1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 12.2-12.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 6, 440| 12.2. "כִּי־יַרְחִיב יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ אֶת־גְּבוּלְךָ כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר־לָךְ וְאָמַרְתָּ אֹכְלָה בָשָׂר כִּי־תְאַוֶּה נַפְשְׁךָ לֶאֱכֹל בָּשָׂר בְּכָל־אַוַּת נַפְשְׁךָ תֹּאכַל בָּשָׂר׃", 12.2. "אַבֵּד תְּאַבְּדוּן אֶת־כָּל־הַמְּקֹמוֹת אֲשֶׁר עָבְדוּ־שָׁם הַגּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם יֹרְשִׁים אֹתָם אֶת־אֱלֹהֵיהֶם עַל־הֶהָרִים הָרָמִים וְעַל־הַגְּבָעוֹת וְתַחַת כָּל־עֵץ רַעֲנָן׃", 12.3. "הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ פֶּן־תִּנָּקֵשׁ אַחֲרֵיהֶם אַחֲרֵי הִשָּׁמְדָם מִפָּנֶיךָ וּפֶן־תִּדְרֹשׁ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם לֵאמֹר אֵיכָה יַעַבְדוּ הַגּוֹיִם הָאֵלֶּה אֶת־אֱלֹהֵיהֶם וְאֶעֱשֶׂה־כֵּן גַּם־אָנִי׃", 12.3. "וְנִתַּצְתֶּם אֶת־מִזְבּחֹתָם וְשִׁבַּרְתֶּם אֶת־מַצֵּבֹתָם וַאֲשֵׁרֵיהֶם תִּשְׂרְפוּן בָּאֵשׁ וּפְסִילֵי אֱלֹהֵיהֶם תְּגַדֵּעוּן וְאִבַּדְתֶּם אֶת־שְׁמָם מִן־הַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא׃", 12.4. "לֹא־תַעֲשׂוּן כֵּן לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם׃", 12.5. "כִּי אִם־אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר־יִבְחַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם מִכָּל־שִׁבְטֵיכֶם לָשׂוּם אֶת־שְׁמוֹ שָׁם לְשִׁכְנוֹ תִדְרְשׁוּ וּבָאתָ שָׁמָּה׃", 12.6. "וַהֲבֵאתֶם שָׁמָּה עֹלֹתֵיכֶם וְזִבְחֵיכֶם וְאֵת מַעְשְׂרֹתֵיכֶם וְאֵת תְּרוּמַת יֶדְכֶם וְנִדְרֵיכֶם וְנִדְבֹתֵיכֶם וּבְכֹרֹת בְּקַרְכֶם וְצֹאנְכֶם׃", 12.7. "וַאֲכַלְתֶּם־שָׁם לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם וּשְׂמַחְתֶּם בְּכֹל מִשְׁלַח יֶדְכֶם אַתֶּם וּבָתֵּיכֶם אֲשֶׁר בֵּרַכְךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃", 12.8. "לֹא תַעֲשׂוּן כְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר אֲנַחְנוּ עֹשִׂים פֹּה הַיּוֹם אִישׁ כָּל־הַיָּשָׁר בְּעֵינָיו׃", 12.9. "כִּי לֹא־בָּאתֶם עַד־עָתָּה אֶל־הַמְּנוּחָה וְאֶל־הַנַּחֲלָה אֲשֶׁר־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לָךְ׃", 12.11. "וְהָיָה הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר־יִבְחַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם בּוֹ לְשַׁכֵּן שְׁמוֹ שָׁם שָׁמָּה תָבִיאוּ אֵת כָּל־אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוֶּה אֶתְכֶם עוֹלֹתֵיכֶם וְזִבְחֵיכֶם מַעְשְׂרֹתֵיכֶם וּתְרֻמַת יֶדְכֶם וְכֹל מִבְחַר נִדְרֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר תִּדְּרוּ לַיהוָה׃", 12.12. "וּשְׂמַחְתֶּם לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם אַתֶּם וּבְנֵיכֶם וּבְנֹתֵיכֶם וְעַבְדֵיכֶם וְאַמְהֹתֵיכֶם וְהַלֵּוִי אֲשֶׁר בְּשַׁעֲרֵיכֶם כִּי אֵין לוֹ חֵלֶק וְנַחֲלָה אִתְּכֶם׃", 12.13. "הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ פֶּן־תַּעֲלֶה עֹלֹתֶיךָ בְּכָל־מָקוֹם אֲשֶׁר תִּרְאֶה׃", 12.14. "כִּי אִם־בַּמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר־יִבְחַר יְהוָה בְּאַחַד שְׁבָטֶיךָ שָׁם תַּעֲלֶה עֹלֹתֶיךָ וְשָׁם תַּעֲשֶׂה כֹּל אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוֶּךָּ׃", | 12.2. "Ye shall surely destroy all the places, wherein the nations that ye are to dispossess served their gods, upon the high mountains, and upon the hills, and under every leafy tree.", 12.3. "And ye shall break down their altars, and dash in pieces their pillars, and burn their Asherim with fire; and ye shall hew down the graven images of their gods; and ye shall destroy their name out of that place.", 12.4. "Ye shall not do so unto the LORD your God.", 12.5. "But unto the place which the LORD your God shall choose out of all your tribes to put His name there, even unto His habitation shall ye seek, and thither thou shalt come;", 12.6. "and thither ye shall bring your burnt-offerings, and your sacrifices, and your tithes, and the offering of your hand, and your vows, and your freewill-offerings, and the firstlings of your herd and of your flock;", 12.7. "and there ye shall eat before the LORD your God, and ye shall rejoice in all that ye put your hand unto, ye and your households, wherein the LORD thy God hath blessed thee.", 12.8. "Ye shall not do after all that we do here this day, every man whatsoever is right in his own eyes;", 12.9. "for ye are not as yet come to the rest and to the inheritance, which the LORD your God giveth thee.", 12.10. "But when ye go over the Jordan, and dwell in the land which the LORD your God causeth you to inherit, and He giveth you rest from all your enemies round about, so that ye dwell in safety;", 12.11. "then it shall come to pass that the place which the LORD your God shall choose to cause His name to dwell there, thither shall ye bring all that I command you: your burnt-offerings, and your sacrifices, your tithes, and the offering of your hand, and all your choice vows which ye vow unto the LORD.", 12.12. "And ye shall rejoice before the LORD your God, ye, and your sons, and your daughters, and your men-servants, and your maid-servants, and the Levite that is within your gates, forasmuch as he hath no portion nor inheritance with you.", 12.13. "Take heed to thyself that thou offer not thy burnt-offerings in every place that thou seest;", 12.14. "but in the place which the LORD shall choose in one of thy tribes, there thou shalt offer thy burnt-offerings, and there thou shalt do all that I command thee.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Zephaniah, 3.5 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 389| 3.5. "יְהוָה צַדִּיק בְּקִרְבָּהּ לֹא יַעֲשֶׂה עַוְלָה בַּבֹּקֶר בַּבֹּקֶר מִשְׁפָּטוֹ יִתֵּן לָאוֹר לֹא נֶעְדָּר וְלֹא־יוֹדֵעַ עַוָּל בֹּשֶׁת׃", | 3.5. "The LORD who is righteous is in the midst of her, He will not do unrighteousness; Every morning doth He bring His right to light, It faileth not; But the unrighteous knoweth no shame.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Malachi, 3.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 389 | 3.20. "But unto you that fear My name shall the sun of righteousness arise with healing in its wings; and ye shall go forth, and gambol as calves of the stall.", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 2.16, 43.7, 43.13, 44.1, 46.14 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 330| 2.16. "גַּם־בְּנֵי־נֹף ותחפנס [וְתַחְפַּנְחֵס] יִרְעוּךְ קָדְקֹד׃", 43.7. "וַיָּבֹאוּ אֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם כִּי לֹא שָׁמְעוּ בְּקוֹל יְהוָה וַיָּבֹאוּ עַד־תַּחְפַּנְחֵס׃", 43.13. "וְשִׁבַּר אֶת־מַצְּבוֹת בֵּית שֶׁמֶשׁ אֲשֶׁר בְּאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם וְאֶת־בָּתֵּי אֱלֹהֵי־מִצְרַיִם יִשְׂרֹף בָּאֵשׁ׃", 44.1. "לֹא דֻכְּאוּ עַד הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה וְלֹא יָרְאוּ וְלֹא־הָלְכוּ בְתוֹרָתִי וּבְחֻקֹּתַי אֲשֶׁר־נָתַתִּי לִפְנֵיכֶם וְלִפְנֵי אֲבוֹתֵיכֶם׃", 44.1. "הַדָּבָר אֲשֶׁר הָיָה אֶל־יִרְמְיָהוּ אֶל כָּל־הַיְּהוּדִים הַיֹּשְׁבִים בְּאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם הַיֹּשְׁבִים בְּמִגְדֹּל וּבְתַחְפַּנְחֵס וּבְנֹף וּבְאֶרֶץ פַּתְרוֹס לֵאמֹר׃", 46.14. "הַגִּידוּ בְמִצְרַיִם וְהַשְׁמִיעוּ בְמִגְדּוֹל וְהַשְׁמִיעוּ בְנֹף וּבְתַחְפַּנְחֵס אִמְרוּ הִתְיַצֵּב וְהָכֵן לָךְ כִּי־אָכְלָה חֶרֶב סְבִיבֶיךָ׃", | 2.16. "The children also of Noph and Tahpanhes feed upon the crown of thy head.", 43.7. "and they came into the land of Egypt; for they hearkened not to the voice of the LORD; and they came even to Tahpanhes.", 43.13. "He shall also break the pillars of Beth-shemesh, that is in the land of Egypt; and the houses of the gods of Egypt shall he burn with fire.’", 44.1. "The word that came to Jeremiah concerning all the Jews that dwelt in the land of Egypt, that dwelt at Migdol, and at Tahpanhes, and at Noph, and in the country of Pathros, saying:", 46.14. "Declare ye in Egypt, and announce in Migdol, And announce in Noph and in Tahpanhes; Say ye: ‘Stand forth, and prepare thee, For the sword hath devoured round about thee.’", |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 19.18, 19.19, 41.2, 44.27-45.1, 47.8, 47.9, 47.12 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 389| 41.2. "לְמַעַן יִרְאוּ וְיֵדְעוּ וְיָשִׂימוּ וְיַשְׂכִּילוּ יַחְדָּו כִּי יַד־יְהוָה עָשְׂתָה זֹּאת וּקְדוֹשׁ יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּרָאָהּ׃", 41.2. "מִי הֵעִיר מִמִּזְרָח צֶדֶק יִקְרָאֵהוּ לְרַגְלוֹ יִתֵּן לְפָנָיו גּוֹיִם וּמְלָכִים יַרְדְּ יִתֵּן כֶּעָפָר חַרְבּוֹ כְּקַשׁ נִדָּף קַשְׁתּוֹ׃", | 41.2. "Who hath raised up one from the east, At whose steps victory attendeth? He giveth nations before him, And maketh him rule over kings; His sword maketh them as the dust, His bow as the driven stubble.", |
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6. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 21.1, 21.5-21.16, 23.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 440| 21.1. "וַיָּקָם וַיֵּלַךְ וִיהוֹנָתָן בָּא הָעִיר׃", 21.1. "וַיֹּאמֶר הַכֹּהֵן חֶרֶב גָּלְיָת הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי אֲשֶׁר־הִכִּיתָ בְּעֵמֶק הָאֵלָה הִנֵּה־הִיא לוּטָה בַשִּׂמְלָה אַחֲרֵי הָאֵפוֹד אִם־אֹתָהּ תִּקַּח־לְךָ קָח כִּי אֵין אַחֶרֶת זוּלָתָהּ בָּזֶה וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד אֵין כָּמוֹהָ תְּנֶנָּה לִּי׃", 21.5. "וַיַּעַן הַכֹּהֵן אֶת־דָּוִד וַיֹּאמֶר אֵין־לֶחֶם חֹל אֶל־תַּחַת יָדִי כִּי־אִם־לֶחֶם קֹדֶשׁ יֵשׁ אִם־נִשְׁמְרוּ הַנְּעָרִים אַךְ מֵאִשָּׁה׃", 21.6. "וַיַּעַן דָּוִד אֶת־הַכֹּהֵן וַיֹּאמֶר לוֹ כִּי אִם־אִשָּׁה עֲצֻרָה־לָנוּ כִּתְמוֹל שִׁלְשֹׁם בְּצֵאתִי וַיִּהְיוּ כְלֵי־הַנְּעָרִים קֹדֶשׁ וְהוּא דֶּרֶךְ חֹל וְאַף כִּי הַיּוֹם יִקְדַּשׁ בַּכֶּלִי׃", 21.7. "וַיִּתֶּן־לוֹ הַכֹּהֵן קֹדֶשׁ כִּי לֹא־הָיָה שָׁם לֶחֶם כִּי־אִם־לֶחֶם הַפָּנִים הַמּוּסָרִים מִלִּפְנֵי יְהוָה לָשׂוּם לֶחֶם חֹם בְּיוֹם הִלָּקְחוֹ׃", 21.8. "וְשָׁם אִישׁ מֵעַבְדֵי שָׁאוּל בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא נֶעְצָר לִפְנֵי יְהוָה וּשְׁמוֹ דֹּאֵג הָאֲדֹמִי אַבִּיר הָרֹעִים אֲשֶׁר לְשָׁאוּל׃", 21.9. "וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד לַאֲחִימֶלֶךְ וְאִין יֶשׁ־פֹּה תַחַת־יָדְךָ חֲנִית אוֹ־חָרֶב כִּי גַם־חַרְבִּי וְגַם־כֵּלַי לֹא־לָקַחְתִּי בְיָדִי כִּי־הָיָה דְבַר־הַמֶּלֶךְ נָחוּץ׃", 21.11. "וַיָּקָם דָּוִד וַיִּבְרַח בַּיּוֹם־הַהוּא מִפְּנֵי שָׁאוּל וַיָּבֹא אֶל־אָכִישׁ מֶלֶךְ גַּת׃", 21.12. "וַיֹּאמְרוּ עַבְדֵי אָכִישׁ אֵלָיו הֲלוֹא־זֶה דָוִד מֶלֶךְ הָאָרֶץ הֲלוֹא לָזֶה יַעֲנוּ בַמְּחֹלוֹת לֵאמֹר הִכָּה שָׁאוּל באלפו [בַּאֲלָפָיו] וְדָוִד ברבבתו [בְּרִבְבֹתָיו׃]", 21.13. "וַיָּשֶׂם דָּוִד אֶת־הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה בִּלְבָבוֹ וַיִּרָא מְאֹד מִפְּנֵי אָכִישׁ מֶלֶךְ־גַּת׃", 21.14. "וַיְשַׁנּוֹ אֶת־טַעְמוֹ בְּעֵינֵיהֶם וַיִּתְהֹלֵל בְּיָדָם ויתו [וַיְתָיו] עַל־דַּלְתוֹת הַשַּׁעַר וַיּוֹרֶד רִירוֹ אֶל־זְקָנוֹ׃", 21.15. "וַיֹּאמֶר אָכִישׁ אֶל־עֲבָדָיו הִנֵּה תִרְאוּ אִישׁ מִשְׁתַּגֵּעַ לָמָּה תָּבִיאוּ אֹתוֹ אֵלָי׃", 21.16. "חֲסַר מְשֻׁגָּעִים אָנִי כִּי־הֲבֵאתֶם אֶת־זֶה לְהִשְׁתַּגֵּעַ עָלָי הֲזֶה יָבוֹא אֶל־בֵּיתִי׃", 23.4. "וַיּוֹסֶף עוֹד דָּוִד לִשְׁאֹל בַּיהוָה וַיַּעֲנֵהוּ יְהוָה וַיֹּאמֶר קוּם רֵד קְעִילָה כִּי־אֲנִי נֹתֵן אֶת־פְּלִשְׁתִּים בְּיָדֶךָ׃", | 21.1. "And he arose and departed: and Yehonatan went into the city.", 21.5. "And the priest answered David, and said, There is no common bread in my hand, but there is hallowed bread; if the young men have kept themselves at least from women.", 21.6. "And David answered the priest, and said to him, of a truth women have been kept from us as always when I am on a journey, and the vessels of the young men are holy, (although it is a common journey,) how much more today when there will be hallowed bread in their vessel.", 21.7. "So the priest gave him hallowed bread: for there was no bread there but the showbread, that was taken from before the Lord, to put hot bread in its place on the day when it was taken away.", 21.8. "Now a certain man of the servants of Sha᾽ul was there that day, detained before the Lord; and his name was Do᾽eg the Edomite, the chiefest of the herdmen that belonged to Sha᾽ul.", 21.9. "And David said to Aĥimelekh, And is there not here under thy hand a spear or a sword? for I have neither brought my sword nor my weapons with me, because the king’s business was urgent.", 21.10. "And the priest said, The sword of Golyat the Pelishtian, whom thou didst slay in the valley of Ela, behold it is here wrapped in a cloth behind the efod: if thou wilt take that, take it: for there is no other save that here. And David said, There is none like that; give it to me.", 21.11. "And David arose, and fled that day from before Sha᾽ul, and went to Akhish the king of Gat.", 21.12. "And the servants of Akhish said to him, Is not this David the king of the land? did they not sing one to another of him in dances, saying, Sha᾽ul has slain his thousands, but David his ten thousands?", 21.13. "And David laid up these words in his heart, and was sore afraid of Akhish the king of Gat.", 21.14. "And he changed his be-haviour before them, and feigned himself mad in their hands, and scratched on the doors of the gate, and let his spittle run down upon his beard.", 21.15. "Then said Akhish to his servants, Lo, you see the man is mad: why then have you brought him to me?", 21.16. "Am I short of mad men, that you have brought this fellow to play the mad man in my presence? Shall this fellow come into my house?", 23.4. "Then David inquired of the Lord yet again. And the Lord answered him and said, Arise, go down to Qe῾ila; for I will deliver the Pelishtim into thy hand.", |
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7. Hesiod, Theogony, 28, 27 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 93 | 27. Those daughters of Lord Zeus proclaimed to me: |
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| 8. Homer, Odyssey, 11.16, 11.38-11.41 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology •papyri/papyrology, magical Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 138, 142 |
| 9. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 9.17 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 219 |
| 10. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 2.85 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 93 |
11. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 418| 203a. καὶ τὰς ἐπῳδὰς καὶ τὴν μαντείαν πᾶσαν καὶ γοητείαν. θεὸς δὲ ἀνθρώπῳ οὐ μείγνυται, ἀλλὰ διὰ τούτου πᾶσά ἐστιν ἡ ὁμιλία καὶ ἡ διάλεκτος θεοῖς πρὸς ἀνθρώπους, καὶ ἐγρηγορόσι καὶ καθεύδουσι· καὶ ὁ μὲν περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα σοφὸς δαιμόνιος ἀνήρ, ὁ δὲ ἄλλο τι σοφὸς ὢν ἢ περὶ τέχνας ἢ χειρουργίας τινὰς βάναυσος. οὗτοι δὴ οἱ δαίμονες πολλοὶ καὶ παντοδαποί εἰσιν, εἷς δὲ τούτων ἐστὶ καὶ ὁ Ἔρως. | 203a. and incantations, and all soothsaying and sorcery. God with man does not mingle: but the spiritual is the means of all society and converse of men with gods and of gods with men, whether waking or asleep. Whosoever has skill in these affairs is a spiritual man to have it in other matters, as in common arts and crafts, is for the mechanical. Many and multifarious are these spirits, and one of them is Love. |
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12. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 6.8-6.10, 7.18-7.21 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 433| 6.8. "וּמִנִּי שִׂים טְעֵם לְמָא דִי־תַעַבְדוּן עִם־שָׂבֵי יְהוּדָיֵא אִלֵּךְ לְמִבְנֵא בֵּית־אֱלָהָא דֵךְ וּמִנִּכְסֵי מַלְכָּא דִּי מִדַּת עֲבַר נַהֲרָה אָסְפַּרְנָא נִפְקְתָא תֶּהֱוֵא מִתְיַהֲבָא לְגֻבְרַיָּא אִלֵּךְ דִּי־לָא לְבַטָּלָא׃", 6.9. "וּמָה חַשְׁחָן וּבְנֵי תוֹרִין וְדִכְרִין וְאִמְּרִין לַעֲלָוָן לֶאֱלָהּ שְׁמַיָּא חִנְטִין מְלַח חֲמַר וּמְשַׁח כְּמֵאמַר כָּהֲנַיָּא דִי־בִירוּשְׁלֶם לֶהֱוֵא מִתְיְהֵב לְהֹם יוֹם בְּיוֹם דִּי־לָא שָׁלוּ׃", 7.18. "וּמָה דִי עליך [עֲלָךְ] וְעַל־אחיך [אֶחָךְ] יֵיטַב בִּשְׁאָר כַּסְפָּא וְדַהֲבָה לְמֶעְבַּד כִּרְעוּת אֱלָהֲכֹם תַּעַבְדוּן׃", 7.19. "וּמָאנַיָּא דִּי־מִתְיַהֲבִין לָךְ לְפָלְחָן בֵּית אֱלָהָךְ הַשְׁלֵם קֳדָם אֱלָהּ יְרוּשְׁלֶם׃", 7.21. "וּמִנִּי אֲנָה אַרְתַּחְשַׁסְתְּא מַלְכָּא שִׂים טְעֵם לְכֹל גִּזַּבְרַיָּא דִּי בַּעֲבַר נַהֲרָה דִּי כָל־דִּי יִשְׁאֲלֶנְכוֹן עֶזְרָא כָהֲנָה סָפַר דָּתָא דִּי־אֱלָהּ שְׁמַיָּא אָסְפַּרְנָא יִתְעֲבִד׃", | 6.8. "Moreover I make a decree concerning what ye shall do to these elders of the Jews for the building of this house of God; that of the king’s goods, even of the tribute beyond the River, expenses be given with all diligence unto these men, that they be not hindered.", 6.9. "And that which they have need of, both young bullocks, and rams, and lambs, for burnt-offerings to the God of heaven, wheat, salt, wine, and oil, according to the word of the priests that are at Jerusalem, let it be given them day by day without fail;", 6.10. "that they may offer sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the king, and of his sons.", 7.18. "And whatsoever shall seem good to thee and to thy brethren to do with the rest of the silver and the gold, that do ye after the will of your God.", 7.19. "And the vessels that are given thee for the service of the house of thy God, deliver thou before the God of Jerusalem.", 7.20. "And whatsoever more shall be needful for the house of thy God, which thou shalt have occasion to bestow, bestow it out of the king’s treasure-house.", 7.21. "And I, even I Artaxerxes the king, do make a decree to all the treasurers that are beyond the River, that whatsoever Ezra the priest, the scribe of the Law of the God of heaven, shall require of you, it be done with all diligence,", |
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13. Herodotus, Histories, 2.50, 2.144.2 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology •papyri/papyrology, curse of artemisia •papyri/papyrology, magical Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 131, 137 | 2.50. In fact, the names of nearly all the gods came to Hellas from Egypt . For I am convinced by inquiry that they have come from foreign parts, and I believe that they came chiefly from Egypt . ,Except the names of Poseidon and the Dioscuri, as I have already said, and Hera, and Hestia, and Themis, and the Graces, and the Nereids, the names of all the gods have always existed in Egypt . I only say what the Egyptians themselves say. The gods whose names they say they do not know were, as I think, named by the Pelasgians, except Poseidon, the knowledge of whom they learned from the Libyans. ,Alone of all nations the Libyans have had among them the name of Poseidon from the beginning, and they have always honored this god. The Egyptians, however, are not accustomed to pay any honors to heroes. 2.144.2. Before these men, they said, the rulers of Egypt were gods, but none had been contemporary with the human priests. of these gods one or another had in succession been supreme; the last of them to rule the country was Osiris' son Horus, whom the Greeks call Apollo; he deposed Typhon, and was the last divine king of Egypt . Osiris is, in the Greek language, Dionysus. |
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14. Euripides, Bacchae, 272-286, 288-297, 287 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 30| 287. μηρῷ; διδάξω σʼ ὡς καλῶς ἔχει τόδε. | |
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| 15. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 33.1-33.9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 440 |
| 16. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 212 |
| 17. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 30 |
18. Plato, Protagoras, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 212 | 343a. to utter such remarks is to be ascribed to his perfect education. Such men were Thales of Miletus , Pittacus of Mytilene , Bias of Priene , Solon of our city, Cleobulus of Lindus , Myson of Chen, and, last of the traditional seven, Chilon of Sparta . All these were enthusiasts, lovers and disciples of the Spartan culture; and you can recognize that character in their wisdom by the short, memorable sayings that fell from each of them they assembled together |
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19. Plato, Meno, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 300| 80a. σοι ὅτι σὺ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ αὐτός τε ἀπορεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ποιεῖς ἀπορεῖν· καὶ νῦν, ὥς γέ μοι δοκεῖς, γοητεύεις με καὶ φαρμάττεις καὶ ἀτεχνῶς κατεπᾴδεις, ὥστε μεστὸν ἀπορίας γεγονέναι. καὶ δοκεῖς μοι παντελῶς, εἰ δεῖ τι καὶ σκῶψαι, ὁμοιότατος εἶναι τό τε εἶδος καὶ τἆλλα ταύτῃ τῇ πλατείᾳ νάρκῃ τῇ θαλαττίᾳ· καὶ γὰρ αὕτη τὸν ἀεὶ πλησιάζοντα καὶ ἁπτόμενον ναρκᾶν ποιεῖ, καὶ σὺ δοκεῖς μοι νῦν ἐμὲ τοιοῦτόν τι πεποιηκέναι, ναρκᾶν · ἀληθῶς γὰρ ἔγωγε καὶ | 80a. that yours was just a case of being in doubt yourself and making others doubt also: and so now I find you are merely bewitching me with your spells and incantations, which have reduced me to utter perplexity. And if I am indeed to have my jest, I consider that both in your appearance and in other respects you are extremely like the flat torpedo sea-fish; for it benumbs anyone who approaches and touches it, and something of the sort is what I find you have done to me now. For in truth |
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20. Aristophanes, Clouds, 247-350, 352-407, 351 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 212| 351. τί γὰρ ἢν ἅρπαγα τῶν δημοσίων κατίδωσι Σίμωνα, τί δρῶσιν; | |
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| 21. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 50.6-50.7 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 389 |
| 22. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 212 |
| 23. Anaximenes of Lampsacus, Rhetoric To Alexander, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 30 |
| 24. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 213 |
| 25. Aristotle, Physics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 212 |
| 26. Aristotle, Heavens, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 213 |
| 27. Aristotle, Soul, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 212 |
28. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 1.2-1.3, 2.28, 3.6, 6.1, 6.6, 7.10-7.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 236, 251, 400, 408 | 1.2. But a certain Theodotus, determined to carry out the plot he had devised, took with him the best of the Ptolemaic arms that had been previously issued to him, and crossed over by night to the tent of Ptolemy, intending single-handed to kill him and thereby end the war. 1.3. But Dositheus, known as the son of Drimylus, a Jew by birth who later changed his religion and apostatized from the ancestral traditions, had led the king away and arranged that a certain insignificant man should sleep in the tent; and so it turned out that this man incurred the vengeance meant for the king. 2.28. "None of those who do not sacrifice shall enter their sanctuaries, and all Jews shall be subjected to a registration involving poll tax and to the status of slaves. Those who object to this are to be taken by force and put to death; 3.6. Nevertheless those of other races paid no heed to their good service to their nation, which was common talk among all; 6.1. Then a certain Eleazar, famous among the priests of the country, who had attained a ripe old age and throughout his life had been adorned with every virtue, directed the elders around him to cease calling upon the holy God and prayed as follows: 6.6. The three companions in Babylon who had voluntarily surrendered their lives to the flames so as not to serve vain things, you rescued unharmed, even to a hair, moistening the fiery furnace with dew and turning the flame against all their enemies. 7.10. Upon receiving this letter the Jews did not immediately hurry to make their departure, but they requested of the king that at their own hands those of the Jewish nation who had willfully transgressed against the holy God and the law of God should receive the punishment they deserved. 7.11. For they declared that those who for the belly's sake had transgressed the divine commandments would never be favorably disposed toward the king's government. |
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29. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 3.34-3.36, 4.7-4.10, 4.33-4.36, 8.20, 9.16, 10.1-10.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 201, 325, 330, 372, 377, 433 | 3.34. And see that you, who have been scourged by heaven, report to all men the majestic power of God.'Having said this they vanished.' 3.35. Then Heliodorus offered sacrifice to the Lord and made very great vows to the Savior of his life, and having bidden Onias farewell, he marched off with his forces to the king.' 3.36. And he bore testimony to all men of the deeds of the supreme God, which he had seen with his own eyes.' 4.7. When Seleucus died and Antiochus who was called Epiphanes succeeded to the kingdom, Jason the brother of Onias obtained the high priesthood by corruption,' 4.8. promising the king at an interview three hundred and sixty talents of silver and, from another source of revenue, eighty talents.' 4.9. In addition to this he promised to pay one hundred and fifty more if permission were given to establish by his authority a gymnasium and a body of youth for it, and to enrol the men of Jerusalem as citizens of Antioch.' 4.10. When the king assented and Jason came to office, he at once shifted his countrymen over to the Greek way of life.' 4.33. When Onias became fully aware of these acts he publicly exposed them, having first withdrawn to a place of sanctuary at Daphne near Antioch.' 4.34. Therefore Menelaus, taking Andronicus aside, urged him to kill Onias. Andronicus came to Onias, and resorting to treachery offered him sworn pledges and gave him his right hand, and in spite of his suspicion persuaded Onias to come out from the place of sanctuary; then, with no regard for justice, he immediately put him out of the way.' 4.35. For this reason not only Jews, but many also of other nations, were grieved and displeased at the unjust murder of the man.' 4.36. When the king returned from the region of Cilicia, the Jews in the city appealed to him with regard to the unreasonable murder of Onias, and the Greeks shared their hatred of the crime.' 8.20. and the time of the battle with the Galatians that took place in Babylonia, when eight thousand in all went into the affair, with four thousand Macedonians; and when the Macedonians were hard pressed, the eight thousand, by the help that came to them from heaven, destroyed one hundred and twenty thousand and took much booty.' 9.16. and the holy sanctuary, which he had formerly plundered, he would adorn with the finest offerings; and the holy vessels he would give back, all of them, many times over; and the expenses incurred for the sacrifices he would provide from his own revenues;' 10.1. Now Maccabeus and his followers, the Lord leading them on, recovered the temple and the city;' 10.2. and they tore down the altars which had been built in the public square by the foreigners, and also destroyed the sacred precincts.' 10.3. They purified the sanctuary, and made another altar of sacrifice; then, striking fire out of flint, they offered sacrifices, after a lapse of two years, and they burned incense and lighted lamps and set out the bread of the Presence.' 10.4. And when they had done this, they fell prostrate and besought the Lord that they might never again fall into such misfortunes, but that, if they should ever sin, they might be disciplined by him with forbearance and not be handed over to blasphemous and barbarous nations.' 10.5. It happened that on the same day on which the sanctuary had been profaned by the foreigners, the purification of the sanctuary took place, that is, on the twenty-fifth day of the same month, which was Chislev.' |
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30. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.15, 1.23, 4.36-4.59 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 201, 345 | 1.15. and removed the marks of circumcision, and abandoned the holy covet. They joined with the Gentiles and sold themselves to do evil. 1.23. He took the silver and the gold, and the costly vessels; he took also the hidden treasures which he found. 4.36. Then said Judas and his brothers, "Behold, our enemies are crushed; let us go up to cleanse the sanctuary and dedicate it." 4.37. So all the army assembled and they went up to Mount Zion. 4.38. And they saw the sanctuary desolate, the altar profaned, and the gates burned. In the courts they saw bushes sprung up as in a thicket, or as on one of the mountains. They saw also the chambers of the priests in ruins. 4.39. Then they rent their clothes, and mourned with great lamentation, and sprinkled themselves with ashes. 4.40. They fell face down on the ground, and sounded the signal on the trumpets, and cried out to Heaven. 4.41. Then Judas detailed men to fight against those in the citadel until he had cleansed the sanctuary. 4.42. He chose blameless priests devoted to the law, 4.43. and they cleansed the sanctuary and removed the defiled stones to an unclean place. 4.44. They deliberated what to do about the altar of burnt offering, which had been profaned. 4.45. And they thought it best to tear it down, lest it bring reproach upon them, for the Gentiles had defiled it. So they tore down the altar, 4.46. and stored the stones in a convenient place on the temple hill until there should come a prophet to tell what to do with them. 4.47. Then they took unhewn stones, as the law directs, and built a new altar like the former one. 4.48. They also rebuilt the sanctuary and the interior of the temple, and consecrated the courts. 4.49. They made new holy vessels, and brought the lampstand, the altar of incense, and the table into the temple. 4.50. Then they burned incense on the altar and lighted the lamps on the lampstand, and these gave light in the temple. 4.51. They placed the bread on the table and hung up the curtains. Thus they finished all the work they had undertaken. 4.52. Early in the morning on the twenty-fifth day of the ninth month, which is the month of Chislev, in the one hundred and forty-eighth year, 4.53. they rose and offered sacrifice, as the law directs, on the new altar of burnt offering which they had built. 4.54. At the very season and on the very day that the Gentiles had profaned it, it was dedicated with songs and harps and lutes and cymbals. 4.55. All the people fell on their faces and worshiped and blessed Heaven, who had prospered them. 4.56. So they celebrated the dedication of the altar for eight days, and offered burnt offerings with gladness; they offered a sacrifice of deliverance and praise. 4.57. They decorated the front of the temple with golden crowns and small shields; they restored the gates and the chambers for the priests, and furnished them with doors. 4.58. There was very great gladness among the people, and the reproach of the Gentiles was removed. 4.59. Then Judas and his brothers and all the assembly of Israel determined that every year at that season the days of dedication of the altar should be observed with gladness and joy for eight days, beginning with the twenty-fifth day of the month of Chislev. |
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31. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 2.44, 7.7-7.8, 7.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 219| 2.44. "וּבְיוֹמֵיהוֹן דִּי מַלְכַיָּא אִנּוּן יְקִים אֱלָהּ שְׁמַיָּא מַלְכוּ דִּי לְעָלְמִין לָא תִתְחַבַּל וּמַלְכוּתָה לְעַם אָחֳרָן לָא תִשְׁתְּבִק תַּדִּק וְתָסֵיף כָּל־אִלֵּין מַלְכְוָתָא וְהִיא תְּקוּם לְעָלְמַיָּא׃", 7.7. "בָּאתַר דְּנָה חָזֵה הֲוֵית בְּחֶזְוֵי לֵילְיָא וַאֲרוּ חֵיוָה רביעיה [רְבִיעָאָה] דְּחִילָה וְאֵימְתָנִי וְתַקִּיפָא יַתִּירָא וְשִׁנַּיִן דִּי־פַרְזֶל לַהּ רַבְרְבָן אָכְלָה וּמַדֱּקָה וּשְׁאָרָא ברגליה [בְּרַגְלַהּ] רָפְסָה וְהִיא מְשַׁנְּיָה מִן־כָּל־חֵיוָתָא דִּי קָדָמַיהּ וְקַרְנַיִן עֲשַׂר לַהּ׃", 7.8. "מִשְׂתַּכַּל הֲוֵית בְּקַרְנַיָּא וַאֲלוּ קֶרֶן אָחֳרִי זְעֵירָה סִלְקָת ביניהון [בֵּינֵיהֵן] וּתְלָת מִן־קַרְנַיָּא קַדְמָיָתָא אתעקרו [אֶתְעֲקַרָה] מִן־קדמיה [קֳדָמַהּ] וַאֲלוּ עַיְנִין כְּעַיְנֵי אֲנָשָׁא בְּקַרְנָא־דָא וּפֻם מְמַלִּל רַבְרְבָן׃", 7.27. "וּמַלְכוּתָה וְשָׁלְטָנָא וּרְבוּתָא דִּי מַלְכְוָת תְּחוֹת כָּל־שְׁמַיָּא יְהִיבַת לְעַם קַדִּישֵׁי עֶלְיוֹנִין מַלְכוּתֵהּ מַלְכוּת עָלַם וְכֹל שָׁלְטָנַיָּא לֵהּ יִפְלְחוּן וְיִשְׁתַּמְּעוּן׃", | 2.44. "And in the days of those kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed; nor shall the kingdom be left to another people; it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms, but it shall stand for ever.", 7.7. "After this I saw in the night visions, and behold a fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly; and it had great iron teeth; it devoured and broke in pieces, and stamped the residue with its feet; and it was diverse from all the beasts that were before it; and it had ten horns.", 7.8. "I considered the horns, and, behold, there came up among them another horn, a little one, before which three of the first horns were plucked up by the roots; and, behold, in this horn were eyes like the eyes of a man, and a mouth speaking great things.", 7.27. "And the kingdom and the dominion, and the greatness of the kingdoms under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people of the saints of the Most High; their kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey them.’", |
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32. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 47 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 184 | 47. And there was reason to fear lest all the populace in every country, taking what was done in Egypt as a model and as an excuse, might insult those Jews who were their fellow citizens, by introducing new regulations with respect to their synagogues and their national customs; |
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| 33. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 40.3.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 273 |
| 34. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 3.32, 3.38-3.39, 3.49, 3.59, 3.77, 3.97, 3.156, 3.161, 3.165, 3.224, 3.279, 3.285-3.290, 3.319, 3.329, 3.341-3.343, 3.397, 3.400-3.488, 3.586-3.590, 3.608-3.615, 3.652-3.656, 3.767-3.795 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 219, 408 |
35. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 265, 191 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 389 | 191. And will it be allowed to us to approach him or to open our mouth on the subject of the synagogues before this insulter of our holy and glorious temple? For it is quite evident that he will pay no regard whatever to things of less importance and which are held in inferior estimation, when he behaves with insolence and contempt towards our most beautiful and renowned temple, which is respected by all the east and by all the west, and regarded like the sun which shines everywhere. |
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36. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 2.185, 2.188, 11.16, 11.339, 12.40-12.41, 12.44, 12.125, 12.138-12.144, 12.147-12.153, 12.237, 12.284-12.287, 12.387-12.388, 13.62-13.73, 13.284-13.287, 13.301, 13.348-13.355, 14.21-14.28, 14.114-14.117, 14.131-14.133, 14.185-14.267, 15.320-15.322, 16.14, 17.78, 17.164, 17.339, 17.341, 18.2-18.3, 20.236-20.237 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 6, 23, 80, 199, 200, 201, 203, 273, 330, 343, 344, 345, 350, 358, 363, 372, 377, 408, 424, 433 | 2.185. After this, he desired Jacob to travel on slowly; but he himself took five of his brethren with him, and made haste to the king, to tell him that Jacob and his family were come; which was a joyful hearing to him. He also bid Joseph tell him what sort of life his brethren loved to lead, that he might give them leave to follow the same, 2.188. upon whose answer, that he was a hundred and thirty years old, he admired Jacob on account of the length of his life. And when he had added, that still he had not lived so long as his forefathers, he gave him leave to live with his children in Heliopolis; for in that city the king’s shepherds had their pasturage. 11.16. I permit them to have the same honor which they were used to have from their forefathers, as also for their small cattle, and for wine and oil, two hundred and five thousand and five hundred drachmae; and for wheat flour, twenty thousand and five hundred artabae; and I give order that these expenses shall be given them out of the tributes due from Samaria. 11.339. And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars. 12.40. 5. When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an epistle should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these matters; and that they should inform him of the release of the Jews that had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense quantity of precious stones. 12.41. He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses. 12.44. When he was dead, and had left a young son, who was called Onias, Simon’s brother Eleazar, of whom we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote, and that in the manner following: 12.125. 2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them, 12.138. “King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting. /p “Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their country, demonstrated their friendship towards us, and when we came to their city [Jerusalem], received us in a splendid manner, and came to meet us with their senate, and gave abundance of provisions to our soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were in the citadel, 12.139. we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered abroad back to the city. 12.140. And, in the first place, we have determined, on account of their piety towards God, to bestow on them, as a pension, for their sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice, for wine, and oil, and frankincense, the value of twenty thousand pieces of silver, and [six] sacred artabrae of fine flour, with one thousand four hundred and sixty medimni of wheat, and three hundred and seventy-five medimni of salt. 12.141. And these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and the same I would have observed as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to render the temple more glorious; 12.142. and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also. 12.143. And that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperberetus. 12.144. We also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their substance be restored to them.” 12.147. Moreover, this Antiochus bare testimony to our piety and fidelity, in an epistle of his, written when he was informed of a sedition in Phrygia and Lydia, at which time he was in the superior provinces, wherein he commanded Zenxis, the general of his forces, and his most intimate friend, to send some of our nation out of Babylon into Phrygia. The epistle was this: 12.148. “King Antiochus To Zeuxis His Father, Sendeth Greeting. /p “If you are in health, it is well. I also am in health. 12.149. Having been informed that a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, I thought that matter required great care; and upon advising with my friends what was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to remove two thousand families of Jews, with their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Babylon, unto the castles and places that lie most convenient; 12.150. for I am persuaded that they will be well-disposed guardians of our possessions, because of their piety towards God, and because I know that my predecessors have borne witness to them, that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are desired to do. I will, therefore, though it be a laborious work, that thou remove these Jews, under a promise, that they shall be permitted to use their own laws. 12.151. And when thou shalt have brought them to the places forementioned, thou shalt give everyone of their families a place for building their houses, and a portion of the land for their husbandry, and for the plantation of their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from paying taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years; 12.152. and let them have a proper quantity of wheat for the maintece of their servants, until they receive breadcorn out of the earth; also let a sufficient share be given to such as minister to them in the necessaries of life, that by enjoying the effects of our humanity, they may show themselves the more willing and ready about our affairs. 12.153. Take care likewise of that nation, as far as thou art able, that they may not have any disturbance given them by any one.” Now these testimonials which I have produced are sufficient to declare the friendship that Antiochus the Great bare to the Jews. 12.237. 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. 12.284. Take Maccabeus for the general of your army, because of his courage and strength, for he will avenge your nation, and will bring vengeance on your enemies. Admit among you the righteous and religious, and augment their power.” 12.285. 4. When Mattathias had thus discoursed to his sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant, and to recover to the people their former constitution, he died a little afterward, and was buried at Modin; all the people making great lamentation for him. Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the administration of public affairs, in the hundred forty and sixth year; 12.286. and thus, by the ready assistance of his brethren, and of others, Judas cast their enemies out of the country, and put those of their own country to death who had transgressed its laws, and purified the land of all the pollutions that were in it. 12.287. 1. When Apollonius, the general of the Samaritan forces, heard this, he took his army, and made haste to go against Judas, who met him, and joined battle with him, and beat him, and slew many of his men, and among them Apollonius himself, their general, whose sword being that which he happened then to wear, he seized upon, and kept for himself; but he wounded more than he slew, and took a great deal of prey from the enemy’s camp, and went his way. 12.387. Now as to Onias, the son of the high priest, who, as we before informed you, was left a child when his father died, when he saw that the king had slain his uncle Menelaus, and given the high priesthood to Alcimus, who was not of the high priest stock, but was induced by Lysias to translate that dignity from his family to another house, he fled to Ptolemy, king of Egypt; 12.388. and when he found he was in great esteem with him, and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired and obtained a place in the Nomus of Heliopolis, wherein he built a temple like to that at Jerusalem; of which therefore we shall hereafter give an account, in a place more proper for it. 13.62. 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, 13.63. out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65. “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, 13.66. where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67. I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68. for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69. 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.70. “King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. 13.71. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72. 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 13.73. However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple. 13.284. 4. Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who were at Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those of them that were at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus; 13.285. for Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and Aias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have elsewhere related. 13.286. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army, and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus, 13.287. “Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias’s party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Aias were in chief favor with the queen.” These are the words of Strabo. 13.301. 1. Now when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus, intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred eighty and one years and three months after the people had been delivered from the Babylonish slavery, and were returned to their own country again. 13.348. 1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste, without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that now he was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; 13.349. but she immediately marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Aias the Jews generals of her whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos. 13.350. Cleopatra also ordered her son Alexander to sail with a great fleet to Phoenicia; and when that country had revolted, she came to Ptolemais; and because the people of Ptolemais did not receive her, she besieged the city; 13.351. but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, supposing that he should find it destitute of an army, and soon take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra’s generals, happened to die in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy. 13.352. 2. When Cleopatra heard of her son’s attempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did not succeed according to his expectations, she sent thither part of her army, and drove him out of that country; so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he abode during the winter at Gaza, 13.353. in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man. 13.354. But Aias’s counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that “she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; for,” said he, “I would not have thee ignorant of this, that what injustice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies.” 13.355. This desire of Aias Cleopatra complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria. 14.21. So Aretas united the forces of the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the feast of unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into Egypt. 14.22. Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man he was, and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself, because he saw that this sedition would last a great while. However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought, so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of his faction. 14.23. And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of them, and said, 14.24. “O God, the King of the whole world! since those that stand now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those.” Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had made this prayer, stoned him to death. 14.25. 2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; 14.26. but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them. 14.27. But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. 14.28. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae. 14.114. And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that at the same time that Sylla passed over into Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation, of whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks thus: 14.115. “There were four classes of men among those of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is not possessed by them; 14.116. and it hath come to pass that Egypt and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number of other nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with them, and make use of the same laws with that nation also. 14.117. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. 14.131. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132. and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.133. 2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; 14.185. 1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them, 14.186. And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; 14.187. for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, 14.188. while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. 14.189. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation. 14.190. 2. “Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, 14.193. and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197. and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.198. that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.” 14.199. 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.200. 5. “Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases; 14.201. and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.” 14.202. 6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 14.203. and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.204. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; 14.205. and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; 14.206. and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. 14.207. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; 14.208. and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. 14.209. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. 14.210. It is also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the senate is made about their affairs.” 14.211. 7. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. 14.212. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.” 14.213. 8. “Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. 14.214. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; 14.215. for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. 14.216. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.” 14.217. 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. 14.218. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this: 14.219. 10. “The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. 14.220. There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius. 14.221. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. 14.222. This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.” 14.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225. 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227. I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 14.228. 13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul’s decree ran thus: “I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls, 14.229. in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutet of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; 14.230. of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutet and vice-praetor to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made the same petition some time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is, that you take care that no one give them any disturbance.” 14.231. 14. The decree of the Delians. “The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutet lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order, 14.232. that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under;—you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor.” And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also. 14.233. 15. “Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country.” 14.234. 16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” 14.235. 17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.” 14.236. 18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: “We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, 14.237. he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” /p 19. “In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus were consuls; 14.238. and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutet of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe, 14.239. Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Meder, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. 14.240. In the presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under.” 14.241. 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, 14.242. wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. 14.243. We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us.” 14.244. 21. “Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting. 14.245. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 14.246. I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.” 14.247. 22. The decree of those of Pergamus. “When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace, 14.248. and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, 14.249. and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; 14.250. and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that, according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected. 14.251. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate’s decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. 14.252. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus’s virtue and generosity, 14.253. and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree. 14.254. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us, 14.255. as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records.” 14.256. 23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. “When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the —— day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: 14.257. Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; 14.258. we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.” 14.259. 24. The decree of the Sardians. “This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellowcitizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate, 14.260. and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. 14.261. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.” 14.262. 25. The decree of the Ephesians. “When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. 14.263. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. 14.264. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.” 14.265. 26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans and those different from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted; 14.266. for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable; 14.267. for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at those times had with the Romans. 15.320. There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time; 15.321. and when the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in her commendation, it happened that Herod was much affected with what was said of her; and when he saw the damsel, he was smitten with her beauty, yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his authority to abuse her, as believing, what was the truth, that by so doing he should be stigmatized for violence and tyranny; so he thought it best to take the damsel to wife. 15.322. And while Simon was of a dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too considerable to be despised, he governed his inclinations after the most prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity of the family, and making them more honorable; so he immediately deprived Jesus, the son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred that dignity on Simon, and so joined in affinity with him [by marrying his daughter]. 16.14. He also conducted him to the city Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their festival garments, and received him with acclamations. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God; and feasted the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that could be gotten. 17.78. The high priest’s daughter also, who was the king’s wife, was accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room. 17.164. 4. But the people, on account of Herod’s barbarous temper, and for fear he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them, said what was done was done without their approbation, and that it seemed to them that the actors might well be punished for what they had done. But as for Herod, he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly] but he deprived Matthias of the high priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action, and made Joazar, who was Matthias’s wife’s brother, high priest in his stead. 17.339. 1. When Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea, he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and took away the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in his place. 17.341. Moreover, he transgressed the law of our fathers and married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his brother Alexander, which Alexander had three children by her, while it was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother’s wife. Nor did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood, Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room while he was still living. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 18.3. but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. 20.236. On which account Onias, who was the nephew of Onias that was dead, and bore the same name with his father, came into Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high priest of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in imitation of that at Jerusalem; 20.237. but as for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now when Jacimus had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him, but the city continued seven years without a high priest. |
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37. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.187-1.189, 1.195, 2.39, 2.44, 2.49-2.50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 201, 205, 206, 251, 273, 330, 345, 350, 358, 400 | 1.187. one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah, the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; 1.188. although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” 1.189. Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that “as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people: for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.” 1.195. The same person takes notice in his history, how large the country is which we inhabit, as well as of its excellent character; and says that “the land in which the Jews inhabit contains three millions of arourae, and is generally of a most excellent and most fruitful soil: nor is Judea of lesser dimensions.” 2.39. And what occasion is there to speak of others, when those of us Jews that dwell at Antioch are named Antiochians, because Seleucus the founder of that city gave them the privileges belonging thereto? After the like manner do those Jews that inhabit Ephesus and the other cities of Ionia enjoy the same name with those that were originally born there, by the grant of the succeeding princes; 2.44. of the same mind also was Ptolemy the son of Lagus, as to those Jews who dwelt at Alexandria.” For he intrusted the fortresses of Egypt into their hands, as believing they would keep them faithfully and valiantly for him; and when he was desirous to secure the government of Cyrene, and the other cities of Libya to himself, he sent a party of Jews to inhabit them. 2.49. and as for Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra, they committed their whole kingdom to Jews, when Onias and Dositheus, both Jews, whose names are laughed at by Apion, were the generals of their whole army; but certainly instead of reproaching them, he ought to admire their actions, and return them thanks for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pretends to be; 2.50. for when these Alexandrians were making war with Cleopatra the queen, and were in danger of being utterly ruined, these Jews brought them to terms of agreement, and freed them from the miseries of a civil war. “But then (says Apion) Onias brought a small army afterward upon the city at the time when Thermus the Roman ambassador was there present.” |
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38. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.31-1.33, 1.70, 1.90, 1.190, 2.409, 5.527, 7.416-7.436 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 184, 194, 199, 200, 201, 203, 205, 273, 343, 344, 345, 350, 363, 389, 421, 424, 433 | 1.31. 1. At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city; 1.32. who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. 1.33. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple, concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter. 1.70. 1. For after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three months after our people came down into this country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery. 1.90. 4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to make an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the calamity that he was under. 1.190. 4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates. 2.409. At the same time Eleazar, the son of Aias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account; 5.527. 1. Accordingly Simon would not suffer Matthias, by whose means he got possession of the city, to go off without torment. This Matthias was the son of Boethus, and was one of the high priests, one that had been very faithful to the people, and in great esteem with them; 7.416. and indeed six hundred of them were caught immediately: but as to all those that fled into Egypt and to the Egyptian Thebes, it was not long ere they were caught also, and brought back,— 7.417. whose courage, or whether we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinions, everybody was amazed at. 7.418. For when all sorts of torments and vexations of their bodies that could be devised were made use of to them, they could not get anyone of them to comply so far as to confess, or seem to confess, that Caesar was their lord; but they preserved their own opinion, in spite of all the distress they were brought to, as if they received these torments and the fire itself with bodies insensible of pain, and with a soul that in a manner rejoiced under them. 7.419. But what was most of all astonishing to the beholders was the courage of the children; for not one of these children was so far overcome by these torments, as to name Caesar for their lord. So far does the strength of the courage [of the soul] prevail over the weakness of the body. 7.420. 2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexandria, who presently sent Caesar word of this commotion; 7.421. who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion, 7.422. and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following: 7.423. Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; 7.424. and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; 7.425. for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater goodwill; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him. 7.426. 3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis. That Nomos was called the Nomos of Heliopoli 7.427. where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits; 7.428. he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick, 7.429. for he did not make a candlestick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold; 7.430. but the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship. 7.431. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. 7.432. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple. 7.433. 4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar’s letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. 7.434. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much as to come near the whole sacred place; 7.435. but when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, insomuch that there remained no longer the least footsteps of any Divine worship that had been in that place. 7.436. Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple till it was shut up again was three hundred and forty-three years. |
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39. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 418 | 420d. with reference to the demigods introduced by Empedocles is that it is not possible, if they are bad and sinful, that they should be happy and of long life, inasmuch as vice has a large measure of blindness and the tendency to encounter destructive agencies, so that argument of theirs is silly. For by this reasoning Epicurus will be shown to be a worse man than Gorgias the sophist, and Metrodorus worse than Alexis the comic poet; for Alexis lived twice as long as Metrodorus and Gorgias more than athird as long again as Epicurus. It is in another sense that we speak of virtue as something strong, and vice as something weak, not with reference to permanence or dissolution of the body. |
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| 40. Palestinian Talmud, Yoma, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 41. Palestinian Talmud, Taanit, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 6 |
| 42. Palestinian Talmud, Gittin, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 345 |
| 43. Palestinian Talmud, Bava Qamma, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145 |
| 44. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 1.263-1.347, 4.277-4.278, 4.296-4.433, 4.436-4.461, 4.1957-4.1989, 4.2773, 5.471-5.472, 7.686-7.692, 8.15-8.21, 8.74-8.81 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus •papyri/papyrology, magical •papyri/papyrology, curse of artemisia Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144 |
45. Babylonian Talmud, Rosh Hashanah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 18b. דאמר רב חנא בר ביזנא אמר ר"ש חסידא מאי דכתיב (זכריה ח, יט) כה אמר ה' צבאות צום הרביעי וצום החמישי וצום השביעי וצום העשירי יהיה לבית יהודה לששון ולשמחה קרי להו צום וקרי להו ששון ושמחה בזמן שיש שלום יהיו לששון ולשמחה אין שלום צום,אמר רב פפא הכי קאמר בזמן שיש שלום יהיו לששון ולשמחה יש גזרת המלכות צום אין גזרת המלכות ואין שלום רצו מתענין רצו אין מתענין,אי הכי ט"ב נמי אמר רב פפא שאני ט' באב הואיל והוכפלו בו צרות דאמר מר בט' באב חרב הבית בראשונה ובשניה ונלכדה ביתר ונחרשה העיר,תניא אמר ר"ש ארבעה דברים היה ר"ע דורש ואני אין דורש כמותו צום הרביעי זה ט' בתמוז שבו הובקעה העיר שנאמר (ירמיהו נב, ו) (ברביעי) בתשעה לחדש ויחזק הרעב בעיר ולא היה לחם לעם הארץ ותבקע העיר ואמאי קרי ליה רביעי רביעי לחדשים,צום החמישי זה תשעה באב שבו נשרף בית אלהינו ואמאי קרי ליה חמישי חמישי לחדשים צום השביעי זה ג' בתשרי שבו נהרג גדליה בן אחיקם ומי הרגו ישמעאל בן נתניה הרגו ללמדך ששקולה מיתתן של צדיקים כשריפת בית אלהינו ואמאי קרי ליה שביעי שביעי לחדשים,צום העשירי זה עשרה בטבת שבו סמך מלך בבל על ירושלים שנאמר (יחזקאל כד, א) ויהי דבר ה' אלי בשנה התשיעית בחדש העשירי בעשור לחדש לאמר בן אדם כתב לך את שם היום את עצם היום הזה סמך מלך בבל אל ירושלם ואמאי קרי ליה עשירי עשירי לחדשים והלא היה ראוי זה לכתוב ראשון ולמה נכתב כאן כדי להסדיר חדשים כתיקנן,ואני איני אומר כן אלא צום העשירי זה חמשה בטבת שבו באת שמועה לגולה שהוכתה העיר שנאמר (יחזקאל לג, כא) ויהי בשתי עשרה שנה בעשירי בחמשה לחדש לגלותנו בא אלי הפליט מירושלם לאמר הוכתה העיר ועשו יום שמועה כיום שריפה,ונראין דברי מדבריו שאני אומר על ראשון ראשון ועל אחרון אחרון והוא אומר על ראשון אחרון ועל אחרון ראשון אלא שהוא מונה לסדר חדשים ואני מונה לסדר פורעניות,איתמר רב ורבי חנינא אמרי בטלה מגילת תענית רבי יוחנן וריב"ל אמרי לא בטלה מגילת תענית,רב ורבי חנינא אמרי בטלה מגילת תענית הכי קאמר בזמן שיש שלום יהיו לששון ולשמחה אין שלום צום והנך נמי כי הני,רבי יוחנן ורבי יהושע בן לוי אמרי לא בטלה מגילת תענית הני הוא דתלינהו רחמנא בבנין בהמ"ק אבל הנך כדקיימי קיימי,מתיב רב כהנא מעשה וגזרו תענית בחנוכה בלוד וירד ר"א ורחץ ורבי יהושע וסיפר ואמרו להם צאו והתענו על מה שהתעניתם,א"ר יוסף שאני חנוכה דאיכא מצוה א"ל אביי ותיבטיל איהי ותיבטל מצותה,אלא אמר רב יוסף שאני חנוכה דמיפרסם ניסא,מותיב רב אחא בר הונא בתלתא בתשרי בטילת אדכרתא מן שטרייא שגזרה מלכות יון גזרה שלא להזכיר שם שמים על פיהם וכשגברה מלכות חשמונאי ונצחום התקינו שיהו מזכירין שם שמים אפילו בשטרות וכך היו כותבים בשנת כך וכך ליוחנן כהן גדול לאל עליון,וכששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו למחר זה פורע את חובו ונמצא שטר מוטל באשפה וביטלום ואותו היום עשאוהו יו"ט ואי סלקא דעתך בטלה מגילת תענית קמייתא בטול אחרנייתא מוסיפין,הכא במאי עסקינן בזמן שבית המקדש קיים | 18b. b As Rav Ḥana bar Bizna said /b that b Rabbi Shimon Ḥasida said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “Thus said the Lord of hosts: The fast of the fourth month, and the fast of the fifth, and fast of the seventh, and the fast of the tenth, shall become times of joy and gladness, /b and cheerful seasons, b to the house of Judah” /b (Zechariah 8:19). b It calls them /b days of b “fast” and it calls them /b “times of b joy and gladness.” /b How so? b When there is peace /b in the world, b they will be /b times of b joy and gladness, /b on which eulogies and fasting are forbidden; but when b there is no peace, /b they are days of b fasting. /b In a time when there is no peace, why are messengers not sent out also for the fourth and tenth months, so that people can know when to observe the fasts?, b Rav Pappa said /b that b this is what it is saying: When there is peace /b in the world and the Temple is standing, these days b will be /b times of b joy and gladness; /b when b there is persecution /b and troubles for the Jewish people, they are days of b fasting; /b and when b there is no persecution but /b still b no peace, /b neither particular troubles nor consolation for Israel, the i halakha /i is as follows: If people b wish, they fast, /b and if b they wish, they do not fast. /b Since there is no absolute obligation to fast, messengers are not sent out for these months.,The Gemara asks: b If so, the Ninth of Av /b should b also /b be like the other fast days, that sometimes it is observed and sometimes not, depending upon the wishes of the community at the time. Why does the mishna state that messengers go out for the month of Av? b Rav Pappa said: The Ninth of Av is different, since the calamities /b that occurred on that day b were multiplied. As the Master said: On the Ninth of Av the Temple was destroyed, /b both b the first /b one b and the second /b one; on this day the city of b Beitar was captured; /b and on this day b the city /b of Jerusalem b was plowed /b over by the enemies of the Jewish people, as a sign that it would never be rebuilt. Consequently, the fast of the Ninth of Av is obligatory, and not optional like the other fasts. Messengers are consequently sent out so that people will know when to fast.,§ The Sages disagreed about the fasts alluded to in the words of the prophet, as b it is taught /b in a i baraita /i . b Rabbi Shimon said: Rabbi Akiva would expound four verses, but I would not expound /b the texts b as he did. /b One of the disputes relates to the fasts mentioned by Zechariah. Rabbi Akiva would expound the verse as follows: b “The fast of the fourth,” this is the ninth of Tammuz, on which the city /b of Jerusalem b was breached, as it is stated: “And in the fourth month, on the ninth day of the month, the famine was severe in the city, so that there was no bread for the people of the land. Then the city was breached” /b (Jeremiah 52:6–7). b And why does /b the prophet b call it /b the fast of the b fourth? /b Because it is in Tammuz, b the fourth of the months /b when counting from Nisan., b “The fast of the fifth,” this is the Ninth of Av, on which the Temple of our Lord was burnt. And why does he call it /b the fast of the b fifth? /b Because it falls in the b fifth of the months. “The fast of the seventh,” this is the third of Tishrei, on which Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, was killed. And who killed him? Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, killed him /b (see II Kings 25:25; Jeremiah, chapter 41). The Sages established a fast to commemorate Gedaliah’s death b to teach you that the death of the righteous is equivalent to the burning of the Temple of our Lord. And why did /b the prophet b call it /b the fast of the b seventh? /b Because Tishrei is the b seventh of the months. /b , b “The fast of the tenth,” This is the tenth of Tevet, on which the king of Babylonia laid siege to Jerusalem, as it is stated: “And in the ninth year, in the tenth month, on the tenth day of the month, the word of the Lord came to me, saying: Son of man, write the name of the day, of this same day: The king of Babylonia has laid siege to Jerusalem on this very day” /b (Ezekiel 24:1–2). b And why did he call it /b the fast of the b tenth? /b Because it is in Tevet, which is b the tenth of the months. Wouldn’t it have been fitting to write /b this fast b first, /b as the series of events began with the laying of the siege. b Why was /b it b written here /b at the end of the list? This was done b in order to list the months in /b their b proper /b order, as the prophet began with the fourth month and ended with the tenth month. This is the statement of Rabbi Akiva.,Rabbi Shimon disagreed and said: b I do not say this, but rather /b I expound the verse as follows: b “The fast of the tenth,” this is the fifth of Tevet, on which the report reached the Diaspora that the city had been smitten, as it is stated: “And it came to pass in the twelfth year of our exile, in the tenth month, on the fifth day of the month, that one that had escaped out of Jerusalem came to me, saying: The city is smitten” /b (Ezekiel 33:21); b and they made the day of the report /b of the destruction b like the day of the /b actual b burning /b and decreed a fast on that day.,And Rabbi Shimon added: b And my statement seems /b more convincing b than his statement, as I say about the first /b fast mentioned by the prophet that it marks the event that took place b first, and about the last /b fast that it marks the event that took place b last. /b According to Rabbi Shimon, the fasts are listed in accordance with the chronological order of the events. b But he, /b Rabbi Akiva, b says about the first /b fast mentioned by the prophet that it marks the event that took place b last, and about the last /b fast mentioned that it marks the event that took place b first, only that he lists /b the fasts b in the order of the months, whereas I list /b them also b in the order of the calamities /b that they mark.,§ b It was stated /b that the Sages disagreed about the following matter: b Rav and Rabbi Ḥanina /b both b say: i Megillat Ta’anit /i , /b a listing of days on which fasting and eulogizing are forbidden, b has been nullified, /b as in the present period of exile there is no reason to celebrate the joyous events that these days commemorate. b Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi say: i Megillat Ta’anit /i has not been nullified. /b ,The Gemara explains: b Rav and Rabbi Ḥanina say /b that b i Megillat Ta’anit /i has been nullified. This is what /b the prophet b is saying: At a time when there is peace /b in the world, the dates listed b will be /b times of b joy and gladness, /b on which eulogies and fasting are forbidden; but when b there is no peace, /b they are days of b fasting. And those /b days mentioned in i Megillat Ta’anit /i b are also like these /b days of fasting, that is to say, the days of joy listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i are also nullified when there is no peace., b Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi say /b that b i Megillat Ta’anit /i has not been nullified, /b and they reason as follows: b It was those /b fast days mentioned in the Bible b that the Merciful One makes contingent on the building of the Temple, but these /b festive days listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i b remain as they were /b and have not been nullified., b Rav Kahana raised an objection /b against Rav and Rabbi Ḥanina from a i baraita /i : b There was an incident and /b the Sages b decreed a fast on Hanukkah in Lod, and Rabbi Eliezer went down /b on that day b and bathed /b in the bathhouse b and Rabbi Yehoshua went down and cut /b his hair to show that they did not accept the fast. Furthermore, these two Sages b said to /b the others: b Go out and fast /b another fast as an act of penitence b for what you have /b already b fasted, /b as the days of Hanukkah are days of joy, on which fasting is forbidden. Hanukkah is one of the Festivals listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i . Even after the destruction of the Temple Hanukkah is celebrated, demonstrating that i Megillat Ta’anit /i has not been nullified., b Rav Yosef said: Hanukkah is different, as there is the mitzva /b of lighting candles, and so, unlike the other days listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i , the festival of Hanukkah was not nullified. b Abaye said to him: /b What is this argument? b Let /b Hanukkah b itself be nullified, and let its mitzva /b of lighting candles b be nullified /b with it., b Rather, Rav Yosef /b retracted his previous explanation and b said: Hanukkah is different, as its miracle is well known, /b and it has become so widely accepted by all the Jewish people that it would be inappropriate to nullify it., b Rav Aḥa bar Huna raised an objection: /b It is stated in i Megillat Ta’anit /i : b On the third of Tishrei the /b ordice requiring the b mention /b of God’s name b in /b legal b documents was abolished, /b and on that day fasting is forbidden. b For the kingdom of Greece had issued a decree /b against the Jews b forbidding them to mention the name of Heaven on their lips. When the Hasmonean kingdom became strong and defeated /b the Greeks, b they instituted that people should mention the name of Heaven even in their /b legal b documents. And therefore they would write: In year such and such of Yoḥa the High Priest of the God Most High. /b , b And when the Sages heard about this they said: Tomorrow this one, /b the borrower, b will repay his debt, /b the lender will no longer need to save the loan document, b the document will be cast on a dunghill, /b and the name of Heaven written there will come to disgrace. b And /b so b they annulled /b the ordice to mention God’s name in documents, b and they made that day into a Festival. And if it enters your mind /b to say that b i Megillat Ta’anit /i has been nullified, /b can you say that b the first /b prohibitions against fasting b they annulled, and /b then b later /b ones b were added? /b ,The Gemara answers: b With what are we dealing here? /b This is referring to a time b when the Temple was standing /b and all the days listed in i Megillat Ta’anit /i were in force. From time to time new days of commemoration were added. When the i amora’im /i stated that i Megillat Ta’anit /i was nullified they were referring to the time after the destruction of the Temple. |
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| 46. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 344, 345 |
47. Babylonian Talmud, Eruvin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 21b. הבכורות והדוד (ה) אחד תאנים רעות מאד אשר לא תאכלנה מרוע,תאנים הטובות אלו צדיקים גמורים תאנים הרעות אלו רשעים גמורים ושמא תאמר אבד סברם ובטל סיכוים ת"ל הדודאים נתנו ריח אלו ואלו עתידין שיתנו ריח,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (שיר השירים ז, יד) הדודאים נתנו ריח אלו בחורי ישראל שלא טעמו טעם חטא,ועל פתחינו כל מגדים אלו בנות ישראל שמגידות פתחיהן לבעליהן ל"א שאוגדות פתחיהן לבעליהן,חדשים גם ישנים דודי צפנתי לך אמרה כנסת ישראל לפני הקב"ה רבונו של עולם הרבה גזירות גזרתי על עצמי יותר ממה שגזרת עלי וקיימתים,א"ל רב חסדא לההוא מדרבנן דהוה קא מסדר אגדתא קמיה מי שמיע לך חדשים גם ישנים מהו אמר ליה אלו מצות קלות ואלו מצות חמורות,א"ל וכי תורה פעמים פעמים ניתנה אלא הללו מדברי תורה והללו מדברי סופרים,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (קהלת יב, יב) ויותר מהמה בני הזהר עשות ספרים הרבה וגו' בני הזהר בדברי סופרים יותר מדברי תורה שדברי תורה יש בהן עשה ולא תעשה ודברי סופרים כל העובר על דברי סופרים חייב מיתה,שמא תאמר אם יש בהן ממש מפני מה לא נכתבו אמר קרא עשות ספרים הרבה אין קץ,(קהלת יב, יב) ולהג הרבה יגיעת בשר א"ר פפא בריה דרב אחא בר אדא משמיה דרב אחא בר עולא מלמד שכל המלעיג על דברי חכמים נידון בצואה רותחת,מתקיף לה רבא מי כתיב לעג להג כתיב אלא כל ההוגה בהן טועם טעם בשר,תנו רבנן מעשה בר"ע שהיה חבוש בבית האסורין והיה ר' יהושע הגרסי משרתו בכל יום ויום היו מכניסין לו מים במדה יום אחד מצאו שומר בית האסורין אמר לו היום מימך מרובין שמא לחתור בית האסורין אתה צריך שפך חציין ונתן לו חציין,כשבא אצל ר"ע אמר לו יהושע אין אתה יודע שזקן אני וחיי תלויין בחייך,סח לו כל אותו המאורע אמר לו תן לי מים שאטול ידי אמר לו לשתות אין מגיעין ליטול ידיך מגיעין אמר לו מה אעשה שחייבים עליהן מיתה מוטב אמות מיתת עצמי ולא אעבור על דעת חבירי,אמרו לא טעם כלום עד שהביא לו מים ונטל ידיו כששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו מה בזקנותו כך בילדותו על אחת כמה וכמה ומה בבית האסורין כך שלא בבית האסורין על אחת כמה וכמה,אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל בשעה שתיקן שלמה עירובין ונטילת ידים יצתה בת קול ואמרה (משלי כג, טו) בני אם חכם לבך ישמח לבי גם אני ואומר (משלי כז, יא) חכם בני ושמח לבי ואשיבה חרפי דבר,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (שיר השירים ז, יב) לכה דודי נצא השדה נלינה בכפרים נשכימה לכרמים נראה אם פרחה הגפן פתח הסמדר הנצו הרמונים שם אתן את דודי לך,לכה דודי נצא השדה אמרה כנסת ישראל לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע אל תדינני כיושבי כרכים שיש בהן גזל ועריות ושבועת שוא ושבועת שקר נצא השדה בא ואראך תלמידי חכמים שעוסקין בתורה מתוך הדחק,נלינה בכפרים אל תקרי בכפרים אלא בכופרים בא ואראך אותם שהשפעת להן טובה והן כפרו בך,נשכימה לכרמים אלו בתי כנסיות ובתי מדרשות נראה אם פרחה הגפן אלו בעלי מקרא פתח הסמדר אלו בעלי משנה הנצו הרמונים אלו בעלי גמרא שם אתן את דודי לך אראך כבודי וגודלי שבח בני ובנותי,אמר רב המנונא מאי דכתיב (מלכים א ה, יב) וידבר שלשת אלפים משל ויהי שירו חמשה ואלף מלמד שאמר שלמה על כל דבר ודבר של תורה שלשת אלפים משל על כל דבר ודבר של סופרים חמשה ואלף טעמים,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (קהלת יב, ט) ויותר שהיה קהלת חכם עוד לימד דעת את העם [ו] איזן וחקר תיקן משלים הרבה לימד דעת את העם דאגמריה בסימני טעמים ואסברה במאי דדמי ליה,[ו] איזן וחקר תיקן משלים הרבה אמר עולא אמר רבי אליעזר בתחילה היתה תורה דומה לכפיפה שאין לה אזנים עד שבא שלמה ועשה לה אזנים,קווצותיו תלתלים אמר רב חסדא אמר מר עוקבא מלמד שיש לדרוש על כל קוץ וקוץ תילי תילים של הלכות,שחורות כעורב במי אתה מוצאן במי | 21b. b that are first ripe, and the other basket [ i dud /i ] had very bad figs, so bad they could not be eaten” /b (Jeremiah 24:1–2)., b Good figs, these are /b the b full-fledged righteous /b people; b bad figs, these are /b the b full-fledged wicked /b people. b And lest you say that the hope /b of the wicked b is lost and their prospect is void, the verse states, /b interpreting the word i duda’im /i homiletically: b “The baskets [ i duda’im /i ] yield a fragrance” /b (Song of Songs 7:14), meaning that b both of them, /b the righteous and the wicked, b will eventually yield a fragrance. /b , b Rava interpreted /b the verse cited above b homiletically /b as follows: b What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: /b “The mandrakes [ i duda’im /i ] yield a fragrance, and at our doors are all manner of choice fruits, new and old, which I have laid up for you, O my beloved” (Song of Songs 7:14)? b “The mandrakes [ i duda’im /i ] yield a fragrance,” these are the young men of Israel who have never tasted the taste of sin. /b , b “And at our doors [ i petaḥeinu /i ] are all manner of choice fruits [ i megadim /i ],” these are the daughters of Israel who inform [ i maggidot /i ] their husbands about their passageway [ i pit’ḥeihen /i ], /b i.e., they tell them when they are menstruating. b Another version /b of this interpretation is: b They bind [ i ogedot /i ] their passageway /b and save it b for their husbands, /b and do not have relations with others., b “New and old, which I have laid up for you, O my beloved,” the Congregation of Israel said before the Holy One, Blessed be He, /b and continued: b Master of the Universe, I have decreed many decrees upon myself /b through the enactments and ordices of the Sages, b more than what You decreed upon me /b in the Torah, b and I have fulfilled them. /b These are the new laws which were added to the old ones stated in the Torah.,It was related that b Rav Ḥisda said to one of the Sages who would arrange the /b traditions of the b i aggada /i before him: Did you hear what /b the meaning of: b New and old /b is? b He said to him: These, /b the new, b are the /b more b lenient mitzvot, and these, /b the old, b are the /b more b stringent mitzvot. /b ,Rav Ḥisda b said to him: /b This cannot be so, b for was the Torah given on two /b separate b occasions, /b i.e., were the more lenient and more stringent mitzvot given separately? b Rather, these, /b the old, b are /b mitzvot b from the Torah, and these, /b the new, b are from the Sages. /b , b Rava expounded /b another verse in similar fashion: b What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “And more than these, my son, be careful: of making many books [ i sefarim /i ] /b there is no end; and much study is a weariness of the flesh” (Ecclesiastes 12:12)? b My son, be careful /b to fulfill b the words of the Sages [ i soferim /i ] /b even b more than the words of the Torah. For the words of the Torah include positive and negative /b commandments, and even with regard to the negative commandments, the violation of many of them is punishable only by lashes. b Whereas /b with respect to b the words of the Sages, anyone who transgresses the words of the Sages is liable to /b receive the b death /b penalty, as it is stated: “And whoever breaches through a hedge, a snake shall bite him” (Ecclesiastes 10:8), taking hedges to refer metaphorically to decrees., b Lest you say: If /b the words of the Sages b are of substance /b and have such great importance, b why were they not written /b in the Torah, therefore, b the verse states: “of making many books there is no end,” /b meaning that it is impossible to fully commit the Oral Torah to writing, as it is boundless.,What is the meaning of the words: b “And much study [ i lahag /i ] is a weariness of the flesh”? Rav Pappa, son of Rav Aḥa bar Adda, said in the name of Rav Aḥa bar Ulla: This teaches that whoever mocks [ i malig /i ] the words of the Sages will be sentenced to boiling excrement, /b which results from the weariness of the flesh of man., b Rava strongly objects to this /b explanation: b Is it written: Mock [ i la’ag /i ]? “ i Lahag /i ” is /b the word that is b written. Rather, /b the verse must be understood in the opposite manner: b Whoever meditates [ i hogeh /i ] upon them, /b the words of the Sages, b experiences /b enjoyment as if it had b the taste of meat. /b ,Concerning the significance of observing the words of the Sages, the Gemara relates: b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b It once happened that Rabbi Akiva was incarcerated in a prison, and Rabbi Yehoshua HaGarsi would /b come to the prison to b attend to his /b needs. b Every day /b his disciples b would bring him water in a measured /b quantity. b One day the prison guard met /b Rabbi Yehoshua HaGarsi and b said to him: /b The amount of b your water today is more /b than usual; b perhaps you need /b it b in order to /b soften the walls and thus b undermine the prison. He /b then b poured out half /b the water, b and gave him /b the other b half /b to take in to Rabbi Akiva., b When /b Rabbi Yehoshua b came to Rabbi Akiva, /b and the latter saw the small amount of water he had brought, b he said to him: Yehoshua, do you not know that I am old, and my life depends on your life? /b No one else brings me water, so if you bring me less than I need, my life is endangered.,After Rabbi Yehoshua b related to him the entire incident, /b Rabbi Akiva b said to him: Give me water so that I may wash my hands. /b Rabbi Yehoshua b said to him: /b The water that I brought b will not suffice for drinking; /b how b will it suffice for washing your hands? He said to him: What can I do; for /b transgressing the words of the Sages and eating without first washing hands b one is liable to /b receive the b death /b penalty. And if so, it is b better that I should die my own death /b by thirst, b rather than transgress the opinion of my colleagues /b who enacted that one must wash hands before eating., b They said /b that b he would not taste anything until /b Rabbi Yehoshua b brought him water and he washed his hands. When the Sages heard about this, they said: If in his old age /b and weakened state he is still b so /b meticulous in his observance of the mitzvot, b how much more so /b must he have been b in his youth. /b And b if in prison /b he is b so /b scrupulous in his behavior, b how much more so /b must he have been b when not in prison. /b , b Rav Yehuda said /b that b Shmuel said: At the time that /b King b Solomon instituted /b the ordices of b i eiruv /i /b of courtyards b and /b of b washing hands /b to purify them from their impurity, which are added safeguards to the words of the Torah, b a Divine Voice emerged and said /b in his praise: b “My son, if your heart is wise, My heart will be glad, even Mine” /b (Proverbs 23:15). b And it states /b with regard to him: b “My son, be wise and make My heart glad, that I may respond to he who taunts Me” /b (Proverbs 27:11).,The Gemara cites additional teachings that b Rava interpreted homiletically: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “Come, my beloved, let us go forth into the field; let us lodge in the villages. Let us get up early to the vineyards; let us see if the vine has flowered, if the grape blossoms have opened, if the pomegranates are in flower; there will I give you my loves” /b (Song of Songs 7:12–13)?,With regard to the words: b “Come, my beloved, let us go forth into the field,” the Congregation of Israel said before the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, do not judge me like those who reside in large cities where there is robbery and licentiousness, and vain oaths and false oaths, /b but rather: b “Let us go forth into the field,” come and I will show You Torah scholars who /b work the land but nonetheless b engage in Torah /b study, b in /b poverty and in b distress. /b ,With regard to the words, b “Let us lodge in the villages,” do not read /b the phrase as: b In the villages [ i bakefarim /i ], but rather /b as: b By the deniers [ i bakoferim /i ], /b meaning, b come and I will show You /b the nations of the world, b whom You showered with good, but /b yet b they have denied You. /b , b “Let us get up early to the vineyards,” these are the synagogues and houses of study. “Let us see if the vine has flowered,” these are the masters of Bible, /b who are proficient in the first stage of Torah study. b “If the grape blossoms have opened,” these are the masters of Mishna. “If the pomegranates are in flower,” these are the masters of Gemara. “There will I give you my loves,” /b means b I will show You my glory and my greatness, the praise of my sons and daughters, /b how they adhere to sanctity.,The Gemara expounds further concerning King Solomon. b Rav Hamnuna said: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “And he spoke three thousand proverbs, and his poems were a thousand and five” /b (i Kings 5:12)? This b teaches that Solomon pronounced three thousand proverbs for each and every word of the Torah, /b and b one thousand and five reasons for each and every word of the Scribes. /b , b Rava /b also b taught: What is /b the meaning of that b which is written: “And besides being wise, Koheleth also taught the people knowledge; and he weighed, and sought out, and set in order many proverbs” /b (Ecclesiastes 12:9). Rava interpreted homiletically: b He taught the people knowledge, /b meaning b he taught it with the accentuation marks /b in the Torah, b and /b he b explained /b each matter b by means of /b something b similar to it. /b ,With regard to: b “And he weighed [ i izzen /i ], and sought out, and set in order many proverbs,” Ulla said /b that b Rabbi Eliezer said: At first the Torah was like a basket without handles [ i oznayim /i ], until Solomon came and made handles for it. /b By means of his explanations and proverbs he enabled each person to understand and take hold of the Torah, fulfill its mitzvot, and distance himself from transgressions.,With regard to the verse, “His head is as the most fine gold, b his locks [ i kevutzotav /i ] are wavy [ i taltalim /i ], /b and black as a raven” (Song of Songs 5:11), b Rav Ḥisda said /b that b Mar Ukva said: /b This b teaches that it is possible to expound from each and every stroke [ i kotz /i ] /b of the letters in the Torah b mounds upon mounds [ i tilei tilim /i ] of laws. /b , b Black [ i sheḥorot /i ] as a raven [ i orev /i ] /b means: b In whom do you find /b the words of Torah? b In him /b |
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| 48. Eusebius of Caesarea, Commentary On Psalms, 54(55) (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 418 |
49. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 121a. טבילה בזמנה לאו מצוה ומהדרינן ור' יוסי סבר טבילה בזמנה מצוה ולא מהדרינן,וסבר ר' יוסי טבילה בזמנה מצוה והתניא הזב והזבה המצורע והמצורעת בועל נדה וטמא מת טבילתן ביום נדה ויולדת טבילתן בלילה בעל קרי טובל והולך כל היום כולו ר' יוסי אומר מן המנחה ולמעלה אינו צריך לטבול ההיא ר' יוסי בר' יהודה היא דאמר דייה טבילה באחרונה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big נכרי שבא לכבות אין אומרים לו כבה ואל תכבה מפני שאין שביתתו עליהן אבל קטן שבא לכבות אין שומעין לו מפני ששביתתו עליהן:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big א"ר אמי בדליקה התירו לומר כל המכבה אינו מפסיד נימא מסייע ליה נכרי שבא לכבות אין אומרים לו כבה ואל תכבה מפני שאין שביתתו עליהן כבה הוא דלא אמרינן ליה הא כל המכבה אינו מפסיד אמרינן ליה אימא סיפא אל תכבה לא אמרינן ליה וכל המכבה אינו מפסיד נמי לא אמרינן ליה אלא מהא ליכא למשמע מינה,ת"ר מעשה ונפלה דליקה בחצירו של יוסף בן סימאי בשיחין ובאו אנשי גיסטרא של ציפורי לכבות מפני שאפטרופוס של מלך היה ולא הניחן מפני כבוד השבת ונעשה לו נס וירדו גשמים וכיבו לערב שיגר לכל אחד מהן שתי סלעין ולאפרכוס שבהן חמשים וכששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו לא היה צריך לכך שהרי שנינו נכרי שבא לכבות אין אומרים לו כבה ואל תכבה:,אבל קטן שבא לכבות אין שומעין לו מפני ששביתתו עליהן: שמעת מינה קטן אוכל נבלות ב"ד מצווין עליו להפרישו אמר רבי יוחנן בקטן העושה לדעת אביו דכוותה גבי נכרי דקא עביד לדעתיה דישראל מי שרי נכרי לדעתיה דנפשיה עביד:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big כופין קערה על גבי הנר בשביל שלא תאחוז בקורה ועל צואה של קטן ועל עקרב שלא תישך א"ר יהודה מעשה בא לפני רבן יוחנן בן זכאי בערב ואמר חוששני לו מחטאת:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big רב יהודה ורב ירמיה בר אבא ורב חנן בר רבא איקלעו לבי אבין דמן נשיקיא לרב יהודה ורב ירמיה בר אבא | 121a. that performing b immersion at its /b designated b time is not a mitzva, and we seek /b a reed to wrap around God’s name even if it means postponing immersion to the next day, b and Rabbi Yosei holds /b that b immersion at its /b designated b time is a mitzva, and /b therefore b we do not seek /b a reed, since immersion cannot be postponed.,The Gemara asks: b And does Rabbi Yosei hold /b that b immersion at its /b designated b time is a mitzva? Wasn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b a i zav /i and a i zava /i , a male and female leper, one who has relations with a menstruating woman, and a person impure /b with impurity imparted by b a corpse, their immersion is during the day. /b They immerse at the designated time even on Yom Kippur, when bathing is prohibited. b A menstruating woman and a woman after childbirth immerse at night. A man who has had a seminal emission immerses /b at any point b during the entire day /b after the emission. b Rabbi Yosei says: From /b the time that he recited b the afternoon prayer and on he does not immerse. /b Since he already recited the afternoon prayer, he waits until after Yom Kippur to immerse, and then recites the evening prayer in a state of purity. Apparently, Rabbi Yosei holds that immersion at the designated time is not a mitzva. The Gemara rejects this: In b that /b i baraita /i the reference is not to the Rabbi Yosei most commonly cited in tannaitic literature without a patronymic, Rabbi Yosei ben Ḥalafta, but it b is /b to b Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda, who said: Her latest immersion is sufficient. /b A woman who is uncertain with regard to the correct time for her immersion need not immerse multiple times. She may postpone her immersion until a time when she will be certain to fulfill her obligation, even though it might not be immersion at the designated time., strong MISHNA: /strong If b a gentile comes to extinguish /b a Jew’s fire on Shabbat, b one may not say to him: Extinguish, and: Do not extinguish, because /b responsibility for b his rest is not /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew. b However, /b if b a /b Jewish b child comes to extinguish /b a fire on Shabbat, b they do not listen to him /b and allow him to extinguish it, even though he is not yet obligated in mitzva observance, b because /b responsibility for b his rest is /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew., strong GEMARA: /strong b Rabbi Ami said: /b During b a fire, the /b Sages b permitted to say /b in the presence of gentiles: b Anyone who extinguishes /b the fire b will not lose, /b so that the gentiles will come and extinguish the fire; it is only prohibited to tell gentiles to do so explicitly. The Gemara suggests: b Let us say /b that the mishna b supports his /b statement: If b a gentile comes to extinguish /b a Jew’s fire on Shabbat, b one may not say to him: Extinguish, and: Do not extinguish, because /b responsibility for b his rest is not /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew. It can be inferred from the language of the mishna: b It is /b a direct command, e.g., b extinguish, that we may not say to him; however, anyone who extinguishes will not lose, we /b may b tell him, /b which supports Rabbi Ami’s statement. The Gemara rejects this. b Say /b the b latter /b clause of the mishna: b Do not extinguish, we do not tell him. /b It can be inferred that b neither do we say to him: Anyone who extinguishes will not lose. Rather, nothing can be inferred from this /b mishna., b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b There was an incident that a fire ignited /b on Shabbat b in the courtyard of Yosef ben Simai in /b a place called b Shiḥin. And men came from the fortress [ i gistera /i ] of Tzippori to extinguish /b the fire, b because he was a steward [ i apotropos /i ] of the king /b and they wanted to help him. b However, /b Yosef ben Simai b would not allow them /b to extinguish the fire b in deference to Shabbat; and a miracle transpired for him and rain fell and extinguished /b the fire. b That evening /b after Shabbat b he sent two i sela /i to each one of /b the soldiers who came to his aid, b and fifty to their commander [ i iparkhos /i ]. And when the Sages heard about this, they said: He need not /b have prevented them from extinguishing the fire, b as we learned /b in the mishna: If b a gentile comes to extinguish /b a Jew’s fire on Shabbat, b one may not say to him: Extinguish, and: Do not extinguish, because /b responsibility for b his rest is not /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew; rather, the gentile may do as he pleases.,We learned in the mishna: b However, /b if b a /b Jewish b child comes to extinguish /b a fire on Shabbat, b they do not listen to him /b and allow him to extinguish it, even though he is not yet obligated in mitzva observance, b because /b responsibility for b his rest is /b incumbent b upon /b the Jew. The Gemara seeks to conclude: b Learn /b from b this /b that b a child who eats /b meat from b unslaughtered animals /b or violates other prohibitions, b the court is commanded to prevent him /b from eating it. This mishna would resolve a dilemma that arose regarding that issue. The Gemara rejects this suggestion: b Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b This mishna is referring to b a child who is acting with /b the intention of fulfilling b his father’s will, /b and therefore one is obligated to prevent him from doing so. However, if a child sins of his own volition, one is not obligated to prevent him from doing so. The Gemara asks: If so, the case b with regard to a gentile /b in the mishna must be interpreted in a b similar /b manner as referring to a case where b he is acting with /b the intention to fulfill the b will /b of b a Jew. Is /b that b permitted? /b It is prohibited to derive benefit from an action performed by a gentile for a Jew on Shabbat. The Gemara responds: This is not the case; b the gentile /b is b acting of his own volition. /b Because he is paid for extinguishing the fire he is not doing so in order to help the Jew., strong MISHNA: /strong b One may overturn a bowl on top of a lamp so that /b fire b will not take hold in the /b ceiling b beam /b on Shabbat. b And /b similarly, one may overturn a bowl b on top of a child’s feces /b inside the house so he will not touch it and dirty himself, b and on top of a scorpion so that it will not bite. Rabbi Yehuda said: An incident came before Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai in /b his village of b Arav, /b where a person covered a scorpion on Shabbat, b and /b Rabban Yoḥa b said: I am concerned /b that b he /b is liable to bring b a sin-offering /b because he might have violated a Torah prohibition., strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara relates: b Rav Yehuda and Rav Yirmeya bar Abba and Rav Ḥa bar Rava happened to come to the house of Avin from /b a place called b Nashikiya. For Rav Yehuda and Rav Yirmeya bar Abba, /b |
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50. Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 56b. והני תרתי מאי עבידתייהו אמר ר' יצחק בשכר הגפת דלתות ונימא ליה דל בדל אמר אביי בוצינא טבא מקרא,אמר רב יהודה ובמוספין חולקין מיתיבי משמרה היוצאת עושה תמיד של שחר ומוספין משמרה הנכנסת עושה תמיד של בין הערבים ובזיכין ואילו מוספין חולקין לא קתני האי תנא בחלוקה לא קא מיירי,אמר רבא והא תנא דבי שמואל דמיירי בחלוקה ובמוספין חולקין לא קתני דתנא דבי שמואל משמרה היוצאת עושה תמיד של שחר ומוספין משמרה הנכנסת עושה תמיד של בין הערבים ובזיכין ארבעה כהנים היו נכנסין שם שנים ממשמר זו ושנים ממשמר זו וחולקין לחם הפנים ואילו במוספין חולקין לא קתני תיובתא דרב יהודה תיובתא:,הנכנסין חולקין בצפון: ת"ר הנכנסין חולקין בצפון כדי שיראו שהן נכנסין והיוצאין חולקין בדרום כדי שיראו שהן יוצאין:,בילגה לעולם חולקת בדרום: ת"ר מעשה במרים בת בילגה שהמירה דתה והלכה ונשאת לסרדיוט אחד ממלכי יוונים כשנכנסו יוונים להיכל היתה מבעטת בסנדלה על גבי המזבח ואמרה לוקוס לוקוס עד מתי אתה מכלה ממונן של ישראל ואי אתה עומד עליהם בשעת הדחק וכששמעו חכמים בדבר קבעו את טבעתה וסתמו את חלונה,ויש אומרים משמרתו שוהה לבא ונכנס ישבב אחיו עמו ושימש תחתיו אע"פ ששכיני הרשעים לא נשתכרו שכיני בילגה נשתכרו שבילגה לעולם חולקת בדרום וישבב אחיו בצפון,בשלמא למ"ד משמרתו שוהה לבא היינו דקנסינן לכולה משמר אלא למ"ד מרים בת בילגה שהמירה דתה משום ברתיה קנסינן ליה לדידיה אמר אביי אין כדאמרי אינשי שותא דינוקא בשוקא או דאבוה או דאימיה,ומשום אבוה ואימיה קנסינן לכולה משמרה אמר אביי אוי לרשע אוי לשכינו טוב לצדיק טוב לשכינו שנאמר (ישעיהו ג, י) אמרו צדיק כי טוב כי פרי מעלליהם יאכלו, br br big strongהדרן עלך החליל וסליקא לה מסכת סוכה /strong /big br br | |
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51. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 38a. בסירוגין,ניקנור נעשו נסים לדלתותיו ת"ר מה נסים נעשו לדלתותיו אמרו כשהלך ניקנור להביא דלתות מאלכסנדריא של מצרים בחזירתו עמד עליו נחשול שבים לטבעו נטלו אחת מהן והטילוה לים ועדיין לא נח הים מזעפו,בקשו להטיל את חברתה עמד הוא וכרכה אמר להם הטילוני עמה מיד נח הים מזעפו והיה מצטער על חברתה כיון שהגיע לנמלה של עכו היתה מבצבצת ויוצאה מתחת דופני הספינה ויש אומרים בריה שבים בלעתה והקיאתה ליבשה,ועליה אמר שלמה (שיר השירים א, יז) קורות בתינו ארזים רהיטנו ברותים אל תיקרי ברותים אלא ברית ים לפיכך כל השערים שהיו במקדש נשתנו להיות של זהב חוץ משערי ניקנור מפני שנעשו בו נסים ויש אומרים מפני שנחושתן מוצהבת היתה ר' אליעזר בן יעקב אומר נחשת קלוניתא היתה והיתה מאירה כשל זהב, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ואלו לגנאי של בית גרמו לא רצו ללמד על מעשה לחם הפנים של בית אבטינס לא רצו ללמד על מעשה הקטורת,הוגרס בן לוי היה יודע פרק בשיר ולא רצה ללמד בן קמצר לא רצה ללמד על מעשה הכתב על הראשונים נאמר (משלי י, ז) זכר צדיק לברכה ועל אלו נאמר (משלי י, ז) ושם רשעים ירקב, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר בית גרמו היו בקיאין במעשה לחם הפנים ולא רצו ללמד שלחו חכמים והביאו אומנין מאלכסנדריא של מצרים והיו יודעין לאפות כמותן ולא היו יודעין לרדות כמותן שהללו מסיקין מבחוץ ואופין מבחוץ והללו מסיקין מבפנים ואופין מבפנים הללו פיתן מתעפשת והללו אין פיתן מתעפשת,כששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו כל מה שברא הקב"ה לכבודו בראו שנאמר (ישעיהו מג, ז) כל הנקרא בשמי ולכבודי בראתיו וחזרו בית גרמו למקומן שלחו להם חכמים ולא באו כפלו להם שכרן ובאו בכל יום היו נוטלין שנים עשר מנה והיום עשרים וארבעה ר' יהודה אומר בכל יום עשרים וארבעה והיום ארבעים ושמונה,אמרו להם חכמים מה ראיתם שלא ללמד אמרו להם יודעין היו של בית אבא שבית זה עתיד ליחרב שמא ילמוד אדם שאינו מהוגן וילך ויעבוד עבודת כוכבים בכך ועל דבר זה מזכירין אותן לשבח מעולם לא נמצאת פת נקיה ביד בניהם שלא יאמרו ממעשה לחם הפנים זה ניזונין לקיים מה שנאמר (במדבר לב, כב) והייתם נקיים מה' ומישראל,של בית אבטינס לא רצו ללמד על מעשה הקטורת ת"ר בית אבטינס היו בקיאין במעשה הקטורת ולא רצו ללמד שלחו חכמים והביאו אומנין מאלכסנדריא של מצרים והיו יודעין לפטם כמותם ולא היו יודעין להעלות עשן כמותן של הללו מתמר ועולה כמקל של הללו מפציע לכאן ולכאן,וכששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו כל מה שברא הקב"ה לכבודו בראו שנאמר (משלי טז, ד) כל פעל ה' למענהו וחזרו בית אבטינס למקומן שלחו להם חכמים ולא באו כפלו להם שכרן ובאו בכל יום היו נוטלין שנים עשר מנה והיום עשרים וארבעה ר' יהודה אומר בכל יום עשרים וארבעה והיום ארבעים ושמונה,אמרו להם חכמים מה ראיתם שלא ללמד אמרו יודעין היו של בית אבא שבית זה עתיד ליחרב אמרו שמא ילמוד אדם שאינו מהוגן וילך ויעבוד עבודת כוכבים בכך ועל דבר זה מזכירין אותן לשבח מעולם לא יצאת כלה מבושמת מבתיהן וכשנושאין אשה ממקום אחר מתנין עמה שלא תתבסם שלא יאמרו ממעשה הקטורת מתבסמין לקיים מה שנא' והייתם נקיים מה' ומישראל,תניא אמר ר' ישמעאל פעם אחת הייתי מהלך בדרך ומצאתי אחד מבני בניהם אמרתי לו אבותיך בקשו להרבות כבודן ורצו למעט כבוד המקום עכשיו כבוד מקום במקומו ומיעט כבודם,אמר ר' עקיבא (פעם אחת) סח לי ר' ישמעאל בן לוגא פעם אחת יצאתי אני ואחד מבני בניהם לשדה ללקט עשבים וראיתי (ששחק ובכה) אמרתי לו מפני מה בכית אמר לי כבוד אבותי נזכרתי ומפני מה שחקת אמר לי שעתיד הקב"ה להחזירה לנו ומפני מה נזכרת אמר לי מעלה עשן כנגדי הראהו לי אמר לי שבועה היא בידינו שאין מראין אותו לכל אדם,אמר ר' יוחנן בן נורי פעם אחת מצאתי זקן א' ומגילת סממנין בידו אמרתי לו מאין אתה אמר לי מבית אבטינס אני ומה בידך אמר לי מגילת סממנין הראהו לי אמר לי כל זמן שבית אבא היו קיימין לא היו מוסרין אותו לכל אדם ועכשיו הרי הוא לך והזהר בה וכשבאתי וסחתי דברי לפני ר"ע אמר לי מעתה אסור לספר בגנותן של אלו,מכאן אמר בן עזאי בשמך יקראוך ובמקומך יושיבוך | 38a. with b alternating /b complete words and initials. The first words of each verse were written there, but the rest of the words in the verse were represented by initials. Therefore, this contribution of Queen Helene does not resolve the question of whether writing a scroll for a child is permitted.,§ The mishna related: For b Nicanor, miracles were performed to his doors. The Sages taught /b in the i Tosefta /i : b What miracles occurred for his doors? They said: When Nicanor went to bring /b copper b doors /b for the eastern gate of the Temple b from Alexandria in Egypt, /b famous for its craftsmanship, b on his return /b voyage by ship, b a storm arose in the sea /b and threatened b to drown him. /b The ship’s passengers b took one /b of the doors, which were exceedingly heavy, b and cast it into the sea, /b fearing that the weight of the doors would sink the ship. b And still the sea did not rest from its rage. /b , b They sought to cast the other /b door into the sea, at which point Nicanor b stood and embraced it /b and b said to them: Cast me into /b the sea b with it. Immediately, the sea rested from its rage, /b and it was necessary to cast neither the door nor Nicanor into the sea. The ship continued its journey with one door b and /b for the entire voyage, b he regretted /b the fate b of the other /b door that he allowed them to cast into the sea. b When they arrived at the port of Akko /b and prepared to disembark, despite the fact that it was made of copper, the door that was thrown into the sea b was poking out under the sides of the ship. And some say a sea creature swallowed it and spewed it onto the land. /b , b And with regard to this, Solomon said: “The beams of our houses are cedars, and our doors are cypresses [ i berotim /i ]” /b (Song of Songs 1:17), and the Sages interpreted it homiletically: b Do not read /b it as b i berotim /i but /b as b i berit yam /i , /b covet of the sea, meaning that the door forged a covet with the sea for the sea to deliver it to its place. b Therefore, /b when the nation prospered and the people replaced the doors made of various metals, the doors in b all the gates in the Temple were altered to become /b doors of b gold except /b the doors in b the Gates of Nicanor because miracles were performed to them. And some say /b it was b because their copper was brightly-colored /b and high quality. b Rabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says it was refined [ i kelonita /i ] copper, and it illuminated /b its surroundings b like gold. /b , strong MISHNA: /strong Apropos the mention in the mishna of people who took action in the Temple and were mentioned favorably, the mishna lists b those /b who took action in the Temple and were mentioned b unfavorably. /b The craftsmen b of the House of Garmu did not want to teach /b the secret b of the preparation of the shewbread /b and sought to keep the secret within their family. The craftsmen b of the House of Avtinas did not want to teach /b the secret b of the preparation of the incense. /b ,Also, b Hugras ben Levi knew a chapter /b in the art of b music, /b as will be explained, b and he did not want to teach /b it to others. And the scribe b ben Kamtzar did not want to teach /b a special b act of writing. /b He was expert at writing all four letters of a four-letter name simultaneously. b About the first /b ones, who were mentioned favorably, b it is stated: “The memory of the righteous shall be for a blessing” /b (Proverbs 10:7); b and about these /b who were concerned only for themselves b it is stated: “But the name of the wicked shall rot” /b (Proverbs 10:7)., strong GEMARA: /strong b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : The craftsmen of the b House of Garmu were expert in /b the b preparation /b of b the shewbread, and they did not want to teach /b others the secret of its production. b The Sages /b dismissed them and b sent for and brought craftsmen from Alexandria in Egypt, /b a large city with many experts. b And /b those craftsmen b knew /b how b to bake like /b the members of the House of Garmu did, b but they did not know /b how b to remove /b the bread from the oven b like they /b did. The shewbread was baked in a complex shape, and it was difficult to place it in the oven and remove it without breaking it. The difference was b that these /b Alexandrians b light /b the fire b outside /b the oven b and bake it outside /b the oven; b and these /b members of the House of Garmu b light /b the fire b inside /b the oven b and bake /b it b inside. /b In the case of b these /b Alexandrians, b their bread becomes moldy /b over the course of the week, b and /b in the case of b these /b members of the House of Garmu, b their bread does not become moldy. /b , b When the Sages heard of the matter /b that the bread of the imported craftsmen was of lower quality than before, b they said: Whatever the Holy One, Blessed be He, created, He created in His honor, as it is stated: “Everyone who is called by My name, I have created for My glory” /b (Isaiah 43:7). In deference to God, the Sages should diminish their honor for the greater glory of God b and /b let b the House of Garmu return to their /b original b station. The Sages sent for them /b to reassume their previous position, b and they did not come. They doubled their wages and they came. Each day /b until then b they would take /b wages of b twelve i maneh /i , and today /b they take wages of b twenty-four i maneh /i . Rabbi Yehuda says: Each day /b they took b twenty-four /b i maneh /i , b and today /b they take b forty-eight. /b , b The Sages said to them: What did you see that /b led b you not to teach /b others this craft? b They said: /b The members of our b father’s house knew that this house, /b the Temple, b is destined to be destroyed, /b and they were concerned b lest an unworthy man learn /b our skill of baking b and go and engage in idol worship with /b that skill. Therefore, they attempted to prevent this skill from spreading beyond their family. The Gemara comments: b And for this matter they are mentioned favorably: Never was refined bread /b of fine flour b found in the hands of their descendants, so that /b people b would not say /b that b they are sustained from that /b technique of b preparing the shewbread. /b They ate only bread made of coarse flour mixed with bran, b to fulfill that which is stated: “And you shall be clear before the Lord and before Israel” /b (Numbers 32:22). Not only must one’s behavior be beyond reproach, he should also make certain to be beyond suspicion.,§ Similarly, the mishna related: The craftsmen b of the House of Avtinas did not want to teach about the /b secret of the b preparation of the incense, /b at which they were particularly adept. b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b The /b members of the b House of Avtinas were expert in the /b technique of b preparing the incense, and they did not want to teach /b others. b The Sages /b dismissed them and b sent for and brought craftsmen from Alexandria in Egypt. And /b the Alexandrian craftsmen b knew /b how b to blend /b the spices b like they /b did, b but they did not know /b how b to cause the smoke to rise like /b the House of Avtinas b did. /b The smoke b of /b the incense blended by b these /b members of the House of Avtinas b rises in a column like a stick; /b the smoke b of /b the incense blended by b these /b Alexandrians b branched out to here and to there /b and did not rise in a straight line., b When the Sages heard of the matter, they said: Whatever the Holy One, Blessed be He, created, He created in His honor, as it is stated: “God made everything for His sake” /b (Proverbs 16:4), b and /b they let b the House of Avtinas return to their /b original b station. The Sages sent for /b the members of the House of Avtinas to reassume their previous position, b and they did not come. They doubled their wages and they came. Each day /b until then b they would take /b wages of b twelve i maneh /i , and today /b they take wages of b twenty-four i maneh /i . Rabbi Yehuda says: Each day /b they took b twenty-four /b i maneh /i , b and today /b they take b forty-eight. /b , b The Sages said to them: What did you see that /b led you b not to teach /b others this craft? b They said: /b The members of our b father’s house knew that this house, /b the Temple, b is destined to be destroyed, /b and they were concerned b lest an unworthy man learn /b our skill of preparing incense b and go and engage in idol worship with /b that skill. Therefore, they attempted to prevent this skill from spreading beyond their family. The Gemara comments: b And for this matter they are mentioned favorably: Never did a perfumed bride emerge from their homes. And when they marry a woman from a different place, they stipulate with her that she will not perfume herself, so that /b cynics b would not say /b that b it is with the work of the incense /b that b they perfume themselves, to fulfill that which is stated: “And you shall be clear before the Lord and before Israel” /b (Numbers 32:22)., b It was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yishmael said: One time I was walking along the road and I found one of /b the b descendants /b of the House of Avtinas. b I said to him: Your fathers sought to enhance their honor and sought to diminish God’s honor /b by not revealing their secret to others. b Now, /b although the Temple was destroyed, b the honor of God remains as it was, /b and b He diminished their honor, /b as their significance stemmed from their Temple service., b Rabbi Akiva said: One time Rabbi Yishmael ben Loga related to me: One time I and one of the descendants /b of the House of Avtinas b went out to the field to collect herbs, and I saw that he laughed and he cried. I said to him: Why did you cry? He said to me: I was reminded of the honor of my forefathers, /b how important they were in the Temple. I said to him: b And why did you laugh? He said to me: The Holy One, Blessed be He, is going to restore it to us in the future /b and we will be honored again. I said to him: b And why are you reminded /b of this now? b He said to me: The smoke-raising /b herb b is before me, /b here in the field, reminding me of the past. I said to him: b Show it to me; /b which one is it? b He said to me: We are bound by oath not to show it to any person /b other than the members of our family., b Rabbi Yoḥa ben Nuri said: One time I found an old man who had in his hand a scroll /b with the location and formula for blending b of spices. I said to him: Where are you from? /b What is your ancestry? b He said to me: I am from the House of Avtinas. /b I asked him: b And what is in your hand? He said to me: A scroll of spices. /b I said to him: b Show it to me. He said to me: As long as the House /b of Avtinas, b my forefathers, was extant, they would not pass it on to anyone. And now, here it is; and be careful with it /b not to give it to anyone. b And when I came and related my statement before Rabbi Akiva, he said to me: And now /b that they have surrendered the scroll to worthy recipients since they are unable to maintain its sanctity, b it is prohibited to mention them unfavorably, /b as even their earlier reticence was apparently for the glory of God., b From here, /b with regard to the cases of the Temple’s craftsmen whom the Sages restored to their posts, b ben Azzai said: /b One should not be concerned that others might usurp his livelihood and success, since at the appropriate moment, b by your name they shall call you /b to return to your previous position, b and in your place, they shall seat you, /b |
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52. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.40, 8.24-8.33 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 30, 418 | 2.40. The affidavit in the case, which is still preserved, says Favorinus, in the Metroon, ran as follows: This indictment and affidavit is sworn by Meletus, the son of Meletus of Pitthos, against Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus of Alopece: Socrates is guilty of refusing to recognize the gods recognized by the state, and of introducing other new divinities. He is also guilty of corrupting the youth. The penalty demanded is death. The philosopher then, after Lysias had written a defence for him, read it through and said: A fine speech, Lysias; it is not, however, suitable to me. For it was plainly more forensic than philosophical. 8.24. to respect all divination, to sing to the lyre and by hymns to show due gratitude to gods and to good men. To abstain from beans because they are flatulent and partake most of the breath of life; and besides, it is better for the stomach if they are not taken, and this again will make our dreams in sleep smooth and untroubled.Alexander in his Successions of Philosophers says that he found in the Pythagorean memoirs the following tenets as well. 8.25. The principle of all things is the monad or unit; arising from this monad the undefined dyad or two serves as material substratum to the monad, which is cause; from the monad and the undefined dyad spring numbers; from numbers, points; from points, lines; from lines, plane figures; from plane figures, solid figures; from solid figures, sensible bodies, the elements of which are four, fire, water, earth and air; these elements interchange and turn into one another completely, and combine to produce a universe animate, intelligent, spherical, with the earth at its centre, the earth itself too being spherical and inhabited round about. There are also antipodes, and our down is their up. 8.26. Light and darkness have equal part in the universe, so have hot and cold, and dry and moist; and of these, if hot preponderates, we have summer; if cold, winter; if dry, spring; if moist, late autumn. If all are in equilibrium, we have the best periods of the year, of which the freshness of spring constitutes the healthy season, and the decay of late autumn the unhealthy. So too, in the day, freshness belongs to the morning, and decay to the evening, which is therefore more unhealthy. The air about the earth is stagt and unwholesome, and all within it is mortal; but the uppermost air is ever-moved and pure and healthy, and all within it is immortal and consequently divine. 8.27. The sun, the moon, and the other stars are gods; for, in them, there is a preponderance of heat, and heat is the cause of life. The moon is illumined by the sun. Gods and men are akin, inasmuch as man partakes of heat; therefore God takes thought for man. Fate is the cause of things being thus ordered both as a whole and separately. The sun's ray penetrates through the aether, whether cold or dense – the air they call cold aether, and the sea and moisture dense aether – and this ray descends even to the depths and for this reason quickens all things. 8.28. All things live which partake of heat – this is why plants are living things – but all have not soul, which is a detached part of aether, partly the hot and partly the cold, for it partakes of cold aether too. Soul is distinct from life; it is immortal, since that from which it is detached is immortal. Living creatures are reproduced from one another by germination; there is no such thing as spontaneous generation from earth. The germ is a clot of brain containing hot vapour within it; and this, when brought to the womb, throws out, from the brain, ichor, fluid and blood, whence are formed flesh, sinews, bones, hairs, and the whole of the body, while soul and sense come from the vapour within. 8.29. First congealing in about forty days, it receives form and, according to the ratios of harmony, in seven, nine, or at the most ten, months, the mature child is brought forth. It has in it all the relations constituting life, and these, forming a continuous series, keep it together according to the ratios of harmony, each appearing at regulated intervals. Sense generally, and sight in particular, is a certain unusually hot vapour. This is why it is said to see through air and water, because the hot aether is resisted by the cold; for, if the vapour in the eyes had been cold, it would have been dissipated on meeting the air, its like. As it is, in certain [lines] he calls the eyes the portals of the sun. His conclusion is the same with regard to hearing and the other senses. 8.30. The soul of man, he says, is divided into three parts, intelligence, reason, and passion. Intelligence and passion are possessed by other animals as well, but reason by man alone. The seat of the soul extends from the heart to the brain; the part of it which is in the heart is passion, while the parts located in the brain are reason and intelligence. The senses are distillations from these. Reason is immortal, all else mortal. The soul draws nourishment from the blood; the faculties of the soul are winds, for they as well as the soul are invisible, just as the aether is invisible. 8.31. The veins, arteries, and sinews are the bonds of the soul. But when it is strong and settled down into itself, reasonings and deeds become its bonds. When cast out upon the earth, it wanders in the air like the body. Hermes is the steward of souls, and for that reason is called Hermes the Escorter, Hermes the Keeper of the Gate, and Hermes of the Underworld, since it is he who brings in the souls from their bodies both by land and sea; and the pure are taken into the uppermost region, but the impure are not permitted to approach the pure or each other, but are bound by the Furies in bonds unbreakable. 8.32. The whole air is full of souls which are called genii or heroes; these are they who send men dreams and signs of future disease and health, and not to men alone, but to sheep also and cattle as well; and it is to them that purifications and lustrations, all divination, omens and the like, have reference. The most momentous thing in human life is the art of winning the soul to good or to evil. Blest are the men who acquire a good soul; they can never be at rest, nor ever keep the same course two days together. 8.33. Right has the force of an oath, and that is why Zeus is called the God of Oaths. Virtue is harmony, and so are health and all good and God himself; this is why they say that all things are constructed according to the laws of harmony. The love of friends is just concord and equality. We should not pay equal worship to gods and heroes, but to the gods always, with reverent silence, in white robes, and after purification, to the heroes only from midday onwards. Purification is by cleansing, baptism and lustration, and by keeping clean from all deaths and births and all pollution, and abstaining from meat and flesh of animals that have died, mullets, gurnards, eggs and egg-sprung animals, beans, and the other abstinences prescribed by those who perform rites in the sanctuaries. |
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53. Babylonian Talmud, Bekhorot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 145| 51a. זוזא מאכא בהדיה דלא נפיק תקע ליה אחרינא ויהביה ניהליה:,שלשים של עבד חמשים של אונס ושל מפתה וכו': הא תו למה לי הא תנא ליה רישא,אונס ומוציא שם רע איצטריך סלקא דעתך אמינא כיון דלא כתיב בהו שקלים אימא זוזי בעלמא קמ"ל דמילף קא ילפי מהדדי:,חוץ מן השקלים: תנא חוץ מן השקלים ומעשר והראיון,שקלים דתנן מצרפין שקלים לדרבונות מפני משאוי הדרך,מעשר דכתיב (דברים יד, כה) וצרת הכסף בידך והראיון תני רב יוסף שלא יביא סיגה לעזרה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אין פודין לא בעבדים ולא בשטרות ולא בקרקעות ולא בהקדשות כתב לכהן שהוא חייב ליתן חמשה סלעים חייב ליתן לו ובנו אינו פדוי לפיכך אם רצה הכהן ליתן לו במתנה רשאי,המפריש פדיון בנו ואבד חייב באחריותו שנאמר (במדבר יח, ט) יהיה לך ופדה תפדה:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מתני' דלא כרבי דתניא רבי אומר בכל פודין בכור אדם חוץ מן השטרות מאי טעמא דרבי,דריש ריבויי ומיעוטי (במדבר יח, טז) ופדויו מבן חדש תפדה ריבה בערכך כסף חמשת שקלים מיעט תפדה ריבה,ריבה ומיעט וריבה ריבה הכל מאי רבי רבי כל מילי ומאי מיעט מיעט שטרות,ורבנן דרשי כלל ופרט ופדויו מבן חדש כלל בערכך כסף חמשת שקלים פרט פדה תפדה חזר וכלל,כלל ופרט וכלל אי אתה דן אלא כעין הפרט מה הפרט מפורש דבר המטלטל וגופו ממון אף כל דבר המטלטל וגופו ממון יצאו קרקעות שאין מטלטלין יצאו עבדים שהוקשו לקרקעות יצאו שטרות שאף על פי שמטלטלין אין גופן ממון,אמר ליה רבינא למרימר ורבי ריבויי ומיעוטי דריש והא רבי כללי ופרטי דריש במרצע,דתניא (דברים טו, יז) מרצע אין לי אלא מרצע מנין לרבות הסול והסירא והמחט והמקדח והמכתב ת"ל (דברים טו, יז) ולקחת לרבות כל דבר שנלקח ביד דברי רבי יוסי ברבי יהודה רבי אומר מרצע מה מרצע מיוחד של מתכת אף כל של מתכת,ואמרינן במאי קא מיפלגי רבי דריש כללי ופרטי רבי יוסי ברבי יהודה דריש ריבויי ומיעוטי,אין בעלמא רבי כללי ופרטי דריש והכא כדתנא דבי רבי ישמעאל,דתנא דבי רבי ישמעאל (ויקרא י״א, ט׳) במים במים שתי פעמים אין זה כלל ופרט אלא ריבה ומיעט,ורבנן אמרי כדאמרינן במערבא כ"מ שאתה מוצא שתי כללות הסמוכים זה לזה הטל פרט ביניהם ודונם בכלל ופרט:,ולא בהקדשות: פשיטא לאו דידיה נינהו אימא | 51a. b an impaired dinar with him, which was not /b in b circulation, /b and his victim did not want to accept it from him. Ḥa the wicked then b struck him another /b time, rendering himself liable to pay an additional fine of one-half a dinar, b and gave him /b the full dinar as payment for both strikes.,§ The mishna teaches: The b thirty /b shekels paid to the owner b of /b a Canaanite b slave /b who is killed by an ox, and the b fifty /b shekels paid b by a rapist and by a seducer, /b and the one hundred shekels paid by the defamer are all paid in the shekel of the Sanctuary, which is calculated based on one hundred Tyrian dinars. The Gemara asks: b Why do I /b need b this additional /b mention of: All are paid in the shekel of the Sanctuary, which is calculated based on one hundred Tyrian dinars? The i tanna /i of the mishna already b taught this /b in b the first clause. /b ,The Gemara explains: It b was necessary /b to state the cases of b the rapist and the defamer, /b as it might b enter your mind to say: Since /b the term b shekels is not written with regard to them, /b but only “money,” b say /b that one pays b merely dinars, /b and not shekels, which are worth four dinars. Therefore, the i tanna /i b teaches us that /b the i halakhot /i of all these cases b are derived from one another, /b and in all of them, the payment is in the shekel of the Sanctuary.,§ The mishna further teaches: And all monetary obligations are redeemed, i.e., paid, with coins or with items of the equivalent value of money, b except for the /b half- b shekels /b that are donated to the Temple each year, which must be given specifically as coins. The Gemara notes that it is b taught /b in a i baraita /i : All monetary obligations are redeemed with coins or with their equivalent value, b except for the /b half- b shekels, and /b second b tithe, and the /b money for b appearance, /b i.e., the two silver i ma’a /i that every man must bring to the Temple to purchase burnt offerings of appearance on the pilgrimage Festivals, all of which must be given as coins.,The Gemara elaborates: The i halakha /i that the half-shekel payment dues to the Temple cannot be paid using items of equivalent value is b as we learned /b in a mishna ( i Shekalim /i 2:1): When people who live far from Jerusalem wish to send to Jerusalem the shekels that have been levied from their community, b they /b may b combine /b their b shekels /b and exchange them b for darics [ i darbonot /i ], /b which are large gold coins, b due to /b the hardship of b carrying on the journey. /b Instead of carrying large amounts of shekels, the agents who deliver the funds will bring a much lighter burden of gold coins with them. They may exchange them only for coins, not for items of equivalent value.,Second b tithe /b may not be redeemed with items of equivalent value, b as it is written: “And bind up [ i vetzarta /i ] the money in your hand” /b (Deuteronomy 14:25), which the Sages interpreted as referring to money that has a form [ i tzura /i ] engraved on it, i.e., a coin. b And /b with regard to b the /b money for b appearance, /b this is as b Rav Yosef teaches, that one may not bring /b a lump of silver full of b base /b metals b to the /b Temple b courtyard. /b , strong MISHNA: /strong b One may not redeem /b his firstborn son, b neither with /b Canaanite b slaves, nor with /b promissory b notes, nor with land, nor with consecrated items. /b If the father b wrote /b a promissory note b to the priest that he is obligated to give /b him b five i sela /i /b coins, the father is b obligated to give /b them b to him but his son is not redeemed. Therefore, if the priest wished to give /b back the five i sela /i coins b to him as a gift /b he is b permitted /b to do so.,With regard to b one who designates /b five i sela /i coins for b redemption of his /b firstborn b son and he lost /b the coins before he gave them to the priest, the father b bears /b ficial b responsibility for their /b loss, b as it is stated /b to Aaron the priest: “Everything that opens the womb in man and animal b shall be yours”; and /b only afterward it says: b “You shall redeem /b the firstborn of man” (Numbers 18:15). This indicates that only after the money shall be in the possession of the priest is the son redeemed., strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara comments: b The mishna is not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b says: One can redeem /b a woman’s b firstborn son with anything /b worth five shekels b except for /b promissory b notes. /b This is different from the mishna, which also excludes Canaanite slaves and land. The Gemara asks: b What is the reason for Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi’s opinion?,The Gemara answers that b he interprets /b verses using the method of b amplifications and restrictions, /b and this is how he interprets the verse: “And its redemption from one month you shall redeem, according to the valuation of five silver shekels by the shekel of the Sanctuary” (Numbers 18:16). Concerning the phrase b “and its redemption from one month,” /b since it does not specify that only certain items can be used for the redemption, the verse b amplified /b the category of items that can be used to redeem the firstborn, intimating that many different items can be used. Then, with the phrase b “according to the valuation of five silver shekels,” /b the verse b restricted /b the category to items that are similar to silver shekels. Then, with the phrase b “You shall redeem,” /b the verse b again amplified /b the category.,According to the hermeneutical principle that when a verse b amplified and /b then b restricted and /b then b amplified, it amplified /b the relevant category to include b everything /b except the specific matter excluded in the restriction. The Gemara elaborates: b What /b has b it amplified? /b Almost b everything. And what /b has b it restricted? It restricted /b only promissory b notes, /b which are the most fundamentally dissimilar to silver shekels.,The Gemara explains the reasoning of the Rabbis: b And the Rabbis expound /b verses through the method of b a generalization and a detail. /b They expound the verse as follows: The phrase b “and its redemption from one month” /b is b a generalization /b which suggests that many different items can be used to redeem the firstborn. Then, the phrase b “according to the valuation of five silver shekels” /b is b a detail, /b which suggests that only items that are similar to silver shekels can be used. Then, with the phrase: b “You shall redeem,” /b the verse b again makes a generalization. /b ,Based on this exegetical method, whenever a verse has b a generalization and /b then b a detail and /b then b a generalization, /b the principle is that b you may deduce /b that the verse is referring b only /b to items that are b similar to the detail. /b In this case, b just as the detail, /b i.e., silver shekels, b is explicitly something that is movable and has intrinsic monetary /b value, b so too, anything that is movable and has intrinsic monetary /b value can be used. This b excludes land, which is not movable property; /b it b excludes /b Canaanite b slaves, who are /b halakhically b compared to land; /b and it b excludes /b promissory b notes, /b because b even though they are movable property they do not have intrinsic monetary /b value., b Ravina said to Ameimar: /b Does b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi really b expound /b verses through the method of b amplifications and restrictions? But doesn’t Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b expound /b verses through the method of b generalizations and details with regard to an awl? /b ,This is b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : The Torah provides the process by which a Hebrew slave who has already completed his six years of servitude may continue on as a slave of his master: “And you shall take the b awl /b and put it through his ear and in the door” (Deuteronomy 15:17). From this verse, b I have /b derived b only /b that b an awl /b can be used; b from where /b do I know b to include the thorn of a palm, and a thorn, a needle, and a gimlet, and a stylus /b for writing on wax, as valid tools for piercing his ear? b The verse states: “And you shall take,” /b which indicates that b anything that can be taken by hand /b is a valid tool. This is b the statement of Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda. Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b says: /b Not all these items can be used. Rather, since the verse specifies an b “awl,” /b only items similar to an awl can be used; b just as an awl is distinct /b in that it is fashioned b of metal, so too, anything /b fashioned b of metal /b can be used., b And we say /b with regard to this dispute: b About what do they disagree? Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b expounds /b verses using the method of b generalizations and details, and Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda, expounds /b verses using the method of b amplifications and restrictions. /b ,Ameimar answers: b Yes, generally /b Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi b expounds /b verses using the method of b generalizations and details, but here, /b with regard to the redemption of the firstborn, b this is the reason /b he expounds the verses using the method of amplifications and restrictions: He holds b in accordance with that which the school of Rabbi Yishmael taught. /b , b As the school of Rabbi Yishmael taught: /b When defining which fish it is permitted to eat, the verse states: “This you may eat, from whatever is in the water, anything that has fins and scales in the water, in the seas and in the streams” (Leviticus 11:9). The verse first states the general term b “in the water,” “in the water,” /b mentioning it b twice, /b and only afterward mentions the details, i.e., “in the seas and in the streams.” When the general and detailed phrases are ordered in this way, they b are not /b expounded as b a generalization and a detail, /b but b rather /b the verse b amplified and restricted. /b Similarly, although Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi generally expounds verses using the method of generalizations and details, with regard to the redemption of the firstborn, since the verse mentions the two general terms first and mentions the specific detail only afterward, he expounds it using the method of amplifications and restrictions.,The Gemara asks: b And /b with regard to b the Rabbis, /b why do they expound the verse about the redemption of a firstborn as a generalization and a detail? The Sages b say: /b This is b like they say in the West, /b Eretz Yisrael: b Wherever you find two generalizations juxtaposed to each other, /b followed by a specific detail, b place /b the b detail between /b the two generalizations b and /b thereby b expound them as a generalization and a detail /b followed by another generalization.,§ The mishna teaches: b And /b one may b not /b redeem a firstborn b with consecrated items. /b The Gemara asks: Isn’t it b obvious? /b Consecrated items b are not his. /b The Gemara answers: b Say /b that |
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| 54. Jerome, Commentaria In Danielem, 11.14 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 347 |
| 55. Jerome, Chronicon Eusebii (Interpretatio Chronicae Eusebii Pamphili), 127 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 347 |
| 56. Anon., Avot Derabbi Nathan B, 10 (6th cent. CE - 8th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 345 |
| 57. Papyri, Cpj, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 6, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 205, 350, 372, 418, 424 |
| 58. Epigraphy, Jigre, 114, 129, 29-32, 34-39, 84, 93, 96, 98, 33 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 173, 175 |
| 59. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 3.11, 8.5, 8.9, 10.12-10.13, 11.7-11.9, 11.16, 12.5-12.6, 13.11, 19.5, 27.10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 408 |
| 60. Papyri, P.Tebt., 103, 1108-1111, 1113-1115, 121, 189, 818, 1112 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 343 |
| 61. Papyri, P.Sorb., 2019 Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 198, 424 |
| 62. Various, Fgrh, None Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology, derveni papyrus Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 300 |
| 63. Papyri, P.Oxy., 1424, 1448, 745, 2124 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 330 |
| 64. Papyri, P.Oslo, 2.14 Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 219 |
| 65. Papyri, P.Harr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan |
| 66. Papyri, P.Berl.Dem., 3096 Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 251 |
| 67. Epigraphy, Cesnola, Cyprus, None Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 199, 424 |
| 68. Epigraphy, Seg, 16.931, 17.823 Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 330 |
| 69. Epigraphy, Tad, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 269 |
| 70. Eusebius of Caesarea, Chronicon, 2.216 Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 347 |
| 71. Papyri, P.Ryl., 154, 667 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 236 |
72. Strabo, Geography, 16.2.40, 17.1.27-17.1.29 Tagged with subjects: •papyri/papyrology Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 273, 363 | 16.2.40. When Judaea openly became subject to a tyrannical government, the first person who exchanged the title of priest for that of king was Alexander. His sons were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. While they were disputing the succession to the kingdom, Pompey came upon them by surprise, deprived them of their power, and destroyed their fortresses, first taking Jerusalem itself by storm. It was a stronghold, situated on a rock, well fortified and well supplied with water within, but externally entirely parched with drought. A ditch was cut in the rock, 60 feet in depth, and in width 250 feet. On the wall of the temple were built towers, constructed of the materials procured when the ditch was excavated. The city was taken, it is said, by waiting for the day of fast, on which the Jews were in the habit of abstaining from all work. Pompey [availing himself of this], filled up the ditch, and threw bridges over it. He gave orders to raze all the walls, and he destroyed, as far as was in his power, the haunts of the robbers and the treasure-holds of the tyrants. Two of these forts, Thrax and Taurus, were situated in the passes leading to Jericho. Others were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Machaerus, Lysias, and those about Philadelphia, and Scythopolis near Galilee. 17.1.27. There also are the city Bubastus and the Bubastite Nome, and above it the Heliopolite Nome. There too is Heliopolis, situated upon a large mound. It contains a temple of the sun, and the ox Mneyis, which is kept in a sanctuary, and is regarded by the inhabitants as a god, as Apis is regarded by the people of Memphis. In front of the mound are lakes, into which the neighbouring canal discharges itself. At present the city is entirely deserted. It has an ancient temple constructed after the Egyptian manner, bearing many proofs of the madness and sacrilegious acts of Cambyses, who did very great injury to the temples, partly by fire, partly by violence, mutilating [in some] cases, and applying fire [in others]. In this manner he injured the obelisks, two of which, that were not entirely spoilt, were transported to Rome. There are others both here and at Thebes, the present Diospolis, some of which are standing, much corroded by fire, and others lying on the ground. 17.1.28. The plan of the temples is as follows.At the entrance into the temenus is a paved floor, in breadth about a plethrum, or even less; its length is three or four times as great, and in some instances even more. This part is called Dromos, and is mentioned by Callimachus, this is the Dromos, sacred to Anubis. Throughout the whole length on each side are placed stone sphinxes, at the distance of 20 cubits or a little more from each other, so that there is one row of sphinxes on the right hand, and another on the left. Next after the sphinxes is a large propylon, then on proceeding further, another propylon, and then another. Neither the number of the propyla nor of the sphinxes is determined by any rule. They are different in different temples, as well as the length and breadth of the Dromi.Next to the propyla is the naos, which has a large and considerable pronaos; the sanctuary in proportion; there is no statue, at least not in human shape, but a representation of some of the brute animals. On each side of the pronaos project what are called the wings. These are two walls of equal height with the naos. At first the distance between them is a little more than the breadth of the foundation of the naos. As you proceed onwards, the [base] lines incline towards one another till they approach within 50 or 60 cubits. These walls have large sculptured figures, very much like the Tyrrhenian (Etruscan) and very ancient works among the Greeks.There is also a building with a great number of pillars, as at Memphis, in the barbaric style; for, except the magnitude and number and rows of pillars, there is nothing pleasing nor easily described, but rather a display of labour wasted. 17.1.29. At Heliopolis we saw large buildings in which the priests lived. For it is said that anciently this was the principal residence of the priests, who studied philosophy and astronomy. But there are no longer either such a body of persons or such pursuits. No one was pointed out to us on the spot, as presiding over these studies, but only persons who performed sacred rites, and who explained to strangers [the peculiarities of] the temples.A person of the name of Chaeremon accompanied the governor, Aelius Gallus, in his journey from Alexandreia into Egypt, and pretended to some knowledge of this kind, but he was generally ridiculed for his boasting and ignorance. The houses of the priests, and the residences of Plato and of Eudoxus, were shown to us. Eudoxus came here with Plato, and, according to some writers, lived thirteen years in the society of the priests. For the latter were distinguished for their knowledge of the heavenly bodies, but were mysterious and uncommunicative, yet after a time were prevailed upon by courtesy to acquaint them with some of the principles of their science, but the barbarians concealed the greater part of them. They had, however, communicated the knowledge of the additional portions of the day and night, in the space of 365 days, necessary to complete the annual period; and, at that time, the length of the year was unknown to the Greeks, as were many other things, until later astronomers received them from the persons who translated the records of the priests into the Greek language, and even now derive knowledge from their writings and from those of the Chaldeans. |
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