleness which he maintained in the midst of many responsibilities and great enmities, but also for his loftiness of spirit, seeing that he regarded it as the noblest of all his titles to honor that he had never gratified his envy or his passion in the exercise of his vast power, nor treated any one of his foes as a foe incurable. 39.2. And it seems to me that his otherwise puerile and pompous surname is rendered unobjectionable and becoming by this one circumstance, that it was so gracious a nature and a life so pure and undefiled in the exercise of sovereign power which were called Olympian, inasmuch as we do firmly hold that the divine rulers and kings of the universe are capable only of good, and incapable of evil. In this we are not like the poets, who confuse us with their ignorant fancies, and are convicted of inconsistency by their own stories,
155. Plutarch, Phocion, 1.1, 4.2, 8.1-8.3, 34.1-34.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 412; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 115, 172, 174
1.1. Δημάδης ὁ ῥήτωρ ἰσχύων μὲν ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις διὰ τὸ πρὸς χάριν πολιτεύεσθαι Μακεδόνων καὶ Ἀντιπάτρου, πολλὰ δὲ γράφειν καὶ λέγειν ἀναγκαζόμενος παρὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὸ ἦθος, ἔλεγε συγγνώμης ἄξιος εἶναι πολιτευόμενος τὰ ναυάγια τῆς πόλεως, τοῦτο δὲ εἰ καὶ τῷ ῥήτορι θρασύτερον εἴρηται, δόξειεν ἂν ἀληθὲς εἶναι μετενεχθὲν ἐπὶ τὴν Φωκίωνος πολιτείαν. 4.2. Φωκίωνα γὰρ οὔτε γελάσαντά τις οὔτε κλαύσαντα ῥᾳδίως Ἀθηναίων εἶδεν, οὐδʼ ἐν βαλανείῳ δημοσιεύοντι λουσάμενον, ὡς ἱστόρηκε Δοῦρις, οὐδὲ ἐκτὸς ἔχοντα τὴν χεῖρα τῆς περιβολῆς, ὅτε τύχοι περιβεβλημένος, ἐπεὶ κατά γε τὴν χώραν καὶ τὰς στρατείας ἀνυπόδητος ἀεὶ καὶ γυμνὸς ἐβάδιζεν, εἰ μὴ ψῦχος ὑπερβάλλον εἴη καὶ δυσκαρτέρητον, ὥστε καὶ παίζοντας ἤδη τοὺς στρατευομένους σύμβολον μεγάλου ποιεῖσθαι χειμῶνος ἐνδεδυμένον Φωκίωνα. 8.1. οὕτω δὲ συντάξας ἑαυτόν ἐπολιτεύετο μὲν ἀεὶ πρὸς εἰρήνην καὶ ἡσυχίαν, ἐστρατήγησε δὲ πλείστας οὐ μόνον τῶν καθʼ ἑαυτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ στρατηγίας, οὐ παραγγέλλων οὐδὲ μετιών, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ φεύγων οὐδὲ ἀποδιδράσκων τῆς πόλεως καλούσης, ὁμολογεῖται γὰρ ὅτι πέντε καὶ τεσσαράκοντα στρατηγίας ἔλαβεν οὐδʼ ἅπαξ ἀρχαιρεσίοις παρατυχών, ἀλλʼ ἀπόντα μεταπεμπομένων αὐτὸν ἀεὶ καὶ χειροτονούντων, 8.2. ὥστε θαυμάζειν τοὺς οὐκ εὖ φρονοῦντας τὸν δῆμον ὅτι, πλεῖστα τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἀντικρούοντος αὐτῷ καὶ μηδὲν εἰπόντος πώποτε μηδὲ πράξαντος πρὸς χάριν, ὥσπερ ἀξιοῦσι τοὺς βασιλεῖς τοῖς κόλαξι χρῆσθαι μετὰ τὸ κατὰ χειρὸς ὕδωρ, ἐχρῆτο οὗτος τοῖς μὲν κομψοτέροις; καὶ ἱλαροῖς ἐν παιδιᾶς μέρει δημαγωγοῖς, ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀεὶ νήφων καὶ σπουδάζων τὸν αὐστηρότατον καὶ φρονιμώτατον ἐκάλει τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ μόνον ἢ μᾶλλον ταῖς βουλήσεσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁρμαῖς ἀντιτασσόμενον. 8.3. χρησμοῦ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ Δελφῶν ἀναγνωσθέντος ὅτι, τῶν ἄλλων Ἀθηναίων ὁμοφρονούντων, εἷς ἀνὴρ ἐναντία φρονοίη τῇ πόλει, παρελθὼν ὁ Φωκίων ἀμελεῖν ἐκέλευσεν, ὡς αὐτὸς ὢν ὁ ζητούμενος· μόνῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἀρέσκειν τῶν πραττομένων. ἐπεὶ δὲ λέγων ποτὲ γνώμην πρὸς τὸν δῆμον εὐδοκίμει καὶ πάντας ὁμαλῶς ἑώρα τὸν λόγον ἀποδεχομένους, ἐπιστραφεὶς πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἶπεν· οὐ δή πού τι κακὸν λέγων ἐμαυτὸν λέληθα; 34.1. τὸν δὲ Φωκίωνα καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ φυλακῆς περιεχούσης, ὅσοι τῶν ἑταίρων ἔτυχον οὐκ ἐγγὺς ἑστῶτες, ὡς τοῦτο εἶδον, ἐγκαλυψάμενοι καὶ διαφυγόντες ἐσώθησαν. ἐκείνους δὲ Κλεῖτος εἷς Ἀθήνας ἀνῆγε λόγῳ μὲν κριθησομένους, ἔργῳ δὲ ἀποθανεῖν κατακεκριμένους. 34.2. καὶ προσῆν τὸ σχῆμα τῇ κομιδῇ λυπηρόν, ἐφʼ ἁμάξαις κομιζομένων αὐτῶν διὰ τοῦ Κεραμεικοῦ πρὸς τὸ θέατρον· ἐκεῖ γὰρ αὐτοὺς προσαγαγὼν ὁ Κλεῖτος συνεῖχεν, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐπλήρωσαν οἱ ἄρχοντες, οὐ δοῦλον, οὐ ξένον, οὐκ ἄτιμον ἀποκρίναντες, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι καὶ πάσαις ἀναπεπταμένον τὸ βῆμα καὶ τὸ θέατρον παρασχόντες. 34.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἥ τʼ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεγνώσθη, λέγοντος αὐτῷ μὲν ἐγνῶσθαι προδότας γεγονέναι τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἐκείνοις δὲ διδόναι τὴν κρίσιν ἐλευθέροις τε δὴ καὶ αὐτονόμοις οὖσι, καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὁ Κλεῖτος εἰσήγαγεν, οἱ μὲν βέλτιστοι τῶν πολιτῶν ὀφθέντος τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐνεκαλύψαντο καὶ κάτω κύψαντες ἐδάκρυον, εἷς δὲ ἀναστὰς ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν ὅτι, τηλικαύτην κρίσιν ἐγκεχειρικότος τῷ δήμῳ τοῦ βασιλέως, καλῶς ἔχει τοὺς δούλους καὶ τοὺς ξένους ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. 34.4. οὐκ ἀνασχομένων δὲ τῶν πολλῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀνακραγόντων βάλλειν τοὺς ὀλιγαρχικοὺς καὶ μισοδήμους, ἄλλος μὲν οὐδεὶς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐπεχείρησεν εἰπεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις ἐξακουσθείς, πότερον, εἶπεν, ἀδίκως ἢ δικαίως ἀποκτεῖναι βούλεσθε ἡμᾶς; ἀποκριναμένων δέ τινων ὅτι δικαίως, καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη, πῶς γνώσεσθε μὴ ἀκούσαντες; 34.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐθὲν μᾶλλον ἤκουον, ἐγγυτέρω προσελθών, ἐγὼ μὲν, εἶπεν, ἀδικεῖν ὁμολογῶ, καὶ θανάτου τιμῶμαι τὰ πεπολιτευμένα ἐμαυτῷ· τούτους δέ, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, διὰ τί ἀποκτενεῖτε μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας; ἀποκριναμένων δὲ πολλῶν, ὅτι σοὶ φίλοι εἰσίν, ὁ μὲν Φωκίων ἀποστὰς ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ὁ δὲ Ἁγνωνίδης ψήφισμα γεγραμμένον ἔχων ἀνέγνω, καθʼ ὃ τὸν δῆμον ἔδει χειροτονεῖν περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν εἰ δοκοῦσιν ἀδικεῖν, τοὺς δὲ ἄνδρας, ἂν καταχειροτονηθῶσιν, ἀποθνῄσκειν. 1.1. 4.2. 8.1. 8.2. 8.3. 34.1. 34.2. 34.3. 34.4. 34.5.
156. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 14.2, 20.4-20.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 115
14.2. Δημοσθένης δʼ οὐκ ὢν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀξιόπιστος, ὥς φησιν ὁ Δημήτριος, οὐδὲ πρὸς τὸ λαμβάνειν παντάπασιν ἀπωχυρωμένος, ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν παρὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Μακεδονίας ἀνάλωτος ὤν, τῷ δʼ ἄνωθεν ἐκ Σούσων καὶ Ἐκβατάνων ἐπιβατὸς χρυσίῳ γεγονὼς καὶ κατακεκλυσμένος, ἐπαινέσαι μὲν ἱκανώτατος ἦν τὰ τῶν προγόνων καλά, μιμήσασθαι δὲ οὐχ ὅμοίως. ἐπεὶ τούς γε καθʼ αὑτὸν ῥήτορας ἔξω δὲ λόγου τίθεμαι Φωκίωνα καὶ τῷ βίῳ παρῆλθε. 20.4. διῖκτο δʼ ἡ δόξα μέχρι τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως· κἀκεῖνος ἔπεμψε τοῖς σατράπαις ἐπὶ θάλασσαν γράμματα, χρήματα Δημοσθένει διδόναι κελεύων, καὶ προσέχειν ἐκείνῳ μάλιστα τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὡς περισπάσαι δυναμένῳ καὶ κατασχεῖν ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς ταραχαῖς τὸν Μακεδόνα. 20.5. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ἐφώρασεν Ἀλέξανδρος, ἐν Σάρδεσιν ἐπιστολάς τινας ἀνευρὼν τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ γράμματα τῶν βασιλέως στρατηγῶν, δηλοῦντα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν δοθέντων αὐτῷ χρημάτων. 14.2. 20.4. 20.5.
157. Plutarch, Pompey, 53.5, 61.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 265
53.5. αὐτῶν δὲ ἐκείνων μεῖζον ἐδόκει μέρος ἀπόντι Καίσαρι νέμειν ὁ δῆμος ἢ Πομπηΐῳ παρόντι τῆς τιμῆς, εὐθὺς γὰρ ἐκύμαινεν ἡ πόλις, καὶ πάντα τὰ πράγματα σάλον εἶχε καὶ λόγους διαστατικούς, ὡς ἡ πρότερον παρακαλύπτουσα μᾶλλον ἢ κατείργουσα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν φιλαρχίαν οἰκειότης ἀνῄρηται. 61.2. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔξωθεν φερόμενοι φυγῇ πανταχόθεν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐνέπιπτον, οἱ δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην οἰκοῦντες ἐξέπιπτον αὐτοὶ καὶ ἀπέλειπον τὴν πόλιν, ἐν χειμῶνι καὶ ταράχῳ τοσούτῳ τὸ μὲν χρήσιμον ἀσθενὲς ἔχουσαν, τὸ δὲ ἀπειθὲς ἰσχυρὸν καὶ δυσμεταχείριστον τοῖς ἄρχουσιν. οὐ γὰρ ἦν παῦσαι τὸν φόβον, οὐδὲ εἴασέ τις χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ λογισμοῖς Πομπήϊον, ἀλλʼ ᾧ τις ἐνετύγχανε πάθει, φοβηθεὶς ἢ λυπηθεὶς ἢ διαπορήσας, τούτῳ φέρων ἐκεῖνον ἀνεπίμπλη· 53.5. 61.2.
158. Plutarch, Solon, 23.3, 24.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55
23.3. εἰς μέν γε τὰ τιμήματα τῶν θυσιῶν λογίζεται πρόβατον καὶ δραχμὴν ἀντὶ μεδίμνου· τῷ δʼ Ἴσθμια νικήσαντι δραχμὰς ἔταξεν ἑκατὸν δίδοσθαι, τῷ δʼ Ὀλύμπια πεντακοσίας· λύκον δὲ τῷ κομίσαντι πέντε δραχμὰς ἔδωκε, λυκιδέα δὲ μίαν, ὧν φησιν ὁ Φαληρεὺς Δημήτριος τὸ μὲν βοὸς εἶναι, τὸ δὲ προβάτου τιμήν. ἃς γὰρ ἐν τῷ ἑκκαιδεκάτῳ τῶν ἀξόνων ὁρίζει τιμὰς τῶν ἐκκρίτων ἱερείων, εἰκὸς μὲν εἶναι πολλαπλασίας, ἄλλως δὲ κἀκεῖναι πρὸς τὰς νῦν εὐτελεῖς εἰσιν. 24.3. ἴδιον δὲ τοῦ Σόλωνος καὶ τὸ περὶ τῆς ἐν δημοσίῳ σιτήσεως, ὅπερ αὐτὸς παρασιτεῖν κέκληκε. τὸν γὰρ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐᾷ σιτεῖσθαι πολλάκις, ἐὰν δὲ ᾧ καθήκει μὴ βούληται, κολάζει, τὸ μὲν ἡγούμενος πλεονεξίαν, τὸ δʼ ὑπεροψίαν τῶν κοινῶν. 23.3. In the valuations of sacrificial offerings, at any rate, a sheep and a bushel of grain are reckoned at a drachma; the victor in the Isthmian games was to be paid a hundred drachmas, and the Olympic victor five hundred; the man who brought in a wolf, was given five drachmas, and for a wolf’s whelp, one; the former sum, according to Demetrius the Phalerian, was the price of an ox, the latter that of a sheep. For although the prices which Solon fixes in his sixteenth table are for choice victims, and naturally many times as great as those for ordinary ones, still, even these are low in comparison with present prices. 24.3. Characteristic of Solon also was his regulation of the practice of eating at the public table in the townhall, for which his word was parasitein. Hence, with scornful meaning, the word parasite. The same person was not allowed to eat there often, but if one whose duty it was to eat there refused, he was punished. Solon thought the conduct of the first grasping; that of the second, contemptuous of the public interests.
159. Plutarch, Themistocles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 88; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 321
22.4. θάψας δὲ τὸν πατέρα, τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τὴν εὐχὴν ἀπεδίδου τῇ ἑβδόμῃ τοῦ Πυανεψιῶνος μηνὸς ἱσταμένου· ταύτῃ γὰρ ἀνέβησαν εἰς ἄστυ σωθέντες. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἕψησις τῶν ὀσπρίων λέγεται γίνεσθαι διὰ τὸ σωθέντας αὐτοὺς εἰς ταὐτὸ συμμῖξαι τὰ περιόντα τῶν σιτίων καὶ μίαν χύτραν κοινὴν ἑψήσαντας συνεστιαθῆναι καὶ συγκαταφαγεῖν ἀλλήλοις. 22.5. τὴν δὲ εἰρεσιώνην ἐκφέρουσι κλάδον ἐλαίας ἐρίῳ μὲν ἀνεστεμμένον, ὥσπερ τότε τὴν ἱκετηρίαν, παντοδαπῶν δὲ ἀνάπλεων καταργμάτων διὰ τὸ λῆξαι τὴν ἀφορίαν, ἐπᾴδοντες· εἰρεσιώνη σῦκα φέρει καὶ πίονας ἄρτους καὶ μέλι ἐν κοτύλῃ καὶ ἔλαιον ἀποψήσασθαι καὶ κύλικʼ εὔζωρον, ὡς ἂν μεθύουσα καθεύδῃ. καίτοι ταῦτά τινες ἐπὶ τοῖς Ἡρακλείδαις γίνεσθαι λέγουσιν, οὕτως διατρεφομένοις ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων· οἱ δὲ πλείονες ὡς προείρηται. 32.3. φράζει δὲ αὐτοῖς Ἀκάδημος ᾐσθημένος ᾧ δή τινι τρόπῳ τὴν ἐν Ἀφίδναις κρύψιν αὐτῆς. ὅθεν ἐκείνῳ τε τιμαὶ ζῶντι παρὰ τῶν Τυνδαριδῶν ἐγένοντο, καὶ πολλάκις ὕστερον εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐμβαλόντες Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ τὴν χώραν τέμνοντες, τῆς Ἀκαδημείας ἀπείχοντο διὰ τὸν Ἀκάδημον.
160. Plutarch, Theseus, 1.3-1.5, 3.1, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 169; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 90, 282
1.3. εἴη μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν ἐκκαθαιρόμενον λόγῳ τὸ μυθῶδες ὑπακοῦσαι καὶ λαβεῖν ἱστορίας ὄψιν, ὅπου δʼ ἂν αὐθαδῶς τοῦ πιθανοῦ περιφρονῇ καὶ μὴ δέχηται τὴν πρὸς τὸ εἰκὸς μῖξιν, εὐγνωμόνων ἀκροατῶν δεησόμεθα καὶ πρᾴως τὴν ἀρχαιολογίαν προσδεχομένων. 3.1. Θησέως τὸ μὲν πατρῷον γένος εἰς Ἐρεχθέα καὶ τοὺς πρώτους αὐτόχθονας ἀνήκει, τῷ δὲ μητρῴῳ Πελοπίδης ἦν. Πέλοψ γὰρ οὐ χρημάτων πλήθει μᾶλλον ἢ παίδων μέγιστον ἴσχυσε τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ βασιλέων, πολλὰς μὲν ἐκδόμενος θυγατέρας τοῖς ἀρίστοις, πολλοὺς δὲ ταῖς πόλεσιν υἱοὺς ἐγκατασπείρας ἄρχοντας· ὧν εἷς γενόμενος Πιτθεύς, ὁ Θησέως πάππος, πόλιν μὲν οὐ μεγάλην τὴν Τροιζηνίων ᾤκισε, δόξαν δὲ μάλιστα πάντων ὡς ἀνὴρ λόγιος ἐν τοῖς τότε καὶ σοφώτατος ἔσχεν. 18.1. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ κλήρου παραλαβὼν τοὺς λαχόντας ὁ Θησεὺς ἐκ τοῦ πρυτανείου, καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς Δελφίνιον, ἔθηκεν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τὴν ἱκετηρίαν. ἦν δὲ κλάδος ἀπὸ τῆς ἱερᾶς ἐλαίας, ἐρίῳ λευκῷ κατεστεμμένος. εὐξάμενος δὲ κατέβαινεν ἕκτῃ μηνὸς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἱσταμένου Μουνυχιῶνος, ᾗ καὶ νῦν ἔτι τὰς κόρας πέμπουσιν ἱλασομένας εἰς Δελφίνιον.
161. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, 22.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 234
162. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 2.37 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 334
163. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 2.3.1-2.3.8 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 83, 331
2.3.1. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς ἐς Γόρδιον παρῆλθε, πόθος λαμβάνει αὐτὸν ἀνελθόντα ἐς τὴν ἄκραν, ἵνα καὶ τὰ βασίλεια ἦν τὰ Γορδίου καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ Μίδου, τὴν ἅμαξαν ἰδεῖν τὴν Γορδίου καὶ τοῦ ζυγοῦ τῆς ἁμάξης τὸν δεσμόν. 2.3.2. λόγος δὲ περὶ τῆς ἀμάξης ἐκείνης παρὰ τοῖς προσχώροις πολὺς κατεῖχε, Γόρδιον εἶναι τῶν πάλαι Φρυγῶν ἄνδρα πένητα καὶ ὀλίγην εἶναι αὐτῷ γῆν ἐργάζεσθαι καὶ ζεύγη βοῶν δύο· καὶ τῷ μὲν ἀροτριᾶν, τῶ δὲ ἁμαξεύειν τὸν Γόρδιον. 2.3.3. καί ποτε ἀροῦντος αὐτοῦ ἐπιστῆναι ἐπὶ τὸν ζυγὸν ἀετὸν καὶ ἐπιμεῖναι ἔστε ἐπὶ βουλυτὸν καθήμενον· τὸν δὲ ἐκπλαγέντα τῇ ὄψει ἰέναι κοινώσοντα ὑπὲρ τοῦ θείου παρὰ τοὺς Τελμισσέας τοὺς μάντεις· εἶναι γὰρ τοὺς Τελμισσέας σοφοὺς τὰ θεῖα ἐξηγεῖσθαι καὶ σφισιν ἀπὸ γένους δεδόσθαι αὐτοῖς καὶ γυναιξὶν καὶ παισὶ τὴν μαντείαν. 2.3.4. προσάγοντα δὲ κώμῃ τινὶ τῶν Τελμισσέων ἐντυχεῖν παρθένῳ ὑδρευομένῃ καὶ πρὸς ταύτην εἰπεῖν ὅπως οἱ τὸ τοῦ ἀετοῦ ἔσχε· τὴν δέ, εἶναι γὰρ καὶ αὐτὴν τοῦ μαντικοῦ γένους, θύειν κελεῦσαι τῷ Διὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἐπανελθόντα ἐς τὸν τόπον αὐτόν. καὶ, δεηθῆναι γὰρ αὐτῆς Γόρδιον τὴν θυσίαν ξυνεπισπομένην οἱ αὐτὴν ἐξηγήσασθαι, θῦσαί τε ὅπως ἐκείνη ὑπετίθετο τὸν Γόρδιον καὶ ξυγγενέσθαι ἐπὶ γάμῳ τῇ παιδὶ καὶ γενέσθαι αὐτοῖν παῖδα Μίδαν ὄνομα. 2.3.5. ἤδη τε ἄνδρα εἶναι τὸν Μίδαν καλὸν καὶ γενναῖον καὶ ἐν τούτῳ στάσει πιέζεσθαι ἐν σφίσι τοὺς Φρύγας, καὶ γενέσθαι αὐτοῖς χρησμὸν, ὅτι ἅμαξα ἄξει αὐτοῖς βασιλέα καὶ ὅτι οὗτος αὐτοῖς καταπαύσει τὴν στάσιν. ἔτι δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν τούτων βουλευομένοις ἐλθεῖν τὸν Μίδαν ὁμοῦ τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τῇ μητρὶ καὶ ἐπιστῆναι τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ αὐτῇ ἁμάξῃ. 2.3.6. τοὺς δὲ ξυμβαλόντας τὸ μαντεῖον τοῦτον ἐκεῖνον γνῶναι ὄντα, ὅντινα ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς ἔφραζεν, ὅτι ἄξει ἡ ἅμαξα· καὶ καταστῆσαι μὲν αὐτοὺς βασιλέα τὸν Μίδαν, Μίδαν δὲ αὐτοῖς τὴν στάσιν καταπαῦσαι, καὶ τὴν ἅμαξαν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ ἀναθεῖναι χαριστήρια τῷ Διὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀετοῦ τῇ πομπῇ. πρὸς δὲ δὴ τούτοις καὶ τόδε περὶ τῆς ἁμάξης ἐμυθεύετο, ὅστις λύσειε τοῦ ζυγοῦ τῆς ἁμάξης τὸν δεσμόν, τοῦτον χρῆναι ἄρξαι τῆς Ἀσίας. 2.3.7. ἦν δὲ ὁ δεσμὸς ἐκ φλοιοῦ κρανίας καὶ τούτου οὔτε τέλος οὔτε ἀρχὴ ἐφαίνετο. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς ἀπόρως μὲν εἶχεν ἐξευρεῖν λύσιν τοῦ δεσμοῦ, ἄλυτον δὲ περιιδεῖν οὐκ ἤθελε, μή τινα καὶ τοῦτο ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς κίνησιν ἐργάσηται, οἱ μὲν λέγουσιν, ὅτι παίσας τῷ ξίφει διέκοψε τὸν δεσμὸν καὶ λελύσθαι ἔφη· Ἀριστόβουλος Aristob fr. 4 δὲ λέγει ἐξελόντα τὸν ἕστορα τοῦ ῥυμοῦ, ὃς ἦν τύλος διαβεβλημένος διὰ τοῦ ῥυμοῦ διαμπάξ, ξυνέχων τὸν δεσμόν, ἐξελκύσαι ἔξω τοῦ ῥυμοῦ τὸ ν ζυγόν. 2.3.8. ὅπως μὲν δὴ ἐπράχθη τὰ ἀμφὶ τῷ δεσμῷ τούτῳ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ οὐκ ἔχω ἰσχυρίσασθαι. ἀπηλλάγη δʼ οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς ἁμάξης αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν ὡς τοῦ λογίου τοῦ ἐπὶ τῇ λύσει τοῦ δεσμοῦ ξυμβεβηκότος. καὶ γὰρ καὶ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης βρονταί τε καὶ σέλας ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐπεσήμηναν· καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔθυε τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ Ἀλέξανδρος τοῖς φήνασι θεοῖς τά τε σημεῖα καὶ τοῦ δεσμοῦ τὴν λύσιν.
164. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 88
165. Plutarch, Demetrius, 23.5, 25.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 115
25.6. ἦν δὲ καὶ πάντων ἀπεχθέστατος ὁ Λυσίμαχος αὐτῷ, καὶ λοιδορῶν εἰς τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς Λαμίας ἔλεγε νῦν πρῶτον ἑωρακέναι πόρνην προερχομένην ἐκ τραγικῆς σκηνῆς· ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος ἔφη τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πόρνην σωφρονεστέραν εἶναι τῆς ἐκείνου Πηνελόπης. 25.6.
166. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 88
167. Plutarch, Aratus, 38.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 265
38.5. εἰ δὲ Κλεομένης ἦν, λεγέσθω γὰρ οὕτως, παράνομος καὶ τυραννικός, ἀλλʼ Ἡρακλεῖδαι πατέρες αὐτῷ καὶ Σπάρτη πατρίς, ἧς τὸν ἀφανέστατον ἄξιον ἀντὶ τοῦ πρώτου Μακεδόνων ἡγεμόνα ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς ἔν τινι λόγῳ τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν τιθεμένους εὐγένειαν. καίτοι Κλεομένης ᾔτει τὴν ἀρχὴν παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὡς πολλὰ ποιήσων ἀγαθὰ τὰς πόλεις ἀντὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τῆς προσηγορίας ἐκείνης, 38.5.
168. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 11.7-11.8, 18.1-18.2, 30.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 154; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 83, 322
18.1. μετὰ ταῦτα Πισιδῶν τε τοὺς ἀντιστάντας ᾕρει καί Φρυγίαν ἐχειροῦτο καί Γόρδιον πόλιν, ἑστίαν Μίδου τοῦ παλαιοῦ γενέσθαι λεγομένην, παραλαβών, τὴν θρυλουμένην ἅμαξαν εἶδε φλοιῷ κρανείας ἐνδεδεμένην, καί λόγον ἐπʼ αὐτῇ πιστευόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἤκουσεν, ὡς τῷ λύσαντι τὸν δεσμὸν εἵμαρται βασιλεῖ γενέσθαι τῆς οἰκουμένης. 18.2. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοί φασι, τῶν δεσμῶν τυφλὰς ἐχόντων τὰς ἀρχὰς καί διʼ ἀλλήλων πολλάκις σκολιοῖς ἑλιγμοῖς ὑποφερομένων, τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀμηχανοῦντα λῦσαι διατεμεῖν τῇ μαχαίρᾳ τὸ σύναμμα, καί πολλὰς ἐξ αὐτοῦ κοπέντος ἀρχὰς φανῆναι. Ἀριστόβουλος δὲ καί πάνυ λέγει ῥᾳδίαν αὐτῷ τὴν λύσιν γενέσθαι, ἐξελόντι τοῦ ῥυμοῦ τὸν ἕστορα καλούμενον, ᾧ συνείχετο τὸ ζυγόδεσμον, εἶθʼ οὕτως ὑφελκύσαντι τὸν ζυγόν. 30.2. ὡς δὲ πληξάμενος τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ ἀνακλαύσας φεῦ τοῦ Περσῶν ἔφη δαίμονος, εἰ τὴν βασιλέως γυναῖκα καὶ ἀδελφὴν οὐ μόνον αἰχμάλωτον γενέσθαι ζῶσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τελευτήσασαν ἄμοιρον κεῖσθαι ταφῆς βασιλικῆς ὑπολαβὼν ὁ θαλαμηπόλος, ἀλλὰ ταφῆς γε χάριν εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ τιμῆς ἁπάσης καὶ τοῦ πρέποντος οὐδὲν ἔχεις αἰτιάσασθαι τὸν πονηρὸν δαίμονα Περσῶν. 18.1. After this, he overpowered such of the Pisidians as had offered him resistance, and subdued Phrygia; and after he had taken the city of Gordium, Early in 333 B.C. reputed to have been the home of the ancient Midas, he saw the much-talked-of waggon bound fast to its yoke with bark of the cornel-tree, and heard a story confidently told about it by the Barbarians, to the effect that whosoever loosed the fastening was destined to become king of the whole world. 18.2. Well, then, most writers say that since the fastenings had their ends concealed, and were intertwined many times in crooked coils, Alexander was at a loss how to proceed, and finally loosened the knot by cutting it through with his sword, and that when it was thus smitten many ends were to be seen. But Aristobulus says that he undid it very easily, by simply taking out the so-called hestor, or pin, of the waggon-pole, by which the yoke-fastening was held together, and then drawing away the yoke. Cf. Arrian, Anab. ii. 3 . 30.2. Then the king, beating upon his head and bursting into lamentation, said: Alas for the evil genius of the Persians, if the sister and wife of their king must not only become a captive in her life, but also in her death be deprived of royal burial. Nay, O King, answered the chamberlain, as regards her burial, and her receiving every fitting honour, thou hast no charge to make against the evil genius of the Persians.
169. Plutarch, Dialogue On Love, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 323
170. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, 7.2, 25.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, athens and delian theoria in Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 88; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 110, 111
171. Plutarch, On The Malice of Herodotus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 24
172. Plutarch, Aristides, 7.2, 18.6-18.7, 25.1-25.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 188; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 88; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 110, 111; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 278
7.2. καὶ συνελθόντες εἰς ἄστυ πανταχόθεν ἐξοστρακίζουσι τὸν Ἀριστείδην, ὄνομα τῷ φθόνῳ τῆς δόξης φόβον τυραννίδος θέμενοι. μοχθηρίας γὰρ οὐκ ἦν κόλασις ὁ ἐξοστρακισμός, ἀλλʼ ἐκαλεῖτο μὲν διʼ εὐπρέπειαν ὄγκου καὶ δυνάμεως βαρυτέρας ταπείνωσις καὶ κόλουσις, ἦν δὲ φθόνου παραμυθία φιλάνθρωπος, εἰς ἀνήκεστον οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ εἰς μετάστασιν ἐτῶν δέκα τὴν πρὸς τὸ λυποῦν ἀπερειδομένου δυσμένειαν. 18.6. ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον εὐθὺς ἐνέδωκε καὶ ἀπεχώρησεν, ἅτε δὴ καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπηλλαγμένων, ἡ δὲ μάχη λέγεται μάλιστα κατὰ Θηβαίους γενέσθαι, προθυμότατα τῶν πρώτων καὶ δυνατωτάτων τότε παρʼ αὐτοῖς μηδιζόντων καὶ τὸ πλῆθος οὐ κατὰ γνώμην, ἀλλʼ ὀλιγαρχούμενον ἀγόντων. 25.1. ὁ δʼ Ἀριστείδης ὥρκισε μὲν τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ ὤμοσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μύδρους ἐμβαλὼν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀραῖς εἰς τὴν θάλατταν, ὕστερον δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρχειν ἐγκρατέστερον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐκβιαζομένων ἐκέλευε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὴν ἐπιορκίαν τρέψαντας εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἑαυτὸν Hercher and Blass with F a S: αὐτὸν . ᾗ συμφέρει χρῆσθαι τοῖς πράγμασι. 25.2. καθʼ ὅλου δʼ ὁ Θεόφραστός φησι τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον περὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ τοὺς πολίτας ἄκρως ὄντα δίκαιον ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς πολλὰ πρᾶξαι πρὸς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τῆς πατρίδος, ὡς συχνῆς καὶ ἀδικίας δεομένην. καὶ ἀδικίας δεομένην Blass, favoured by F a S: ἀδικίας δεομένης . καὶ γὰρ τὰ χρήματά φησιν ἐκ Δήλου βουλευομένων Ἀθήναζε κομίσαι παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας, καὶ καὶ bracketed by Sintenis 2 . Σαμίων εἰσηγουμένων, εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον, ὡς οὐ δίκαιον μέν, συμφέρον δὲ τοῦτʼ ἐστί. 7.2. 18.6. 25.1. 25.2.
173. Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 23.3-23.4, 27.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 322
23.3. ὡς οὖν ὑπώπτευσεν ἡ Παρύσατις, τὴν παῖδα μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἠσπάζετο, καὶ πρὸς τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην ἐπῄνει τό τε κάλλος αὐτῆς καὶ τὸ ἦθος, ὡς βασιλικῆς καὶ μεγαλοπρεποῦς. τέλος οὖν γῆμαι τὴν κόρην ἔπεισε καὶ γνησίαν ἀποδεῖξαι γυναῖκα, χαίρειν ἐάσαντα δόξας Ἑλλήνων καὶ νόμους, Πέρσαις δὲ νόμον αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ δικαιωτὴν αἰσχρῶν καὶ καλῶν ἀποδεδειγμένον. 23.4. ἔνιοι μέντοι λέγουσιν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Κυμαῖος, οὐ μίαν μόνον τῶν θυγατέρων, ἀλλὰ καὶ δευτέραν, Ἄμηστριν, γῆμαι τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην, περὶ ἧς ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν. τὴν δʼ Ἄτοσσαν οὕτως ἠγάπησεν ὁ πατὴρ συνοικοῦσαν ὥστε ἀλφοῦ κατανεμηθέντος αὐτῆς τὸ σῶμα δυσχερᾶναι μὲν ἐπὶ τούτῳ μηδʼ ὁτιοῦν, 27.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ ταύτην ἐρασθεὶς ἔγημεν, ὡς εἴρηται, παντάπασι δυσμενῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Τηρίβαζος ἔσχεν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως στάσιμος ὢν τὸ ἦθος, ἀλλʼ ἀνώμαλος καὶ παράφορος. διὸ καὶ νῦν μὲν εὐημερῶν ὅμοια τοῖς πρώτοις, νῦν δὲ προσκρούων καὶ σκορακιζόμενος οὐδεμίαν ἔφερεν ἐμμελῶς μεταβολήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμώμενος ἦν ἐπαχθὴς ὑπὸ χαυνότητος, καὶ τὸ κολουόμενον οὐ ταπεινὸν οὐδὲ ἡσυχαῖον, ἀλλὰ τραχὺ καὶ ἀγέρωχον εἶχε. 23.3. 23.4. 27.5.
174. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 28.5, 33.2, 34.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 265
28.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκεῖνος λόγῳ παραιτεῖσθαι καλλωπιζόμενος ἔργῳ παντὸς μᾶλλον ἐπέραινεν ἐξ ὧν ἀναδειχθήσοιτο δικτάτωρ, συμφρονήσαντες οἱ περὶ Κάτωνα πείθουσι τὴν γερουσίαν ὕπατον αὐτὸν ἀποδεῖξαι μόνον, ὡς μὴ βιάσαιτο δικτάτωρ γενέσθαι, νομιμωτέρᾳ μοναρχίᾳ παρηγορηθείς, οἱ δὲ καὶ χρόνον ἐπεψηφίσαντο τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν· δύο δὲ εἶχεν, Ἰβηρίαν καὶ Λιβύην σύμπασαν, ἃς διῴκει πρεσβευτὰς ἀποστέλλων καὶ στρατεύματα τρέφων, οἷς ἐλάμβανεν ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου ταμιείου χίλια τάλαντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν. 33.2. τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ῥευμάτων πιμπλαμένην φυγαῖς τῶν πέριξ δήμων καὶ μεταστάσεσιν, οὔτε ἄρχοντι πεῖσαι ῥᾳδίαν οὖσαν οὔτε λόγῳ καθεκτήν, ἐν πολλῷ κλύδωνι καὶ σάλῳ μικρὸν ἀπολιπεῖν αὐτὴν ὑφʼ αὑτῆς ἀνατετράφθαι. πάθη γὰρ ἀντίπαλα καὶ βίαια κατεῖχε κινήματα πάντα τόπον. 34.3. ἀλλὰ τούτῳ μὲν καί τὰ χρήματα καί τὰς ἀποσκευὰς ἀπέπεμψεν ὁ Καῖσαρ Δομετίῳ δὲ ἡγουμένῳ σπειρῶν τριάκοντα καί κατέχοντι Κορφίνιον ἐπελθὼν παρεστρατοπέδευσεν. ὁ δὲ ἀπογνοὺς τὰ καθʼ ἑαυτόν ᾔτησε τὸν ἰατρὸν οἰκέτην ὄντα φάρμακον καί λαβὼν τὸ δοθὲν ἔπιεν ὡς τεθνηξόμενος. 28.5. 33.2. 34.3.
175. Plutarch, Comparison of Fabius With Pericles, 3.1, 3.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 24; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 58
3.1. τῆς δὲ πολιτείας μέγα μὲν ἔγκλημα τοῦ Περικλέους ὁ πόλεμος, λέγεται γὰρ ἐπακτὸς ὑπʼ ἐκείνου γενέσθαι Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐρίσαντος μὴ ἐνδοῦναι. δοκῶ δὲ μηδʼ ἂν Φάβιον Μάξιμον ἐνδοῦναί τι Καρχηδονίοις, ἀλλʼ εὐγενῶς ὑποστῆναι τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας κίνδυνον. ἡ μέντοι πρὸς Μινούκιον ἐπιείκεια τοῦ Φαβίου καὶ πρᾳότης ἐλέγχει τὸν πρὸς Κίμωνα καὶ Θουκυδίδην στασιασμόν, ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς καὶἀριστοκρατικοὺς εἰς φυγὴν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὔστρακον ἐκπεσόντας. 3.3. Φάβιος δὲ τὸ καθʼ αὐτὸν ἀσφαλὴς ὢν καὶ ἀναμάρτητος τῷ πρὸς τὸ κωλύειν ἑτέρους ἀδυνάτῳ φαίνεται λειπόμενος. οὐ γὰρ ἂν τοσαύταις συμφοραῖς ἐχρήσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι Φαβίου παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὅσον Ἀθήνησι Περικλέους δυνηθέντος. καὶ μὴν τήν γε πρὸς χρήματα μεγαλοφροσύνην ὁ μὲν τῷ μηδὲν λαβεῖν παρὰ τῶν διδόντων, ὁ δὲ τῷ προέσθαι πολλὰ τοῖς δεομένοις ἐπεδείξατο, λυσάμενος τοῖς ἰδίοις χρήμασι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους. 3.1. As for their statesmanship, the Peloponnesian war was a ground of great complaint against Pericles. For it is said to have been brought on by his contention that no concession should be made to Sparta. I think, however, that not even Fabius Maximus would have made any concessions to Carthage, but would have nobly undergone the peril needful to maintain the Roman supremacy. Nevertheless, the courteous and gentle conduct of Fabius towards Minucius contrasts forcibly with the factious opposition of Pericles to Cimon and Thucydides, who were both good and true men and of the highest birth, and yet were subjected by him to ostracism and banishment. 3.3. Fabius, on the other hand, though sure and unerring in his own conduct of affairs, seems to have fallen short through his inability to restrain others. Surely the Romans would not have suffered so many disasters if Fabius had been as influential with them as Pericles was at Athens. And further, as regards their freedom from mercenary views, Pericles displayed it by never taking any gifts at all; Fabius by his liberality to the needy, when he ransomed at his own costs his captured soldiers.
176. Plutarch, Cimon, 2.3-2.5, 10.3-10.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 188; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55
2.3. εἰκόνα δὲ πολὺ καλλίονα νομίζοντες εἶναι τῆς τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀπομιμουμένης τὴν τὸ ἦθος καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐμφανίζουσαν, ἀναληψόμεθα τῇ γραφῇ τῶν παραλλήλων βίων τὰς πράξεις τοῦ ἀνδρός, τἀληθῆ διεξιόντες. ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ἡ τῆς μνήμης χάρις· ἀληθοῦς δὲ μαρτυρίας οὐδʼ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος ἠξίωσε μισθὸν λαβεῖν ψευδῆ καὶ πεπλασμένην ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διήγησιν. 2.4. ὥσπερ γὰρ τοὺς τὰ καλὰ καὶ πολλὴν ἔχοντα χάριν εἴδη ζῳγραφοῦντας, ἂν προσῇ τι μικρὸν αὐτοῖς δυσχερές, ἀξιοῦμεν μήτε παραλιπεῖν τοῦτο τελέως μήτε ἐξακριβοῦν· τὸ μὲν γὰρ αἰσχράν, τὸ δʼ ἀνομοίαν παρέχεται τὴν ὄψιν· οὕτως, ἐπεὶ χαλεπόν ἐστι, μᾶλλον δʼ ἴσως ἀμήχανον, ἀμεμφῆ καὶ καθαρὸν ἀνδρὸς ἐπιδεῖξαι βίον, ἐν τοῖς καλοῖς ἀναπληρωτέον ὥσπερ ὁμοιότητα τὴν ἀλήθειαν. 2.5. τὰς δʼ ἐκ πάθους τινὸς ἢ πολιτικῆς ἀνάγκης ἐπιτρεχούσας ταῖς πράξεσιν ἁμαρτίας καὶ κῆρας ἐλλείμματα μᾶλλον ἀρετῆς τινος ἢ κακίας πονηρεύματα νομίζοντας οὐ δεῖ πάνυ προθύμως ἐναποσημαίνειν τῇ ἱστορίᾳ καὶ περιττῶς, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ αἰδουμένους ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης φύσεως, εἰ καλὸν οὐδὲν εἰλικρινὲς οὐδʼ ἀναμφισβήτητον εἰς ἀρετὴν ἦθος γεγονὸς ἀποδίδωσιν. 10.3. οἱ δʼ αὐτοὶ καὶ νόμισμα κομίζοντες ἄφθονον παριστάμενοι τοῖς κομψοῖς τῶν πενήτων ἐν ἀγορᾷ σιωπῇ τῶν κερματίων ἐνέβαλλον εἰς τὰς χεῖρας. ὧν δὴ καὶ Κρατῖνος ὁ κωμικὸς ἐν Ἀρχιλόχοις ἔοικε μεμνῆσθαι διὰ τούτων· 10.4. 10.5. ἔτι τοίνυν Γοργίας μὲν ὁ Λεοντῖνός φησι τὸν Κίμωνα τὰ χρήματα κτᾶσθαι μὲν ὡς χρῷτο, χρῆσθαι δὲ ὡς τιμῷτο, Κριτίας δὲ τῶν τριάκοντα γενόμενος ἐν ταῖς ἐλεγείαις εὔχεται· 2.3. 2.4. 2.5. 10.3. 10.4. 10.5.
177. Plutarch, On The Fortune Or Virtue of Alexander The Great, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
178. Plutarch, On The Glory of The Athenians, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 24
345d. and Nicias's valiant deeds at Cythera and Megara and Corinth, Demosthenes' Pylos, and Cleon's four hundred captives, Tolmides' circumnavigation of the Peloponnesus, and Myronides' victory over the Boeotians at Oenophyta — take these away and Thucydides is stricken from your list of writers. Take away Alcibiades' spirited exploits in the Hellespontine region, and those of Thrasyllus by Lesbos, and the overthrow by Theramenes of the oligarchy, Thrasybulus and Archinus and the uprising of the Seventy from Phylê against the Spartan hegemony, and Conon's restoration of Athens to her power on the sea —
179. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 24
180. Plutarch, On The Sign of Socrates, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 184
575e. to refuse and be uncivil with one so sympathetic and friendly, would be enough, Ithink, to revive the ancient reproach against Boeotians of hostility to discussion, just when that reproach was dying out.... Yet consider whether the company is disposed to hear a narrative involving so much history and philosophy combined; it will not be short in the telling, as you would have me include the discussions with the rest. —You are unacquainted, Caphisias, with these gentlemen. Iassure you that they are well worth knowing: their fathers were excellent men and good friends of your country. This is Lysitheides, nephew of Thrasybulus;
181. Aelian, Varia Historia, 2.25, 6.10, 12.49 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 172; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 156; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 265
182. Aelius Aristides, To Plato: In Defense of The Four, 209 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 284
183. Lucian, A Professor of Public Speaking, 15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
184. Lucian, Soloecista, 9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 412
185. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 6.53 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, first Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 72
186. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55
187. Pollux, Onomasticon, 1.12, 4.36-4.37, 6.127, 6.163-6.164, 8.101 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sparta, wins the peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, attica ravaged Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 33, 269, 282
188. Aelian, Fragments, 68 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 156
189. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 25.50-25.52 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 71; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 250
190. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 82
191. Aelius Aristidesto Plato, To Plato In Defense of The Four, 209 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 284
192. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.20.514, 1.21.519-1.21.520, 1.22.522, 1.23.527, 1.24.528-1.24.529, 1.25.538, 1.25.541-1.25.542, 2.5.525, 2.5.574-2.5.575, 2.6.576, 2.8.580, 2.9.584-2.9.585, 2.10.589, 2.12.593, 2.13.595, 2.15.595-2.15.596, 2.20.601, 2.27.620 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 71, 82, 83
193. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.3.2, 1.3.5, 1.4.5, 1.15.1, 1.18.5, 1.22.8, 1.27.5, 1.28.2, 1.29.16, 1.33.2, 1.33.7-1.33.8, 2.17.7, 2.27.5, 2.31.5, 2.38.5, 3.12.7, 3.12.10, 4.2.2, 4.4.1-4.4.3, 4.34.11, 5.7.8, 5.14.10, 5.17.1, 6.3.15-6.3.16, 6.7.1-6.7.7, 6.13.11, 7.6.6, 7.17.10, 7.24.5, 8.37.3, 8.40.1, 8.46.4, 8.52.1-8.52.2, 9.1.5-9.1.8, 9.4.1, 9.8.4, 9.22.1, 10.5.6, 10.10.1-10.10.2, 10.10.6-10.10.8, 10.13.5, 10.13.10, 10.15.4, 10.16.6, 10.17.3, 10.31.9, 10.31.11, 10.37.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war, •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •saronic gulf, first peloponnesian war in •peloponnesian war, attica ravaged •peloponnesian war, and the image of thebes Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 24, 184; Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 17; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 167, 297, 559; Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 22; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55, 138, 192, 244; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 84; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 151; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 123, 156, 251, 324; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 6; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 261; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 110; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 59, 63, 251, 265, 327, 329, 333, 334, 336, 337, 339, 341, 343; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 32
1.3.2. πλησίον δὲ τῆς στοᾶς Κόνων ἕστηκε καὶ Τιμόθεος υἱὸς Κόνωνος καὶ βασιλεὺς Κυπρίων Εὐαγόρας, ὃς καὶ τὰς τριήρεις τὰς Φοινίσσας ἔπραξε παρὰ βασιλέως Ἀρταξέρξου δοθῆναι Κόνωνι· ἔπραξε δὲ ὡς Ἀθηναῖος καὶ τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, ἐπεὶ καὶ γενεαλογῶν ἐς προγόνους ἀνέβαινε Τεῦκρον καὶ Κινύρου θυγατέρα. ἐνταῦθα ἕστηκε Ζεὺς ὀνομαζόμενος Ἐλευθέριος καὶ βασιλεὺς Ἀδριανός, ἐς ἄλλους τε ὧν ἦρχεν εὐεργεσίας καὶ ἐς τὴν πόλιν μάλιστα ἀποδειξάμενος τὴν Ἀθηναίων. 1.3.5. ᾠκοδόμηται δὲ καὶ Μητρὸς θεῶν ἱερόν, ἣν Φειδίας εἰργάσατο, καὶ πλησίον τῶν πεντακοσίων καλουμένων βουλευτήριον, οἳ βουλεύουσιν ἐνιαυτὸν Ἀθηναίοις· Βουλαίου δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ κεῖται ξόανον Διὸς καὶ Ἀπόλλων τέχνη Πεισίου καὶ Δῆμος ἔργον Λύσωνος . τοὺς δὲ θεσμοθέτας ἔγραψε Πρωτογένης Καύνιος, Ὀλβιάδης δὲ Κάλλιππον, ὃς Ἀθηναίους ἐς Θερμοπύλας ἤγαγε φυλάξοντας τὴν ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα Γαλατῶν ἐσβολήν. 1.4.5. Γαλατῶν δὲ οἱ πολλοὶ ναυσὶν ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν διαβάντες τὰ παραθαλάσσια αὐτῆς ἐλεηλάτουν· χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον οἱ Πέργαμον ἔχοντες, πάλαι δὲ Τευθρανίαν καλουμένην, ἐς ταύτην Γαλάτας ἐλαύνουσιν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τὴν ἐκτὸς Σαγγαρίου χώραν ἔσχον Ἄγκυραν πόλιν ἑλόντες Φρυγῶν, ἣν Μίδας ὁ Γορδίου πρότερον ᾤκισεν—ἄγκυρα δέ, ἣν ὁ Μίδας ἀνεῦρεν, ἦν ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἐν ἱερῷ Διὸς καὶ κρήνη Μίδου καλουμένη· ταύτην οἴνῳ κεράσαι Μίδαν φασὶν ἐπὶ τὴν θήραν τοῦ Σιληνοῦ—, ταύτην τε δὴ τὴν Ἄγκυραν εἷλον καὶ Πεσσινοῦντα τὴν ὑπὸ τὸ ὄρος τὴν Ἄγδιστιν, ἔνθα καὶ τὸν Ἄττην τεθάφθαι λέγουσι. 1.15.1. ἰοῦσι δὲ πρὸς τὴν στοάν, ἣν Ποικίλην ὀνομάζουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν γραφῶν, ἔστιν Ἑρμῆς χαλκοῦς καλούμενος Ἀγοραῖος καὶ πύλη πλησίον· ἔπεστι δέ οἱ τρόπαιον Ἀθηναίων ἱππομαχίᾳ κρατησάντων Πλείσταρχον, ὃς τῆς ἵππου Κασσάνδρου καὶ τοῦ ξενικοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀδελφὸς ὢν ἐπετέτραπτο. αὕτη δὲ ἡ στοὰ πρῶτα μὲν Ἀθηναίους ἔχει τεταγμένους ἐν Οἰνόῃ τῆς Ἀργεία; ἐναντία Λακεδαιμονίων· γέγραπται δὲ οὐκ ἐς ἀκμὴν ἀγῶνος οὐδὲ τολμημάτων ἐς ἐπίδειξιν τὸ ἔργον ἤδη προῆκον, ἀλλὰ ἀρχομένη τε ἡ μάχη καὶ ἐς χεῖρας ἔτι συνιόντες. 1.18.5. πλησίον δὲ ᾠκοδόμητο ναὸς Εἰλειθυίας, ἣν ἐλθοῦσαν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων ἐς Δῆλον γενέσθαι βοηθὸν ταῖς Λητοῦς ὠδῖσι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους παρʼ αὐτῶν φασι τῆς Εἰλειθυίας μαθεῖν τὸ ὄνομα· καὶ θύουσί τε Εἰλειθυίᾳ Δήλιοι καὶ ὕμνον ᾄδουσιν Ὠλῆνος. Κρῆτες δὲ χώρας τῆς Κνωσσίας ἐν Ἀμνισῷ γενέσθαι νομίζουσιν Εἰλείθυιαν καὶ παῖδα Ἥρας εἶναι· μόνοις δὲ Ἀθηναίοις τῆς Εἰλειθυίας κεκάλυπται τὰ ξόανα ἐς ἄκρους τοὺς πόδας. τὰ μὲν δὴ δύο εἶναι Κρητικὰ καὶ Φαίδρας ἀναθήματα ἔλεγον αἱ γυναῖκες, τὸ δὲ ἀρχαιότατον Ἐρυσίχθονα ἐκ Δήλου κομίσαι. 1.22.8. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἔσοδον αὐτὴν ἤδη τὴν ἐς ἀκρόπολιν Ἑρμῆν ὃν Προπύλαιον ὀνομάζουσι καὶ Χάριτας Σωκράτην ποιῆσαι τὸν Σωφρονίσκου λέγουσιν, ᾧ σοφῷ γενέσθαι μάλιστα ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶν ἡ Πυθία μάρτυς, ὃ μηδὲ Ἀνάχαρσιν ἐθέλοντα ὅμως καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀφικόμενον προσεῖπεν. 1.27.5. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ βάθρου καὶ ἀνδριάντες εἰσὶ Θεαίνετος ὃς ἐμαντεύετο Τολμίδῃ καὶ αὐτὸς Τολμίδης, ὃς Ἀθηναίων ναυσὶν ἡγούμενος ἄλλους τε ἐκάκωσε καὶ Πελοποννησίων τὴν χώραν ὅσοι νέμονται τὴν παραλίαν, καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπὶ Γυθίῳ τὰ νεώρια ἐνέπρησε καὶ τῶν περιοίκων Βοιὰς εἷλε καὶ τὴν Κυθηρίων νῆσον· ἐς δὲ τὴν Σικυωνίαν ποιησάμενος ἀπόβασιν, ὥς οἱ δῃοῦντι τὴν γῆν ἐς μάχην κατέστησαν, τρεψάμενος σφᾶς κατεδίωξε πρὸς τὴν πόλιν. ὕστερον δὲ ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς Ἀθήνας, ἐσήγαγε μὲν ἐς Εὔβοιαν καὶ Νάξον Ἀθηναίων κληρούχους, ἐσέβαλε δὲ ἐς Βοιωτοὺς στρατῷ· πορθήσας δὲ τῆς γῆς τὴν πολλὴν καὶ παραστησάμενος πολιορκίᾳ Χαιρώνειαν, ὡς ἐς τὴν Ἀλιαρτίαν προῆλθεν, αὐτός τε μαχόμενος ἀπέθανε καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἤδη στράτευμα ἡττᾶτο. τὰ μὲν ἐς Τολμίδην τοιαῦτα ἐπυνθανόμην ὄντα, ἔστι δὲ Ἀθηνᾶς ἀγάλματα 1.28.2. χωρὶς δὲ ἢ ὅσα κατέλεξα δύο μὲν Ἀθηναίοις εἰσὶ δεκάται πολεμήσασιν, ἄγαλμα Ἀθηνᾶς χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Μήδων τῶν ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἀποβάντων τέχνη Φειδίου —καί οἱ τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀσπίδος μάχην Λαπιθῶν πρὸς Κενταύρους καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐστὶν ἐπειργασμένα λέγουσι τορεῦσαι Μῦν , τῷ δὲ Μυῒ ταῦτά τε καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων Παρράσιον καταγράψαι τὸν Εὐήνορος· ταύτης τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἡ τοῦ δόρατος αἰχμὴ καὶ ὁ λόφος τοῦ κράνους ἀπὸ Σουνίου προσπλέουσίν ἐστιν ἤδη σύνοπτα—, καὶ ἅρμα κεῖται χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Βοιωτῶν δεκάτη καὶ Χαλκιδέων τῶν ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ. δύο δὲ ἄλλα ἐστὶν ἀναθήματα, Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου καὶ τῶν ἔργων τῶν Φειδίου θέας μάλιστα ἄξιον Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα ἀπὸ τῶν ἀναθέντων καλουμένης Λημνίας. 1.29.16. Λυκούργῳ δὲ ἐπορίσθη μὲν τάλαντα ἐς τὸ δημόσιον πεντακοσίοις πλείονα καὶ ἑξακισχιλίοις ἢ ὅσα Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου συνήγαγε, κατεσκεύασε δὲ πομπεῖα τῇ θεῷ καὶ Νίκας χρυσᾶς καὶ παρθένοις κόσμον ἑκατόν, ἐς δὲ πόλεμον ὅπλα καὶ βέλη καὶ τετρακοσίας ναυμαχοῦσιν εἶναι τριήρεις· οἰκοδομήματα δὲ ἐπετέλεσε μὲν τὸ θέατρον ἑτέρων ὑπαρξαμένων, τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ πολιτείας ἃ ᾠκοδόμησεν ἐν Πειραιεῖ νεώς εἰσιν οἶκοι καὶ τὸ πρὸς τῷ Λυκείῳ καλουμένῳ γυμνάσιον. ὅσα μὲν οὖν ἀργύρου πεποιημένα ἦν καὶ χρυσοῦ, Λαχάρης καὶ ταῦτα ἐσύλησε τυραννήσας· τὰ δὲ οἰκοδομήματα καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι ἦν. 1.33.2. Μαραθῶνος δὲ σταδίους μάλιστα ἑξήκοντα ἀπέχει Ῥαμνοῦς τὴν παρὰ θάλασσαν ἰοῦσιν ἐς Ὠρωπόν. καὶ αἱ μὲν οἰκήσεις ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις εἰσί, μικρὸν δὲ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἄνω Νεμέσεώς ἐστιν ἱερόν, ἣ θεῶν μάλιστα ἀνθρώποις ὑβρισταῖς ἐστιν ἀπαραίτητος. δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀποβᾶσιν ἐς Μαραθῶνα τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπαντῆσαι μήνιμα ἐκ τῆς θεοῦ ταύτης· καταφρονήσαντες γὰρ μηδέν σφισιν ἐμποδὼν εἶναι τὰς Ἀθήνας ἑλεῖν, λίθον Πάριον ὃν ὡς ἐπʼ ἐξειργασμένοις ἦγον ἐς τροπαίου ποίησιν. 1.33.7. τάδε μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτον εἰρήσθω· πτερὰ δʼ ἔχον οὔτε τοῦτο τὸ ἄγαλμα Νεμέσεως οὔτε ἄλλο πεποίηται τῶν ἀρχαίων, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ Σμυρναίοις τὰ ἁγιώτατα ξόανα ἔχει πτερά· οἱ δὲ ὕστερον—ἐπιφαίνεσθαι γὰρ τὴν θεὸν μάλιστα ἐπὶ τῷ ἐρᾶν ἐθέλουσιν—ἐπὶ τούτῳ Νεμέσει πτερὰ ὥσπερ Ἔρωτι ποιοῦσι. νῦν δὲ ἤδη δίειμι ὁπόσα ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ τοῦ ἀγάλματός ἐστιν εἰργασμένα, τοσόνδε ἐς τὸ σαφὲς προδηλώσας. Ἑλένῃ Νέμεσιν μητέρα εἶναι λέγουσιν Ἕλληνες, Λήδαν δὲ μαστὸν ἐπισχεῖν αὐτῇ καὶ θρέψαι· πατέρα δὲ καὶ οὗτοι καὶ πάντες κατὰ ταὐτὰ Ἑλένης Δία καὶ οὐ Τυνδάρεων εἶναι νομίζουσι. 1.33.8. ταῦτα ἀκηκοὼς Φειδίας πεποίηκεν Ἑλένην ὑπὸ Λήδας ἀγομένην παρὰ τὴν Νέμεσιν, πεποίηκε δὲ Τυνδάρεών τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας καὶ ἄνδρα σὺν ἵππῳ παρεστηκότα Ἱππέα ὄνομα· ἔστι δὲ Ἀγαμέμνων καὶ Μενέλαος καὶ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως, πρῶτος οὗτος Ἑρμιόνην τὴν Ἑλένης γυναῖκα λαβών· Ὀρέστης δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς τὴν μητέρα τόλμημα παρείθη, παραμεινάσης τε ἐς ἅπαν Ἑρμιόνης αὐτῷ καὶ τεκούσης παῖδα. ἑξῆς δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ καὶ Ἔποχος καλούμενος καὶ νεανίας ἐστὶν ἕτερος· ἐς τούτους ἄλλο μὲν ἤκουσα οὐδέν, ἀδελφοὺς δὲ εἶναι σφᾶς Οἰνόης, ἀφʼ ἧς ἐστι τὸ ὄνομα τῷ δήμῳ. 2.17.7. ἔστι δὲ ὑπὲρ τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον τοῦ προτέρου ναοῦ θεμέλιά τε καὶ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο ὑπελίπετο ἡ φλόξ. κατεκαύθη δὲ τὴν ἱέρειαν τῆς Ἥρας Χρυσηίδα ὕπνου καταλαβόντος, ὅτε ὁ λύχνος πρὸ τῶν στεφανωμάτων ἥπτετο. καὶ Χρυσηὶς μὲν ἀπελθοῦσα ἐς Τεγέαν τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν τὴν Ἀλέαν ἱκέτευεν· Ἀργεῖοι δὲ καίπερ κακοῦ τηλικούτου παρόντος σφίσι τὴν εἰκόνα οὐ καθεῖλον τῆς Χρυσηίδος, ἀνάκειται δὲ καὶ ἐς τόδε τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ κατακαυθέντος ἔμπροσθεν. 2.27.5. Ἐπιδαυρίοις δέ ἐστι θέατρον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ μάλιστα ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν θέας ἄξιον· τὰ μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαίων πολὺ δή τι καὶ ὑπερῆρ κ ε τῶν πανταχοῦ τῷ κόσμῳ, μεγέθει δὲ Ἀρκάδων τὸ ἐν Μεγάλῃ πόλει· ἁρμονίας δὲ ἢ κάλλους ἕνεκα ἀρχιτέκτων ποῖος ἐς ἅμιλλαν Πολυκλείτῳ γένοιτʼ ἂν ἀξιόχρεως; Πολύκλειτος γὰρ καὶ θέατρον τοῦτο καὶ οἴκημα τὸ περιφερὲς ὁ ποιήσας ἦν. ἐντὸς δὲ τοῦ ἄλσους ναός τέ ἐστιν Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ ἄγαλμα Ἠπιόνης καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ἱερὸν καὶ Θέμιδος καὶ στάδιον, οἷα Ἕλλησι τὰ πολλὰ γῆς χῶμα, καὶ κρήνη τῷ τε ὀρόφῳ καὶ κόσμῳ τῷ λοιπῷ θέας ἀξία. 2.31.5. εἰσὶ δὲ οὐ μακρὰν τῆς Λυκείας Ἀρτέμιδος βωμοὶ διεστηκότες οὐ πολὺ ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων· ὁ μὲν πρῶτός ἐστιν αὐτῶν Διονύσου κατὰ δή τι μάντευμα ἐπίκλησιν Σαώτου, δεύτερος δὲ Θεμίδων ὀνομαζόμενος· Πιτθεὺς τοῦτον ἀνέθηκεν, ὡς λέγουσιν. Ἡλίου δὲ Ἐλευθερίου καὶ σφόδρα εἰκότι λόγῳ δοκοῦσί μοι ποιῆσαι βωμόν, ἐκφυγόντες δουλείαν ἀπὸ Ξέρξου τε καὶ Περσῶν. 2.38.5. δὲ ἄνω πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον ἀπʼ αὐτῆς χωρίον ἐστίν, ἔνθα δὴ ἐμαχέσαντο ὑπὲρ τῆς γῆς ταύτης λογάδες Ἀργείων τριακόσιοι πρὸς ἄνδρας Λακεδαιμονίων ἀριθμόν τε ἴσους καὶ ἐπιλέκτους ὁμοίως. ἀποθανόντων δὲ ἁπάντων πλὴν ἑνὸς Σπαρτιάτου καὶ δυοῖν Ἀργείων, τοῖς μὲν ἀποθανοῦσιν ἐχώσθησαν ἐνταῦθα οἱ τάφοι, τὴν χώραν δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι γενομένου πανδημεί σφισιν ἀγῶνος πρὸς Ἀργείους κρατήσαντες βεβαίως αὐτοί τε παραυτίκα ἐκαρποῦντο καὶ ὕστερον Αἰγινήταις ἔδοσαν ἐκπεσοῦσιν ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων ἐκ τῆς νήσου. τὰ δὲ ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ τὴν Θυρεᾶτιν ἐνέμοντο Ἀργεῖοι· φασὶ δὲ ἀνασώσασθαι δίκῃ νικήσαντες. 3.12.7. τοῦ δὲ Ἑλληνίου πλησίον Ταλθυβίου μνῆμα ἀποφαίνουσι· δεικνύουσι δὲ καὶ Ἀχαιῶν Αἰγιεῖς ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, Ταλθυβίου καὶ οὗτοι φάμενοι μνῆμα εἶναι. Ταλθυβίου δὲ τούτου μήνιμα ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ τῶν κηρύκων, οἳ παρὰ βασιλέως Δαρείου γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ αἰτήσοντες ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐπέμφθησαν, Λακεδαιμονίοις μὲν ἐπεσήμαινεν ἐς τὸ δημόσιον, ἐν Ἀθήναις δὲ ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ ἐς ἑνὸς οἶκον ἀνδρὸς κατέσκηψε Μιλτιάδου τοῦ Κίμωνος· ἐγεγόνει δὲ καὶ τῶν κηρύκων τοῖς ἐλθοῦσιν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ὁ Μιλτιάδης ἀποθανεῖν αἴτιος ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων. 3.12.10. ἑτέρα δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐστιν ἔξοδος, καθʼ ἣν πεποίηταί σφισιν ἡ καλουμένη Σκιάς, ἔνθα καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἐκκλησιάζουσι. ταύτην τὴν Σκιάδα Θεοδώρου τοῦ Σαμίου φασὶν εἶναι ποίημα, ὃς πρῶτος διαχέαι σίδηρον εὗρε καὶ ἀγάλματα ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ πλάσαι. ἐνταῦθα ἐκρέμασαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν Τιμοθέου τοῦ Μιλησίου κιθάραν, καταγνόντες ὅτι χορδαῖς ἑπτὰ ταῖς ἀρχαίαις ἐφεῦρεν ἐν τῇ κιθαρῳδίᾳ τέσσαρας χορδάς. 4.2.2. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον, ὡς ἦν τῶν Πολυκάονος οὐδεὶς ἔτι ἀπογόνων, ἐς γενεὰς πέντε ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν προελθόντων καὶ οὐ πλέονας, Περιήρην τὸν Αἰόλου βασιλέα ἐπάγονται. παρὰ τοῦτον ἀφίκετο, ὡς οἱ Μεσσήνιοί φασι, Μελανεύς, τοξεύειν ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Ἀπόλλωνος εἶναι νομιζόμενος· καί οἱ τῆς χώρας τὸ Καρνάσιον, τότε δὲ Οἰχαλίαν κληθεῖσαν, ἀπένειμεν ὁ Περιήρης ἐνοικῆσαι· γενέσθαι δὲ ὄνομα Οἰχαλίαν τῇ πόλει φασὶν ἀπὸ τοῦ Μελανέως τῆς γυναικός. 4.4.1. ἐπὶ δὲ Φίντα τοῦ Συβότα πρῶτον Μεσσήνιοι τότε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἐς Δῆλον θυσίαν καὶ ἀνδρῶν χορὸν ἀποστέλλουσι· τὸ δέ σφισιν ᾆσμα προσόδιον ἐς τὸν θεὸν ἐδίδαξεν Εὔμηλος, εἶναί τε ὡς ἀληθῶς Εὐμήλου νομίζεται μόνα τὰ ἔπη ταῦτα. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπὶ τῆς Φίντα βασιλείας διαφορὰ πρῶτον, ἀπὸ αἰτίας ἀμφισβητουμένης μὲν καὶ ταύτης, γενέσθαι δὲ οὕτω λεγομένης. 4.4.2. ἔστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις τῆς Μεσσηνίας ἱερὸν Ἀρτέμιδος καλουμένης Λιμνάτιδος, μετεῖχον δὲ αὐτοῦ μόνοι Δωριέων οἵ τε Μεσσήνιοι καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν δή φασιν ὡς παρθένους αὑτῶν παραγενομένας ἐς τὴν ἑορτὴν αὐτάς τε βιάσαιντο ἄνδρες τῶν Μεσσηνίων καὶ τὸν βασιλέα σφῶν ἀποκτείναιεν πειρώμενον κωλύειν, Τήλεκλον Ἀρχελάου τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ Δορύσσου τοῦ Λαβώτα τοῦ Ἐχεστράτου τοῦ Ἄγιδος, πρός τε δὴ τούτοις τὰς βιασθείσας τῶν παρθένων διεργάσασθαι λέγουσιν αὑτὰς ὑπὸ αἰσχύνης· 4.4.3. Μεσσήνιοι δὲ τοῖς ἐλθοῦσι σφῶν ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν πρωτεύουσιν ἐν Μεσσήνῃ κατὰ ἀξίωμα, τούτοις φασὶν ἐπιβουλεῦσαι Τήλεκλον, αἴτιον δὲ εἶναι τῆς χώρας τῆς Μεσσηνίας τὴν ἀρετήν, ἐπιβουλεύοντα δὲ ἐπιλέξαι Σπαρτιατῶν ὁπόσοι πω γένεια οὐκ εἶχον, τούτους δὲ ἐσθῆτι καὶ κόσμῳ τῷ λοιπῷ σκευάσαντα ὡς παρθένους ἀναπαυομένοις τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐπεισαγαγεῖν, δόντα ἐγχειρίδια· καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἀμυνομένους τούς τε ἀγενείους νεανίσκους καὶ αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι Τήλεκλον, Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ—οὐ γὰρ ἄνευ τοῦ κοινοῦ ταῦτα βουλεῦσαι σφῶν τὸν βασιλέα—συνειδότας ὡς ἄρξαιεν ἀδικίας, τοῦ φόνου σφᾶς τοῦ Τηλέκλου δίκας οὐκ ἀπαιτῆσαι. ταῦτα μὲν ἑκάτεροι λέγουσι, πειθέσθω δὲ ὡς ἔχει τις ἐς τοὺς ἑτέρους σπουδῆς. 4.34.11. μόνοι δὲ τοῦ γένους τοῦ Δρυόπων οἱ Ἀσιναῖοι σεμνύνονται καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι τῷ ὀνόματι, οὐδὲν ὁμοίως καὶ Εὐβοέων οἱ Στύρα ἔχοντες. εἰσὶ γὰρ καὶ οἱ Στυρεῖς Δρύοπες τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ὅσοι τῆς πρὸς τὸν Ἡρακλέα οὐ μετέσχον μάχης, ἀπωτέρω τῆς πόλεως ἔχοντες τὰς οἰκήσεις· ἀλλὰ οἱ μὲν Στυρεῖς καλεῖσθαι Δρύοπες ὑπερφρονοῦσι, καθάπερ γε καὶ οἱ Δελφοὶ πεφεύγασιν ὀνομάζεσθαι Φωκεῖς, Ἀσιναῖοι δὲ Δρύοπές τε τὰ μάλιστα χαίρουσι καλούμενοι καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν τὰ ἁγιώτατά εἰσι δῆλοι κατὰ μνήμην πεποιημένοι τῶν ποτὲ ἐν Παρνασσῷ σφισιν ἱδρυμένων. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστιν αὐτοῖς ναός, τοῦτο δὲ Δρύοπος ἱερὸν καὶ ἄγαλμα ἀρχαῖον· ἄγουσι καὶ παρὰ ἔτος αὐτῷ τελετήν, παῖδα τὸν Δρύοπα Ἀπόλλωνος εἶναι λέγοντες. 5.7.8. πρῶτος μὲν ἐν ὕμνῳ τῷ ἐς Ἀχαιίαν ἐποίησεν Ὠλὴν Λύκιος ἀφικέσθαι τὴν Ἀχαιίαν ἐς Δῆλον ἐκ τῶν Ὑπερβορέων τούτων· ἔπειτα δὲ ᾠδὴν Μελάνωπος Κυμαῖος ἐς Ὦπιν καὶ Ἑκαέργην ᾖσεν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν Ὑπερβορέων καὶ αὗται πρότερον ἔτι τῆς Ἀχαιίας ἀφίκοντο καὶ ἐς Δῆλον· 5.14.10. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ Γαίῳ καλουμένῳ, βωμός ἐστιν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ Γῆς, τέφρας καὶ οὗτος· τὰ δὲ ἔτι ἀρχαιότερα καὶ μαντεῖον τῆς Γῆς αὐτόθι εἶναι λέγουσιν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ ὀνομαζομένου Στομίου Θέμιδι ὁ βωμὸς πεποίηται. τοῦ δὲ Καταιβάτου Διὸς προβέβληται μὲν πανταχόθεν πρὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ φράγμα, ἔστι δὲ πρὸς τῷ βωμῷ τῷ ἀπὸ τῆς τέφρας τῷ μεγάλῳ. μεμνήσθω δέ τις οὐ κατὰ στοῖχον τῆς ἱδρύσεως ἀριθμουμένους τοὺς βωμούς, τῇ δὲ τάξει τῇ Ἠλείων ἐς τὰς θυσίας συμπερινοστοῦντα ἡμῖν τὸν λόγον. πρὸς δὲ τῷ τεμένει τοῦ Πέλοπος Διονύσου μὲν καὶ Χαρίτων ἐν κοινῷ, μεταξὺ δὲ αὐτῶν Μουσῶν καὶ ἐφεξῆς τούτων Νυμφῶν ἐστι βωμός. 5.17.1. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἔχει κατὰ τὰ προειρημένα· τῆς Ἥρας δέ ἐστιν ἐν τῷ ναῷ Διός, τὸ δὲ Ἥρας ἄγαλμα καθήμενόν ἐστιν ἐπὶ θρόνῳ· παρέστηκε δὲ γένειά τε ἔχων καὶ ἐπικείμενος κυνῆν ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ, ἔργα δέ ἐστιν ἁπλᾶ. τὰς δὲ ἐφεξῆς τούτων καθημένας ἐπὶ θρόνων Ὥρας ἐποίησεν Αἰγινήτης Σμῖλις . παρὰ δὲ αὐτὰς Θέμιδος ἅτε μητρὸς τῶν Ὡρῶν ἄγαλμα ἕστηκε Δορυκλείδου τέχνη, γένος μὲν Λακεδαιμονίου, μαθητοῦ δὲ Διποίνου καὶ Σκύλλιδος . 6.3.15. κατὰ τὸ λεγόμενον ὑπʼ αὐτῶν Ἰώνων, τοὺς τοίχους τοὺς δύο ἐπαλείφοντες. Ἀλκιβιάδου μέν γε τριήρεσιν Ἀθηναίων περὶ Ἰωνίαν ἰσχύοντος ἐθεράπευον αὐτὸν Ἰώνων οἱ πολλοί, καὶ εἰκὼν Ἀλκιβιάδου χαλκῆ παρὰ τῇ Ἥρᾳ τῇ Σαμίων ἐστὶν ἀνάθημα· ὡς δὲ ἐν Αἰγὸς ποταμοῖς ἑάλωσαν αἱ ναῦς αἱ Ἀττικαί, Σάμιοι μὲν ἐς Ὀλυμπίαν τὸν Λύσανδρον, Ἐφέσιοι δὲ ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνετίθεσαν τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος Λύσανδρόν τε αὐτὸν καὶ Ἐτεόνικον καὶ Φάρακα καὶ ἄλλους Σπαρτιατῶν ἥκιστα ἔς γε τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν γνωρίμους. 6.3.16. μεταπεσόντων δὲ αὖθις τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ Κόνωνος κεκρατηκότος τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ περὶ Κνίδον καὶ ὄρος τὸ Δώριον ὀνομαζόμενον, οὕτω μετεβάλλοντο οἱ Ἴωνες, καὶ Κόνωνα ἀνακείμενον χαλκοῦν καὶ Τιμόθεον ἐν Σάμῳ τε ἔστιν ἰδεῖν παρὰ τῇ Ἥρᾳ καὶ ὡσαύτως ἐν Ἐφέσῳ παρὰ τῇ Ἐφεσίᾳ θεῷ. ταῦτα μέν ἐστιν ἔχοντα οὕτω τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον, καὶ Ἴωσιν ὡσαύτως οἱ πάντες ἄνθρωποι θεραπεύουσι τὰ ὑπερέχοντα τῇ ἰσχύι. 6.7.1. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἐς τοσοῦτο εἰρήσθω· μετὰ δὲ τὸν ἀνδριάντα τοῦ Εὐθύμου Πύθαρχός τε ἕστηκε Μαντινεὺς σταδιοδρόμος καὶ πύκτης Ἠλεῖος Χαρμίδης, λαβόντες νίκας ἐπὶ παισί. θεασάμενος δὲ καὶ τούτους ἐπὶ τῶν Ῥοδίων ἀθλητῶν ἀφίξῃ τὰς εἰκόνας, Διαγόραν καὶ τὸ ἐκείνου γένος· οἱ δὲ συνεχεῖς τε ἀλλήλοις καὶ ἐν κόσμῳ τοιῷδε ἀνέκειντο, Ἀκουσίλαος μὲν λαβὼν πυγμῆς ἐν ἀνδράσι στέφανον, Δωριεὺς δὲ ὁ νεώτατος παγκρατίῳ νικήσας Ὀλυμπιάσιν ἐφεξῆς τρισί. πρότερον δὲ ἔτι τοῦ Δωριέως ἐκράτησε καὶ Δαμάγητος τοὺς ἐσελθόντας ἐς τὸ παγκράτιον. 6.7.2. οὗτοι μὲν ἀδελφοί τέ εἰσι καὶ Διαγόρου παῖδες, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτοῖς κεῖται καὶ ὁ Διαγόρας, πυγμῆς ἐν ἀνδράσιν ἀνελόμενος νίκην· τοῦ Διαγόρου δὲ τὴν εἰκόνα Μεγαρεὺς εἰργάσατο Καλλικλῆς Θεοκόσμου τοῦ ποιήσαντος τὸ ἄγαλμα ἐν Μεγάροις τοῦ Διός. Διαγόρου δὲ καὶ οἱ τῶν θυγατέρων παῖδες πύξ τε ἤσκησαν καὶ ἔσχον Ὀλυμπικὰς νίκας, ἐν μὲν ἀνδράσιν Εὐκλῆς Καλλιάνακτός τε ὢν καὶ Καλλιπατείρας τῆς Διαγόρου, Πεισίροδος δὲ ἐν παισίν, ὃν ἡ μήτηρ ἀνδρὸς ἐπιθεμένη γυμναστοῦ σχῆμα ἐπὶ τῶν Ὀλυμπίων αὐτὴ τὸν ἀγῶνα ἤγαγεν· 6.7.3. οὗτος δὲ ὁ Πεισίροδος καὶ ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει παρὰ τῆς μητρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἕστηκε. Διαγόραν δὲ καὶ ὁμοῦ τοῖς παισὶν Ἀκουσιλάῳ καὶ Δαμαγήτῳ λέγουσιν ἐς Ὀλυμπίαν ἐλθεῖν· νικήσαντες δὲ οἱ νεανίσκοι διὰ τῆς πανηγύρεως τὸν πατέρα ἔφερον βαλλόμενόν τε ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἄνθεσι καὶ εὐδαίμονα ἐπὶ τοῖς παισὶ καλούμενον. γένος δὲ ὁ Διαγόρας τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς Μεσσήνιος πρὸς γυναικῶν ἦν καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀριστομένους ἐγεγόνει θυγατρός. 6.7.4. Δωριεῖ δὲ τῷ Διαγόρου παρὲξ ἢ Ὀλυμπίασιν Ἰσθμίων μὲν γεγόνασιν ὀκτὼ νῖκαι, Νεμείων δὲ ἀποδέουσαι μιᾶς ἐς τὰς ὀκτώ· λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὡς Πύθια ἀνέλοιτο ἀκονιτί. ἀνηγορεύοντο δὲ οὗτός τε καὶ ὁ Πεισίροδος Θούριοι, διωχθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥόδου καὶ ἐς Ἰταλίαν παρὰ Θουρίους ἀπελθόντες. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον κατῆλθεν ὁ Δωριεὺς ἐς Ῥόδον· καὶ φανερώτατα δὴ ἁπάντων ἀνὴρ εἷς φρονήσας οὗτος τὰ Λακεδαιμονίων φαίνεται, ὥστε καὶ ἐναυμάχησεν ἐναντία Ἀθηναίων ναυσὶν οἰκείαις, ἐς ὃ τριήρων ἁλοὺς Ἀττικῶν ἀνήχθη ζῶν παρὰ Ἀθηναίους. 6.7.5. οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι πρὶν μὲν ἢ Δωριέα παρὰ σφᾶς ἀναχθῆναι θυμῷ τε ἐς αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπειλαῖς ἐχρῶντο· ὡς δὲ ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συνελθόντες ἄνδρα οὕτω μέγαν καὶ δόξης ἐς τοσοῦτο ἥκοντα ἐθεάσαντο ἐν σχήματι αἰχμαλώτου, μεταπίπτει σφίσιν ἐς αὐτὸν ἡ γνώμη καὶ ἀπελθεῖν ἀφιᾶσιν οὐδὲ ἔργον οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἐργάζονται, παρόν σφισι πολλά τε καὶ σὺν τῷ δικαίῳ δρᾶσαι. 6.7.6. τὰ δὲ ἐς τοῦ Δωριέως τὴν τελευτήν ἐστιν ἐν τῇ συγγραφῇ τῇ Ἀτθίδι Ἀνδροτίωνι εἰρημένα, εἶναι μὲν τηνικαῦτα ἐν Καύνῳ τὸ βασιλέως ναυτικὸν καὶ Κόνωνα ἐπʼ αὐτῷ στρατηγόν, Ῥοδίων δὲ τὸν δῆμον πεισθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ Κόνωνος ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων μεταβαλέσθαι σφᾶς ἐς τὴν βασιλέως καὶ Ἀθηναίων συμμαχίαν, Δωριέα δὲ ἀποδημεῖν μὲν τότε ἐκ Ῥόδου περὶ τὰ ἐντὸς Πελοποννήσου χωρία, συλληφθέντα δὲ ὑπὸ ἀνδρῶν Λακεδαιμονίων αὐτὸν καὶ ἀναχθέντα ἐς Σπάρτην ἀδικεῖν τε ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων καταγνωσθῆναι καὶ ἐπιβληθῆναί οἱ θάνατον ζημίαν. 6.7.7. εἰ δὲ τὸν ὄντα εἶπεν Ἀνδροτίων λόγον, ἐθέλειν μοι φαίνεται Λακεδαιμονίους ἐς τὸ ἴσον ἔτι Ἀθηναίοις καταστῆσαι, ὅτι καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ἐς Θράσυλλον καὶ τοὺς ἐν Ἀργινούσαις ὁμοῦ τῷ Θρασύλλῳ στρατηγήσαντας προπετείας ἐστὶν ἔγκλημα. Διαγόρας μὲν δὴ καὶ τὸ ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ γένος δόξης ἐς τοσοῦτο ἀφίκοντο· 6.13.11. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτως ἔχοντα ἴστω τις· Ἠλείοις δὲ ἀνδράσιν Ἀγαθίνῳ τε τῷ Θρασυβούλου καὶ Τηλεμάχῳ, Τηλεμάχῳ μὲν ἐπὶ ἵππων νίκῃ γέγονεν ἡ εἰκών, Ἀγαθῖνον δὲ ἀνέθεσαν Ἀχαιοὶ Πελληνεῖς. ἀνέθηκε δὲ καὶ ὁ Ἀθηναίων δῆμος Ἀριστοφῶντα Λυσίνου, παγκρατιαστὰς ἐν τῷ ἀγῶνι τῷ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ κρατήσαντα ἄνδρας. 7.6.6. οἶδα δὲ καὶ ἄνδρα αὐτὸς Λυδὸν Ἄδραστον ἰδίᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τοῦ Λυδῶν ἀμύναντα Ἕλλησι· τοῦ δὲ Ἀδράστου τούτου χαλκῆν εἰκόνα ἀνέθεσαν οἱ Λυδοὶ πρὸ ἱεροῦ Περσικῆς Ἀρτέμιδος, καὶ ἔγραψαν ἐπίγραμμα ὡς τελευτήσειεν ὁ Ἄδραστος ἐναντίον Λεοννάτῳ μαχόμενος ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων. 7.17.10. ἐνταῦθα ἄλλοι τε τῶν Λυδῶν καὶ αὐτὸς Ἄττης ἀπέθανεν ὑπὸ τοῦ ὑός· καί τι ἑπόμενον τούτοις Γαλατῶν δρῶσιν οἱ Πεσσινοῦντα ἔχοντες, ὑῶν οὐχ ἁπτόμενοι. νομίζουσί γε μὴν οὐχ οὕτω τὰ ἐς τὸν Ἄττην, ἀλλὰ ἐπιχώριός ἐστιν ἄλλος σφίσιν ἐς αὐτὸν λόγος, Δία ὑπνωμένον ἀφεῖναι σπέρμα ἐς γῆν, τὴν δὲ ἀνὰ χρόνον ἀνεῖναι δαίμονα διπλᾶ ἔχοντα αἰδοῖα, τὰ μὲν ἀνδρός, τὰ δὲ αὐτῶν γυναικός· ὄνομα δὲ Ἄγδιστιν αὐτῷ τίθενται. θεοὶ δὲ Ἄγδιστιν δείσαντες τὰ αἰδοῖά οἱ τὰ ἀνδρὸς ἀποκόπτουσιν. 7.24.5. ἰόντι δὲ ἐς τὸ πρόσω Σελινοῦς τε ποταμὸς καὶ ἀπωτέρω τεσσαράκοντα Αἰγίου σταδίοις ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ χωρίον ἐστὶν Ἑλίκη. ἐνταῦθα ᾤκητο Ἑλίκη πόλις καὶ Ἴωσιν ἱερὸν ἁγιώτατον Ποσειδῶνος ἦν Ἑλικωνίου. διαμεμένηκε δέ σφισι, καὶ ὡς ὑπὸ Ἀχαιῶν ἐκπεσόντες ἐς Ἀθήνας καὶ ὕστερον ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν ἐς τὰ παραθαλάσσια ἀφίκοντο τῆς Ἀσίας, σέβεσθαι Ποσειδῶνα Ἑλικώνιον· καὶ Μιλησίοις τε ἰόντι ἐπὶ τὴν πηγὴν τὴν Βιβλίδα Ποσειδῶνος πρὸ τῆς πόλεώς ἐστιν Ἑλικωνίου βωμὸς καὶ ὡσαύτως ἐν Τέῳ περίβολός τε καὶ βωμός ἐστι τῷ Ἑλικωνίῳ θέας ἄξιος. 8.37.3. θεῶν δὲ αὐτὰ τὰ ἀγάλματα, Δέσποινα καὶ ἡ Δημήτηρ τε καὶ ὁ θρόνος ἐν ᾧ καθέζονται, καὶ τὸ ὑπόθημα τὸ ὑπὸ τοῖς ποσίν ἐστιν ἑνὸς ὁμοίως λίθου· καὶ οὔτε τῶν ἐπὶ τῇ ἐσθῆτι οὔτε ὁπόσα εἴργασται περὶ τὸν θρόνον οὐδέν ἐστιν ἑτέρου λίθου προσεχὲς σιδήρῳ καὶ κόλλῃ, ἀλλὰ τὰ πάντα ἐστὶν εἷς λίθος. οὗτος οὐκ ἐσεκομίσθη σφίσιν ὁ λίθος, ἀλλὰ κατὰ ὄψιν ὀνείρατος λέγουσιν αὐτὸν ἐξευρεῖν ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου τὴν γῆν ὀρύξαντες. τῶν δὲ ἀγαλμάτων ἐστὶν ἑκατέρου μέγεθος κατὰ τὸ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἄγαλμα μάλιστα τῆς Μητρός· 8.40.1. Φιγαλεῦσι δὲ ἀνδριάς ἐστιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς Ἀρ ρα χίωνος τοῦ παγκρατιαστοῦ, τά τε ἄλλα ἀρχαῖος καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐπὶ τῷ σχήματι· οὐ διεστᾶσι μὲν πολὺ οἱ πόδες, καθεῖνται δὲ παρὰ πλευρὰν αἱ χεῖρες ἄχρι τῶν γλουτῶν. πεποίηται μὲν δὴ ἡ εἰκὼν λίθου, λέγουσι δὲ καὶ ἐπίγραμμα ἐπʼ αὐτὴν γραφῆναι· καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἠφάνιστο ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου, τῷ δὲ Ἀρραχίωνι ἐγένοντο Ὀλυμπικαὶ νῖκαι δύο μὲν Ὀλυμπιάσι ταῖς πρὸ τῆς τετάρτης καὶ πεντηκοστῆς, ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ σὺν δικαίῳ τε ἐκ τῶν Ἑλλανοδικῶν καὶ Ἀρραχίωνος αὐτοῦ τῇ ἀρετῇ. 8.46.4. Κυζικηνοί τε, ἀναγκάσαντες πολέμῳ Προκοννησίους γενέσθαι σφίσι συνοίκους, Μητρὸς Δινδυμήνης ἄγαλμα ἔλαβον ἐκ Προκοννήσου· τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμά ἐστι χρυσοῦ, καὶ αὐτοῦ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀντὶ ἐλέφαντος ἵππων τῶν ποταμίων ὀδόντες εἰσὶν εἰργασμένοι. βασιλεὺς μὲν δὴ Αὔγουστος καθεστηκότα ἐκ παλαιοῦ καὶ ὑπό τε Ἑλλήνων νομιζόμενα καὶ βαρβάρων εἰργάσατο· Ῥωμαίοις δὲ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἀλέας ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν τὴν ὑπὸ Αὐγούστου ποιηθεῖσαν, ἐς ταύτην ἐστὶν ἰόντι. 8.52.1. καὶ ἤδη τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο ἐς ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν φορὰν ἔληξεν ἡ Ἑλλάς. Μιλτιάδης μὲν γὰρ ὁ Κίμωνος τούς τε ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἀποβάντας τῶν βαρβάρων κρατήσας μάχῃ καὶ τοῦ πρόσω τὸν Μήδων ἐπισχὼν στόλον ἐγένετο εὐεργέτης πρῶτος κοινῇ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, Φιλοποίμην δὲ ὁ Κραύγιδος ἔσχατος· οἱ δὲ πρότερον Μιλτιάδου λαμπρὰ ἔργα ἀποδειξάμενοι, Κόδρος τε ὁ Μελάνθου καὶ ὁ Σπαρτιάτης Πολύδωρος καὶ Ἀριστομένης ὁ Μεσσήνιος καὶ εἰ δή τις ἄλλος, πατρίδας ἕκαστοι τὰς αὑτῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀθρόαν φανοῦνται τὴν Ἑλλάδα ὠφελήσαντες. 8.52.2. Μιλτιάδου δὲ ὕστερον Λεωνίδας ὁ Ἀναξανδρίδου καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς ὁ Νεοκλέους ἀπώσαντο ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Ξέρξην, ὁ μὲν ταῖς ναυμαχίαις ἀμφοτέραις, Λεωνίδας δὲ ἀγῶνι τῷ ἐν Θερμοπύλαις. Ἀριστείδην δὲ τὸν Λυσιμάχου καὶ Παυσανίαν τὸν Κλεομβρότου Πλαταιᾶσιν ἡγησαμένους, τὸν μὲν τὰ ὕστερον ἀφείλετο ἀδικήματα εὐεργέτην μὴ ὀνομασθῆναι τῆς Ἑλλάδος, Ἀριστείδην δὲ ὅτι ἔταξε φόρους τοῖς τὰς νήσους ἔχουσιν Ἕλλησι· πρὸ Ἀριστείδου δὲ ἦν ἅπαν τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἀτελὲς φόρων. 9.1.5. Θηβαῖοι δὲ ἀπέφαινον τήν τε εἰρήνην Λακεδαιμονίους εἶναι τοὺς πράξαντας καὶ ὕστερον παραβάντων ἐκείνων λελύσθαι καὶ ἅπασιν ἠξίουν τὰς σπονδάς. οὐκ ἀνύποπτα οὖν ἡγούμενοι οἱ Πλαταιεῖς τὰ ἐκ τῶν Θηβαίων διὰ φυλακῆς εἶχον ἰσχυρᾶς τὴν πόλιν· καὶ ἐς τοὺς ἀγρούς, ὁπόσοι ἀπωτέρω τοῦ ἄστεως ἦσαν, οὐδὲ ἐς τούτους ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἤρχοντο τὴν ἡμέραν, ἀλλὰ— ἠπίσταντο γὰρ τοὺς Θηβαίους ὡς πανδημεὶ καὶ ἅμα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εἰώθεσαν βουλεύεσθαι—παρεφύλασσον τὰς ἐκκλησίας αὐτῶν, καὶ ἐν τῷ τοσούτῳ καθʼ ἡσυχίαν ἐφεώρων τὰ ἑαυτῶν καὶ οἱ ἔσχατοι γεωργοῦντες. 9.1.6. Νεοκλῆς δὲ ὃς τότε βοιωταρχῶν ἔτυχεν ἐν Θήβαις—οὐ γὰρ αὐτὸν οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ἐλελήθεσαν ἐπὶ τῇ τέχνῃ— προεῖπε τῶν Θηβαίων ἕκαστόν τέ τινα ἰέναι πρὸς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ὁμοῦ τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ σφᾶς αὐτίκα οὐ τὴν εὐθεῖαν ἀπὸ τῶν Θηβῶν τὴν πεδιάδα, τὴν δὲ ἐπὶ Ὑσιῶν ἦγε πρὸς Ἐλευθερῶν τε καὶ τῆς Ἀττικῆς, ᾗ μηδὲ σκοπὸς ἐτέτακτο ὑπὸ τῶν Πλαταιέων· γενήσεσθαι δὲ περὶ τὰ τείχη περὶ μεσοῦσαν μάλιστα ἔμελλε τὴν ἡμέραν. 9.1.7. Πλαταιεῖς δὲ ἄγειν Θηβαίους ἐκκλησίαν νομίζοντες ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς ἀποκεκλειμένοι τῶν πυλῶν ἦσαν· πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐγκαταληφθέντας ἐποιήσαντο οἱ Θηβαῖοι σπονδάς, ἀπελθεῖν σφᾶς πρὸ ἡλίου δύντος ἄνδρας μὲν σὺν ἑνί, γυναῖκας δὲ δύο ἱμάτια ἑκάστην ἔχουσαν. συνέβη τε ἐναντία τοῖς Πλαταιεῦσιν ἐν τῷ τότε ἡ τύχη ἢ ὡς ὑπὸ Ἀρχιδάμου καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων τὸ πρότερον ἥλωσαν· Λακεδαιμόνιοι μέν γʼ αὐτοὺς ἐξεπολιόρκησαν ἀπείργοντες διπλῷ τείχει μὴ ἐξελθεῖν τοῦ ἄστεως, Θηβαῖοι δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε ἀφελόμενοι μὴ ἐσελθεῖν σφᾶς ἐς τὸ τεῖχος. 9.1.8. ἐγένετο δὲ ἡ ἅλωσις Πλαταίας ἡ δευτέρα μάχης μὲν τρίτῳ τῆς ἐν Λεύκτροις ἔτει πρότερον, Ἀστείου δὲ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἄρχοντος. καὶ ἡ μὲν πόλις ὑπὸ τῶν Θηβαίων καθῃρέθη πλὴν τὰ ἱερά, τοῖς δὲ Πλαταιεῦσιν ὁ τρόπος τῆς ἁλώσεως σωτηρίαν παρέσχεν ἐν ἴσῳ πᾶσιν· ἐκπεσόντας δὲ σφᾶς ἐδέξαντο αὖθις οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. Φιλίππου δέ, ὡς ἐκράτησεν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ, φρουράν τε ἐσαγαγόντος ἐς Θήβας καὶ ἄλλα ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῶν Θηβαίων πράσσοντος, οὕτω καὶ οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ κατήχθησαν. 9.4.1. Πλαταιεῦσι δὲ Ἀθηνᾶς ἐπίκλησιν Ἀρείας ἐστὶν ἱερόν· ᾠκοδομήθη δὲ ἀπὸ λαφύρων ἃ τῆς μάχης σφίσιν Ἀθηναῖοι τῆς Μαραθῶνι ἀπένειμαν. τὸ μὲν δὴ ἄγαλμα ξόανόν ἐστιν ἐπίχρυσον, πρόσωπον δέ οἱ καὶ χεῖρες ἄκραι καὶ πόδες λίθου τοῦ Πεντελησίου εἰσί· μέγεθος μὲν οὐ πολὺ δή τι ἀποδεῖ τῆς ἐν ἀκροπόλει χαλκῆς, ἣν καὶ αὐτὴν Ἀθηναῖοι τοῦ Μαραθῶνι ἀπαρχὴν ἀγῶνος ἀνέθηκαν, Φειδίας δὲ καὶ Πλαταιεῦσιν ἦν ὁ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τὸ ἄγαλμα ποιήσας. 9.8.4. Θηβαίοις δὲ ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ τοῦ ἀρχαίου τείχους ἑπτὰ ἀριθμὸν ἦσαν πύλαι, μένουσι δὲ καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι. τεθῆναι δὲ τὰ ὀνόματα ἐπυνθανόμην σφίσιν ἀπό τε Ἠλέκτρας ἀδελφῆς Κάδμου καὶ Προιτίσιν ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων· ἡλικίαν δὲ Προίτου καὶ τὸ ἀνωτέρω γένος χαλεπὰ ἦν εὑρεῖν. τὰς δὲ Νηίστας ὀνομασθῆναί φασιν ἐπὶ τῷδε. ἐν ταῖς χορδαῖς νήτην καλοῦσι τὴν ἐσχάτην· ταύτην οὖν τὴν χορδὴν Ἀμφίονα ἐπὶ ταῖς πύλαις ταύταις ἀνευρεῖν λέγουσιν. ἤδη δὲ ἤκουσα καὶ ὡς Ζήθου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ Ἀμφίονος τῷ παιδὶ ὄνομα Νῆις γένοιτο, ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ τοῦ Νήϊδος τὰς πύλας κληθῆναι ταύτας. 9.22.1. ἐν Τανάγρᾳ δὲ παρὰ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Διονύσου Θέμιδός ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ Ἀφροδίτης, καὶ ὁ τρίτος τῶν ναῶν Ἀπόλλωνος, ὁμοῦ δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Ἄρτεμίς τε καὶ Λητώ. ἐς δὲ τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῦ τε Κριοφόρου καὶ ὃν Πρόμαχον καλοῦσι, τοῦ μὲν ἐς τὴν ἐπίκλησιν λέγουσιν ὡς ὁ Ἑρμῆς σφισιν ἀποτρέψαι νόσον λοιμώδη περὶ τὸ τεῖχος κριὸν περιενεγκών, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ Κάλαμις ἐποίησεν ἄγαλμα Ἑρμοῦ φέροντα κριὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων· ὃς δʼ ἂν εἶναι τῶν ἐφήβων προκριθῇ τὸ εἶδος κάλλιστος, οὗτος ἐν τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ τῇ ἑορτῇ περίεισιν ἐν κύκλῳ τὸ τεῖχος ἔχων ἄρνα ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων· 10.5.6. εἶναι δὲ αὐτὴν τῶν περὶ τὸ ὄρος νυμφῶν. ἔστι δὲ ἐν Ἕλλησι ποίησις, ὄνομα μὲν τοῖς ἔπεσίν ἐστιν Εὐμολπία, Μουσαίῳ δὲ τῷ Ἀντιοφήμου προσποιοῦσι τὰ ἔπη· πεποιημένον οὖν ἐστιν ἐν τούτοις Ποσειδῶνος ἐν κοινῷ καὶ Γῆς εἶναι τὸ μαντεῖον, καὶ τὴν μὲν χρᾶν αὐτήν, Ποσειδῶνι δὲ ὑπηρέτην ἐς τὰ μαντεύματα εἶναι Πύρκωνα. καὶ οὕτως ἔχει τὰ ἔπη· αὐτίκα δὲ Χθονίης φωνὴ πινυτὸν φάτο μῦθον, σὺν δὲ τε Πύρκων ἀμφίπολος κλυτοῦ Ἐννοσιγαίου. Musaeus , Eumolpia χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον, ὅσον τῇ Γῇ μετῆν, δοθῆναι Θέμιδι ὑπʼ αὐτῆς λέγουσιν, Ἀπόλλωνα δὲ παρὰ Θέμιδος λαβεῖν δωρεάν· Ποσειδῶνι δὲ ἀντὶ τοῦ μαντείου Καλαύρειαν ἀντιδοῦναί φασιν αὐτὸν τὴν πρὸ Τροιζῆνος. 10.10.1. τῷ βάθρῳ δὲ τῷ ὑπὸ τὸν ἵππον τὸν δούρειον δὴ ἐπίγραμμα μέν ἐστιν ἀπὸ δεκάτης τοῦ Μαραθωνίου ἔργου τεθῆναι τὰς εἰκόνας· εἰσὶ δὲ Ἀθηνᾶ τε καὶ Ἀπόλλων καὶ ἀνὴρ τῶν στρατηγησάντων Μιλτιάδης· ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἡρώων καλουμένων Ἐρεχθεύς τε καὶ Κέκροψ καὶ Πανδίων, οὗτοι μὲν δὴ καὶ Λεώς τε καὶ Ἀντίοχος ὁ ἐκ Μήδας Ἡρακλεῖ γενόμενος τῆς Φύλαντος, ἔτι δὲ Αἰγεύς τε καὶ παίδων τῶν Θησέως Ἀκάμας, οὗτοι μὲν καὶ φυλαῖς Ἀθήνῃσιν ὀνόματα κατὰ μάντευμα ἔδοσαν τὸ ἐκ Δελφῶν· ὁ δὲ Μελάνθου Κόδρος καὶ Θησεὺς καὶ Νηλεύς ἐστιν , οὗτοι δὲ οὐκέτι τῶν ἐπωνύμων εἰσί. 10.10.2. τοὺς μὲν δὴ κατειλεγμένους Φειδίας ἐποίησε, καὶ ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ δεκάτη καὶ οὗτοι τῆς μάχης εἰσίν· Ἀντίγονον δὲ καὶ τὸν παῖδα Δημήτριον καὶ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Αἰγύπτιον χρόνῳ ὕστερον ἀπέστειλαν ἐς Δελφούς, τὸν μὲν Αἰγύπτιον καὶ εὐνοίᾳ τινὶ ἐς αὐτόν, τοὺς δὲ Μακεδόνας τῷ ἐς αὐτοὺς δέει. 10.10.6. Ταραντίνων δὲ οἱ ἵπποι οἱ χαλκοῖ καὶ αἰχμάλωτοι γυναῖκες ἀπὸ Μεσσαπίων εἰσίν, ὁμόρων τῇ Ταραντίνων βαρβάρων, Ἀγελάδα δὲ ἔργα τοῦ Ἀργείου. Τάραντα δὲ ἀπῴκισαν μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι, οἰκιστὴς δὲ ἐγένετο Σπαρτιάτης Φάλανθος. στελλομένῳ δὲ ἐς ἀποικίαν τῷ Φαλάνθῳ λόγιον ἦλθεν ἐκ Δελφῶν· ὑετοῦ αὐτὸν αἰσθόμενον ὑπὸ αἴθρᾳ, τηνικαῦτα καὶ χώραν κτήσεσθαι καὶ πόλιν. 10.10.7. τὸ μὲν δὴ παραυτίκα οὔτε ἰδίᾳ τὸ μάντευμα ἐπισκεψάμενος οὔτε πρὸς τῶν ἐξηγητῶν τινα ἀνακοινώσας κατέσχε ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐς Ἰταλίαν· ὡς δέ οἱ νικῶντι τοὺς βαρβάρους οὐκ ἐγίνετο οὔτε τινὰ ἑλεῖν τῶν πόλεων οὔτε ἐπικρατῆσαι χώρας, ἐς ἀνάμνησιν ἀφικνεῖτο τοῦ χρησμοῦ, καὶ ἀδύνατα ἐνόμιζέν οἱ τὸν θεὸν χρῆσαι· μὴ γὰρ ἄν ποτε ἐν καθαρῷ καὶ αἰθρίῳ τῷ ἀέρι ὑσθῆναι. καὶ αὐτὸν ἡ γυνὴ ἀθύμως ἔχοντα —ἠκολουθήκει γὰρ οἴκοθεν—τά τε ἄλλα ἐφιλοφρονεῖτο καὶ ἐς τὰ γόνατα ἐσθεμένη τὰ αὑτῆς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐξέλεγε τοὺς φθεῖρας· καί πως ὑπὸ εὐνοίας δακρῦσαι παρίσταται τῇ γυναικὶ ὁρώσῃ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐς οὐδὲν προχωροῦντα τὰ πράγματα. 10.10.8. προέχει δὲ ἀφειδέστερον τῶν δακρύων καὶ—ἔβρεχε γὰρ τοῦ Φαλάνθου τὴν κεφαλήν—συνίησί τε τῆς μαντείας—ὄνομα γὰρ δὴ ἦν Αἴθρα τῇ γυναικί—καὶ οὕτω τῇ ἐπιούσῃ νυκτὶ Τάραντα τῶν βαρβάρων εἷλε μεγίστην καὶ εὐδαιμονεστάτην τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πόλεων. Τάραντα δὲ τὸν ἥρω Ποσειδῶνός φασι καὶ ἐπιχωρίας νύμφης παῖδα εἶναι, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ ἥρωος τεθῆναι τὰ ὀνόματα τῇ πόλει τε καὶ τῷ ποταμῷ· καλεῖται γὰρ δὴ Τάρας κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τῇ πόλει καὶ ὁ ποταμός. 10.13.5. ἀνέθεσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐν Φαρσάλῳ Θεσσαλοὶ καὶ Μακεδόνων οἱ ὑπὸ τῇ Πιερίᾳ πόλιν Δῖον οἰκοῦντες Κυρηναῖοί τε τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ τοῦ ἐν Λιβύῃ, οὗτοι μὲν τὸ ἅρμα καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ ἅρματι ἄγαλμα Ἄμμωνος, Μακεδόνες δὲ οἱ ἐν Δίῳ τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα ὃς εἰλημμένος ἐστὶ τῆς ἐλάφου, Φαρσάλιοι δὲ Ἀχιλλέα τε ἐπὶ ἵππῳ καὶ ὁ Πάτροκλος συμπαραθεῖ ν οἱ καὶ τῷ ἵππῳ. Κορίνθιοι δὲ οἱ Δωριεῖς ᾠκοδόμησαν θησαυρὸν καὶ οὗτοι· 10.13.10. Ταραντῖνοι δὲ καὶ ἄλλην δεκάτην ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀπὸ βαρβάρων Πευκετίων ἀπέστειλαν· τέχνη μὲν τὰ ἀναθήματα Ὀνάτα τοῦ Αἰγινήτου καὶ Ἀγελάδα ἐστὶ τοῦ Ἀργείου, εἰκόνες δὲ καὶ πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέων, βασιλεὺς Ἰαπύγων Ὦπις ἥκων τοῖς Πευκετίοις σύμμαχος. οὗτος μὲν δὴ εἴκασται τεθνεῶτι ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, οἱ δὲ αὐτῷ κειμένῳ ἐφεστηκότες ὁ ἥρως Τάρας ἐστὶ καὶ Φάλανθος ὁ ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, καὶ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ Φαλάνθου δελφίς· πρὶν γὰρ δὴ ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἀφικέσθαι, καὶ ναυαγίᾳ τε ἐν τῷ πελάγει τῷ Κρισαίῳ τὸν Φάλανθον χρήσασθαι καὶ ὑπὸ δελφῖνος ἐκκομισθῆναί φασιν ἐς τὴν γῆν. 10.15.4. ἱππικοῦ δὲ ἡγεμόνας ἀναβεβηκότας ἐπὶ ἵππους Φεραῖοι παρὰ τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἔστησαν τρεψάμενοι τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἵππον. τὸν δὲ φοίνικα ἀνέθεσαν Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν χαλκοῦν, καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα ἐπίχρυσον ἐπὶ τῷ φοίνικι, ἀπὸ ἔργων ὧν ἐπʼ Εὐρυμέδοντι ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τῇ αὐτῇ τὸ μὲν πεζῇ, τὸ δὲ ναυσὶν ἐν τῷ ποταμῷ κατώρθωσαν. τούτου τοῦ ἀγάλματος ἐνιαχοῦ τὸν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ χρυσὸν ἐθεώμην λελυμασμένον. 10.16.6. Καρύστιοι δὲ οἱ Εὐβοεῖς βοῦν καὶ οὗτοι χαλκοῦν παρὰ τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἔστησαν ἀπὸ ἔργου τοῦ Μηδικοῦ· βοῦς δὲ οἱ Καρύστιοι καὶ οἱ Πλαταιεῖς τὰ ἀναθήματα ἐποιήσαντο, ὅτι ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ἀπωσάμενοι τὸν βάρβαρον τήν τε ἄλλην βεβαίως ἐκτήσαντο εὐδαιμονίαν καὶ ἀροῦν ἐλευθέραν τὴν γῆν. στρατηγῶν δὲ εἰκόνας καὶ Ἀπόλλωνά τε καὶ Ἄρτεμιν τὸ ἔθνος τὸ Αἰτωλικὸν ἀπέστειλαν καταστρεψάμενοι τοὺς ὁμόρους σφίσιν Ἀκαρνᾶνας. 10.17.3. ἔτεσι δὲ ὕστερον μετὰ τοὺς Λίβυας ἀφίκοντο ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐς τὴν νῆσον οἱ μετʼ Ἀρισταίου. παῖδα δὲ λέγουσιν Ἀρισταῖον Ἀπόλλωνός τε εἶναι καὶ Κυρήνης· ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ Ἀκταίωνος περισσῶς ἀλγήσαντα τῇ συμφορᾷ καὶ Βοιωτίᾳ τε καὶ πάσῃ τῇ Ἑλλάδι κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἀχθόμενον, οὕτως ἐς τὴν Σαρδὼ μετοικῆσαί φασιν αὐτόν. 10.31.9. αἱ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν Πενθεσίλειαν φέρουσαι μέν εἰσιν ὕδωρ ἐν κατεαγόσιν ὀστράκοις, πεποίηται δὲ ἡ μὲν ἔτι ὡραία τὸ εἶδος, ἡ δὲ ἤδη τῆς ἡλικίας προήκουσα· ἰδίᾳ μὲν δὴ οὐδὲν ἐπίγραμμα ἐπὶ ἑκατέρᾳ τῶν γυναικῶν, ἐν κοινῷ δέ ἐστιν ἐπὶ ἀμφοτέραις εἶναι σφᾶς τῶν οὐ μεμυημένων γυναικῶν. 10.31.11. ἔστι δὲ καὶ πίθος ἐν τῇ γραφῇ, πρεσβύτης δὲ ἄνθρωπος, ὁ δὲ ἔτι παῖς, καὶ γυναῖκες, νέα μὲν ὑπὸ τῇ πέτρᾳ, παρὰ δὲ τὸν πρεσβύτην ἐοικυῖα ἐκείνῳ τὴν ἡλικίαν· οἱ μὲν δὴ ἄλλοι φέρουσιν ὕδωρ, τῇ δὲ γραῒ κατεᾶχθαι τὴν ὑδρίαν εἰκάσεις· ὅσον δὲ ἐν τῷ ὀστράκῳ λοιπόν ἦν τοῦ ὕδατος, ἐκχέουσά ἐστιν αὖθις ἐς τὸν πίθον. ἐτεκμαιρόμεθα δʼ εἶναι καὶ τούτους τῶν τὰ δρώμενα Ἐλευσῖνι ἐν οὐδενὶ θεμένων λόγῳ· οἱ γὰρ ἀρχαιότεροι τῶν Ἑλλήνων τελετὴν τὴν Ἐλευσινίαν πάντων ὁπόσα ἐς εὐσέβειαν ἥκει τοσούτῳ ἦγον ἐντιμότερον ὅσῳ καὶ θεοὺς ἐπίπροσθεν ἡρώων. 10.37.8. Ἀμφικτύονες δὲ ὡς εἷλον τὴν πόλιν, ἐπράξαντο ὑπὲρ τοῦ θεοῦ δίκας παρὰ Κιρραίων, καὶ ἐπίνειον Δελφῶν ἐστιν ἡ Κίρρα. παρέχεται δὲ καὶ ἐς θέαν Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ Λητοῦς ναόν τε καὶ ἀγάλματα μεγέθει μεγάλα καὶ ἐργασίας Ἀττικῆς. ἡ δὲ Ἀδράστεια ἵδρυται μὲν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ σφίσι, μεγέθει δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀποδέουσα ἀγαλμάτων ἐστίν. 1.3.2. Near the portico stand Conon , Timotheus his son and Evagoras Evagoras was a king of Salamis in Cyprus , who reigned from about 410 to 374 B.C. He favoured the Athenians, and helped Conon to defeat the Spartan fleet off Cnidus in 394 B.C. King of Cyprus, who caused the Phoenician men-of-war to be given to Conon by King Artaxerxes. This he did as an Athenian whose ancestry connected him with Salamis , for he traced his pedigree back to Teucer and the daughter of Cinyras. Here stands Zeus, called Zeus of Freedom, and the Emperor Hadrian, a benefactor to all his subjects and especially to the city of the Athenians. 1.3.5. Here is built also a sanctuary of the Mother of the gods; the image is by Pheidias 490-432 B.C. . Hard by is the council chamber of those called the Five Hundred, who are the Athenian councillors for a year. In it are a wooden figure of Zeus Counsellor and an Apollo, the work of Peisias, The dates of these artists are unknown. and a Demos by Lyson. The thesmothetae (lawgivers) were painted by Protogenes A contemporary of Alexander the Great. the Caunian, and Olbiades An unknown painter. portrayed Callippus, who led the Athenians to Thermopylae to stop the incursion of the Gauls into Greece . 279 B.C. 1.4.5. The greater number of the Gauls crossed over to Asia by ship and plundered its coasts. Some time after, the inhabitants of Pergamus , that was called of old Teuthrania, drove the Gauls into it from the sea. Now this people occupied the country on the farther side of the river Sangarius capturing Ancyra , a city of the Phrygians, which Midas son of Gordius had founded in former time. And the anchor, which Midas found, A legend invented to explain the name “ Ancyra ,” which means anchor. was even as late as my time in the sanctuary of Zeus, as well as a spring called the Spring of Midas, water from which they say Midas mixed with wine to capture Silenus. Well then, the Pergameni took Ancyra and Pessinus which lies under Mount Agdistis, where they say that Attis lies buried. 1.15.1. As you go to the portico which they call painted, because of its pictures, there is a bronze statue of Hermes of the Market-place, and near it a gate. On it is a trophy erected by the Athenians, who in a cavalry action overcame Pleistarchus, to whose command his brother Cassander had entrusted his cavalry and mercenaries. This portico contains, first, the Athenians arrayed against the Lacedaemonians at Oenoe in the Argive territory. Date unknown. What is depicted is not the crisis of the battle nor when the action had advanced as far as the display of deeds of valor, but the beginning of the fight when the combatants were about to close. 1.18.5. Hard by is built a temple of Eileithyia, who they say came from the Hyperboreans to Delos and helped Leto in her labour; and from Delos the name spread to other peoples. The Delians sacrifice to Eileithyia and sing a hymn of Olen . But the Cretans suppose that Eileithyia was born at Auunisus in the Cnossian territory, and that Hera was her mother. Only among the Athenians are the wooden figures of Eileithyia draped to the feet. The women told me that two are Cretan, being offerings of Phaedra, and that the third, which is the oldest, Erysichthon brought from Delos . 1.22.8. Right at the very entrance to the Acropolis are a Hermes (called Hermes of the Gateway) and figures of Graces, which tradition says were sculptured by Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus, who the Pythia testified was the wisest of men, a title she refused to Anacharsis, although he desired it and came to Delphi to win it. 1.27.5. On the pedestal are also statues of Theaenetus, who was seer to Tolmides, and of Tolmides himself, who when in command of the Athenian fleet inflicted severe damage upon the enemy, especially upon the Peloponnesians who dwell along the coast, burnt the dock-yards at Gythium and captured Boeae , belonging to the “provincials,” and the island of Cythera . He made a descent on Sicyonia, and, attacked by the citizens as he was laying waste the country, he put them to flight and chased them to the city. Returning afterwards to Athens , he conducted Athenian colonists to Euboea and Naxos and invaded Boeotia with an army. Having ravaged the greater part of the land and reduced Chaeronea by a siege, he advanced into the territory of Haliartus,where he was killed in battle and all his army worsted. 447 B.C. Such was the history of Tolmides that I learnt. 1.28.2. In addition to the works I have mentioned, there are two tithes dedicated by the Athenians after wars. There is first a bronze Athena, tithe from the Persians who landed at Marathon. It is the work of Pheidias, but the reliefs upon the shield, including the fight between Centaurs and Lapithae, are said to be from the chisel of Mys fl. 430 B.C. , for whom they say Parrhasius the son of Evenor, designed this and the rest of his works. The point of the spear of this Athena and the crest of her helmet are visible to those sailing to Athens , as soon as Sunium is passed. Then there is a bronze chariot, tithe from the Boeotians and the Chalcidians in Euboea c. 507 B.C. . There are two other offerings, a statue of Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, and the best worth seeing of the works of Pheidias, the statue of Athena called Lemnian after those who dedicated it. 1.29.16. Lycurgus provided for the state-treasury six thousand five hundred talents more than Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, collected, and furnished for the procession of the Goddess golden figures of Victory and ornaments for a hundred maidens; for war he provided arms and missiles, besides increasing the fleet to four hundred warships. As for buildings, he completed the theater that others had begun, while during his political life he built dockyards in the Peiraeus and the gymnasium near what is called the Lyceum. Everything made of silver or gold became part of the plunder Lachares made away with when he became tyrant, but the buildings remained to my time. 1.33.2. About sixty stades from Marathon as you go along the road by the sea to Oropus stands Rhamnus. The dwelling houses are on the coast, but a little way inland is a sanctuary of Nemesis, the most implacable deity to men of violence. It is thought that the wrath of this goddess fell also upon the foreigners who landed at Marathon. For thinking in their pride that nothing stood in the way of their taking Athens , they were bringing a piece of Parian marble to make a trophy, convinced that their task was already finished. 1.33.7. Neither this nor any other ancient statue of Nemesis has wings, for not even the holiest wooden images of the Smyrnaeans have them, but later artists, convinced that the goddess manifests herself most as a consequence of love, give wings to Nemesis as they do to Love. I will now go onto describe what is figured on the pedestal of the statue, having made this preface for the sake of clearness. The Greeks say that Nemesis was the mother of Helen, while Leda suckled and nursed her. The father of Helen the Greeks like everybody else hold to be not Tyndareus but Zeus. 1.33.8. Having heard this legend Pheidias has represented Helen as being led to Nemesis by Leda, and he has represented Tyndareus and his children with a man Hippeus by name standing by with a horse. There are Agamemnon and Menelaus and Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles and first husband of Hermione , the daughter of Helen. Orestes was passed over because of his crime against his mother, yet Hermione stayed by his side in everything and bore him a child. Next upon the pedestal is one called Epochus and another youth; the only thing I heard about them was that they were brothers of Oenoe, from whom the parish has its name. 2.17.7. Above this temple are the foundations of the earlier temple and such parts of it as were spared by the flames. It was burnt down because sleep overpowered Chryseis, the priestess of Hera, when the lamp before the wreaths set fire to them. Chryseis went to Tegea and supplicated Athena Alea. Although so great a disaster had befallen them the Argives did not take down the statue of Chryseis; it is still in position in front of the burnt temple. 2.27.5. The Epidaurians have a theater within the sanctuary, in my opinion very well worth seeing. For while the Roman theaters are far superior to those anywhere else in their splendor, and the Arcadian theater at Megalopolis is unequalled for size, what architect could seriously rival Polycleitus in symmetry and beauty? For it was Polycleitus Probably the younger artist of that name. who built both this theater and the circular building. Within the grove are a temple of Artemis, an image of Epione, a sanctuary of Aphrodite and Themis, a race-course consisting, like most Greek race-courses, of a bank of earth, and a fountain worth seeing for its roof and general splendour. 2.31.5. Not far from Artemis Lycea are altars close to one another. The first of them is to Dionysus, surnamed, in accordance with an oracle, Saotes (Saviour); the second is named the altar of the Themides (Laws), and was dedicated, they say, by Pittheus. They had every reason, it seems to me, for making an altar to Helius Eleutherius (Sun, God of Freedom), seeing that they escaped being enslaved by Xerxes and the Persians. 2.38.5. it is fertile in trees, especially the olive. As you go up inland from this is a place where three hundred picked Argives fought for this land with an equal number of specially chosen Lacedaemonian warriors 548 B.C. . All were killed except one Spartan and two Argives, and here were raised the graves for the dead. But the Lacedaemonians, having fought against the Argives with all their forces, won a decisive victory; at first they themselves enjoyed the fruits of the land, but afterwards they assigned it to the Aeginetans, when they were expelled from their island by the Athenians 431 B.C. . In my time Thyreatis was inhabited by the Argives, who say that they recovered it by the award of an arbitration 338 B.C. 3.12.7. Near the Hellenium they point out the tomb of Talthybius. The Achaeans of Aegium too say that a tomb which they show on their market-place belongs to Talthybius. It was this Talthybius whose wrath at the murder of the heralds, who were sent to Greece by king Dareius to demand earth and water, left its mark upon the whole state of the Lacedaemonians, but in Athens fell upon individuals, the members of the house of one man, Miltiades the son of Cimon. Miltiades was responsible for the death at the hands of the Athenians of those of the heralds who came to Attica . 3.12.10. Leading from the market-place is another road, on which they have built what is called Scias (Canopy), where even at the present day they hold their meetings of the Assembly. This Canopy was made, they say, by Theodorus of Samos, who discovered the melting of iron and the moulding of images from it. fl. c. 540 B.C. Here the Lacedaemonians hung the harp of Timotheus of Miletus , to express their disapproval of his innovation in harping, the addition of four strings to the seven old ones. 4.2.2. Some time later, as no descendant of Polycaon survived (in my opinion his house lasted for five generations, but no more), they summoned Perieres, the son of Aeolus, as king. To him, the Messenians say, came Melaneus, a good archer and considered for this reason to be a son of Apollo; Perieres assigned to him as a dwelling a part of the country now called the Carnasium, but which then received the name Oechalia , derived, as they say, from the wife of Melaneus. 4.4.1. In the reign of Phintas the son of Sybotas the Messenians for the first time sent an offering and chorus of men to Apollo at Delos . Their processional hymn to the god was composed by Eumelus, this poem being the only one of his that is considered genuine. It was in the reign of Phintas that a quarrel first took place with the Lacedaemonians. The very cause is disputed, but is said to have been as follows: 4.4.2. There is a sanctuary of Artemis called Limnatis (of the Lake) on the frontier of Messenian, in which the Messenians and the Lacedaemonians alone of the Dorians shared. According to the Lacedaemonians their maidens coming to the festival were violated by Messenian men and their king was killed in trying to prevent it. He was Teleclus the son of Archelaus, son of Agesilaus, son of Doryssus, son of Labotas, son of Echestratus, son of Agis. In addition to this they say that the maidens who were violated killed themselves for shame. 4.4.3. The Messenians say that a plot was formed by Teleclus against persons of the highest rank in Messene who had come to the sanctuary, his incentive being the excellence of the Messenian land; in furtherance of his design he selected some Spartan youths, all without beards, dressed them in girls' clothes and ornaments, and providing them with daggers introduced them among the Messenians when they were resting; the Messenians, in defending themselves, killed the beardless youths and Teleclus himself; but the Lacedaemonians, they say, whose king did not plan this without the general consent, being conscious that they had begun the wrong, did not demand justice for the murder of Teleclus. These are the accounts given by the two sides; one may believe them according to one's feelings towards either side. 4.34.11. The men of Asine are the only members of the race of the Dryopes to pride themselves on the name to this day. The case is very different with the Euboeans of Styra . They too are Dryopes in origin, who took no part in the battle with Heracles, as they dwelt at some distance from the city. Yet the people of Styra disdain the name of Dryopes, just as the Delphians have refused to be called Phocians. But the men of Asine take the greatest pleasure in being called Dryopes, and clearly have made the most holy of their sanctuaries in memory of those which they once had, established on Parnassus . For they have both a temple of Apollo and again a temple and ancient statue of Dryops, whose mysteries they celebrate every year, saying that he is the son of Apollo. 5.7.8. Olen the Lycian, in his hymn to Achaeia, was the first to say that from these Hyperboreans Achaeia came to Delos . When Melanopus of Cyme composed an ode to Opis and Hecaerge declaring that these, even before Achaeia, came to Delos from the Hyperboreans. 5.14.10. On what is called the Gaeum (sanctuary of Earth) is an altar of Earth; it too is of ashes. In more ancient days they say that there was an oracle also of Earth in this place. On what is called the Stomium (Mouth) the altar to Themis has been built. All round the altar of Zeus Descender runs a fence; this altar is near the great altar made of the ashes. The reader must remember that the altars have not been enumerated in the order in which they stand, but the order followed by my narrative is that followed by the Eleans in their sacrifices. By the sacred enclosure of Pelops is an altar of Dionysus and the Graces in common; between them is an altar of the Muses, and next to these an altar of the Nymphs. 5.17.1. These things, then, are as I have already described. In the temple of Hera is an image of Zeus, and the image of Hera is sitting on a throne with Zeus standing by her, bearded and with a helmet on his head. They are crude works of art. The figures of Seasons next to them, seated upon thrones, were made by the Aeginetan Smilis. circa 580-540 B.C. Beside them stands an image of Themis, as being mother of the Seasons. It is the work of Dorycleidas, a Lacedaemonian by birth and a disciple of Dipoenus and Scyllis. 6.3.15. So plainly “the Samians and the rest of the Ionians,” as the Ionians themselves phrase it, painted both the walls. For when Alcibiades had a strong fleet of Athenian triremes along the coast of Ionia , most of the Ionians paid court to him, and there is a bronze statue of Alcibiades dedicated by the Samians in the temple of Hera. But when the Attic ships were captured at Aegospotami 405 B.C. , the Samians set up a statue of Lysander at Olympia , and the Ephesians set up in the sanctuary of Artemis not only a statue of Lysander himself but also statues of Eteonicus, Pharax and other Spartans quite unknown to the Greek world generally. 6.3.16. But when fortune changed again, and Conon had won the naval action off Cnidus and the mountain called Dorium 394 B.C. , the Ionians likewise changed their views, and there are to be seen statues in bronze of Conon and of Timotheus both in the sanctuary of Hera in Samos and also in the sanctuary of the Ephesian goddess at Ephesus . It is always the same; the Ionians merely follow the example of all the world in paying court to strength. 6.7.1. So much for the story of Euthymus. After his statue stands a runner in the foot-race, Pytharchus of Mantinea , and a boxer, Charmides of Elis , both of whom won prizes in the contests for boys. When you have looked at these also you will reach the statues of the Rhodian athletes, Diagoras and his family. These were dedicated one after the other in the following order. Acusilaus, who received a crown for boxing in the men's class; Dorieus, the youngest, who won the pancratium at Olympia on three successive occasions. Even before Dorieus, Damagetus beat all those who had entered for the pancratium. 6.7.2. These were brothers, being sons of Diagoras, and by them is set up also a statue of Diagoras himself, who won a victory for boxing in the men's class. The statue of Diagoras was made by the Megarian Callicles, the son of the Theocosmus who made the image of Zeus at Megara . The sons too of the daughters of Diagoras practised boxing and won Olympic victories: in the men's class Eucles, son of Callianax and Callipateira, daughter of Diagoras; in the boys' class Peisirodus, whose mother dressed herself as a man and a trainer, and took her son herself to the Olympic games. 6.7.3. This Peisirodus is one of the statues in the Altis, and stands by the father of his mother. The story goes that Diagoras came to Olympia in the company of his sons Acusilaus and Damagetus. The youths on defeating their father proceeded to carry him through the crowd, while the Greeks pelted him with flowers and congratulated him on his sons. The family of Diagoras was originally, through the female line, Messenian, as he was descended from the daughter of Aristomenes. 6.7.4. Dorieus, son of Diagoras, besides his Olympian victories, won eight at the Isthmian and seven at the Nemean games. He is also said to have won a Pythian victory without a contest. He and Peisirodus were proclaimed by the herald as of Thurii , for they had been pursued by their political enemies from Rhodes to Thurii in Italy . Dorieus subsequently returned to Rhodes . of all men he most obviously showed his friendship with Sparta , for he actually fought against the Athenians with his own ships, until he was taken prisoner by Attic men-of-war and brought alive to Athens . 6.7.5. Before he was brought to them the Athenians were wroth with Dorieus and used threats against him; but when they met in the assembly and beheld a man so great and famous in the guise of a prisoner, their feeling towards him changed, and they let him go away without doing him any hurt, and that though they might with justice have punished him severely. 6.7.6. The death of Dorieus is told by Androtion in his Attic history. He says that the great King's fleet was then at Caunus , with Conon in command, who persuaded the Rhodian people to leave the Lacedaemonian alliance and to join the great King and the Athenians. Dorieus, he goes on to say, was at the time away from home in the interior of the Peloponnesus , and having been caught by some Lacedaemonians he was brought to Sparta , convicted of treachery by the Lacedaemonians and sentenced to death. 6.7.7. If Androtion tells the truth, he appears to me to wish to put the Lacedaemonians on a level with the Athenians, because they too are open to the charge of precipitous action in their treatment of Thrasyllus and his fellow admirals at the battle of Arginusae 406 B.C. . Such was the fame won by Diagoras and his family. 6.13.11. There are statues to Agathinus, son of Thrasybulus, and to Telemachus, both men of Elis . Telemachus won the race for four-horse chariots; the statue of Agathinus was dedicated by the Achaeans of Pellene . The Athenian people dedicated a statue of Aristophon, the son of Lysinus, who won the men's pancratium at Olympia . 7.6.6. I myself know that Adrastus, a Lydian, helped the Greeks as a private individual, although the Lydian commonwealth held aloof. A likeness of this Adrastus in bronze was dedicated in front of the sanctuary of Persian Artemis by the Lydians, who wrote an inscription to the effect that Adrastus died fighting for the Greeks against Leonnatus. 7.17.10. Then certain Lydians, with Attis himself, were killed by the boar, and it is consistent with this that the Gauls who inhabit Pessinus abstain from pork. But the current view about Attis is different, the local legend about him being this. Zeus, it is said, let fall in his sleep seed upon the ground, which in course of time sent up a demon, with two sexual organs, male and female. They call the demon Agdistis. But the gods, fearing With δήσαντες the meaning is: “bound Agdistis and cut off.” Agdistis, cut off the male organ. 7.24.5. Going on further you come to the river Selinus , and forty stades away from Aegium is a place on the sea called Helice. Here used to be situated a city Helice, where the Ionians had a very holy sanctuary of Heliconian Poseidon. Their worship of Heliconian Poseidon has remained, even after their expulsion by the Achaeans to Athens , and subsequently from Athens to the coasts of Asia . At Miletus too on the way to the spring Biblis there is before the city an altar of Heliconian Poseidon, and in Teos likewise the Heliconian has a precinct and an altar, well worth seeing. 8.37.3. The actual images of the goddesses, Mistress and Demeter, the throne on which they sit, along with the footstool under their feet, are all made out of one piece of stone. No part of the drapery, and no part of the carvings about the throne, is fastened to another stone by iron or cement, but the whole is from one block. This stone was not brought in by them, but they say that in obedience to a dream they dug up the earth within the enclosure and so found it. The size of both images just about corresponds to the image of the Mother at Athens . 8.40.1. The Phigalians have on their market-place a statue of the pancratiast Arrhachion; it is archaic, especially in its posture. The feet are close together, and the arms hang down by the side as far as the hips. The statue is made of stone, and it is said that an inscription was written upon it. This has disappeared with time, but Arrhachion won two Olympic victories at Festivals before the fifty-fourth, while at this Festival 564 B.C . he won one due partly to the fairness of the Umpires and partly to his own manhood. 8.46.4. Again, the people of Cyzicus , compelling the people of Proconnesus by war to live at Cyzicus , took away from Proconnesus an image of Mother Dindymene. The image is of gold, and its face is made of hippopotamus teeth instead of ivory. So the emperor Augustus only followed a custom in vogue among the Greeks and barbarians from of old. The image of Athena Alea at Rome is as you enter the Forum made by Augustus. 8.52.1. After this Greece ceased to bear good men. For Miltiades, the son of Cimon, overcame in battle the foreign invaders who had landed at Marathon, stayed the advance of the Persian army, 490 B.C and so became the first benefactor of all Greece , just as Philopoemen, the son of Craugis, was the last. Those who before Miltiades accomplished brilliant deeds, Codrus, the son of Melanthus, Polydorus the Spartan, Aristomenes the Messenian, and all the rest, will be seen to have helped each his own country and not Greece as a whole. 8.52.2. Later than Miltiades, Leonidas, the son of Anaxandrides, and Themistocles, the son of Neocles, repulsed Xerxes from Greece , 480 B.C Themistocles by the two sea-fights, Leonidas by the action at Thermopylae . But Aristeides the son of Lysimachus, and Pausanias, the son of Cleombrotus, 479 B.C commanders at Plataea , were debarred from being called benefactors of Greece , Pausanias by his subsequent sins, Aristeides by his imposition of tribute on the island Greeks; for before Aristeides all the Greeks were immune from tribute. 9.1.5. But the Thebans maintained that as the Lacedaemonians had themselves made the peace and then broken it, all alike, in their view, were freed from its terms. The Plataeans, therefore, looked upon the attitude of the Thebans with suspicion, and maintained strict watch over their city. They did not go either daily to the fields at some distance from the city, but, knowing that the Thebans were wont to conduct their assemblies with every voter present, and at the same time to prolong their discussions, they waited for their assemblies to be called, and then, even those whose farms lay farthest away, looked after their lands at their leisure. 9.1.6. But Neocles, who was at the time Boeotarch at Thebes , not being unaware of the Plataean trick, proclaimed that every Theban should attend the assembly armed, and at once proceeded to lead them, not by the direct way from Thebes across the plain, but along the road to Hysiae in the direction of Eleutherae and Attica , where not even a scout had been placed by the Plataeans, being due to reach the walls about noon. 9.1.7. The Plataeans, thinking that the Thebans were holding an assembly, were afield and cut off from their gates. With those caught within the city the Thebans came to terms, allowing them to depart before sundown, the men with one garment each, the women with two. What happened to the Plataeans on this occasion was the reverse of what happened to them formerly when they were taken by the Lacedaemonians under Archidamus. For the Lacedaemonians reduced them by preventing them from getting out of the city, building a double line of circumvallation; the Thebans on this occasion by preventing them from getting within their walls. 9.1.8. The second capture of Plataea occurred two years before the battle of Leuctra, 373 B.C when Asteius was Archon at Athens . The Thebans destroyed all the city except the sanctuaries, but the method of its capture saved the lives of all the Plataeans alike, and on their expulsion they were again received by the Athenians. When Philip after his victory at Chaeroneia introduced a garrison into Thebes , one of the means he employed to bring the Thebans low was to restore the Plataeans to their homes. 9.4.1. The Plataeans have also a sanctuary of Athena surnamed Warlike; it was built from the spoils given them by the Athenians as their share from the battle of Marathon. It is a wooden image gilded, but the face, hands and feet are of Pentelic marble. In size it is but little smaller than the bronze Athena on the Acropolis, the one which the Athenians also erected as first-fruits of the battle at Marathon; the Plataeans too had Pheidias for the maker of their image of Athena. 9.8.4. In the circuit of the ancient wall of Thebes were gates seven in number, and these remain to-day. One got its name, I learned, from Electra, the sister of Cadmus, and another, the Proetidian, from a native of Thebes . He was Proetus, but I found it difficult to discover his date and lineage. The Neistan gate, they say, got its name for the following reason. The last of the harp's strings they call nete, and Amphion invented it, they say, at this gate. I have also heard that the son of Zethus, the brother of Amphion, was named Neis, and that after him was this gate called. 9.22.1. Beside the sanctuary of Dionysus at Tanagra are three temples, one of Themis, another of Aphrodite, and the third of Apollo; with Apollo are joined Artemis and Leto. There are sanctuaries of Hermes Ram-bearer and of Hermes called Champion. They account for the former surname by a story that Hermes averted a pestilence from the city by carrying a ram round the walls; to commemorate this Calamis made an image of Hermes carrying a ram upon his shoulders. Whichever of the youths is judged to be the most handsome goes round the walls at the feast of Hermes, carrying a lamb on his shoulders. 10.5.6. There is extant among the Greeks an hexameter poem, the name of which is Eumolpia, and it is assigned to Musaeus, son of Antiophemus. In it the poet states that the oracle belonged to Poseidon and Earth in common; that Earth gave her oracles herself, but Poseidon used Pyrcon as his mouthpiece in giving responses. The verses are these:— Forthwith the voice of the Earth-goddess uttered a wise word, And with her Pyrcon, servant of the renowned Earth-shaker. [Musaeus], Eumolpia They say that afterwards Earth gave her share to Themis, who gave it to Apollo as a gift. It is said that he gave to Poseidon Calaureia, that lies off Troezen , in exchange for his oracle. 10.10.1. On the base below the wooden horse is an inscription which says that the statues were dedicated from a tithe of the spoils taken in the engagement at Marathon. They represent Athena, Apollo, and Miltiades, one of the generals. of those called heroes there are Erechtheus, Cecrops, Pandion, Leos, Antiochus, son of Heracles by Meda , daughter of Phylas, as well as Aegeus and Acamas, one of the sons of Theseus. These heroes gave names, in obedience to a Delphic oracle, to tribes at Athens . Codrus however, the son of Melanthus, Theseus, and Neleus, these are not givers of names to tribes. 10.10.2. The statues enumerated were made by Pheidias, and really are a tithe of the spoils of the battle. But the statues of Antigonus, of his son Demetrius, and of Ptolemy the Egyptian, were sent to Delphi by the Athenians afterwards. The statue of the Egyptian they sent out of good-will; those of the Macedonians were sent because of the dread that they inspired. 10.10.6. The bronze horses and captive women dedicated by the Tarentines were made from spoils taken from the Messapians, a non-Greek people bordering on the territory of Tarentum , and are works of Ageladas the Argive . Tarentum is a colony of the Lacedaemonians, and its founder was Phalanthus, a Spartan. On setting out to found a colony Phalanthus received an oracle from Delphi , declaring that when he should feel rain under a cloudless sky (aethra), he would then win both a territory and a city. 10.10.7. At first he neither examined the oracle himself nor informed one of his interpreters, but came to Italy with his ships. But when, although he won victories over the barbarians, he succeeded neither in taking a city nor in making himself master of a territory, he called to mind the oracle, and thought that the god had foretold an impossibility. For never could rain fall from a clear and cloudless sky. When he was in despair, his wife, who had accompanied him from home, among other endearments placed her husband's head between her knees and began to pick out the lice. And it chanced that the wife, such was her affection, wept as she saw her husband's fortunes coming to nothing. 10.10.8. As her tears fell in showers, and she wetted the head of Phalanthus, he realized the meaning of the oracle, for his wife's name was Aethra. And so on that night he took from the barbarians Tarentum , the largest and most prosperous city on the coast. They say that Taras the hero was a son of Poseidon by a nymph of the country, and that after this hero were named both the city and the river. For the river, just like the city, is called Taras. 10.13.5. The Thessalians too of Pharsalus dedicated an Achilles on horseback, with Patroclus running beside his horse: the Macedonians living in Dium, a city at the foot of Mount Pieria, the Apollo who has taken hold of the deer; the people of Cyrene , a Greek city in Libya , the chariot with an image of Ammon in it. The Dorians of Corinth too built a treasury, where used to be stored the gold from Lydia . Dedicated by Gyges and by Croesus, kings of Lydia . 10.13.10. The Tarentines sent yet another tithe to Delphi from spoils taken from the Peucetii, a non-Greek people. The offerings are the work of Onatas the Aeginetan, and Ageladas the Argive , and consist of statues of footmen and horsemen—Opis, king of the Iapygians, come to be an ally to the Peucetii. Opis is represented as killed in the fighting, and on his prostrate body stand the hero Taras and Phalanthus of Lacedaemon , near whom is a dolphin. For they say that before Phalanthus reached Italy , he suffered shipwreck in the Crisaean sea, and was brought ashore by a dolphin. 10.15.4. Statues of cavalry leaders, mounted on horses, were dedicated in Apollo's sanctuary by the Pheraeans after routing the Attic cavalry. The bronze palm-tree, as well as a gilt image of Athena on it, was dedicated by the Athenians from the spoils they took in their two successes on the same day at the Eurymedon, one on land, and the other with their fleet on the river. The gold on this image was, I noticed, damaged in parts. 10.16.6. The Euboeans of Carystus too set up in the sanctuary of Apollo a bronze ox, from spoils taken in the Persian war. The Carystians and the Plataeans dedicated oxen, I believe, because, having repulsed the barbarian, they had won a secure prosperity, and especially a land free to plough. The Aetolian nation, having subdued their neighbors the Acarians, sent statues of generals and images of Apollo and Artemis. 10.17.3. Years after the Libyans, there came to the island from Greece Aristaeus and his followers. Aristaeus is said to have been a son of Apollo and Cyrene , and they say that, deeply grieved by the fate of Actaeon, and vexed alike with Boeotia and the whole of Greece , he migrated to Sardinia . 10.31.9. The women beyond Penthesileia are carrying water in broken pitchers; one is depicted as in the bloom of youth, the other is already advanced in years. There is no separate inscription on either woman, but there is one common to the pair, which states that they are of the number of the uninitiated. 10.31.11. There is also in the painting a jar, and an old man, with a boy and two women. One of these, who is young, is under the rock; the other is beside the old man and of a like age to his. The others are carrying water, but you will guess that the old woman's water-jar is broken. All that remains of the water in the sherd she is pouring out again into the jar. We inferred that these people too were of those who had held of no account the rites at Eleusis . For the Greeks of an earlier period looked upon the Eleusinian mysteries as being as much higher than all other religious acts as gods are higher than heroes. 10.37.8. and the Amphictyons captured the city. They exacted punishment from the Cirrhaeans on behalf of the god, and Cirrha is the port of Delphi . Its notable sights include a temple of Apollo, Artemis and Leto, with very large images of Attic workmanship. Adrasteia has been set up by the Cirrhaeans in the same place, but she is not so large as the other images.
194. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 13.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 83
195. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.52, 2.12, 9.49-9.50 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 82, 258, 313; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 75
1.52. If ye have suffered sadly through your own wickedness, lay not the blame for this upon the gods. For it is you yourselves who gave pledges to your foes and made them great; this is why you bear the brand of slavery. Every one of you treadeth in the footsteps of the fox, yet in the mass ye have little sense. Ye look to the speech and fair words of a flatterer, paying no regard to any practical result.Thus Solon. After he had gone into exile Pisistratus wrote to him as follows:Pisistratus to Solon 2.12. and says that Anaxagoras declared the whole firmament to be made of stones; that the rapidity of rotation caused it to cohere; and that if this were relaxed it would fall.of the trial of Anaxagoras different accounts are given. Sotion in his Succession of the Philosophers says that he was indicted by Cleon on a charge of impiety, because he declared the sun to be a mass of red-hot metal; that his pupil Pericles defended him, and he was fined five talents and banished. Satyrus in his Lives says that the prosecutor was Thucydides, the opponent of Pericles, and the charge one of treasonable correspondence with Persia as well as of impiety; and that sentence of death was passed on Anaxagoras by default. 9.49. Some include as separate items in the list the following works taken from his notes:of the Sacred Writings in Babylon.of those in Mero.A Voyage round the Ocean.of [the Right Use of] History.A Chaldaean Treatise.A Phrygian Treatise.Concerning Fever and those whose Malady makes them Cough.Legal Causes and Effects.Problems wrought by Hand.The other works which some attribute to Democritus are either compilations from his writings or admittedly not genuine. So much for the books that he wrote and their number.The name of Democritus has been borne by six persons: (1) our philosopher; (2) a contemporary of his, a musician of Chios; (3) a sculptor, mentioned by Antigonus; (4) an author who wrote on the sanctuary at Ephesus and the polis of Samothrace; (5) an epigrammatist whose style is lucid and ornate; (6) a native of Pergamum who made his mark by rhetorical speeches. 9.50. 8. PROTAGORASProtagoras, son of Artemon or, according to Apollodorus and Dinon in the fifth book of his History of Persia, of Maeandrius, was born at Abdera (so says Heraclides of Pontus in his treatise On Laws, and also that he made laws for Thurii) or, according to Eupolis in his Flatterers, at Teos; for the latter says:Inside we've got Protagoras of Teos.He and Prodicus of Ceos gave public readings for which fees were charged, and Plato in the Protagoras calls Prodicus deep-voiced. Protagoras studied under Democritus. The latter was nicknamed Wisdom, according to Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History.
196. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 7.49 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 342
197. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Acts, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 250
198. Rufinus of Aquileia, In Suam Et Eusebii Caesariensis Latinam Ab Eo Factam Historiam, 598 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 321
199. Ambrosiaster, Commentarius In Epistolam Ad Romanes, 46 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 251
200. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 22.9.5-22.9.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 342
22.9.5. Having here also in a similar way generously furnished many things that were necessary for repairing the damage done by the earthquake, he went on past Nicaea to the borders of Gallograecia. Galatia (Gallacia); cf. Suet., Calig. 29, 2. From there he made a detour to the right and turned to Pessinus, in order to visit the ancient shrine of the Great Mother. It was from that town, in the second Punic war, that at the direction of the Cumaean verses The Sibylline Verses; see Livy, xxix. 10, 11. her image was brought to Rome by Scipio Nasica. In 204 B.C.; see Livy, l.c. 22.9.6. of its arrival in Italy, along with other matters relating to the subject, I have given a brief account by way of digression in telling of the acts of the emperor Commodus. In one of the lost books. But why the town was called by that name writers of history are not in agreement; 22.9.7. for some have maintained that since the image of the goddess fell from heaven, the city was named from πεσεῖν, which is the Greek word meaning to fall. Others say that Ilus, son of Tros, king of Dardania, Herodian, i. 11, 1. gave the place that name. But Theopompus of Chios, a pupil of Isocrates, and a rhetorician and historian. His works are lost. asserts that it was not Ilus who did it, but Midas, According to Diod. Sic. (iii. 59, 8), he was the first to build a splendid temple to Cybele at Pessinus. the once mighty king of Phrygia.
201. Sallustius, On The Gods, 4 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 58
202. Julian (Emperor), , None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 58
203. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon (A-O), None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
204. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
205. Anon., Lexicon Patmense, 158  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
206. Euripides, Heraclitus (Ed. Diels-Kranz), None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, as cosmic principle •peloponnesian war, personified Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 54
207. Epigraphy, Agora Inventory, 1.7012  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 186
208. Papyri, P.Lond. British Library Inv., 2785, 18  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 412
209. Epigraphy, Choix Dinscriptions De Delphes, Eds. A. Jacquemin Et Al., 54  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
210. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 186
212. Demades, Fr., Bnj, 123, 15, 18, 20, 60, 13  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
213. Anon., Scholia On Argonautika, 1.1212-1.1219  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 142
215. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.38, 6.1.10-6.1.15, 9.1.19, 10.3.12-10.3.14, 10.3.19-10.3.20, 12.5.1-12.5.3, 12.8.11, 13.1.13, 14.2.9, 14.2.11, 14.2.16  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 88; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 250, 321, 324; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 59, 61, 313, 327, 333, 336, 342
1.2.38. Demetrius of Skepsis is also wrong, and, in fact, the cause of some of the mistakes of Apollodorus. He eagerly objects to the statement of Neanthes of Cyzicus, that the Argonauts, when they sailed to the Phasis, instituted at Cyzicus the rites of the Idaean Mother. Though their voyage is attested both by Homer and other writers, he denies that Homer had any knowledge whatever of the departure of Jason to the Phasis. In so doing, he not only contradicts the very words of Homer, but even his own assertions. The poet informs us that Achilles, having ravaged Lesbos and other districts, spared Lemnos and the adjoining islands, on account of his relationship with Jason and his son Euneos, who then had possession of the island. How should he know of a relationship, identity of race, or other connexion existing between Achilles and Jason, which, after all, was nothing else than that they were both Thessalians, one being of Iolcos, the other of the Achaean Phthiotis, and yet was not aware how it happened that Jason, who was a Thessalian of Iolcos, should leave no descendants in the land of his nativity, but establish his son as ruler of Lemnos? Homer then was familiar with the history of Pelias and the daughters of Pelias, of Alcestis, who was the most charming of them all, and of her son Eumelus, whom Alcestis, praised For beauty above all her sisters fair, In Thessaly to king Admetus bore, Iliad ii. 714. and was yet ignorant of all that befell Jason, and Argo, and the Argonauts, matters on the actual occurrence of which all the world is agreed. The tale then of their voyage in the ocean from Aeeta, was a mere fiction, for which he had no authority in history. 6.1.10. After Locri comes the Sagra, a river which has a feminine name. On its banks are the altars of the Dioscuri, near which ten thousand Locri, with Rhegini, clashed with one hundred and thirty thousand Crotoniates and gained the victory — an occurrence which gave rise, it is said, to the proverb we use with incredulous people, Truer than the result at Sagra. And some have gone on to add the fable that the news of the result was reported on the same day to the people at the Olympia when the games were in progress, and that the speed with which the news had come was afterwards verified. This misfortune of the Crotoniates is said to be the reason why their city did not endure much longer, so great was the multitude of men who fell in the battle. After the Sagra comes a city founded by the Achaeans, Caulonia, formerly called Aulonia, because of the glen which lies in front of it. It is deserted, however, for those who held it were driven out by the barbarians to Sicily and founded the Caulonia there. After this city comes Scylletium, a colony of the Athenians who were with Menestheus (and now called Scylacium). Though the Crotoniates held it, Dionysius included it within the boundaries of the Locri. The Scylletic Gulf, which, with the Hipponiate Gulf forms the aforementioned isthmus, is named after the city. Dionysius undertook also to build a wall across the isthmus when he made war upon the Leucani, on the pretext, indeed, that it would afford security to the people inside the isthmus from the barbarians outside, but in truth because he wished to break the alliance which the Greeks had with one another, and thus command with impunity the people inside; but the people outside came in and prevented the undertaking. 6.1.11. After Scylletium comes the territory of the Crotoniates, and three capes of the Iapyges; and after these, the Lacinium, a sanctuary of Hera, which at one time was rich and full of dedicated offerings. As for the distances by sea, writers give them without satisfactory clearness, except that, in a general way, Polybius gives the distance from the strait to Lacinium as two thousand three hundred stadia, and the distance thence across to Cape Iapygia as seven hundred. This point is called the mouth of the Tarantine Gulf. As for the gulf itself, the distance around it by sea is of considerable length, two hundred and forty miles, as the Chorographer says, but Artemidorus says three hundred and eighty for a man well-girded, although he falls short of the real breadth of the mouth of the gulf by as much. The gulf faces the winter-sunrise; and it begins at Cape Lacinium, for, on doubling it, one immediately comes to the cities of the Achaeans, which, except that of the Tarantini, no longer exist, and yet, because of the fame of some of them, are worthy of rather extended mention. 6.1.12. The first city is Croton, within one hundred and fifty stadia from the Lacinium; and then comes the River Aesarus, and a harbor, and another river, the Neaethus. The Neaethus got its name, it is said, from what occurred there: Certain of the Achaeans who had strayed from the Trojan fleet put in there and disembarked for an inspection of the region, and when the Trojan women who were sailing with them learned that the boats were empty of men, they set fire to the boats, for they were weary of the voyage, so that the men remained there of necessity, although they at the same time noticed that the soil was very fertile. And immediately several other groups, on the strength of their racial kinship, came and imitated them, and thus arose many settlements, most of which took their names from the Trojans; and also a river, the Neaethus, took its appellation from the aforementioned occurrence. According to Antiochus, when the god told the Achaeans to found Croton, Myscellus departed to inspect the place, but when he saw that Sybaris was already founded — having the same name as the river near by — he judged that Sybaris was better; at all events, he questioned the god again when he returned whether it would be better to found this instead of Croton, and the god replied to him (Myscellus was a hunchback as it happened): Myscellus, short of back, in searching else outside thy track, thou hunt'st for morsels only; 'tis right that what one giveth thee thou do approve; and Myscellus came back and founded Croton, having as an associate Archias, the founder of Syracuse, who happened to sail up while on his way to found Syracuse. The Iapyges used to live at Croton in earlier times, as Ephorus says. And the city is reputed to have cultivated warfare and athletics; at any rate, in one Olympian festival the seven men who took the lead over all others in the stadium-race were all Crotoniates, and therefore the saying The last of the Crotoniates was the first among all other Greeks seems reasonable. And this, it is said, is what gave rise to the other proverb, more healthful than Croton, the belief being that the place contains something that tends to health and bodily vigor, to judge by the multitude of its athletes. Accordingly, it had a very large number of Olympic victors, although it did not remain inhabited a long time, on account of the ruinous loss of its citizens who fell in such great numbers at the River Sagra. And its fame was increased by the large number of its Pythagorean philosophers, and by Milo, who was the most illustrious of athletes, and also a companion of Pythagoras, who spent a long time in the city. It is said that once, at the common mess of the philosophers, when a pillar began to give way, Milo slipped in under the burden and saved them all, and then drew himself from under it and escaped. And it is probably because he relied upon this same strength that he brought on himself the end of his life as reported by some writers; at any rate, the story is told that once, when he was travelling through a deep forest, he strayed rather far from the road, and then, on finding a large log cleft with wedges, thrust his hands and feet at the same time into the cleft and strained to split the log completely asunder; but he was only strong enough to make the wedges fall out, whereupon the two parts of the log instantly snapped together; and caught in such a trap as that, he became food for wild beasts. 6.1.13. Next in order, at a distance of two hundred stadia, comes Sybaris, founded by the Achaeans; it is between two rivers, the Crathis and the Sybaris. Its founder was Is of Helice. In early times this city was so superior in its good fortune that it ruled over four tribes in the neighborhood, had twenty five subject cities, made the campaign against the Crotoniates with three hundred thousand men, and its inhabitants on the Crathis alone completely filled up a circuit of fifty stadia. However, by reason of luxury and insolence they were deprived of all their felicity by the Crotoniates within seventy days; for on taking the city these conducted the river over it and submerged it. Later on, the survivors, only a few, came together and were making it their home again, but in time these too were destroyed by Athenians and other Greeks, who, although they came there to live with them, conceived such a contempt for them that they not only slew them but removed the city to another place near by and named it Thurii, after a spring of that name. Now the Sybaris River makes the horses that drink from it timid, and therefore all herds are kept away from it; whereas the Crathis makes the hair of persons who bathe in it yellow or white, and besides it cures many afflictions. Now after the Thurii had prospered for a long time, they were enslaved by the Leucani, and when they were taken away from the Leucani by the Tarantini, they took refuge in Rome, and the Romans sent colonists to supplement them, since their population was reduced, and changed the name of the city to Copiae. 6.1.14. After Thurii comes Lagaria, a stronghold, founded by Epeius and the Phocaeans; thence comes the Lagaritan wine, which is sweet, mild, and extremely well thought of among physicians. That of Thurii, too, is one of the famous wines. Then comes the city Heracleia, a short distance above the sea; and two navigable rivers, the Aciris and the Siris. On the Siris there used to be a Trojan city of the same name, but in time, when Heracleia was colonized thence by the Tarantini, it became the port of the Heracleotes. It is twenty-four stadia distant from Heracleia and about three hundred and thirty from Thurii. Writers produce as proof of its settlement by the Trojans the wooden image of the Trojan Athene which is set up there — the image that closed its eyes, the fable goes, when the suppliants were dragged away by the Ionians who captured the city; for these Ionians came there as colonists when in flight from the dominion of the Lydians, and by force took the city, which belonged to the Chones, and called it Polieium; and the image even now can be seen closing its eyes. It is a bold thing, to be sure, to tell such a fable and to say that the image not only closed its eyes (just as they say the image in Troy turned away at the time Cassandra was violated) but can also be seen closing its eyes; and yet it is much bolder to represent as brought from Troy all those images which the historians say were brought from there; for not only in the territory of Siris, but also at Rome, at Lavinium, and at Luceria, Athene is called Trojan Athena, as though brought from Troy. And further, the daring deed of the Trojan women is current in numerous places, and appears incredible, although it is possible. According to some, however, both Siris and the Sybaris which is on the Teuthras were founded by the Rhodians. According to Antiochus, when the Tarantini were at war with the Thurii and their general Cleandridas, an exile from Lacedemon, for the possession of the territory of Siris, they made a compromise and peopled Siris jointly, although it was adjudged the colony of the Tarantini; but later on it was called Heracleia, its site as well as its name being changed. 6.1.15. Next in order comes Metapontium, which is one hundred and forty stadia from the naval station of Heracleia. It is said to have been founded by the Pylians who sailed from Troy with Nestor; and they so prospered from farming, it is said, that they dedicated a golden harvest at Delphi. And writers produce as a sign of its having been founded by the Pylians the sacrifice to the shades of the sons of Neleus. However, the city was wiped out by the Samnitae. According to Antiochus: Certain of the Achaeans were sent for by the Achaeans in Sybaris and resettled the place, then forsaken, but they were summoned only because of a hatred which the Achaeans who had been banished from Laconia had for the Tarantini, in order that the neighboring Tarantini might not pounce upon the place; there were two cities, but since, of the two, Metapontium was nearer to Taras, the newcomers were persuaded by the Sybarites to take Metapontium and hold it, for, if they held this, they would also hold the territory of Siris, whereas, if they turned to the territory of Siris, they would add Metapontium to the territory of the Tarantini, which latter was on the very flank of Metapontium; and when, later on, the Metapontians were at war with the Tarantini and the Oinotrians of the interior, a reconciliation was effected in regard to a portion of the land — that portion, indeed, which marked the boundary between the Italy of that time and Iapygia. Here, too, the fabulous accounts place Metapontus, and also Melanippe the prisoner and her son Boeotus. In the opinion of Antiochus, the city Metapontium was first called Metabum and later on its name was slightly altered, and further, Melanippe was brought, not to Metabus, but to Dius, as is proved by a hero-sanctuary of Metabus, and also by Asius the poet, when he says that Boeotus was brought forth in the halls of Dius by shapely Melanippe, meaning that Melanippe was brought to Dius, not to Metabus. But, as Ephorus says, the colonizer of Metapontium was Daulius, the tyrant of the Crisa which is near Delphi. And there is this further account, that the man who was sent by the Achaeans to help colonize it was Leucippus, and that after procuring the use of the place from the Tarantini for only a day and night he would not give it back, replying by day to those who asked it back that he had asked and taken it for the next night also, and by night that he had taken and asked it also for the next day. Next in order comes Taras and Iapygia; but before discussing them I shall, in accordance with my original purpose, give a general description of the islands that lie in front of Italy; for as from time to time I have named also the islands which neighbor upon the several tribes, so now, since I have traversed Oinotria from beginning to end, which alone the people of earlier times called Italy, it is right that I should preserve the same order in traversing Sicily and the islands round about it. 9.1.19. The greater men's fondness for learning about things that are famous and the greater the number of men who have talked about them, the greater the censure, if one is not master of the historical facts. For example, in his Collection of the Rivers, Callimachus says that it makes him laugh if anyone makes bold to write that the Athenian virgins draw pure liquid from the Eridanus, from which even cattle would hold aloof. Its sources are indeed existent now, with pure and potable water, as they say, outside the Gates of Diochares, as they are called, near the Lyceium; but in earlier times there was also a fountain near by which was constructed by man, with abundant and excellent water; and even if the water is not so now, why should it be a thing to wonder at, if in early times the water was abundant and pure, and therefore also potable, but in later times underwent a change? However, it is not permitted me to linger over details, since they are so numerous, nor yet, on the other hand, to pass by them all in silence without even mentioning one or another of them in a summary way. 10.3.12. But as for the Berecyntes, a tribe of Phrygians, and the Phrygians in general, and those of the Trojans who live round Ida, they too hold Rhea in honor and worship her with orgies, calling her Mother of the Gods and Agdistis and Phrygia the Great Goddess, and also, from the places where she is worshipped, Idaea and Dindymene and Sipylene and Pessinuntis and Cybele and Cybebe. The Greeks use the same name Curetes for the ministers of the goddess, not taking the name, however, from the same mythical story, but regarding them as a different set of Curetes, helpers as it were, analogous to the Satyri; and the same they also call Corybantes. 10.3.13. The poets bear witness to such views as I have suggested. For instance, when Pindar, in the dithyramb which begins with these words,In earlier times there marched the lay of the dithyrambs long drawn out, mentions the hymns sung in honor of Dionysus, both the ancient and the later ones, and then, passing on from these, says,To perform the prelude in thy honor, great Mother, the whirling of cymbals is at hand, and among them, also, the clanging of castanets, and the torch that blazeth beneath the tawny pine-trees, he bears witness to the common relationship between the rites exhibited in the worship of Dionysus among the Greeks and those in the worship of the Mother of the Gods among the Phrygians, for he makes these rites closely akin to one another. And Euripides does likewise, in his Bacchae, citing the Lydian usages at the same time with those of Phrygia, because of their similarity: But ye who left Mt. Tmolus, fortress of Lydia, revel-band of mine, women whom I brought from the land of barbarians as my assistants and travelling companions, uplift the tambourines native to Phrygian cities, inventions of mine and mother Rhea. And again,happy he who, blest man, initiated in the mystic rites, is pure in his life, . . . who, preserving the righteous orgies of the great mother Cybele, and brandishing the thyrsus on high, and wreathed with ivy, doth worship Dionysus. Come, ye Bacchae, come, ye Bacchae, bringing down Bromius, god the child of god, out of the Phrygian mountains into the broad highways of Greece. And again, in the following verses he connects the Cretan usages also with the Phrygian: O thou hiding-bower of the Curetes, and sacred haunts of Crete that gave birth to Zeus, where for me the triple-crested Corybantes in their caverns invented this hide-stretched circlet, and blent its Bacchic revelry with the high-pitched, sweet-sounding breath of Phrygian flutes, and in Rhea's hands placed its resounding noise, to accompany the shouts of the Bacchae, and from Mother Rhea frenzied Satyrs obtained it and joined it to the choral dances of the Trieterides, in whom Dionysus takes delight. And in the Palamedes the Chorus says, Thysa, daughter of Dionysus, who on Ida rejoices with his dear mother in the Iacchic revels of tambourines. 10.3.14. And when they bring Seilenus and Marsyas and Olympus into one and the same connection, and make them the historical inventors of flutes, they again, a second time, connect the Dionysiac and the Phrygian rites; and they often in a confused manner drum on Ida and Olympus as the same mountain. Now there are four peaks of Ida called Olympus, near Antandria; and there is also the Mysian Olympus, which indeed borders on Ida, but is not the same. At any rate, Sophocles, in his Polyxena, representing Menelaus as in haste to set sail from Troy, but Agamemnon as wishing to remain behind for a short time for the sake of propitiating Athena, introduces Menelaus as saying,But do thou, here remaining, somewhere in the Idaean land collect flocks of Olympus and offer them in sacrifice. 10.3.19. Further, one might also find, in addition to these facts concerning these genii and their various names, that they were called, not only ministers of gods, but also gods themselves. For instance, Hesiod says that five daughters were born to Hecaterus and the daughter of Phoroneus,from whom sprang the mountain-ranging nymphs, goddesses, and the breed of Satyrs, creatures worthless and unfit for work, and also the Curetes, sportive gods, dancers. And the author of Phoronis speaks of the Curetes as flute-players and Phrygians; and others as earth-born and wearing brazen shields. Some call the Corybantes, and not the Curetes, Phrygians, but the Curetes Cretes, and say that the Cretes were the first people to don brazen armour in Euboea, and that on this account they were also called Chalcidians; still others say that the Corybantes, who came from Bactriana (some say from among the Colchians), were given as armed ministers to Rhea by the Titans. But in the Cretan accounts the Curetes are called rearers of Zeus, and protectors of Zeus, having been summoned from Phrygia to Crete by Rhea. Some say that, of the nine Telchines who lived in Rhodes, those who accompanied Rhea to Crete and reared Zeus in his youth were named Curetes; and that Cyrbas, a comrade of these, who was the founder of Hierapytna, afforded a pretext to the Prasians for saying among the Rhodians that the Corybantes were certain genii, sons of Athena and Helius. Further, some call the Corybantes sons of Cronus, but others say that the Corybantes were sons of Zeus and Calliope and were identical with the Cabeiri, and that these went off to Samothrace, which in earlier times was called Melite, and that their rites were mystical. 10.3.20. But though the Scepsian, who compiled these myths, does not accept the last statement, on the ground that no mystic story of the Cabeiri is told in Samothrace, still he cites also the opinion of Stesimbrotus the Thasian that the sacred rites in Samothrace were performed in honor of the Cabeiri: and the Scepsian says that they were called Cabeiri after the mountain Cabeirus in Berecyntia. Some, however, believe that the Curetes were the same as the Corybantes and were ministers of Hecate. But the Scepsian again states, in opposition to the words of Euripides, that the rites of Rhea were not sanctioned or in vogue in Crete, but only in Phrygia and the Troad, and that those who say otherwise are dealing in myths rather than in history, though perhaps the identity of the place-names contributed to their making this mistake. For instance, Ida is not only a Trojan, but also a Cretan, mountain; and Dicte is a place in Scepsia and also a mountain in Crete; and Pytna, after which the city Hierapytna was named, is a peak of Ida. And there is a Hippocorona in the territory of Adramyttium and a Hippocoronium in Crete. And Samonium is the eastern promontory of the island and a plain in the territory of Neandria and in that of the Alexandreians. 12.5.1. GALATIAThe Galatians, then, are to the south of the Paphlagonians. And of these there are three tribes; two of them, the Trocmi and the Tolistobogii, are named after their leaders, whereas the third, the Tectosages, is named after the tribe in Celtica. This country was occupied by the Galatae after they had wandered about for a long time, and after they had overrun the country that was subject to the Attalid and the Bithynian kings, until by voluntary cession they received the present Galatia, or Gallo-Graecia, as it is called. Leonnorius is generally reputed to have been the chief leader of their expedition across to Asia. The three tribes spoke the same language and differed from each other in no respect; and each was divided into four portions which were called tetrarchies, each tetrarchy having its own tetrarch, and also one judge and one military commander, both subject to the tetrarch, and two subordinate commanders. The Council of the twelve tetrarchs consisted of three hundred men, who assembled at Drynemetum, as it was called. Now the Council passed judgment upon murder cases, but the tetrarchs and the judges upon all others. Such, then, was the organization of Galatia long ago, but in my time the power has passed to three rulers, then to two; and then to one, Deiotarus, and then to Amyntas, who succeeded him. But at the present time the Romans possess both this country and the whole of the country that became subject to Amyntas, having united them into one province. 12.5.2. The Trocmi possess the parts near Pontus and Cappadocia. These are the most powerful of the parts occupied by the Galatians. They have three walled garrisons: Tavium, the emporium of the people in that part of the country, where are the colossal statue of Zeus in bronze and his sacred precinct, a place of refuge; and Mithridatium, which Pompey gave to Bogodiatarus, having separated it from the kingdom of Pontus; and third, Danala, where Pompey and Lucullus had their conference, Pompey coming there as successor of Lucullus in the command of the war, and Lucullus giving over to Pompey his authority and leaving the country to celebrate his triumph. The Trocmi, then, possess these parts, but the Tectosages the parts near Greater Phrygia in the neighborhood of Pessinus and Orcaorci. To the Tectosages belonged the fortress Ancyra, which bore the same name as the Phrygian town situated toward Lydia in the neighborhood of Blaudus. And the Tolistobogii border on the Bithynians and Phrygia Epictetus as it is called. Their fortresses are Blucium and Peium, the former of which was the royal residence of Deiotarus and the latter the place where he kept his treasures. 12.5.3. Pessinus is the greatest of the emporiums in that part of the world, containing a sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods, which is an object of great veneration. They call her Agdistis. The priests were in ancient times potentates, I might call them, who reaped the fruits of a great priesthood, but at present the prerogatives of these have been much reduced, although the emporium still endures. The sacred precinct has been built up by the Attalic kings in a manner befitting a holy place, with a sanctuary and also with porticos of white marble. The Romans made the sanctuary famous when, in accordance with oracles of the Sibyl, they sent for the statue of the goddess there, just as they did in the case of that of Asclepius at Epidaurus. There is also a mountain situated above the city, Dindymum, after which the country Dindymene was named, just as Cybele was named after Cybela. Near by, also, flows the Sangarius River; and on this river are the ancient habitations of the Phrygians, of Midas, and of Gordius, who lived even before his time, and of certain others, — habitations which preserve not even traces of cities, but are only villages slightly larger than the others, for instance, Gordium and Gorbeus, the royal residence of Castor the son of Saocondarius, where Deiotarus, Castor's father-in-law, slew him and his own daughter. And he pulled down the fortress and ruined most of the settlement. 12.8.11. Cyzicus is an island in the Propontis, being connected with the mainland by two bridges; and it is not only most excellent in the fertility of its soil, but in size has a perimeter of about five hundred stadia. It has a city of the same name near the bridges themselves, and two harbors that can be closed, and more than two hundred ship-sheds. One part of the city is on level ground and the other is near a mountain called Arcton-oros. Above this mountain lies another mountain, Dindymus; it rises into a single peak, and it has a sanctuary of Dindymene, Mother of the Gods, which was founded by the Argonauts. This city rivals the foremost of the cities of Asia in size, in beauty, and in its excellent administration of affairs both in peace and in war. And its adornment appears to be of a type similar to that of Rhodes and Massalia and ancient Carthage. Now I am omitting most details, but I may say that there are three directors who take care of the public buildings and the engines of war, and three who have charge of the treasure-houses, one of which contains arms and another engines of war and another grain. They prevent the grain from spoiling by mixing Chalcidic earth with it. They showed in the Mithridatic war the advantage resulting from this preparation of theirs; for when the king unexpectedly came over against them with one hundred and fifty thousand men and with a large cavalry, and took possession of the mountain opposite the city, the mountain called Adrasteia, and of the suburb, and then, when he transferred his army to the neck of land above the city and was fighting them, not only on land, but also by sea with four hundred ships, the Cyziceni held out against all attacks, and, by digging a counter-tunnel, all but captured the king alive in his own tunnel; but he forestalled this by taking precautions and by withdrawing outside his tunnel: Lucullus, the Roman general, was able, though late, to send an auxiliary force to the city by night; and, too, as an aid to the Cyziceni, famine fell upon that multitudinous army, a thing which the king did not foresee, because he suffered a great loss of men before he left the island. But the Romans honored the city; and it is free to this day, and holds a large territory, not only that which it has held from ancient times, but also other territory presented to it by the Romans; for, of the Troad, they possess the parts round Zeleia on the far side of the Aesepus, as also the plain of Adrasteia, and, of Lake Dascylitis, they possess some parts, while the Byzantians possess the others. And in addition to Dolionis and Mygdonis they occupy a considerable territory extending as far as lake Miletopolitis and Lake Apolloniatis itself. It is through this region that the Rhyndacus River flows; this river has its sources in Azanitis, and then, receiving from Mysia Abrettene, among other rivers, the Macestus, which flows from Ancyra in Abaeitis, empties into the Propontis opposite the island Besbicos. In this island of the Cyziceni is a well-wooded mountain called Artace; and in front of this mountain lies an isle bearing the same name; and near by is a promontory called Melanus, which one passes on a coasting-voyage from Cyzicus to Priapus. 13.1.13. This country was called Adrasteia and Plain of Adrasteia, in accordance with a custom whereby people gave two names to the same place, as Thebe and Plain of Thebe, and Mygdonia and Plain of Mygdonia. According to Callisthenes, among others, Adrasteia was named after King Adrastus, who was the first to found a sanctuary of Nemesis. Now the city is situated between Priapus and Parium; and it has below it a plain that is named after it, in which there was an oracle of Apollo Actaeus and Artemis. . . . But when the sanctuary was torn down, the whole of its furnishings and stonework were transported to Parium, where was built an altar, the work of Hermocreon, very remarkable for its size and beauty; but the oracle was abolished like that at Zeleia. Here, however, there is no sanctuary of Adrasteia, nor yet of Nemesis, to be seen, although there is a sanctuary of Adrasteia near Cyzicus. Antimachus says as follows: There is a great goddess Nemesis, who has obtained as her portion all these things from the Blessed. Adrestus was the first to build an altar to her beside the stream of the Aesepus River, where she is worshipped under the name of Adresteia. 14.2.9. The present city was founded at the time of the Peloponnesian War by the same architect, as they say, who founded the Peiraeus. But the Peiraeus no longer endures, since it was badly damaged, first by the Lacedemonians, who tore down the two walls, and later by Sulla, the Roman commander. 14.2.11. As one sails from the city, with the island on the right, one comes first to Lindus, a city situated on a mountain and extending far towards the south and approximately towards Alexandria. In Lindus there is a famous sanctuary of Athena Lindia, founded by the daughters of Danaus. Now in earlier times the Lindians were under a separate government of their own, as were also the Cameirians and the Ialysians, but after this they all came together at Rhodes. Cleobulus, one of the Seven Wise Men, was a native of Lindus. 14.2.16. Then to Halicarnassus, the royal residence of the dynasts of Caria, which was formerly called Zephyra. Here is the tomb of Mausolus, one of the Seven Wonders, a monument erected by Artemisia in honor of her husband; and here is the fountain called Salmacis, which has the slanderous repute, for what reason I do not know, of making effeminate all who drink from it. It seems that the effeminacy of man is laid to the charge of the air or of the water; yet it is not these, but rather riches and wanton living, that are the cause of effeminacy. Halicarnassus has an acropolis; and off the city lies Arconnesus. Its colonizers were, among others, Anthes and a number of Troezenians. Natives of Halicarnassus have been: Herodotus the historian, whom they later called a Thurian, because he took part in the colonization of Thurii; and Heracleitus the poet, the comrade of Callimachus; and, in my time, Dionysius the historian.
217. Scholia In Thucydidem, Scholia In Thucydidem Ad Optimos Codices Collata, 2.13  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 51
218. Scylax of Caryanda, Periplus of Pseudo-Scylax, 14  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 324
219. Epigraphy, O-R, 172, 181  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 191
220. Vergil, Aeneis, 3.552  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 324
3.552. thy path will show, and Phoebus bless thy prayer.
222. Papyri, P.Oxy., 663  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
223. Papyri, P.Brit.Mus., None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, athens and delian theoria in Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 113
236. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
237. Epigraphy, Walbank, 60, 39  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 138
239. Anon., Scholia On D., 21.62  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 192, 244
240. Epigraphy, Ig I , 87  Tagged with subjects: •athens, and sparta, in first peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, first Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 157
241. Epigraphy, Ig I , None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 132, 181, 243, 244; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 82
242. Anonymus, Liber De Rebaptismate, 198  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, athens and delian theoria in Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 113
243. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 1209  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 33
244. Antiochus, Cod. Parisinus, 930, 556  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 113
245. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 356.29-356.34, 1421.112  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 173; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 84; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 262
246. Antiphanes, Stratiotes, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 323
247. Epigraphy, Ig Iv, 798-801  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 25
248. Epigraphy, Ig Iv ,1, 131  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 57
249. Epigraphy, Ig I, 1361  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 192
250. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,3, 444, 86  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 21, 217
251. Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. In Pulch., 23  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, athens and delian theoria in Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 115
252. Epigraphy, Ivo, 169  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 138
253. John Chrysostom, Hom. In Cap. Ii Gen., 8  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, athens and delian theoria in Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 113
254. Ps. Dionysius The Areopagite, Prol., 3.1  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 354
255. Rufinus, Preface To Origen’S Princ., None  Tagged with subjects: •saronic gulf, first peloponnesian war in Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 156
256. Sallust, Fragmenta Dubia Vel Falsa, 227  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 324
258. Epigraphy, Moretti, Ise, 8  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 31
259. Epigraphy, Ogis, 222  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 154
260. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,6, 245, 255, 246  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 42
261. Anon., Tanhuma Emor, 35  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 123
262. Epigraphy, Id, 104, 47-49, 43  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 111
263. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, 138, 23, 37, 676, 144  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 244, 247
268. Epigraphy, Fouilles De Delphes, 3.1511, 3.4383, 4.374  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370
269. Hildegarde of Bingen, Sciv., 8.82  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, athens and delian theoria in Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 114
270. Aeschines, Or., 1.39, 1.101-1.102, 1.112, 1.125, 2.77-2.78, 2.97, 3.17, 3.113, 3.143, 3.178-3.179, 3.187-3.190, 3.187.1, 3.243  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, introduction of asklepios's cult in athens •peloponnesian war, •peloponnesian war, attica ravaged •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 412; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 156, 200, 244, 246; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 82, 84, 86; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 158; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 344; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 43, 278
272. Andocides, Orations, 1.11-1.24, 1.45, 1.84, 1.96-1.98, 2.10-2.12, 2.17-2.18, 3.21, 3.29, 4.16-4.18, 4.25-4.31  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 133, 185, 187, 243, 244, 245; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 79, 82, 83, 84; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 157; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 82, 258, 313, 320, 323, 324, 331; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 247
273. Crates Atheniensis 1. Jh. V. Chr., Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
274. Aristophanes Boeotus, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
275. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 3.1.14-3.1.18  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 83
3.1.14. Alexander urbe in dicionem suam redacta lovis templum intrat. Vehiculum, quo Gordium, Midae patrem, vectum esse constabat, aspexit cultu haud sane a vilioribus vulgatisque usu abhorrens. 3.1.15. Notabile erat iugum adstrictum compluribus nodis in semetipsos inplicatis et celantibus nexus. 3.1.16. Incolis deinde adfirmantibus editam esse oraculo sortem, Asiae potiturum, qui inexplicabile vinculum solvisset, cupido incessit animo sortis eius explendae. 3.1.17. Circa regem erat et Phrygum turba et Macedonum, illa expectatione suspensa, haec sollicita ex temeraria regis fiducia: quippe serie vinculorum ita adstricta, ut, unde nexus inciperet quove se conderet, nec ratione nec visu perspici posset, solvere adgressus iniecerat curam ei, ne in omen verteretur irritum inceptum. 3.1.18. Ille nequaquam diu luctatus cum latentibus nodis: “Nihil,” inquit, “interest, quomodo solvantur,” gladioque ruptis omnibus loris oraculi sortem vel elusit vel implevit.
276. Demosthenes, Orations, 1.8-1.9, 2.24, 5.5, 8.21-8.23, 9.30-9.31, 13.32, 14.25, 18.102, 18.112-18.114, 18.117-18.119, 18.259-18.260, 18.299, 18.311, 19.255, 20.1, 20.18, 20.29, 20.70, 20.75, 20.79, 20.86, 20.108, 20.127-20.130, 20.146, 20.154, 20.159, 21.61-21.62, 21.154-21.156, 21.165, 21.171, 22.5, 22.8, 22.36-22.37, 22.72, 23.130, 23.136, 24.39-24.40, 24.96, 24.180, 24.197-24.198, 25.46, 28.7, 28.17, 28.22-28.24, 31.12-31.13, 36.41, 38.26, 41.16, 42.22-42.23, 43.58, 45.66, 45.85, 47.54, 50.8-50.9, 50.13, 52.26, 55.12-55.13, 56.7  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 370; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 150, 192, 200, 201, 207, 244, 245, 246; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 83, 84, 86, 88; Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 262; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 84; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 157; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 62, 334; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 32, 90, 217, 218, 247
277. Epigraphy, Lscg, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 265
278. Epigraphy, Agora Xvi, 84, 56  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 90
279. Epigraphy, Bch, 93.1969.92  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 22
280. Epigraphy, Ceg, 87  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 192
281. Epigraphy, Cid, 1.12  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 22
282. Epigraphy, Demos Rhamnountos Ii, 180, 1  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 81
283. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 278, 303, 520  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 49
284. Epigraphy, Erythrai, 504  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 154
285. Epigraphy, Seg, 3.121, 12.87, 16.55, 18.13, 21.23, 21.644, 21.651, 22.116.5, 24.151, 26.72, 26.121, 28.45, 28.103, 32.231, 43.310, 44.425, 47.187, 47.488, 48.96, 48.1140, 50.88, 51.153, 52.48, 53.192, 54.80-54.81, 54.115, 54.143, 54.239, 54.794  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, annexation of aigina •peloponnesian war, •peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, attica ravaged •peloponnesian war, effects •peloponnesian war, origins of •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war, introduction of asklepios's cult in athens •peloponnesian war, evacuation of the attic countryside •sparta, wins the peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, oropos controlled by athens Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 234; Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 22; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 82, 84; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 272; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 331; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 21, 25, 31, 42, 49, 81, 82, 90, 123, 217, 218, 244, 268, 269, 278, 279, 282
286. Epigraphy, Syll. , 204, 4, 585, 82, 1055  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 268
287. Etymologicum Magnum Auctum, Etymologicum Magnum, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 81
288. Callimachus, Hymns, 3.242-3.247  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 333
289. Parthenius of Nicaea, Erotika Path?Mata, 36  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 86
290. Epigraphy, Agora, 15.1-15.30  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 84
291. Lycurgus, Orations, 1.127  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 84
292. Various, Anthologia Graeca, 13.11  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 251
293. Epigraphy, Ig, 7.53, 7.235  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •war, peloponnesian war Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 110; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 125
294. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan
295. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 2.6.9-2.6.10, 5.4.13-5.4.18, 5.8.4, 11.7.4-11.7.15  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 84; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 83, 323, 331
296. Epigrah, Athenian Agora, 16.73  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 272
297. Cratinus, Dionysalexander, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 151
298. Anon., Life of Sophocles, 9  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 38
299. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 84
300. Epigraphy, Lambert 1997A (Rationes Centesimarum), None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, effects Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 21
301. Epigraphy, Lambert 1993, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, annexation of aigina Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 25
302. Istros, Fgrh 334, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, attica ravaged Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 279
303. Epigraphy, Agora Xxx, 22  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, attica ravaged Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 279
304. Hesychius, Histories, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, attica ravaged Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 282
305. Didymus, Or., 13.44-13.51, 13.54  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, introduction of asklepios's cult in athens Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 43, 247
306. Lysias, Orations, 2.24, 2.33-2.45, 6.16-6.18, 7.4, 7.6-7.7, 7.24-7.25, 7.29, 7.31-7.32, 13.37, 18.3, 18.7, 19.9, 19.29, 19.57-19.59, 20.6, 20.23, 21.1-21.13, 21.20, 25.12, 26.22, 28.3, 29.4, 29.7, 30.17, 30.21-30.22, 30.26, 32.23  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 150, 200, 201, 207; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 88; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 65, 82, 258, 311, 313; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 49, 82, 83, 90, 268, 278
307. Epigraphy, Inscr. De Delos, 63-65, 69, 73, 89, 1497  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 154
308. Anon., Scholia On Aristophanes Ach., 504-507  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 114
309. Epigraphy, Xxviii, 28.45  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 244
310. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 7.43, 7.296  Tagged with subjects: •saronic gulf, first peloponnesian war in •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 156; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 284
311. Epigraphy, Nomima, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55
312. Asclepiades of Tragilus, Fgrh 12, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 86
313. Epigraphy, D. Jordan, "A Survey of Greek Defixiones Not Included In The Special Corpora", Grbs 26, 151ג€“97, 89, 1  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 305
314. Andocides, Orations, 1.11-1.24, 1.45, 1.84, 1.96-1.98, 2.10-2.12, 2.17-2.18, 3.21, 3.29, 4.16-4.18, 4.25-4.31  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era •peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •peloponnesian war, Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 133, 185, 187, 243, 244, 245; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 79, 82, 83, 84; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 157; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 82, 258, 313, 320, 323, 324, 331; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 247; Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 326
315. Epigraphy, Lscgsupp., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 265
316. Epigraphy, Ml, 45, 52, 55, 65, 73, 72  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 90
317. Epigraphy, Rhodes & Osborne Ghi, 4, 58, 77, 81, 79  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 272
318. Papyri, Bgu, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 113, 114, 116
319. Xenophon, Poroi, 3.3  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 245
320. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 282
322. Lycurgus, Orations, 1.122  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Liddel (2020), Decrees of Fourth-Century Athens (403/2-322/1 BC): Volume 2, Political and Cultural Perspectives, 191
323. Antiochus The Monk, Homilies, 355  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war, athens and delian theoria in Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 113
324. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
325. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
326. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
327. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
328. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
329. [Pseudo-Aristotle], De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 324
330. Isokrates, Ad Nikolem, 6  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 297
332. Anon., Liber Pontificalis, 1.279  Tagged with subjects: •war, peloponnesian war Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 128
333. Aristomenes Comicus, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnese, peloponnesian, peloponnesian war Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 374
334. Theognides, Poems, 6.27-6.29, 6.53, 6.60-6.61  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 326
335. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 1.292, 9.12  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 55, 245; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 70; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 84
336. Anon., Scholia On D., 21.62  Tagged with subjects: •peloponnesian war Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 84