1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 139.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 4| 139.1. "לַמְנַצֵּחַ לְדָוִד מִזְמוֹר יְהוָה חֲקַרְתַּנִי וַתֵּדָע׃", 139.1. "גַּם־שָׁם יָדְךָ תַנְחֵנִי וְתֹאחֲזֵנִי יְמִינֶךָ׃", | 139.1. "For the Leader. A Psalm of David. O LORD, Thou hast searched me, and known me. .", |
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| 2. Homer, Odyssey, 11.387-11.466, 11.473-11.476, 11.618-11.619 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus (l. aemilius) Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 302; Verhagen (2022) 302 |
3. Homer, Iliad, 1.528-1.530, 22.159-22.164 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 4, 242 | 1.528. / no word of mine may be recalled, nor is false, nor unfulfilled, to which I bow my head. The son of Cronos spoke, and bowed his dark brow in assent, and the ambrosial locks waved from the king's immortal head; and he made great Olympus quake. 1.529. / no word of mine may be recalled, nor is false, nor unfulfilled, to which I bow my head. The son of Cronos spoke, and bowed his dark brow in assent, and the ambrosial locks waved from the king's immortal head; and he made great Olympus quake. 1.530. / 22.159. / where the wives and fair daughters of the Trojans were wont to wash bright raiment of old in the time of peace, before the sons of the Achaeans came. Thereby they ran, one fleeing, and one pursuing. In front a good man fled, but one mightier far pursued him swiftly; for it was not for beast of sacrifice or for bull's hide 22.160. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; 22.161. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; 22.162. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; 22.163. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; 22.164. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; |
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| 4. Aristotle, Problems, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus Found in books: Konig (2022) 210 |
| 5. Aristotle, Meteorology, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus Found in books: Konig (2022) 210 |
6. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.42-1.46 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, lucius aemilius •aemilius paulus •plutarch, aemilius paulus Found in books: Mcclellan (2019) 256; Nuno et al (2021) 132| 1.42. illam vero funditus eiciamus individuorum corporum levium et rutundorum rotundorum KV ( sed fuit rut.) H concursionem fortuitam, quam tamen tamen add. K 2 Democritus concalefactam et spirabilem, spirabilem eqs. cf. Aug. epist. 118, 4, 28 id est animalem, esse volt. is autem animus, qui, si si add. G 1 s. l. est horum quattuor quattuor horum Non. generum, ex quibus ex quibus unde V 2 Non ft. recte omnia constare dicuntur, animus...239, 1 dicuntur Non. 272, 29 ex inflammata anima constat, ut potissimum videri video videri om. X (videt' pro video V sed t' V c in r. ) add. K 2 s Panaetio, superiora capessat necesse est. nihil enim habent haec duo genera proni et supera semper petunt. ita, sive dissipantur, procul a terris id evenit, sive permanent et conservant habitum suum, hoc etiam magis necesse est ferantur ad caelum et ab is perrumpatur et dividatur crassus hic et concretus aër, qui est terrae proximus. calidior est enim vel potius ardentior ardentior ex -us V 1 animus quam est est exp. V c hic aër, aer in mg. V c quem modo dixi crassum atque concretum; quod ex eo sciri sciri scribi K 1 potest, quia corpora nostra terreno principiorum genere confecta ardore animi concalescunt. 1.43. accedit accidit X accedit s V rec ut eo facilius animus evadat ex hoc aëre, quem saepe iam appello, eumque perrumpat, quod nihil est animo velocius, nulla est celeritas quae possit cum animi celeritate contendere. qui si permanet incorruptus suique similis, necesse est ita feratur, ut penetret et dividat omne caelum hoc, in quo nubes imbres ventique coguntur, caelum... coguntur Non. 264,32 quod et umidum umidum G ( add. sed rursus eras.) KR 1 V 1 hum. H et caliginosum est propter exhalationes exalationes GKV (exal at., in mg. p humorem V 2 )H terrae. Quam regionem cum superavit animus naturamque sui similem contigit et adgnovit, agnovit H a gn. V iunctis iuncti s R 1 iunctus GKVH ex anima tenui et ex ardore solis temperato ignibus insistit consistit V e corr. et finem altius se ecferendi ecf. ut 238, 5 (eff. hic V c ) facit. cum enim sui similem et levitatem et calorem adeptus est, add. s tamquam paribus examinatus ponderibus nullam in partem movetur, eaque ei demum naturalis est sedes, cum ad sui simile penetravit; in quo nulla re egens aletur et sustentabitur isdem rebus, quibus astra sustentantur hisdem X ( isdem V isdem H?) susten- tatur G 1 sustentur K 1 sustantur V 1 et aluntur. Cumque corporis facibus inflammari soleamus ad omnis fere cupiditates eoque magis incendi, quod is aemulemur, qui ea habeant quae nos habere cupiamus, profecto beati erimus, cum corporibus relictis et cupiditatum et aemulationum erimus expertes; 1.44. quodque que in r. V c nunc facimus, cum laxati curis sumus, ut spectare aliquid velimus et visere, id multo tum faciemus liberius liberius t. V totosque nos in contemplandis rebus perspiciendisque ponemus, propterea quod et natura inest in mentibus nostris insatiabilis quaedam cupiditas veri videndi et orae ipsae locorum illorum, quo pervenerimus, quo faciliorem nobis cognitionem rerum caelestium, eo maiorem cognoscendi cupiditatem dabant. 1.45. haec enim pulchritudo etiam in terris patritam patriam X patritam Non. et multi codd. s. XV., ex Nonio ni fallor. certe in Vat. 1733 is qui a. 1479 co- dicem emit in mg. adscripsit : patrita n. m. illam cognitionis add. K c et avitam, ut ait Theophrastus, philosophiam patritam ... 15 philosophiam Non. 161, 7 cognitionis cupiditate incensam excitavit. praecipue vero fruentur ea, qui tum etiam, cum has terras incolentes circumfusi erant caligine, tamen acie mentis dispicere illa post disp. add. V 2 cupiebant. Etenim si nunc aliquid adsequi se se om. G putant, qui ostium Ponti viderunt et eas angustias, per quas penetravit ea quae est nominata Argo/, Enn. Med. 250 quia Argivi i/n ea in ea add. K c delecti/ delecti KV 2 B dilecti GRV 1 viri Vecti/ petebant pe/llem inauratam a/rietis, aut i qui Oceani freta illa viderunt, Europam Enn. ann. 302 Libyamque lybiamque X (lyp. V 1 ) rapax ubi dividit unda, quod tandem spectaculum fore putamus, cum totam terram contueri licebit eiusque cum situm, formam, circumscriptionem, tum et habitabiles regiones et rursum rursus V 2 omni cultu propter vim frigoris aut caloris vacantis? 1.46. nos enim ne nunc quidem oculis cernimus ea quae videmus; neque est enim enim est V 2 B ullus sensus in corpore, sed, ut non physici phisici KRH solum docent verum etiam medici, qui ista aperta et patefacta viderunt, viae quasi quaedam sunt ad oculos, ad auris, ad naris aures...nares ex -is V 1? a sede animi perforatae. itaque saepe aut cogitatione aut aliqua vi morbi impediti apertis atque integris et oculis et auribus nec videmus nec audimus, ut ut quo ss. V 2 facile intellegi possit animum et videre et audire, non eas partis quae quasi fenestrae sint animi, non... 10 sunt animi Non. 36, 12 quibus tamen sentire nihil queat mens, nisi id agat et adsit. quid, quod quid quod V ( sed quod corr. in cū 1 ) qui quod GK 1 ( corr. c ) R eadem mente res dissimillimas comprendimus, cũ ( ex cō) prendimus V ut colorem, saporem, calorem, odorem, sonum? quae numquam quinque nuntiis animus animi in animis corr. V 1 cognosceret, nisi ad eum omnia referrentur et is omnium iudex solus esset. atque ea profecto tum multo puriora et dilucidiora cernentur, cum, quo natura fert, fertur K c liber animus pervenerit. illam ... 24 vult 239, 15 nulla vero est celeritas...240, 16 excitavit 240, 26 quod tandem ... 241,17 pervenerit H | |
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| 7. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.128-2.4.130 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 242 |
| 8. Cicero, In Pisonem, 51-52, 55, 61, 97, 53 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 187 |
| 9. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 3.1.24, 3.2.2, 3.4.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 187, 188 |
| 10. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 187 |
11. Polybius, Histories, 6.15.8, 30.10.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 4, 242| 6.15.8. τοὺς γὰρ προσαγορευομένους παρʼ αὐτοῖς θριάμβους, διʼ ὧν ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν ἄγεται τοῖς πολίταις ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἡ τῶν κατειργασμένων πραγμάτων ἐνάργεια, τούτους οὐ δύνανται χειρίζειν, ὡς πρέπει, ποτὲ δὲ τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ συντελεῖν, ἐὰν μὴ τὸ συνέδριον συγκατάθηται καὶ δῷ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην. 30.10.6. Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος παρῆν εἰς τὸ τέμενος τὸ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ, καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα θεασάμενος ἐξεπλάγη καὶ τοσοῦτον εἶπεν ὅτι μόνος αὐτῷ δοκεῖ Φειδίας τὸν παρʼ Ὁμήρῳ Δία μεμιμῆσθαι, διότι μεγάλην ἔχων προσδοκίαν τῆς Ὀλυμπίας μείζω τῆς προσδοκίας εὑρηκὼς εἴη τὴν ἀλήθειαν. — | 6.15.8. For the processions they call triumphs, in which the generals bring the actual spectacle of their achievements before the eyes of their fellow-citizens, cannot be properly organized and sometimes even cannot be held at all, unless the senate consents and provides the requisite funds. 30.10.6. Lucius Aemilius visited the temple in Olympia, and when he saw the statue of Zeus was awestruck, and said simply that Pheidias seemed to him to have been the only artist who had made a likeness of Homer's Zeus; for he himself had come to Olympia with high expectations but the reality had far surpassed his expectations. State of Aetolia (Cp. Livy XLV.28.6) |
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12. Livy, History, 9.7.11, 23.9.4, 23.18, 26.19.5-26.19.7, 31.20.6, 33.27.1, 34.52.10, 39.32.6, 39.43.4, 39.56.4, 43.2.5-43.2.11, 45.27-45.28, 45.28.5, 45.35.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius •paulus (l. aemilius) •aemilius paulus Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 274; Beneker et al. (2022) 117, 123, 125, 129; Jenkyns (2013) 187, 188, 242, 245; Verhagen (2022) 274| 43.2.5. quattuor nominaverunt, M. Porcium Catonem, P. Cornelium Cn. F. Scipionem, L. Aemilium L. F. Paulum, C. Sulpicium Gallum. 43.2.6. cum M. Titinio primum, qui praetor A. Manlio M. Iunio consulibus in citeriore Hispania fuerat, recuperatores sumpserunt. bis ampliatus, tertio absolutus est reus. 43.2.7. dissensio inter duarum provinciarum legatos est orta; citerioris Hispaniae populi M. Catonem et P. Scipionem, ulterioris L. Paulum et Gallum Sulpicium patronos sumpserunt. 43.2.8. ad recuperatores adducti a citerioribus populis P. Furius Philus, ab ulterioribus M. Matienus; 43.2.9. ille Sp. Postumio Q. Mucio consulibus triennio ante, hic biennio prius L. Postumio M. Popilio consulibus praetor fuerat. 43.2.10. gravissimis criminibus accusati ambo ampliatique; cum dicenda de integro causa esset, excusati exilii causa solum vertisse. Furius Praeneste, Matienus Tibur exulatum abierunt. 43.2.11. fama erat prohiberi a patronis nobiles ac potentes conpellare; auxitque eam suspicionem Canuleius praetor, quod omissa ea re dilectum habere instituit, dein repente in provinciam abiit, ne plures ab Hispanis vexarentur. 45.28.5. ubi et alia quidem spectanda ei visa: Iovem velut praesentem intuens motus animo est. itaque haud secus, quam si in Capitolio immolaturus esset, sacrificium amplius solito apparari iussit. 45.35.3. Paulus ipso post dies paucos regia nave ingentis magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant, ornata Macedonicis spoliis non insignium tantum armorum, sed etiam regiorum textilium, adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus, conpletis ripis obviam effusa multitudine. | |
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| 13. Tibullus, Elegies, 2.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 240 |
14. Ovid, Amores, 3.1.1-3.1.2, 3.13.7-3.13.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 240| 3.1.1. Stat vetus et multos incaedua silva per annos; 3.1.2. Credibile est illi numen inesse loco. 3.13.7. Stat vetus et densa praenubilus arbore lucus; 3.13.8. Adspice — concedas numen inesse loco. 3.13.9. Accipit ara preces votivaque tura piorum — 3.13.10. Ara per antiquas facta sine arte manus. | |
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| 15. Horace, Letters, 2.2.81-2.2.85 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163 |
16. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.128-1.150, 5.40 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus (l. aemilius) Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 274; Verhagen (2022) 274| 1.128. Protinus inrupit venae peioris in aevum 1.129. omne nefas: fugere pudor verumque fidesque; 1.130. In quorum subiere locum fraudesque dolique 1.131. insidiaeque et vis et amor sceleratus habendi. 1.132. Vela dabat ventis (nec adhuc bene noverat illos) 1.133. navita; quaeque diu steterant in montibus altis, 1.134. fluctibus ignotis insultavere carinae, 1.135. communemque prius ceu lumina solis et auras 1.136. cautus humum longo signavit limite mensor. 1.137. Nec tantum segetes alimentaque debita dives 1.138. poscebatur humus, sed itum est in viscera terrae: 1.139. quasque recondiderat Stygiisque admoverat umbris, 1.140. effodiuntur opes, inritamenta malorum. 1.141. Iamque nocens ferrum ferroque nocentius aurum 1.142. prodierat: prodit bellum, quod pugnat utroque, 1.143. sanguineaque manu crepitantia concutit arma. 1.144. Vivitur ex rapto: non hospes ab hospite tutus, 1.145. non socer a genero; fratrum quoque gratia rara est. 1.146. Inminet exitio vir coniugis, illa mariti; 1.147. lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae; 1.148. filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos. 1.149. Victa iacet pietas, et virgo caede madentis, 1.150. ultima caelestum terras Astraea reliquit. 5.40. calcitrat et positas adspergit sanguine mensas. | |
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17. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 9.2, 10.5.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus (l. aemilius) •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 274; Jenkyns (2013) 240; Verhagen (2022) 274| 10.5.8. Sparsi. Si ad succurrendum profectus es, queror quod unum emisti, si ad torquendum, queror quod ullum . Vtinam, Philippe, auctionem cum exceptione fecisses: ne quis Atheniensis emeret. Non uidit Phidias Iouem, fecit tamen uelut totem; nec stetit ante oculos eius Minerua, dignus tamen illa arte animus et concepit deos et exhibuit. Quid facturi sumus si bellum uolueris pingere? diuersas uirorum statuemus acies et in mutua uulnera armabimus manus? uictos sequentur uictores? reuertentur cruenti ? ne Parrhasii manus temere ludat coloribus, internecione humana emendum est? | |
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| 18. Seneca The Elder, Suasoriae, 6.3, 6.7, 7.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus, l. Found in books: Keeline (2018) 116 |
19. Ovid, Tristia, 1.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 188| 1.3. vade, sed incultus, qualem decet exulis esse 1.3. neve, precor, magni subscribite Caesaris irae! 1.3. cum repeto noctem, qua tot mihi cara reliqui, 1.3. nos tamen Ionium non nostra findimus aequor 1.3. attonitum qui me, memini, carissime, primus 1.3. pectoribus quantum tu nostris, uxor, inhaeres, 1.3. ista decent laetos felicia signa poetas : 1.3. terra feret stellas, caelum findetur aratro, 1.3. atque utinam pro te possent mea vota valere, 1.3. sive opus est velis, minimam bene currit ad auram, 1.3. aut haec me, gelido tremerem cum mense Decembri, | |
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20. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 7.72.1-7.72.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus •plutarch, aemilius paulus Found in books: Nuno et al (2021) 372 | 7.72.1. Before beginning the games the principal magistrates conducted a procession in honour of the gods from the Capitol through the Forum to the Circus Maximus. Those who led the procession were, first, the Romans' sons who were nearing manhood and were of an age to bear a part in this ceremony, who rode on horseback if their fathers were entitled by their fortunes to be knights, while the others, who were destined to serve in the infantry, went on foot, the former in squadrons and troops, and the latter in divisions and companies, as if they were going to school; this was done in order that strangers might see the number and beauty of the youths of the commonwealth who were approaching manhood. 7.72.2. These were followed by charioteers, some of whom drove four horses abreast, some two, and others rode unyoked horses. After them came the contestants in both the light and the heavy games, their whole bodies naked except their loins. This custom continued even to my time at Rome, as it was originally practised by the Greeks; but it is now abolished in Greece, the Lacedaemonians having put an end to it. |
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| 21. Onasander, Strategicus, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 84 |
22. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 1.2, 2.6, 3.1-3.6, 4.2-4.3, 5.1-5.5, 6.1-6.10, 7.1-7.2, 8.4-8.9, 10.3-10.4, 11.1-11.2, 14.1-14.2, 14.5-14.6, 15.11, 25.3, 26.9-26.12, 28.2, 30.4, 32.2, 33.1, 33.4, 35.2, 36.4-36.9, 38.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 38, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 128, 132, 134, 135, 175; Jenkyns (2013) 4, 163, 242; Konig (2022) 210, 211; Nuno et al (2021) 127, 372| 2.6. οὔτε γὰρ λόγον ἤσκει περὶ δίκας, ἀσπασμούς τε καὶ δεξιώσεις καὶ φιλοφροσύνας, αἷς ὑποτρέχοντες οἱ πολλοὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐκτῶντο θεραπευτικοὶ καὶ σπουδαῖοι γενόμενοι, παντάπασιν ἐξέλιπε, πρὸς οὐδέτερον ἀφυῶς ἔχων, ὡς δʼ ἑκατέρου κρείττονα τήν ἀπʼ ἀνδρείας καὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ πίστεως δόξαν αὑτῷ περιποιούμενος, οἷς εὐθὺς διέφερε τῶν καθʼ ἡλικίαν. 3.1. πρώτην γοῦν τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀρχῶν ἀγορανομίαν μετελθών προεκρίθη δεκαδυοῖν ἀνδρῶν συναπογραψαμένων, οὓς ὕστερον ἅπαντας ὑπατεῦσαι λέγουσι. 3.2. γενόμενος δʼ ἱερεὺς τῶν αὐγούρων προσαγορευομένων, οὓς τῆς ἀπʼ ὀρνίθων καὶ διοσημειῶν ἀποδεικνύουσι Ῥωμαῖοι μαντικῆς ἐπισκόπους καὶ φύλακας, οὕτω προσέσχε τοῖς πατρῴοις ἔθεσι καὶ κατενόησε τὴν τῶν παλαιῶν περὶ τὸ θεῖον εὐλάβειαν 3.3. ὥστε τιμήν τινα δοκοῦσαν εἶναι καὶ ζηλουμένην ἄλλως ἕνεκα δόξης τὴν ἱερωσύνην τῶν ἀκροτάτων μίαν ἀποφῆναι τεχνῶν, καὶ μαρτυρῆσαι τοῖς φιλοσόφοις, ὅσοι τὴν εὐσέβειαν ὡρίσαντο θεραπείας θεῶν ἐπιστήμην εἶναι. 3.4. πάντα γὰρ ἐδρᾶτο μετʼ ἐμπειρίας ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ σπουδῆς, σχολὴν τῶν ἄλλων ἄγοντος ὅτε γίγνοιτο πρὸς τούτῳ, καὶ παραλείποντος οὐδὲν οὐδὲ καινοτομοῦντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς συνιερεῦσιν ἀεὶ καὶ περὶ τῶν μικρῶν διαφερομένου, καὶ διδάσκοντος ὡς εἰ τὸ θεῖον εὔκολόν τις ἡγεῖται καὶ ἀμεμφὲς εἶναι τῶν ἀμελειῶν, ἀλλὰ τῇ γε πόλει χαλεπὸν ἡ περὶ ταῦτα συγγνώμη καὶ παρόρασις· 3.5. οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς εὐθὺς μεγάλῳ παρανομήματι κινεῖ πολιτείαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν τῶν μειζόνων φρουρὰν καταλύουσιν οἱ προϊέμενοι τὴν ἐν τοῖς μικροῖς ἀκρίβειαν. 3.6. ὅμοιον δὲ καὶ τῶν στρατιωτικῶν ἐθῶν τε καὶ πατρίων ἐξεταστὴν καὶ φύλακα παρεῖχεν ἑαυτόν, οὐ δημαγωγῶν ἐν τῷ στρατηγεῖν, οὐδʼ, ὥσπερ οἱ πλεῖστοι τότε, δευτέρας ἀρχὰς ταῖς πρώταις μνώμενος διὰ τοῦ χαρίζεσθαι καὶ πρᾷος εἶναι τοῖς ἀρχομένοις, 4.2. ἐπὶ τοῦτον ὁ Αἰμίλιος ἐξεπέμφθη στρατηγός, οὐχ ἓξ ἔχων πελέκεις, ὅσους ἔχουσιν οἱ στρατηγοῦντες, ἀλλὰ προσλαβὼν ἑτέρους τοσούτους, ὥστε τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπατικὸν γενέσθαι τὸ ἀξίωμα, 4.3. μάχῃ μὲν οὖν δὶς ἐκ παρατάξεως ἐνίκησε τοὺς βαρβάρους, περὶ τρισμυρίους ἀνελών, καὶ δοκεῖ τὸ κατόρθωμα τῆς στρατηγίας περιφανῶς γενέσθαι, χωρίων εὐφυΐᾳ καὶ ποταμοῦ τινος διαβάσει ῥᾳστώνην παρασχόντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ νίκημα τοῖς στρατιώταις· πόλεις δὲ πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίας ἐχειρώσατο δεξαμένας αὐτὸν ἑκουσίως, 5.1. ἔγημε δὲ Παπιρίαν, ἀνδρὸς ὑπατικοῦ Μάσωνος θυγατέρα, καὶ χρόνον συνοικήσας πολὺν ἀφῆκε τὸν γάμον, καίπερ ἐξ αὐτῆς καλλιτεκνότατος γενόμενος· αὕτη γὰρ ἦν ἡ τὸν κλεινότατον αὐτῷ Σκηπίωνα τεκοῦσα καὶ Μάξιμον Φάβιον. 5.2. αἰτία δὲ γεγραμμένη τῆς διαστάσεως οὐκ ἦλθεν εἰς ἡμᾶς, ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν ἀληθής τις εἶναι λόγος περὶ γάμου λύσεως γενόμενος, ὡς ἀνὴρ Ῥωμαῖος ἀπεπέμπετο γυναῖκα, τῶν δὲ φίλων νουθετούντων αὐτόν, οὐχὶ σώφρων; οὐκ εὔμορφος; οὐχὶ παιδοποιός; προτείνας τὸ ὑπόδημα (κάλτιον αὐτὸ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν) εἶπεν· 5.3. οὐκ εὐπρεπὴς οὗτος; οὐ νεουργής; ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἂν εἰδείη τις ὑμῶν καθʼ ὅ τι θλίβεται μέρος οὑμὸς πούς. 5.4. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι μεγάλαι μὲν ἁμαρτίαι καὶ ἀναπεπταμέναι γυναῖκας ἀνδρῶν ἄλλας ἀπήλλαξαν, τὰ δʼ ἔκ τινος ἀηδίας καὶ δυσαρμοστίας ἠθῶν μικρὰ καὶ πυκνὰ προσκρούσματα, λανθάνοντα τοὺς ἄλλους, ἀπεργάζεται τὰς ἀνηκέστους ἐν ταῖς συμβιώσεσιν ἀλλοτριότητας. 5.5. ὁ δὲ οὖν Αἰμίλιος ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῆς Παπιρίας ἑτέραν ἠγάγετο· καὶ δύο παῖδας ἄρρενας τεκούσης τούτους μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας εἶχε, τοὺς δὲ προτέρους εἰσεποίησεν οἴκοις τοῖς μεγίστοις καὶ γένεσι τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις, τὸν μὲν πρεσβύτερον τῷ Μαξίμου Φαβίου τοῦ πεντάκις ὑπατεύσαντος, τὸν δὲ νεώτερον Ἀφρικανοῦ Σκηπίωνος υἱὸς ἀνεψιὸν ὄντα θέμενος Σκηπίωνα προσηγόρευσε. 6.1. ὁ δὲ Αἰμίλιος ὕπατος ἀποδειχθεὶς ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τοὺς παραλπίους Λίγυας, οὓς ἔνιοι καί Λιγυστίνους ὀνομάζουσι, μάχιμον καί θυμοειδὲς ἔθνος, ἐμπείρως δὲ πολεμεῖν διδασκόμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων διὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν. 6.2. τὰ γὰρ ἔσχατα τῆς Ἰταλίας καί καταλήγοντα πρὸς τάς Ἄλπεις αὐτῶν τε τῶν Ἄλπεων τὰ κλυζόμενα τῷ Τυρρηνικῷ πελάγει καί πρὸς τὴν Λιβύην ἀνταίροντα νέμονται, μεμιγμένοι Γαλάταις καί τοῖς παραλίοις Ἰβήρων. 6.3. τότε δὲ καί τῆς θαλάττης ἁψάμενοι σκάφεσι πειρατικοῖς ἀφῃροῦντο καί περιέκοπτον τάς ἐμπορίας, ἄχρι στηλῶν Ἡρακλείων ἀναπλέοντες. 6.4. ἐπιόντος οὖν τοῦ Αἰμιλίου τετρακισμύριοι γενόμενοι τὸ πλῆθος ὑπέστησαν ὁ δὲ τοὺς σύμπαντας ὀκτακισχιλίους ἔχων πενταπλασίοις οὖσιν αὐτοῖς συνέβαλε, καί τρεψάμενος καί κατακλείσας εἰς τὰ τείχη διέδωκε λόγον φιλάνθρωπον καί συμβατικόν· 6.5. οὐ γὰρ ἦν βουλομένοις τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις παντάπασιν ἐκκόψαι τὸ Λιγύων ἔθνος, ὥσπερ ἕρκος ἢ πρόβολον ἐμποδὼν κείμενον τοῖς Γαλατικοῖς κινήμασιν ἐπαιωρουμένοις ἀεὶ περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν. 6.6. πιστεύσαντες οὖν τῷ Αἰμιλίῳ τάς τε ναῦς καί τάς πόλεις ἐνεχείρισαν. ὁ δὲ τάς μὲν πόλεις οὐδὲν ἀδικήσας ἢ μόνον τὰ τείχη περιελών ἀπέδωκε, τάς δὲ ναῦς ἁπάσας ἀφείλετο, καί πλοῖον οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς τρισκάλμου μεῖζον ἀπέλιπε· 6.7. τοὺς δὲ ἡλωκότας ὑπʼ αὐτῶν κατὰ γῆν ἢ κατὰ θάλατταν ἀνεσώσατο πολλοὺς καί ξένους καὶ Ῥωμαίους εὑρεθέντας. ἐκείνη μὲν οὖν ἡ ὑπατεία τάς εἰρημένας πράξεις ἐπιφανεῖς ἔσχεν. 6.8. ὕστερον δὲ πολλάκις ποιήσας φανερὸν αὑτὸν αὖθις ὑπατεῦσαι βουλόμενον καί ποτε καί παραγγείλας, ὡς ἀπέτυχε καί παρώφθη, τὸ λοιπὸν ἡσυχίαν εἶχε, τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπιμελούμενος καί τοὺς παῖδας ἀσκῶν τὴν μὲν ἐπιχώριον παιδείαν καί πάτριον ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ἤσκητο, τὴν δὲ Ἑλληνικὴν φιλοτιμότερον. 6.9. οὐ γὰρ μόνον γραμματικοὶ καί σοφισταὶ καί ῥήτορες, ἀλλὰ καί πλάσται καί ζωγράφοι καί πώλων καί σκυλάκων ἐπιστάται καί διδάσκαλοι θήρας Ἕλληνες ἦσαν περὶ τοὺς νεανίσκους. 6.10. ὁ δὲ πατήρ, εἰ μή τι δημόσιον ἐμποδὼν εἴη, παρῆν ἀεὶ μελετῶσι καί γυμναζομένοις, φιλοτεκνότατος Ῥωμαίων γενόμενος. 7.1. τῶν δὲ δημοσίων πράξεων καιρὸς ἦν ἐκεῖνος τότε καθʼ ὃν Περσεῖ τῷ Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖ πολεμοῦντες ἐν αἰτίαις τοὺς στρατηγοὺς εἶχον, ὡς διʼ ἀπειρίαν καὶ ἀτολμίαν αἰσχρῶς καὶ καταγελάστως τοῖς πράγμασι χρωμένους καὶ πάσχοντας κακῶς μᾶλλον ἢ ποιοῦντας. 7.2. ἄρτι μὲν γὰρ Ἀντίοχον τὸν ἐπικληθέντα μέγαν εἴξαντα τῆς ἄλλης Ἀσίας ὑπὲρ τὸν Ταῦρον ἐκβαλόντες καὶ κατακλείσαντες εἰς Συρίαν, ἐπὶ μυρίοις καὶ πεντακισχιλίοις ταλάντοις ἀγαπήσαντα τὰς διαλύσεις, 8.4. μετὰ τοῦτον βασιλεύσας ὁ Φίλιππος ἤνθησεν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τῶν βασιλέων ἔτι μειράκιον ὢν, καὶ δόξαν ἔσχεν ὡς ἀναστήσων Μακεδονίαν εἰς τὸ παλαιὸν ἀξίωμα καὶ μόνος ἐπὶ πάντας ἤδη τὴν Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν αἰρομένην καθέξων. 8.5. ἡττηθεὶς δὲ μεγάλῃ μάχῃ περὶ Σκότουσσαν ὑπὸ Τίτου Φλαμινίνου τότε μὲν ἔπτηξε καὶ πάντα τὰ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἐπέτρεψε Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ τυχὼν ἐπιτιμήσεως μετρίας ἠγάπησεν. 8.6. ὕστερον δὲ βαρέως φέρων, καὶ τὸ βασιλεύειν χάριτι Ῥωμαίων ἡγούμενος αἰχμαλώτου τρυφὴν ἀγαπῶντος εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ φρόνημα καὶ θυμὸν ἔχοντος ἀνδρός, ἐπεῖχε τῷ πολέμῳ τὴν γνώμην καὶ συνετάττετο λάθρα καὶ πανούργως. 8.7. τῶν γὰρ πόλεων τὰς ἐνοδίους καὶ παραθαλαττίους ἀσθενεῖς γενομένας περιορῶν καὶ ὑπερήμους, ὡς καταφρονεῖσθαι, πολλὴν ἄνω συνῆγε δύναμιν, καὶ τὰ μεσόγεια χωρία καὶ φρούρια καὶ πόλεις ὅπλων καὶ χρημάτων πολλῶν καὶ σωμάτων ἀκμαζόντων ἐμπεπληκώς ἐσωμάσκει τὸν πόλεμον καὶ συνεῖχεν ὥσπερ ἐγκεκρυμμένον ἀδήλως. 8.8. ὅπλων μὲν γὰρ ἀργούντων ἀπέκειντο τρεῖς μυριάδες, ὀκτακόσιαι δὲ σίτου μεδίμνων ἦσαν ἐγκατῳκοδομημένου τοῖς τείχεσι, χρημάτων δὲ πλῆθος ὅσον ἤρκει μισθοφόρους ἔτη δέκα μυρίους τρέφειν προπολεμοῦντας τῆς χώρας. 8.9. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὐκ ἔφθη ταῦτα κινῆσαι καὶ προαγαγεῖν εἰς ἔργον, ὑπὸ λύπης καὶ δυσθυμίας προέμενος τὸν βίον ἔγνω γὰρ ἀδίκως τὸν ἕτερον τῶν υἱῶν Δημήτριον ἐκ διαβολῆς τοῦ χείρονος ἀνῃρηκώς· 10.3. ὁ δὲ κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐθρύπτετο πρὸς τοὺς πολλούς καὶ διέκλινε τὴν φιλοτιμίαν αὐτῶν καὶ σπουδήν, ὡς μὴ δεόμενος τοῦ ἄρχειν, φοιτώντων δὲ καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ θύρας καὶ προκαλουμένων αὐτὸν εἰς ἀγορὰν καὶ καταβοώντων ἐπείσθη· 10.4. καὶ φανεὶς εὐθὺς ἐν τοῖς μετιοῦσι τὴν ὑπατείαν ἔδοξεν οὐκ ἀρχὴν ληψόμενος, ἀλλὰ νίκην καὶ κράτος πολέμου κομίζων καὶ διδοὺς τοῖς πολίταις καταβαίνειν εἰς τὸ πεδίον· 11.1. εἰωθότων δὲ τῶν ὑπατείαν λαβόντων οἷον ἀνθομολογεῖσθαί τινα χάριν καὶ προσαγορεύειν φιλοφρόνως τὸν δῆμον ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, Αἰμίλιος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν τοὺς πολίτας τὴν μὲν προτέραν ὑπατείαν μετελθεῖν ἔφη αὐτὸς ἀρχῆς δεόμενος, τὴν δὲ δευτέραν ἐκείνων στρατηγοῦ δεομένων· 11.2. διʼ ὃ μηδεμίαν αὐτοῖς χάριν ἔχειν, ἀλλʼ, εἰ νομίζουσι διʼ ἑτέρου βέλτιον ἕξειν τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον, ἐξίστασθαι τῆς ἡγεμονίας, εἰ δὲ πιστεύουσιν αὐτῷ, μὴ παραστρατηγεῖν μηδὲ λογοποιεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὑπουργεῖν σιωπῇ τὰ δέοντα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ὡς, ἐὰν ἄρχοντος ἄρχειν ζητῶσιν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ νῦν καταγελάστους ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις ἐσομένους. 14.1. Ἐνοχλουμένων δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων μάλιστα περὶ τὴν τοῦ ποτοῦ χρείαν καὶ γὰρ ὀλίγον καὶ πονηρὸν ἐπίδυε καὶ συνελείβετο παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν θάλατταν, ὁρῶν ὁ Αἰμίλιος μέγα καὶ κατηρεφὲς δένδρεσιν ὄρος τὸν Ὄλυμπον ἐπικείμενον, καὶ τεκμαιρόμενος τῇ χλωρότητι τῆς ὕλης ναμάτων ἔχειν ἀρχὰς διὰ βάθους ὑποφερομένων, ἀναπνοὰς αὐτοῖς καὶ φρέατα πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν ὑπώρειαν ὤρυττε. 14.2. τὰ δʼ εὐθὺς ἐπίμπλατο ῥευμάτων καθαρῶν, ἐπισυνδιδόντων ὁλκῇ καὶ φορᾷ τοῦ θλιβομένου πρὸς τὸ κενούμενον. 14.5. καθάπερ γὰρ οἱ μαστοὶ τῶν γυναικῶν οὐχ ὥσπερ ἀγγεῖα πλήρεις εἰσὶν ἐπιρρέοντος ἑτοίμου γάλακτος, ἀλλὰ μεταβάλλοντες τὴν τροφὴν ἐν αὑτοῖς ἐργάζονται γάλα καὶ διηθοῦσιν. 14.6. οὕτως οἱ περίψυκτοι καὶ πιδακώδεις τόποι τῆς γῆς ὕδωρ μὲν οὐκ ἔχουσι καλυπτόμενον, οὐδὲ κόλπους ῥεύματα καὶ βάθη ποταμῶν τοσούτων ἐξ ἑτοίμης καὶ ὑποκειμένης ἀφιέντας ἀρχῆς, τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα καὶ τὸν ἀέρα τῷ πιέζειν καὶ καταπυκνοῦν ἀποθλίβοντες εἰς ὕδωρ τρέπουσι. 15.11. καίτοι λέγουσιν οἱ γεωμετρικοὶ μήτε ὄρους ὕψος μήτε βάθος θαλάττης ὑπερβάλλειν δέκα σταδίους. ὁ μέντοι Ξεναγόρας οὐ παρέργως, ἀλλὰ μεθόδῳ καί διʼ ὀργάνων εἰληφέναι δοκεῖ τὴν μέτρησιν. 25.3. ὁ δʼ ἐντυχὼν πρῶτος αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἀγορὰν πρὸ τῆς κρήνης, ἀναψύχουσι τοὺς ἵππους ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ περιρρεομένους, ἐθαύμαζε τὸν περὶ τῆς νίκης λόγον. 26.9. ὁ δʼ, αἴσχιστον θέαμα, προβαλὼν αὑτὸν ἐπὶ στόμα καὶ γονάτων δραξάμενος ἀνεβάλλετο φωνὰς ἀγεννεῖς καὶ δεήσεις, ἃς οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν οὐδʼ ἤκουσεν ὁ Αἰμίλιος, ἀλλὰ προσβλέψας αὑτὸν ἀλγοῦντι καὶ λελυπημένῳ τῷ προσώπῳ, 26.10. τί τῆς τύχης, εἶπεν, ὦ ταλαίπωρε, τὸ μέγιστον ἀφαιρεῖς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, ταῦτα πράττων ἀφʼ ὧν δόξεις οὐ παρʼ ἀξίαν ἀτυχεῖν, οὐδὲ τοῦ νῦν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ πάλαι δαίμονος ἀνάξιος γεγονέναι; 26.11. τί δέ μου καταβάλλεις τὴν νίκην, καὶ τὸ κατόρθωμα ποιεῖς μικρόν, ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἑαυτὸν οὐ γενναῖον οὐδὲ πρέποντα Ῥωμαίων ἀνταγωνιστήν; 26.12. ἀρετή τοι δυστυχοῦσι μεγάλην ἔχει μοῖραν αἰδοῦς καὶ παρὰ πολεμίοις, δειλία δὲ Ῥωμαίοις, κἂν εὐποτμῇ, πάντη ἀτιμότατον. 28.2. ἐπιὼν γὰρ ἀνελάμβανε τοὺς δήμους καὶ τὰ πολιτεύματα καθίστατο, καὶ δωρεὰς ἐδίδου, ταῖς μὲν σῖτον ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ, ταὶς δʼ ἔλαιον. 30.4. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται τοῖς βασιλικοῖς χρήμασιν ἐποφθαλμίσαντες, ὡς οὐχ ὅσων ἠξίουν ἔτυχον, ὠργίζοντο μὲν ἀδήλως διὰ τοῦτο καὶ χαλεπῶς εἶχον πρὸς τὸν Αἰμίλιον, αἰτιώμενοι δὲ φανερῶς ὅτι βαρὺς γένοιτο καὶ δεσποτικὸς αὐτοῖς ἄρχων, οὐ πάνυ προθύμως ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ θριάμβου σπουδὴν ἀπήντησαν. 32.2. πεμφθῆναι δʼ αὐτὸν οὕτω λέγουσιν. ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἔν τε τοῖς ἱππικοῖς θεάτροις, ἃ κίρκους καλοῦσι, περί τε τήν ἀγορὰν ἰκρία πηξάμενοι, καὶ τἆλλα τῆς πόλεως μέρη καταλαβόντες, ὡς ἕκαστα παρεῖχε τῆς πομπῆς ἔποψιν, ἐθεῶντο καθαραῖς ἐσθῆσι κεκοσμημένοι. 33.1. τῆς δὲ τρίτης ἡμέρας ἕωθεν μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπορεύοντο σαλπιγκταί μέλος οὐ προσόδιον καὶ πομπικόν, ἀλλʼ οἵῳ μαχομένους ἐποτρύνουσιν αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι, προσεγκελευόμενοι. 33.4. τούτοις ἐπέβαλλον οἵ τε τὴν ἱερὰν φιάλην ἀνέχοντες, ἦν ὁ Αἰμίλιος ἐκ χρυσοῦ δέκα ταλάντων διὰ λίθων κατεσκεύασεν, οἵ τε τὰς Ἀντιγονίδας καὶ Σελευκίδας καὶ Θηρικλείους καὶ ὅσα περὶ δεῖπνον χρυσώματα τοῦ Περσέως ἐπιδεικνύμενοι. 35.2. ὧν ὁ μὲν ἡμέραις πέντε πρὸ τοῦ θριαμβεύειν τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἐτελεύτησε τεσσαρεσκαιδεκέτης, ὁ δὲ δωδεκέτης μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας θριαμβεύσαντος ἐπαπέθανεν, 36.4. μιᾷ μὲν γὰρ, εἶπεν, ἡμέρᾳ τὸν Ἰόνιον ἀπὸ Βρεντεσίου περάσας εἰς Κέρκυραν κατήχθην πεμπταῖος δʼ ἐκεῖθεν ἐν Δελφοῖς τῷ θεῷ θύσας, ἑτέραις αὖθις αὖ πέντε τὴν δύναμιν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ παρέλαβον, καὶ τὸν εἰωθότα συντελέσας καθαρμὸν αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν πράξεων εὐθὺς ἐναρξάμενος ἐν ἡμέραις ἄλλαις πεντεκαίδεκα τὸ κάλλιστον ἐπέθηκα τῷ πολέμῳ τέλος. 36.5. ἀπιστῶν δὲ τῇ Τύχῃ διὰ τὴν εὔροιαν τῶν πραγμάτων, ὡς ἄδεια πολλὴ καὶ κίνδυνος οὐδεὶς ἦν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, μάλιστα κατὰ πλοῦν ἐδεδίειν τὴν μεταβολὴν τοῦ δαίμονος ἐπʼ εὐτυχίᾳ, τοσοῦτον στρατὸν νενικηκότα καὶ λάφυρα καὶ βασιλεῖς αἰχμαλώτους κομίζων. 36.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ σωθεὶς πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶν εὐφροσύνης καὶ ζήλου καὶ θυσιῶν γέμουσαν, ἔτι τὴν Τύχην διʼ ὑποψίας εἶχον, εἰδὼς οὐδὲν εἰλικρινὲς οὐδʼ ἀνεμέσητον ἀνθρώποις τῶν μεγάλων χαριζομένην. 36.7. καὶ τοῦτον οὐ πρότερον ἡ ψυχὴ τὸν φόβον ὠδίνουσα καὶ περισκοπουμένη τό μέλλον ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ἀφῆκεν ἢ τηλικαύτῃ με προσπταῖσαι δυστυχίᾳ περὶ τὸν οἶκον, υἱῶν ἀρίστων, οὓς ἐμαυτῷ μόνους ἐλιπόμην διαδόχους, ταφὰς ἐπαλλήλους ἐν ἡμέραις ἱεραῖς μεταχειρισάμενον. 36.8. νῦν οὖν ἀκίνδυνός εἰμι τὰ μέγιστα καὶ θαρρῶ, καὶ νομίζω τὴν Τύχην ὑμῖν παραμενεῖν ἀβλαβῆ καὶ βέβαιον. 36.9. ἱκανῶς γὰρ ἐμοὶ καὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς κακοῖς εἰς τὴν τῶν κατωρθωμένων ἀποκέχρηται νέμεσιν, οὐκ ἀφανέστερον ἔχουσα παράδειγμα τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ἀσθενείας τοῦ θριαμβευομένου τὸν θριαμβεύοντα πλὴν ὅτι Περσεὺς μὲν ἔχει καὶ νενικημένος τοὺς παῖδας, Αἰμίλιος δὲ τοὺς αὑτοῦ νικήσας ἀπέβαλεν. 38.1. ταῖς δὲ Μακεδονικαῖς πράξεσι τοῦ Αἰμιλίου δημοτικωτάτην προσγράφουσι χάριν ὑπὲρ τῶν πολλῶν, ὡς τοσούτων εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τότε χρημάτων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τεθέντων ὥστε μηκέτι δεῆσαι τὸν δῆμον εἰσενεγκεῖν ἄχρι τῶν Ἱρτίου καὶ Πάνσα χρόνων, οἳ περὶ τὸν πρῶτον Ἀντωνίου καὶ Καίσαρος πόλεμον ὑπάτευσαν. | 2.6. For he did not practise pleading private cases in the courts, and refrained altogether from the salutations and greetings and friendly attentions to which most men cunningly resorted when they tried to win the favour of the people by becoming their zealous servants; not that he was naturally incapable of either, but he sought to acquire for himself what was better than both, namely, a reputation arising from valour, justice, and trustworthiness. In these virtues he at once surpassed his contemporaries. 3.1. At all events, when he sued for the first of the high offices in the state, the aedileship, he was elected over twelve competitors, In 192 B.C. all of whom, we are told, afterwards became consuls. 3.2. Moreover, when he was made one of the priests called Augurs, whom the Romans appoint as guardians and overseers of the art of divination from the flight of birds and from omens in the sky, he so carefully studied the ancestral customs of the city, and so thoroughly understood the religious ceremonial of the ancient Romans, that his priestly function, 3.3. which men had thought to be a kind of honour, sought merely on account of the reputation which it gave, was made to appear one of the higher arts, and testified in favour of those philosophers who define religion as the science of the worship of the gods. 3.4. For all the duties of this office were performed by him with skill and care, and he laid aside all other concerns when he was engaged in these, omitting nothing and adding nothing new, but ever contending even with his colleagues about the small details of ceremony, and explaining to them that, although the Deity was held to be good-natured and slow to censure acts of negligence, still, for the city at least it was a grievous thing to overlook and condone them; 3.5. for no man begins at once with a great deed of lawlessness to disturb the civil polity, but those who remit their strictness in small matters break down also the guard that has been set over greater matters. 3.6. Furthermore, he showed a like severity in scrutinising and preserving his country’s military customs and traditions also, not courting popular favour when he was in command, nor yet, as most men did at this time, courting a second command during his first by gratifying his soldiers and treating them with mildness; 4.2. For this war Aemilius was sent out as praetor, In 191 B.C. not with the six lictors which praetors usually have, but adding other six to that number, so that his office had a consular dignity. 4.3. Well, then, he defeated the Barbarians in two pitched battles, and slew about thirty thousand of them; and it would seem that his success was conspicuously due to his generalship, since by choosing favourable ground and by crossing a certain river he made victory easy for his soldiers; moreover, he made himself master of two hundred and fifty cities, which yielded to him of their own accord. 5.1. He married Papiria, a daughter of Maso, who was a man of consular dignity, and after he had lived with her a long time he divorced her, although she had made him father of most glorious sons; for she it was who bore him that most illustrious Scipio, and Fabius Maximus. 5.2. No documentary grounds for the divorce have come down to us, but there would seem to be some truth in a story told about divorce, which runs as follows. A Roman once divorced his wife, and when his friends admonished him, saying: 5.3. Is she not discreet? is she not beautiful? is she not fruitful? he held out his shoe (the Romans call it calceus ), saying: Is this not handsome? is it not new? but no one of you can tell me where it pinches my foot? 5.4. For, as a matter of fact, it is great and notorious faults that separate many wives from their husbands; but the slight and frequent frictions arising from some unpleasantness or incongruity of characters, unnoticed as they may be by everybody else, also produce incurable alienations in those whose lives are linked together. 5.5. So then Aemilius, having divorced Papiria, took another wife; and when she had borne him two sons he kept these at home, but the sons of his former wife he introduced into the greatest houses and the most illustrious families, the elder into that of Fabius Maximus, who was five times consul, while the younger was adopted by the son of Scipio Africanus, his cousin-german, who gave him the name of Scipio. 6.1. Aemilius, then, having been appointed consul, In 182 B.C. made an expedition against the Ligurians along the Alps, whom some call also Ligustines, a warlike and spirited folk, and one whose proximity to the Romans was teaching it skill in war. 6.2. For they occupy the extremities of Italy that are bounded by the Alps, and those parts of the Alps themselves that are washed by the Tuscan sea and face Africa, and they are mingled with Gauls and the Iberians of the coast. 6.3. At that time they had also laid hold of the sea with piratical craft, and were robbing and destroying merchandise, sailing out as far as the pillars of Hercules. 6.4. Accordingly, when Aemilius came against them, they withstood him with a force of forty thousand men; but he, with eight thousand men all told, engaged their fivefold numbers, and after routing them and shutting them up in their walled towns, gave them humane and conciliatory terms; 6.5. for it was not the wish of the Romans to extirpate altogether the Ligurian nation, since it lay like a barrier or bulwark against the movements of the Gauls, who were always threatening to descend upon Italy. 6.6. Accordingly, putting faith in Aemilius, they delivered their ships and cities into his hands. Their cities he restored to them, either doing them no harm at all, or simply razing their walls; but he took away all their ships, and left them no boat that carried more than three oars; 6.7. he also restored to safety those whom they had taken captive by land or sea, and these were found to be many, both Romans and foreigners. Such, then, were the conspicuous achievements of this first consulship. 6.8. Afterwards he often made it clear that he was desirous of a second consulship, and once actually announced his candidacy, but when he was passed by and not elected, he made no further efforts to obtain the office, giving his attention to his duties as augur, and training his sons, not only in the native and ancestral discipline in which he himself had been trained, but also, and with greater ardour, in that of the Greeks. 6.9. For not only the grammarians and philosophers and rhetoricians, but also the modellers and painters, the overseers of horses and dogs, and the teachers of the art of hunting, by whom the young men were surrounded, were Greeks. 6.10. And the father, unless some public business prevented, would always be present at their studies and exercises, for he was now become the fondest parent in Rome. 7.1. As to public affairs, that was the period when the Romans were at war with Perseus, 171-168 B.C. the king of Macedonia, and were taking their generals to task because their inexperience and cowardice led them to conduct their campaigns ridiculously and disgracefully, and to suffer more harm than they inflicted. 7.2. For the people which had just forced Antiochus, surnamed the Great, to retire from the rest of Asia, driven him over the Taurus mountains, and shut him up in Syria, where he had been content to buy terms with a payment of fifteen thousand talents; 8.4. After him Philip succeeded to the throne, and, though still a youth, flowered out in the qualities which most distinguish kings, and led men to believe that he would restore Macedonia to her ancient dignity, and that he, and he alone, would check the power of Rome, which already extended over all the world. 8.5. But after he was defeated in a great battle at Scotussa by Titus Flamininus, In 197 B.C. The battle is usually named from a range of hills near Scotussa called Cynoscephalae. See the Flamininus , chapters iii. and iv. for a time he took a humble posture, entrusted all his interests to the Romans, and was content to come off with a moderate fine. 8.6. Afterwards, however, his condition oppressed him, and thinking that to reign by favour of the Romans was more the part of a captive satisfied with meat and drink than of a man possessed of courage and spirit, he turned his thoughts to war, and made his arrangements for it in secrecy and with cunning. 8.7. Thus, those of his cities which lay on the highroads and the seashore he suffered to become weak and rather desolate, so as to awaken contempt, while in the interior he was collecting a large force; he also filled the fortresses, strongholds, and cities of the interior with an abundance of arms, money, and men fit for service, in this way preparing himself for the war, and yet keeping it hidden away, as it were, and concealed. 8.8. Thus, he had arms to equip thirty thousand men laid up in reserve, eight million bushels of grain had been immured in his strongholds, and a sum of money sufficient to maintain for ten years ten thousand mercenaries fighting in defence of the country. 8.9. But Philip, before he could put these plans and preparations into effect, died of grief and anguish of mind In 179 B.C. ; for he came to know that he had unjustly put to death one of his sons, Demetrius, on false charges made by the other, who was his inferior. 10.3. At first he was for declining the appeals of the multitude, and tried to avert their eager importunities, saying that he did not want office; but when they came daily to his house and called him forth into the forum and pressed him with their clamours, he yielded; 10.4. and when he presented himself at once among the candidates for the consulship, he did not appear to come into the Campus in order to get office, but as one who brought victory and might in war and offered them to the citizens. 11.1. It was the custom for those who obtained the consulship to return thanks, as it were, for the great favour in a friendly speech to the people from the rostra; but Aemilius, having gathered an assembly of the citizens, said he had sued for his first consulship because he himself wanted office, but for his second because they wanted a general; 11.2. wherefore he was under no obligation to them; on the contrary, if they thought the war would be carried on better by another, he resigned the conduct of it; but if they had confidence in him they must not make themselves his colleagues in command, nor indulge in rhetoric about the war, but quietly furnish the necessary supplies for it, since, if they sought to command their commander, their campaigns would be still more ridiculous than they were already. 14.1. But his men were annoyed especially by the lack of drinking water, since only a little of it issued forth and collected in pools at the very edge of the sea, and that was bad. Aemilius, therefore, seeing that the lofty and wooded mountain of Olympus lay near, and judging from the greenness of its trees that there were veins of water coursing under ground, dug a number of vents and wells for them along the foot of the mountain. 14.2. These were at once filled with streams of pure water, which, under the weight and impulse of the pressure that was upon them, discharged themselves into the vacuum afforded. 14.5. For, they argue, just as the breasts of women are not, like vessels, full of ready milk which flows out, but by converting the nourishment that is in them produce milk and strain it out; 14.6. o those places in the ground which are chilly and full of springs do not have hidden water, nor reservoirs which send forth the currents and deep waters of all our rivers from a source that is ready at hand, but by forcibly compressing and condensing vapour and air, they convert them into water. 15.11. And yet the geometricians say that no mountain has a height, and no sea a depth, of more than ten furlongs. It would seem, however, that Xenagoras took his measurement, not carelessly, but according to rule and with instruments. 25.3. The first man who met them in front of the spring in the forum, where they were cooling their horses, which were reeking with sweat, was amazed at their report of the victory. See the Coriolanus , iii. 4. 26.9. but Perseus, a most shameful sight, after throwing himself prone before him and then clasping his knees, broke out into ignoble cries and supplications. These Aemilius could not abide and would not hear; but looking upon him with a distressed and sorrowful countece, said: 26.10. Why, wretched man, dost thou free Fortune from thy strongest indictment against her, by conduct which will make men think that thy misfortunes are not undeserved, and that thy former prosperity, rather than thy present lot, was beyond thy deserts? 26.11. And why dost thou depreciate my victory, and make my success a meagre one, by showing thyself no noble or even fitting antagonist for Romans? 26.12. Valour in the unfortunate obtains great reverence even among their enemies, but cowardice, in Roman eyes, even though it meet with success, is in every way a most dishonourable thing. 28.2. For in his progress he restored the popular governments and established their civil polities; he also gave gifts to the cities, to some grain from the royal stores, to others oil. 30.4. But the soldiers, who had cast longing eyes upon the royal treasures, since they had not got as much as they thought they deserved, were secretly enraged on this account and bitterly disposed towards Aemilius, while openly they accused him of having been harsh and imperious in his command of them; they were therefore not very ready to second his eager desires for a triumph. 32.2. And it was conducted, In November, 167 B.C. they say, after the following fashion. The people erected scaffoldings in the theatres for equestrian contests, which they call circuses, and round the forum, occupied the other parts of the city which afforded a view of the procession, and witnessed the spectacle arrayed in white garments. 33.1. On the third day, as soon as it was morning, trumpeters led the way, sounding out no marching or processional strain, but such a one as the Romans use to rouse themselves to battle. 33.4. After these followed the bearers of the consecrated bowl, which Aemilius had caused to be made of ten talents of gold and adorned with precious stones, and then those who displayed the bowls known as Antigonids and Seleucids and Theracleian, These last were named from a famous Corinthian artist. together with all the gold plate of Perseus’s table. 35.2. One of these, fourteen years of age, died five days before Aemilius celebrated his triumph, and the death of the other, who was twelve years of age, followed three days after the triumph, 36.4. For in one day, said he, I crossed the Ionian Sea from Brundisium and put in at Corcyra; thence, in five days, I came to Delphi and sacrificed to the god; and again, in other five days, I took command of the forces in Macedonia, and after the usual lustration and review of them I proceeded at once to action, and in other fifteen days brought the war to the most glorious issue. 36.5. But I distrusted Fortune because the current of my affairs ran so smoothly, and now that there was complete immunity and nothing to fear from hostile attacks, it was particularly during my voyage home that I feared the reversal of the Deity’s favour after all my good fortune, since I was bringing home so large a victorious army, such spoils, and captured kings. 36.6. Nay more, even when I had reached you safely and beheld the city full of delight and gratulation and sacrifices, I was still suspicious of Fortune, knowing that she bestows upon men no great boon that is without alloy or free from divine displeasure. 36.7. Indeed, my soul was in travail with this fear and could not dismiss it and cease anxiously forecasting the city’s future, until I was smitten with this great misfortune in my own house, and in days consecrated to rejoicing had carried two most noble sons, who alone remained to be my heirs, one after the other to their graves. 36.8. Now, therefore, I am in no peril of what most concerned me, and am confident, and I think that Fortune will remain constant to our city and do her no harm. 36.9. For that deity has sufficiently used me and my afflictions to satisfy the divine displeasure at our successes, and she makes the hero of the triumph as clear an example of human weakness as the victim of the triumph; except that Perseus, even though conquered, has his children, while Aemilius, though conqueror, has lost his. 38.1. To the exploits of Aemilius in Macedonia is ascribed his most unbounded popularity with the people, since so much money was then brought into the public treasury by him that the people no longer needed to pay special taxes until the times of Hirtius and Pansa, who were consuls during the first war between Antony and Octavius Caesar. The so-called War of Mutina, in 43 B.C.; cf. the Cicero , xlv. 3-5. |
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23. Plutarch, Aristides, 21.3-21.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus •plutarch, aemilius paulus Found in books: Nuno et al (2021) 372| 21.3. ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ τῶν Πλαταιέων ὁ ἄρχων, ᾧ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον οὔτε σιδήρου θιγεῖν ἔξεστιν οὔθʼ ἑτέραν ἐσθῆτα πλὴν λευκῆς ἀναλαβεῖν, τότε χιτῶνα φοινικοῦν ἐνδεδυκὼς ἀράμενός τε ὑδρίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ γραμματοφυλακίου ξιφήρης ἐπὶ τοὺς τάφους προάγει διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως. 21.4. εἶτα λαβὼν ὕδωρ ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης αὐτὸς ἀπολούει τε τὰς στήλας καὶ μύρῳ χρίει, καὶ τὸν ταῦρον εἰς τὴν πυρὰν σφάξας καὶ κατευξάμενος Διῒ καὶ Ἑρμῇ χθονίῳ παρακαλεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀποθανόντας ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ τὴν αἱμοκουρίαν. ἔπειτα κρατῆρα κεράσας οἴνου καὶ χεάμενος ἐπιλέγει· προπίνω τοῖς ἀνδράσι τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀποθανοῦσι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἔτι καὶ νῦν διαφυλάττουσιν οἱ Πλαταεῖς. | 21.3. 21.4. |
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24. Plutarch, Brutus, 31.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 4| 31.4. n="4" resp="perseus" ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ παιδία τὰ μικρὰ μετὰ κραυγῆς καὶ ἀλαλαγμοῦ τὰ μὲν εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἥλλετο, τὰ δʼ ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἐξετραχήλιζεν αὑτά, τὰ δὲ τοῖς ξίφεσι τῶν πατέρων ὑπέβαλλε τὰς σφαγὰς γυμνοῦντα καὶ κελεύοντα παίειν. | 31.4. |
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25. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163| 33.2. τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ῥευμάτων πιμπλαμένην φυγαῖς τῶν πέριξ δήμων καὶ μεταστάσεσιν, οὔτε ἄρχοντι πεῖσαι ῥᾳδίαν οὖσαν οὔτε λόγῳ καθεκτήν, ἐν πολλῷ κλύδωνι καὶ σάλῳ μικρὸν ἀπολιπεῖν αὐτὴν ὑφʼ αὑτῆς ἀνατετράφθαι. πάθη γὰρ ἀντίπαλα καὶ βίαια κατεῖχε κινήματα πάντα τόπον. | 33.2. |
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| 26. Plutarch, Camillus, 12.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 130 |
| 27. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 50.2-50.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 38 |
28. Plutarch, Cicero, 32.5, 43.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 131; Jenkyns (2013) 187| 32.5. καίτοι πολλάκις αὐτὸς ἠξίου τοὺς φίλους μἠ ῥήτορα καλεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ φιλόσοφον φιλοσοφίαν γὰρ ὡς ἔργον ᾑρῆσθαι, ῥητορικῇ δʼ ὀργάνῳ χρῆσθαι πολιτευόμενος ἐπὶ τὰς χρείας. ἀλλʼ ἡ δόξα δεινὴ τὸν λόγον, ὥσπερ βαφὴν, ἀποκλύσαι τῆς ψυχῆς, καὶ τὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐνομόρξασθαι πάθη διʼ ὁμιλίαν καὶ συνήθειαν τοῖς πολιτευομένοις, ἄν μή τις εὖ μάλα φυλαττόμενος οὕτω συμφέρηται τοῖς ἐκτός ὡς τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῶν, οὐ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι παθῶν συμμεθέξων. 43.4. καί τῶν πρώτων οὐ διημάρτανεν ἐλπίδων τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς καί πόθου πρὸς τὴν ἀπάντησιν ἐξεχύθη, καὶ σχεδὸν ἡμερήσιον ἀνήλωσαν χρόνον αἱ περὶ τὰς πύλας καί τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτοῦ δεξιώσεις καί φιλοφροσύναι. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ βουλὴν συναγαγόντος Ἀντωνίου καί καλοῦντος αὐτόν οὐκ ἦλθεν, ἀλλὰ κατέκειτο μαλακῶς ἔχειν ἐκ τοῦ κόπου σκηπτόμενος. | 32.5. 43.4. |
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29. Plutarch, Demetrius, 1.2-1.4, 1.7, 42.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 174| 1.2. ἡ μὲν γὰρ αἴσθησις οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ἐπὶ λευκῶν ἢ μελάνων διαγνώσει γέγονεν, οὐδὲ γλυκέων ἢ πικρῶν, οὐδὲ μαλακῶν καὶ εἰκόντων ἢ σκληρῶν καὶ ἀντιτύπων, ἀλλʼ ἔργον αὐτῆς ἑκάστοις ἐντυγχάνουσαν ὑπὸ πάντων τε κινεῖσθαι καὶ κινουμένην πρὸς τὸ φρονοῦν ἀναφέρειν ὡς πέπονθεν. αἱ δὲ τέχναι μετὰ λόγου συνεστῶσαι πρὸς αἵρεσιν καὶ λῆψιν οἰκείου τινός, φυγὴν δὲ καὶ διάκρουσιν ἀλλοτρίου, τὰ μὲν ἀφʼ αὑτῶν προηγουμένως, τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ τοῦ φυλάξασθαι κατὰ συμβεβηκὸς ἐπιθεωροῦσι· 1.3. καὶ γὰρ ἰατρικῇ τὸ νοσερὸν καὶ ἁρμονικῇ τὸ ἐκμελές, ὅπως ἔχει, σκοπεῖν συμβέβηκε πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἀπεργασίαν, αἵ τε πασῶν τελειόταται τεχνῶν, σωφροσύνη καὶ δικαιοσύνη καὶ φρόνησις, οὐ καλῶν μόνον καὶ δικαίων καὶ ὠφελίμων, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλαβερῶν καὶ αἰσχρῶν καὶ ἀδίκων κρίσεις οὖσαι, τὴν ἀπειρίᾳ τῶν κακῶν καλλωπιζομένην ἀκακίαν οὐκ ἐπαινοῦσιν, ἀλλʼ ἀβελτερίαν ἡγοῦνται καὶ ἄγνοιαν ὧν μάλιστα γινώσκειν προσήκει τοὺς ὀρθῶς βιωσομένους. 1.4. οἱ μὲν οὖν παλαιοὶ Σπαρτιᾶται τοὺς εἵλωτας ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς πολὺν ἀναγκάζοντες πίνειν ἄκρατον εἰσῆγον εἰς τὰ συμπόσια, τοῖς νέοις οἷόν ἐστι τὸ μεθύειν ἐπιδεικνύντες· ἡμεῖς δὲ τὴν μὲν ἐκ διαστροφῆς ἑτέρων ἐπανόρθωσιν οὐ πάνυ φιλάνθρωπον οὐδὲ πολιτικὴν ἡγούμεθα, 1.7. Περιέξει δὴ τοῦτο τὸ βιβλίον τὸν Δημητρίου τοῦ Πολιορκητοῦ βίον καὶ Ἀντωνίου τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος, ἀνδρῶν μάλιστα δὴ τῷ Πλάτωνι μαρτυρησάντων ὅτι καὶ κακίας μεγάλας, ὥσπερ ἀρετάς, αἱ μεγάλαι φύσεις ἐκφέρουσι. γενόμενοι δʼ ὁμοίως ἐρωτικοί, ποτικοί, στρατιωτικοί, μεγαλόδωροι, πολυτελεῖς, ὑβρισταί, καὶ τὰς κατὰ τύχην ὁμοιότητας ἀκολούθους ἔσχον. 42.6. ἀλλὰ Δημήτριος ἔχαιρε τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν θεῶν ἀνομοιοτάτην ἐπιγραφόμενος προσωνυμίαν· ὁ μὲν γὰρ Πολιεὺς καὶ Πολιοῦχος, ὁ δὲ Πολιορκητὴς ἐπίκλησιν ἔσχεν. οὕτως ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ καλοῦ χώραν τὸ αἰσχρὸν ὑπὸ δυνάμεως ἀμαθοῦς ἐπελθὸν συνῳκείωσε τῇ δόξῃ τὴν ἀδικίαν. | 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. 1.7. 42.6. |
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| 30. Plutarch, Dion, 5.6, 7.6, 10.4, 11.4-12.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 38 |
31. Plutarch, Fabius, 5.1-5.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 84| 5.1. τῶν μέν οὖν πολλῶν ὁ Φάβιος τὴν γνώμην ἀπαρτήσας εἰς τὸ θεῖον ἡδίω πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐποίησεν αὐτὸς δὲ πάσας θέμενος ἐν αὑτῷ τὰς τῆς νίκης ἐλπίδας, ὡς καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ τὰς εὐπραξίας διʼ ἀρετῆς καὶ φρονήσεως παραδιδόντος, τρέπεται πρὸς Ἀννίβαν, οὐχ ὡς διαμαχούμενος, ἀλλὰ χρόνῳ τὴν ἀκμὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ χρήμασι τὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ πολυανθρωπίᾳ τὴν ὀλιγότητα τρίβειν καὶ ὑπαναλίσκειν βεβουλευμένος. 5.2. ὅθεν ἀεὶ μετέωρος ἀπὸ τῆς ἵππου τῶν πολεμίων ἐν τόποις ὀρεινοῖς στρατοπεδεύων ἐπῃωρεῖτο, καθημένου μέν ἡσυχάζων, κινουμένου δὲ κατὰ τῶν ἄκρων κύκλῳ περιιὼν καὶ περιφαινόμενος ἐκ διαστήματος ὅσον ἀκοντὶ μὴ βιασθῆναι μάχεσθαι καὶ φόβον ὡς μαχησόμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπὸ τῆς μελλήσεως αὐτῆς παρέχειν. οὕτω δὲ παράγων τὸν χρόνον ὑπὸ πάντων κατεφρονεῖτο, καὶ κακῶς μέν ἤκουεν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, κομιδῇ δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἄτολμος ἐδόκει καὶ τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι πλὴν ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς Ἀννίβου. 5.3. μόνος δʼ ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῦ τὴν δεινότητα, καὶ τὸν τρόπον ᾧ πολεμεῖν ἐγνώκει, συνιδών, καὶ διανοηθεὶς ὡς πάσῃ τέχνῃ καὶ βίᾳ κινητέος ἐστὶν εἰς μάχην ὁ ἀνὴρ ἢ διαπέπρακται τὰ Καρχηδονίων, οἷς μέν εἰσι κρείττους ὅπλοις χρήσασθαι μὴ δυναμένων, οἷς δὲ λείπονται σώμασι καὶ χρήμασιν ἐλαττουμένων καὶ δαπανωμένων εἰς τὸ μηδέν, ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν στρατηγικῶν σοφισμάτων καὶ παλαις μάτων τ ρεπόμενος, καὶ πειρώμενος ὥσπερ δεινὸς ἀθλητὴς λαβὴν ζητῶν, προσέβαλλε καὶ διετάραττε καὶ μετῆγε πολλαχόσε τὸν Φάβιον, ἐκστῆσαι τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀσφαλείας λογισμῶν βουλόμενος. | 5.1. By thus fixing the thoughts of the people upon their relations with Heaven, Fabius made them more cheerful regarding the future. But he himself put all his hopes of victory in himself, believing that Heaven bestowed success by reason of wisdom and valour, and turned his attentions to Hannibal. He did not purpose to fight out the issue with him, but wished, having plenty of time, money, and men, to wear out and consume gradually his culminating vigour, his scanty resources, and his small army. 5.1. By thus fixing the thoughts of the people upon their relations with Heaven, Fabius made them more cheerful regarding the future. But he himself put all his hopes of victory in himself, believing that Heaven bestowed success by reason of wisdom and valour, and turned his attentions to Hannibal. He did not purpose to fight out the issue with him, but wished, having plenty of time, money, and men, to wear out and consume gradually his culminating vigour, his scanty resources, and his small army. 5.2. Therefore, always pitching his camp in hilly regions so as to be out of reach of the enemy’s cavalry, he hung threateningly over them. If they sat still, he too kept quiet; but if they moved, he would fetch a circuit down from the heights and show himself just far enough away to avoid being forced to fight against his will, and yet near enough to make his very delays inspire the enemy with the fear that he was going to give battle at last. But for merely consuming time in this way he was generally despised by his countrymen, and roundly abused even in his own camp. Much more did his enemies think him a man of no courage and a mere nobody,—all except Hannibal. 5.2. Therefore, always pitching his camp in hilly regions so as to be out of reach of the enemy’s cavalry, he hung threateningly over them. If they sat still, he too kept quiet; but if they moved, he would fetch a circuit down from the heights and show himself just far enough away to avoid being forced to fight against his will, and yet near enough to make his very delays inspire the enemy with the fear that he was going to give battle at last. But for merely consuming time in this way he was generally despised by his countrymen, and roundly abused even in his own camp. Much more did his enemies think him a man of no courage and a mere nobody,—all except Hannibal. 5.3. He, and he alone, comprehended the cleverness of his antagonist, and the style of warfare which he had adopted. He therefore made up his mind that by every possible device and constraint his foe must be induced to fight, or else the Carthaginians were undone, since they were unable to use their weapons, in which they were superior, but were slowly losing and expending to no purpose their men and moneys, in which they were inferior. He therefore resorted to every species of strategic trick and artifice, and tried them all, seeking, like a clever athlete, to get a hold upon his adversary. Now he would attack Fabius directly, now he would seek to throw his forces into confusion, and now he would try to lead him off every whither, in his desire to divorce him from his safe, defensive plans. |
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32. Plutarch, Galba, 26.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163| 26.3. οἷα δὲ ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ, τῶν μὲν ἀναστρέφειν, τῶν δὲ προϊέναι, τῶν δὲ θαρρεῖν, τῶν δὲ ἀπιστεῖν βοώντων, καὶ τοῦ φορείου, καθάπερ ἐν κλύδωνι, δεῦρο κἀκεῖ διαφερομένου καὶ πυκνὸν ἀπονεύοντος, ἐφαίνοντο πρῶτον ἱππεῖς, εἶτα ὁπλῖται διὰ τῆς Παύλου βασιλικῆς προσφερόμενοι, μιᾷ φωνῇ μέγα βοῶντες ἐκποδὼν ἵστασθαι τὸν ἰδιώτην. | 26.3. |
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33. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 15.4-15.5, 32.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 129, 130; Jenkyns (2013) 163| 15.4. οὐδὲ τὴν ἐρημίᾳ ξύνοικον, ὡς Πλάτων ἔλεγεν, αὐθάδειαν εἰδὼς ὅτι δεῖ μάλιστα διαφεύγειν ἐπιχειροῦντα πράγμασι κοινοῖς καὶ ἀνθρώποις ὁμιλεῖν, καὶ γενέσθαι τῆς πολλὰ γελωμένης ὑπʼ ἐνίων ἀνεξικακίας ἐραστήν. ἀλλʼ ἁπλοῦς τις ὢν ἀεὶ καὶ ἀτενής, καὶ τὸ νικᾶν καὶ κρατεῖν ἁπάντων πάντως ἀνδρείας ἔργον ἡγούμενος, οὐκ ἀσθενείας καὶ μαλακίας, ἐκ τοῦ πονοῦντος καὶ πεπονθότος μάλιστα τῆς ψυχῆς, ὥσπερ οἴδημα, τὸν θυμὸν ἀναδιδούσης, ἀπῄει ταραχῆς μεστὸς ὢν καὶ πικρίας πρὸς τὸν δῆμον. 15.5. οἱ δʼ ἐν ἡλικίᾳ τῶν πατρικίων, ὅ τι περ ἦν ἐν τῇ πόλει μάλιστα γαυρούμενον εὐγενείᾳ καὶ ἀνθοῦν, ἀεί τε θαυμαστῶς ἐσπουδάκεσαν περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ τότε προσκείμενοι καὶ παρόντες οὐκ ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ τὸν θυμὸν ἐξερρίπιζον αὐτοῦ τῷ συναγανακτεῖν καὶ συναλγεῖν. ἦν γὰρ ἡγεμὼν αὐτοῖς καὶ διδάσκαλος εὐμενὴς τῶν πολεμικῶν ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις, καὶ ζῆλον ἀρετῆς ἄνευ φθόνου πρὸς ἀλλήλους γαυρῶσαι τοὺς κατορθοῦντας. 32.1. ἐπανελθόντων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων ἀκούσασα ἡ βουλή, καθάπερ ἐν χειμῶνι πολλῷ καὶ κλύδωνι τῆς πόλεως, ἄρασα τὴν ἀφʼ· ἱερᾶς ἀφῆκεν. ὅσοι γὰρ ἦσαν ἱερεῖς θεῶν ἢ μυστηρίων ὀργιασταὶ ἢ φύλακες ἢ τὴν ἀπʼ οἰωνῶν πάτριον οὖσαν ἐκ παλαιῶν μαντικὴν ἔχοντες, τούτους πάντας ἀπιέναι πρὸς τὸν Μάρκιον ἐψηφίσαντο, κεκοσμημένους ὡς ἦν ἑκάστῳ νόμος ἐν ταῖς ἱερουργίαις· λέγειν δὲ ταὐτὰ, καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὅπως ἀπαλλάξας τὸν πόλεμον οὕτω διαλέγηται περὶ τῶν Οὐολούσκων τοῖς πολίταις. | 15.4. companion of solitude ; must mingle with men, and be a lover of that submissiveness to injury which some people ridicule so much. But since he was ever a straightforward man and obstinate, and since he thought that conquest and mastery in all things and at all times was the prerogative of bravery, rather than of effeminate weakness (which breaks out in anger, like a swelling sore, from the troubled and wounded spirit), he event away full of indignation and bitterness towards the people. 15.5. 32.1. |
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34. Plutarch, Marius, 24.1-24.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 84| 24.1. ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐκαλεῖτο Μάριος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ παραγενόμενος, πάντων αὐτὸν οἰομένων θριαμβεύσειν καὶ τῆς βουλῆς προθύμως ψηφισαμένης, οὐκ ἠξίωσεν, εἴτε τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ συναγωνιστὰς ἀποστερῆσαι τῆς φιλοτιμίας μὴ βουλόμενος, εἴτε πρὸς τὰ παρόντα θαρρύνων τὸ πλῆθος, ὡς τῇ τύχῃ τῆς πόλεως παρακατατιθέμενος τὴν τῶν πρώτων κατορθωμάτων, δόξαν ἐν τοῖς δευτέροις λαμπροτέραν ἀποδοθησομένην. 24.2. διαλεχθεὶς δὲ τὰ πρέποντα τῷ καιρῷ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Κάτλον ἐξορμήσας, τοῦτόν τε παρεθάρρυνε καὶ τοὺς αὑτοῦ μετεπέμπετο στρατιώτας ἐκ Γαλατίας, ὡς δὲ ἀφίκοντο, διαβὰς τὸν Ἠριδανὸν εἴργειν ἐπειρᾶτο τῆς ἐντὸς Ἰταλίας τοὺς βαρβάρους, οἱ δὲ τοὺς Τεύτονας ἐκδέχεσθαι καὶ θαυμάζειν ὡς βραδυνόντων φάσκοντες ἀνεβάλλοντο τὴν μάχην, εἴτε ἀγνοοῦντες ὄντως τὴν ἐκείνων φθοράν, εἴτε βουλόμενοι δοκεῖν ἀπιστεῖν. | 24.1. 24.2. |
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35. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 2.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163| 2.4. ἑτέρα δὲ ταραχὴ καὶ στάσις κατελάμβανε τὴν πόλιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀποδειχθήσεσθαι βασιλέως, οὔπω τῶν ἐπηλύδων κομιδῇ τοῖς πρώτοις συγκεκραμένων πολίταις, ἀλλʼ ἔτι τοῦ τε δήμου πολλὰ κυμαίνοντος ἐν ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῶν πατρικίων ἐν ὑποψίαις ἐκ τοῦ διαφόρου πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντων, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ βασιλεύεσθαι μὲν ἐδόκει πᾶσιν, ἤρισαν δὲ καὶ διέστησαν οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ γένους, ὁπότερον παρέξει τὸν ἡγεμόνα, καὶ γάρ οἱ μετὰ Ῥωμύλου· | 2.4. The city was now beset with fresh disturbance and faction over the king to be appointed in his stead, for the new comers were not yet altogether blended with the original citizens, but the commonalty was still like a surging sea, and the patricians full of jealousy towards one another on account of their different nationalities. It is indeed true that it was the pleasure of all to have a king, but they wrangled and quarrelled, not only about the man who should be their leader, but also about the tribe which should furnish him. 2.4. The city was now beset with fresh disturbance and faction over the king to be appointed in his stead, for the new comers were not yet altogether blended with the original citizens, but the commonalty was still like a surging sea, and the patricians full of jealousy towards one another on account of their different nationalities. It is indeed true that it was the pleasure of all to have a king, but they wrangled and quarrelled, not only about the man who should be their leader, but also about the tribe which should furnish him. |
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36. Plutarch, Pompey, 43.3, 53.5, 61.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 84; Jenkyns (2013) 163, 188| 43.3. ὁρῶσαι γὰρ αἱ πόλεις Πομπήϊον Μάγνον ἄνοπλον καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγων τῶν συνήθων ὥσπερ ἐξ ἄλλης ἀποδημίας διαπορευόμενον, ἐκχεόμεναι διʼ εὔνοιαν καὶ προπέμπουσαι μετὰ μείζονος δυνάμεως συγκατῆγον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, εἴ τι κινεῖν διενοεῖτο καὶ νεωτερίζειν τότε, μηδὲν ἐκείνου δεόμενον τοῦ στρατεύματος. 53.5. αὐτῶν δὲ ἐκείνων μεῖζον ἐδόκει μέρος ἀπόντι Καίσαρι νέμειν ὁ δῆμος ἢ Πομπηΐῳ παρόντι τῆς τιμῆς, εὐθὺς γὰρ ἐκύμαινεν ἡ πόλις, καὶ πάντα τὰ πράγματα σάλον εἶχε καὶ λόγους διαστατικούς, ὡς ἡ πρότερον παρακαλύπτουσα μᾶλλον ἢ κατείργουσα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν φιλαρχίαν οἰκειότης ἀνῄρηται. 61.2. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔξωθεν φερόμενοι φυγῇ πανταχόθεν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐνέπιπτον, οἱ δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην οἰκοῦντες ἐξέπιπτον αὐτοὶ καὶ ἀπέλειπον τὴν πόλιν, ἐν χειμῶνι καὶ ταράχῳ τοσούτῳ τὸ μὲν χρήσιμον ἀσθενὲς ἔχουσαν, τὸ δὲ ἀπειθὲς ἰσχυρὸν καὶ δυσμεταχείριστον τοῖς ἄρχουσιν. οὐ γὰρ ἦν παῦσαι τὸν φόβον, οὐδὲ εἴασέ τις χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ λογισμοῖς Πομπήϊον, ἀλλʼ ᾧ τις ἐνετύγχανε πάθει, φοβηθεὶς ἢ λυπηθεὶς ἢ διαπορήσας, τούτῳ φέρων ἐκεῖνον ἀνεπίμπλη· | 43.3. 53.5. 61.2. |
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| 37. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 84 |
38. Plutarch, Timoleon, 5.4, 6.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 128| 5.4. τῶν δὲ φίλων οὐ περιϊδόντων, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν δέησιν καὶ πᾶσαν ἀνάγκην προσενεγκαμένων ἔγνω ζῆν καθʼ ἑαυτὸν, ἐκ μέσου γενόμενος· καὶ πολιτείαν μὲν ἅπασαν ἀφῆκε, τοὺς δὲ πρώτους χρόνους οὐδὲ κατιὼν εἰς πόλιν, ἀλλʼ ἀδημονῶν καὶ πλανώμενος ἐν τοῖς ἐρημοτάτοις τῶν ἀγρῶν διέτριβεν. 6.1. οὕτως αἱ κρίσεις, ἂν μὴ βεβαιότητα καὶ ῥώμην ἐκ λόγου καὶ φιλοσοφίας προσλάβωσιν ἐπὶ τὰς πράξεις, σείονται καὶ παραφέρονται ῥᾳδίως ὑπὸ τῶν τυχόντων ἐπαίνων καὶ ψόγων, ἐκκρουόμεναι τῶν οἰκείων λογισμῶν, | 5.4. but his friends would not suffer this, and brought all manner of entreaty and constraint to bear upon him, so that he made up his mind to live by himself, apart from the world. So he gave up all public life, and for a long while did not even return to the city, but spent his time wandering in great distress of mind among the most desolate parts of the country. 6.1. So true is it that the purposes of men, unless they acquire firmness and strength from reason and philosophy for the activities of life, are unsettled and easily carried away by casual praise and blame, being forced out of their native reckonings. |
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| 39. Martial, Epigrams, 10.58.7-10.58.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163 |
| 40. Martial, Epigrams, 10.58.7-10.58.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163 |
41. Tacitus, Histories, 2.89, 4.82 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 187, 245 | 2.89. Vitellius, mounted on a handsome horse and wearing a general's cloak and arms, had set out from the Mulvian bridge, driving the senate and people before him; but he was dissuaded by his courtiers from entering Rome as if it were a captured city, and so he changed to a senator's toga, ranged his troops in good order, and made his entry on foot. The eagles of four legions were at the head of the line, while the colours of four other legions were to be seen on either side; then came the standards of twelve troops of cavalry, and after them foot and horse; next marched thirty-four cohorts distinguished by the names of their countries or by their arms. Before the eagles marched the prefects of camp, the tribunes, and the chief centurions, dressed in white; the other centurions, with polished arms and decorations gleaming, marched each with his century. The common soldiers' medals and collars were likewise bright and shining. It was an imposing sight and an army which deserved a better emperor than Vitellius. With this array he mounted the Capitol, where he embraced his mother and bestowed on her the name of Augusta. 4.82. These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides. |
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| 42. Suetonius, Vitellius, 11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 187 |
| 43. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 6-7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 245 |
| 44. Suetonius, Claudius, 24.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 188 |
| 45. Suetonius, Caligula, 13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 188 |
| 46. Suetonius, Augustus, 53.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 188 |
| 47. Statius, Siluae, 4.3.155 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus (l. aemilius) Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 302; Verhagen (2022) 302 |
| 48. Silius Italicus, Punica, 2.494-2.505, 3.580-3.581, 4.476, 10.283-10.285, 10.305-10.311, 10.332, 10.349-10.350, 10.377-10.386, 10.450-10.454, 10.503-10.577, 10.641-10.652, 11.52-11.55, 11.511-11.512, 13.468-13.487, 13.658-13.660, 13.663-13.665, 13.678-13.679, 13.696, 13.707-13.717, 13.763, 13.767-13.768, 13.782-13.783, 13.889-13.890, 14.653-14.654, 14.662-14.663, 15.385-15.392, 17.197-17.198, 17.606-17.618, 17.625-17.654 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus (l. aemilius) •paulus, lucius aemilius •paulus, lucius aemilius, and pompey •paulus, lucius aemilius, as synecdochic hero •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 274, 302; Jenkyns (2013) 187, 242; Mcclellan (2019) 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 260, 262, 265; Verhagen (2022) 274, 302 |
| 49. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.303-1.305, 7.799-7.801, 7.809-7.819, 8.12-8.13, 8.56-8.57, 8.871-8.872, 9.1035-9.1108 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, lucius aemilius •paulus, lucius aemilius, as synecdochic hero •paulus, lucius aemilius, and pompey Found in books: Mcclellan (2019) 241, 248, 250, 251, 256, 262, 265 |
| 50. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 26, 25 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 242 |
| 51. Seneca The Younger, De Providentia (Dialogorum Liber I), 2.11-2.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 4 |
| 52. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 12.10.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 240 |
| 53. Juvenal, Satires, 11.111 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 240 |
| 54. Frontinus, Strategemata, 1-3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 84 |
55. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 7.132-7.133 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus •plutarch, aemilius paulus Found in books: Nuno et al (2021) 129 | 7.132. 5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature; 7.133. for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piecemeal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans; |
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| 56. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 48.41 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 240 |
| 57. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus (l. aemilius) Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 274; Verhagen (2022) 274 |
58. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 51.16, 52.16, 54.25, 71.14, 71.29, 72.28.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius •aemilius paulus Found in books: Isaac (2004) 223; Jenkyns (2013) 163, 188, 245 | 51.16. 1. As for the rest who had been connected with Antony's cause up to this time, he punished some and pardoned others, either from personal motives or to oblige his friends. And since there were found at the court many children of princes and kings who were being kept there, some as hostages and others out of a spirit of arrogance, he sent some back to their homes, joined others in marriage with one another, and retained still others.,2. I shall omit most of these cases and mention only two. of his own accord he restored Iotape to the Median king, who had found an asylum with him after his defeat; but he refused the request of Artaxes that his brothers be sent to him, because this prince had put to death the Romans left behind in Armenia.,3. This was the disposition he made of such captives; and in the case of the Egyptians and the Alexandrians, he spared them all, so that none perished. The truth was that he did not see fit to inflict any irreparable injury upon a people so numerous, who might prove very useful to the Romans in many ways;,4. nevertheless, he offered as a pretext for his kindness their god Serapis, their founder Alexander, and, in the third place, their fellow-citizen Areius, of whose learning and companionship he availed himself. The speech in which he proclaimed to them his pardon he delivered in Greek, so that they might understand him.,5. After this he viewed the body of Alexander and actually touched it, whereupon, it is said, a piece of the nose was broken off. But he declined to view the remains of the Ptolemies, though the Alexandrians were extremely eager to show them, remarking, "I wished to see a king, not corpses." For this same reason he would not enter the presence of Apis, either, declaring that he was accustomed to worship gods, not cattle. 52.16. 1. "Witness to the truth of my words is borne by our past. For while we were but few in number and differed in no important respect from our neighbours, we got along well with our government and subjugated almost all Italy;,2. but ever since we were led outside the peninsula and crossed over to many continents and many islands, filling the whole sea and the whole earth with our name and power, nothing good has been our lot. At first it was only at home and within our walls that we broke up into factions and quarrelled, but afterwards we even carried this plague out into the legions.,3. Therefore our city, like a great merchantman manned with a crew of every race and lacking a pilot, has now for many generations been rolling and plunging as it has drifted this way and that in a heavy sea, a ship as it were without ballast. Do not, then, allow her to be longer exposed to the tempest;,4. for you see that she is waterlogged. And do not let her be pounded to pieces upon a reef; for her timbers are rotten and she will not be able to hold out much longer. But since the gods have taken pity on her and have set you over her as her arbiter and overseer, prove not false to her, to the end that, even as now she has received a little by your aid, so she may survive in safety for the ages to come. 54.25. 1. Now when Augustus had finished all the business which occupied him in the several provinces of Gaul, of Germany and of Spain, having spent large sums from others, having bestowed freedom and citizenship upon some and taken them away from others, he left Drusus in Germany and returned to Rome himself in the consulship of Tiberius and Quintilius Varus.,2. Now it chanced that the news of his coming reached the city during those days when Cornelius Balbus was celebrating with spectacles the dedication of theatre which is even toâday called by his name; and Balbus accordingly began to put on airs, as if it were he himself that was going to bring Augustus back, â although he was unable even to enter his theatre, except by boat, on account of the flood of water caused by the Tiber, which had overflowed its banks, â and Tiberius put the vote to him first, in honour of his building the theatre.,3. For the senate convened, and among its other decrees voted to place an altar in the senate-chamber itself, to commemorate the return of Augustus, and also voted that those who approached him as suppliants while he was inside the pomerium should not be punished. Nevertheless, he accepted neither of these honours, and even avoided encountering the people on this occasion also;,4. for he entered the city at night. This he did nearly always when he went out to the suburbs or anywhere else, both on his way out and on his return, so that he might trouble none of the citizens. The next day he welcomed the people in the palace, and then, ascending the Capitol, took the laurel from around his fasces and placed it upon the knees of Jupiter; and he also placed baths and barbers at the service of the people free of charge on that day.,5. After this he convened the senate, and though he made no address himself by reason of hoarseness, he gave his manuscript to the quaestor to read and thus enumerated his achievements and promulgated rules as to the number of years the citizens should serve in the army and as to the amount of money they should receive when discharged from service, in lieu of the land which they were always demanding.,6. His object was that the soldiers, by being enlisted henceforth on certain definite terms, should find no excuse for revolt on this score. The number of years was twelve for the Pretorians and sixteen for the rest; and the money to be distributed was less in some cases and more in others. These measures caused the soldiers neither pleasure nor anger for the time being, because they neither obtained all they desired nor yet failed of all; but in the rest of the population the measures aroused confident hopes that they would not in future be robbed of their possessions. |
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| 59. Pollux, Onomasticon, 4.86.6-87.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus •plutarch, aemilius paulus Found in books: Nuno et al (2021) 372 |
60. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 4.28 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 240| 4.28. ἰδὼν δὲ ἐς τὸ ἕδος τὸ ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ “χαῖρε,” εἶπεν “ἀγαθὲ Ζεῦ, σὺ γὰρ οὕτω τι ἀγαθός, ὡς καὶ σαυτοῦ κοινωνῆσαι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις.” ἐξηγήσατο δὲ καὶ τὸν χαλκοῦν Μίλωνα καὶ τὸν λόγον τοῦ περὶ αὐτὸν σχήματος. ὁ γὰρ Μίλων ἑστάναι μὲν ἐπὶ δίσκου δοκεῖ τὼ πόδε ἄμφω συμβεβηκώς, ῥόαν δὲ ξυνέχει τῇ ἀριστερᾷ, ἡ δεξιὰ δέ, ὀρθοὶ τῆς χειρὸς ἐκείνης οἱ δάκτυλοι καὶ οἷον διείροντες. οἱ μὲν δὴ κατ' ̓Ολυμπίαν τε καὶ ̓Αρκαδίαν λόγοι τὸν ἀθλητὴν ἱστοροῦσι τοῦτον ἄτρεπτον γενέσθαι καὶ μὴ ἐκβιβασθῆναί ποτε τοῦ χώρου, ἐν ᾧ ἔστη, δηλοῦσθαι δὲ τὸ μὲν ἀπρὶξ τῶν δακτύλων ἐν τῇ ξυνοχῇ τῆς ῥόας, τὸ δὲ μηδ' ἂν σχισθῆναί ποτ' ἀπ' ἀλλήλων αὐτούς, εἴ τις πρὸς ἕνα αὐτῶν ἁμιλλῷτο, τῷ τὰς διαφυὰς ἐν ὀρθοῖς τοῖς δακτύλοις εὖ ξυνηρμόσθαι, τὴν ταινίαν δέ, ἣν ἀναδεῖται, σωφροσύνης ἡγοῦνται ξύμβολον. ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος σοφῶς μὲν εἶπεν ἐπινενοῆσθαι ταῦτα, σοφώτερα δὲ εἶναι τὰ ἀληθέστερα. “ὡς δὲ γιγνώσκοιτε τὸν νοῦν τοῦ Μίλωνος, Κροτωνιᾶται τὸν ἀθλητὴν τοῦτον ἱερέα ἐστήσαντο τῆς ̔́Ηρας. τὴν μὲν δὴ μίτραν ὅ τι χρὴ νοεῖν, τί ἂν ἐξηγοίμην ἔτι, μνημονεύσας ἱερέως ἀνδρός; ἡ ῥόα δὲ μόνη φυτῶν τῇ ̔́Ηρᾳ φύεται, ὁ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῖς ποσὶ δίσκος, ἐπὶ ἀσπιδίου βεβηκὼς ὁ ἱερεὺς τῇ ̔́Ηρᾳ εὔχεται, τουτὶ δὲ καὶ ἡ δεξιὰ σημαίνει, τὸ δὲ ἔργον τῶν δακτύλων καὶ τὸ μήπω διεστὼς τῇ ἀρχαίᾳ ἀγαλματοποιίᾳ προσκείσθω.” | 4.28. And looking at the statue set up at Olympia, he said: Hail, O thou good Zeus, for thou art so good that thou dost impart thine own nature unto mankind. And he also gave them an account of the brazen statue of Milo and explained the attitude of this figure. For this Milo is seen standing on a disk with his two feet close together, and in his left hand he grasps a pomegranate, whole of his right hand the fingers are extended and pressed together as if to pass through a chink. Now among the people of Olympia and Arcadia the story told about this athlete is, that he was so inflexible that he could never be induced to leave the spot on which he stood; and they infer the grip of the clenched fingers from the way he grasps the pomegranate, and that they could never be separated from another, however much you struggled with any one of them, because the intervals between the extended fingers are very close; and they say that the fillet with which his head is bound is a symbol of temperance and sobriety. Apollonius while admitting that this account was wisely conceived, said that the truth was still wiser. In order that you may know, said he, the meaning of the statue of Milo, the people of Croton made this athlete a priest of Hera. As to the meaning then of this mitre, I need not explain it further than by reminding you that the hero was a priest. But the pomegranate is the only fruit which is grown in honor of Hera; and the disk beneath his feet means that the priest is standing on a small shield to offer his prayer to Hera; and this is also indicated by his right hand. As for the artist's rendering the fingers and feet, between which he has left no interval, that you may ascribe to the antique style of the sculpture. |
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| 61. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.6.99-2.6.100 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 188 |
| 62. Ps.-Aurelius Victor, De Viris Illustribus, 56.1-56.2 Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 123 |
| 63. Arch., Att., 2.1.5 Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 187 |
| 64. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri, 8.7.5 Tagged with subjects: •paulus (l. aemilius) Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 274; Verhagen (2022) 274 |
65. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.804, 3.493-3.497, 8.301, 12.952 Tagged with subjects: •paulus, lucius aemilius •paulus (l. aemilius) Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 302; Mcclellan (2019) 253, 262; Verhagen (2022) 302 | 2.804. and young Ascanius, who are ringed about 3.493. enjoyed the friendly town; his ample halls 3.494. our royal host threw wide; full wine-cups flowed 3.495. within the palace; golden feast was spread, 3.496. and many a goblet quaffed. Day followed day, 3.497. while favoring breezes beckoned us to sea, 8.301. the cavern door, and broken the big chains, 12.952. were battering the foundations, now laid by |
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| 66. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.122.1 Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 187 |
| 67. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •paulus, lucius aemilius Found in books: Mcclellan (2019) 242, 243 |
| 68. Sat. Men., Fragments, 290 Tagged with subjects: •aemilius paulus •plutarch, aemilius paulus Found in books: Nuno et al (2021) 132 |
| 69. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.11.4 Tagged with subjects: •paulus, aemilius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 4 |
