1. Hebrew Bible, Jonah, 4.3-4.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 256| 4.3. וְעַתָּה יְהוָה קַח־נָא אֶת־נַפְשִׁי מִמֶּנִּי כִּי טוֹב מוֹתִי מֵחַיָּי׃ 4.5. וַיֵּצֵא יוֹנָה מִן־הָעִיר וַיֵּשֶׁב מִקֶּדֶם לָעִיר וַיַּעַשׂ לוֹ שָׁם סֻכָּה וַיֵּשֶׁב תַּחְתֶּיהָ בַּצֵּל עַד אֲשֶׁר יִרְאֶה מַה־יִּהְיֶה בָּעִיר׃ 4.6. וַיְמַן יְהוָה־אֱלֹהִים קִיקָיוֹן וַיַּעַל מֵעַל לְיוֹנָה לִהְיוֹת צֵל עַל־רֹאשׁוֹ לְהַצִּיל לוֹ מֵרָעָתוֹ וַיִּשְׂמַח יוֹנָה עַל־הַקִּיקָיוֹן שִׂמְחָה גְדוֹלָה׃ 4.7. וַיְמַן הָאֱלֹהִים תּוֹלַעַת בַּעֲלוֹת הַשַּׁחַר לַמָּחֳרָת וַתַּךְ אֶת־הַקִּיקָיוֹן וַיִּיבָשׁ׃ 4.8. וַיְהִי כִּזְרֹחַ הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ וַיְמַן אֱלֹהִים רוּחַ קָדִים חֲרִישִׁית וַתַּךְ הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ עַל־רֹאשׁ יוֹנָה וַיִּתְעַלָּף וַיִּשְׁאַל אֶת־נַפְשׁוֹ לָמוּת וַיֹּאמֶר טוֹב מוֹתִי מֵחַיָּי׃ | 4.3. Therefore now, O LORD, take, I beseech Thee, my life from me; for it is better for me to die than to live.’ 4.5. Then Jonah went out of the city, and sat on the east side of the city, and there made him a booth, and sat under it in the shadow, till he might see what would become of the city. 4.6. And the LORD God prepared a gourd, and made it to come up over Jonah, that it might be a shadow over his head, to deliver him from his evil. So Jonah was exceeding glad because of the gourd. 4.7. But God prepared a worm when the morning rose the next day, and it smote the gourd, that it withered. 4.8. And it came to pass, when the sun arose, that God prepared a vehement east wind; and the sun beat upon the head of Jonah, that he fainted, and requested for himself that he might die, and said: ‘It is better for me to die than to live.’ |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 2.14, 8.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 331| 2.14. וְשֵׁם הַנָּהָר הַשְּׁלִישִׁי חִדֶּקֶל הוּא הַהֹלֵךְ קִדְמַת אַשּׁוּר וְהַנָּהָר הָרְבִיעִי הוּא פְרָת׃ 8.4. וַתָּנַח הַתֵּבָה בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁבִיעִי בְּשִׁבְעָה־עָשָׂר יוֹם לַחֹדֶשׁ עַל הָרֵי אֲרָרָט׃ | 2.14. And the name of the third river is Tigris; that is it which goeth toward the east of Asshur. And the fourth river is the Euphrates. 8.4. And the ark rested in the seventh month, on the seventeenth day of the month, upon the mountains of Ararat. |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 6.14-6.15 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 18| 6.15. הֹבִישׁוּ כִּי תוֹעֵבָה עָשׂוּ גַּם־בּוֹשׁ לֹא־יֵבוֹשׁוּ גַּם־הַכְלִים לֹא יָדָעוּ לָכֵן יִפְּלוּ בַנֹּפְלִים בְּעֵת־פְּקַדְתִּים יִכָּשְׁלוּ אָמַר יְהוָה׃ | 6.15. They shall be put to shame because they have committed abomination; Yea, they are not at all ashamed, Neither know they how to blush; Therefore they shall fall among them that fall, At the time that I punish them they shall stumble, Saith the LORD. |
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| 4. Hesiod, Catalogue of Women, f111 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 201 |
5. Hesiod, Works And Days, 203-212, 202 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 110| 202. νῦν δʼ αἶνον βασιλεῦσιν ἐρέω φρονέουσι καὶ αὐτοῖς· | 202. Might will be right and shame shall cease to be, |
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| 6. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 19.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 256 |
7. Homer, Iliad, 1.116-1.117, 6.152-6.205 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 196; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 338| 1.116. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὧς ἐθέλω δόμεναι πάλιν εἰ τό γʼ ἄμεινον· 1.117. βούλομʼ ἐγὼ λαὸν σῶν ἔμμεναι ἢ ἀπολέσθαι· 6.152. ἔστι πόλις Ἐφύρη μυχῷ Ἄργεος ἱπποβότοιο, 6.153. ἔνθα δὲ Σίσυφος ἔσκεν, ὃ κέρδιστος γένετʼ ἀνδρῶν, 6.154. Σίσυφος Αἰολίδης· ὃ δʼ ἄρα Γλαῦκον τέκεθʼ υἱόν, 6.155. αὐτὰρ Γλαῦκος τίκτεν ἀμύμονα Βελλεροφόντην· 6.156. τῷ δὲ θεοὶ κάλλός τε καὶ ἠνορέην ἐρατεινὴν 6.157. ὤπασαν· αὐτάρ οἱ Προῖτος κακὰ μήσατο θυμῷ, 6.158. ὅς ῥʼ ἐκ δήμου ἔλασσεν, ἐπεὶ πολὺ φέρτερος ἦεν, 6.159. Ἀργείων· Ζεὺς γάρ οἱ ὑπὸ σκήπτρῳ ἐδάμασσε. 6.160. τῷ δὲ γυνὴ Προίτου ἐπεμήνατο δῖʼ Ἄντεια 6.161. κρυπταδίῃ φιλότητι μιγήμεναι· ἀλλὰ τὸν οὔ τι 6.162. πεῖθʼ ἀγαθὰ φρονέοντα δαΐφρονα Βελλεροφόντην. 6.163. ἣ δὲ ψευσαμένη Προῖτον βασιλῆα προσηύδα· 6.164. τεθναίης ὦ Προῖτʼ, ἢ κάκτανε Βελλεροφόντην, 6.165. ὅς μʼ ἔθελεν φιλότητι μιγήμεναι οὐκ ἐθελούσῃ. 6.166. ὣς φάτο, τὸν δὲ ἄνακτα χόλος λάβεν οἷον ἄκουσε· 6.167. κτεῖναι μέν ῥʼ ἀλέεινε, σεβάσσατο γὰρ τό γε θυμῷ, 6.168. πέμπε δέ μιν Λυκίην δέ, πόρεν δʼ ὅ γε σήματα λυγρὰ 6.169. γράψας ἐν πίνακι πτυκτῷ θυμοφθόρα πολλά, 6.170. δεῖξαι δʼ ἠνώγειν ᾧ πενθερῷ ὄφρʼ ἀπόλοιτο. 6.171. αὐτὰρ ὁ βῆ Λυκίην δὲ θεῶν ὑπʼ ἀμύμονι πομπῇ. 6.172. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ Λυκίην ἷξε Ξάνθόν τε ῥέοντα, 6.173. προφρονέως μιν τῖεν ἄναξ Λυκίης εὐρείης· 6.174. ἐννῆμαρ ξείνισσε καὶ ἐννέα βοῦς ἱέρευσεν. 6.175. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ δεκάτη ἐφάνη ῥοδοδάκτυλος Ἠὼς 6.176. καὶ τότε μιν ἐρέεινε καὶ ᾔτεε σῆμα ἰδέσθαι 6.177. ὅττί ῥά οἱ γαμβροῖο πάρα Προίτοιο φέροιτο. 6.178. αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δὴ σῆμα κακὸν παρεδέξατο γαμβροῦ, 6.179. πρῶτον μέν ῥα Χίμαιραν ἀμαιμακέτην ἐκέλευσε 6.180. πεφνέμεν· ἣ δʼ ἄρʼ ἔην θεῖον γένος οὐδʼ ἀνθρώπων, 6.181. πρόσθε λέων, ὄπιθεν δὲ δράκων, μέσση δὲ χίμαιρα, 6.182. δεινὸν ἀποπνείουσα πυρὸς μένος αἰθομένοιο, 6.183. καὶ τὴν μὲν κατέπεφνε θεῶν τεράεσσι πιθήσας. 6.184. δεύτερον αὖ Σολύμοισι μαχέσσατο κυδαλίμοισι· 6.185. καρτίστην δὴ τήν γε μάχην φάτο δύμεναι ἀνδρῶν. 6.186. τὸ τρίτον αὖ κατέπεφνεν Ἀμαζόνας ἀντιανείρας. 6.187. τῷ δʼ ἄρʼ ἀνερχομένῳ πυκινὸν δόλον ἄλλον ὕφαινε· 6.188. κρίνας ἐκ Λυκίης εὐρείης φῶτας ἀρίστους 6.189. εἷσε λόχον· τοὶ δʼ οὔ τι πάλιν οἶκον δὲ νέοντο· 6.190. πάντας γὰρ κατέπεφνεν ἀμύμων Βελλεροφόντης. 6.191. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ γίγνωσκε θεοῦ γόνον ἠῢν ἐόντα 6.192. αὐτοῦ μιν κατέρυκε, δίδου δʼ ὅ γε θυγατέρα ἥν, 6.193. δῶκε δέ οἱ τιμῆς βασιληΐδος ἥμισυ πάσης· 6.194. καὶ μέν οἱ Λύκιοι τέμενος τάμον ἔξοχον ἄλλων 6.195. καλὸν φυταλιῆς καὶ ἀρούρης, ὄφρα νέμοιτο. 6.196. ἣ δʼ ἔτεκε τρία τέκνα δαΐφρονι Βελλεροφόντῃ 6.197. Ἴσανδρόν τε καὶ Ἱππόλοχον καὶ Λαοδάμειαν. 6.198. Λαοδαμείῃ μὲν παρελέξατο μητίετα Ζεύς, 6.199. ἣ δʼ ἔτεκʼ ἀντίθεον Σαρπηδόνα χαλκοκορυστήν. 6.200. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ καὶ κεῖνος ἀπήχθετο πᾶσι θεοῖσιν, 6.201. ἤτοι ὃ κὰπ πεδίον τὸ Ἀλήϊον οἶος ἀλᾶτο 6.202. ὃν θυμὸν κατέδων, πάτον ἀνθρώπων ἀλεείνων· 6.203. Ἴσανδρον δέ οἱ υἱὸν Ἄρης ἆτος πολέμοιο 6.204. μαρνάμενον Σολύμοισι κατέκτανε κυδαλίμοισι· 6.205. τὴν δὲ χολωσαμένη χρυσήνιος Ἄρτεμις ἔκτα. | 1.116. Yet even so will I give her back, if that is better; I would rather the people be safe than perish. But provide me with a prize of honour forthwith, lest I alone of the Argives be without one, since that would not be proper. For you all see this, that my prize goes elsewhere. 1.117. Yet even so will I give her back, if that is better; I would rather the people be safe than perish. But provide me with a prize of honour forthwith, lest I alone of the Argives be without one, since that would not be proper. For you all see this, that my prize goes elsewhere. 6.152. Howbeit, if thou wilt, hear this also, that thou mayest know well my lineage; and many there be that know it. There is a city Ephyre in the heart of Argos, pasture-land of horses, and there dwelt Sisyphus that was craftiest of men, Sisyphus, son of Aeolus; and he begat a son Glaucus; 6.153. Howbeit, if thou wilt, hear this also, that thou mayest know well my lineage; and many there be that know it. There is a city Ephyre in the heart of Argos, pasture-land of horses, and there dwelt Sisyphus that was craftiest of men, Sisyphus, son of Aeolus; and he begat a son Glaucus; 6.154. Howbeit, if thou wilt, hear this also, that thou mayest know well my lineage; and many there be that know it. There is a city Ephyre in the heart of Argos, pasture-land of horses, and there dwelt Sisyphus that was craftiest of men, Sisyphus, son of Aeolus; and he begat a son Glaucus; 6.155. /and Glaucus begat peerless Bellerophon. 6.156. /and Glaucus begat peerless Bellerophon. 6.157. /and Glaucus begat peerless Bellerophon. 6.158. /and Glaucus begat peerless Bellerophon. 6.159. and Glaucus begat peerless Bellerophon. To him the gods granted beauty and lovely manliness; but Proetus in his heart devised against him evil, and drave him, seeing he was mightier far, from the land of the Argives; for Zeus had made them subject to his sceptre. 6.160. Now the wife of Proetus, fair Anteia, lusted madly for Bellerophon, to lie with him in secret love, but could in no wise prevail upon wise-hearted Bellerophon, for that his heart was upright. So she made a tale of lies, and spake to king Proetus:Either die thyself, Proetus, or slay Bellerophon, 6.161. Now the wife of Proetus, fair Anteia, lusted madly for Bellerophon, to lie with him in secret love, but could in no wise prevail upon wise-hearted Bellerophon, for that his heart was upright. So she made a tale of lies, and spake to king Proetus:Either die thyself, Proetus, or slay Bellerophon, 6.162. Now the wife of Proetus, fair Anteia, lusted madly for Bellerophon, to lie with him in secret love, but could in no wise prevail upon wise-hearted Bellerophon, for that his heart was upright. So she made a tale of lies, and spake to king Proetus:Either die thyself, Proetus, or slay Bellerophon, 6.163. Now the wife of Proetus, fair Anteia, lusted madly for Bellerophon, to lie with him in secret love, but could in no wise prevail upon wise-hearted Bellerophon, for that his heart was upright. So she made a tale of lies, and spake to king Proetus:Either die thyself, Proetus, or slay Bellerophon, 6.164. Now the wife of Proetus, fair Anteia, lusted madly for Bellerophon, to lie with him in secret love, but could in no wise prevail upon wise-hearted Bellerophon, for that his heart was upright. So she made a tale of lies, and spake to king Proetus:Either die thyself, Proetus, or slay Bellerophon, 6.165. eeing he was minded to lie with me in love against my will. So she spake, and wrath gat hold upon the king to hear that word. To slay him he forbare, for his soul had awe of that; but he sent him to Lycia, and gave him baneful tokens, graving in a folded tablet many signs and deadly, 6.166. eeing he was minded to lie with me in love against my will. So she spake, and wrath gat hold upon the king to hear that word. To slay him he forbare, for his soul had awe of that; but he sent him to Lycia, and gave him baneful tokens, graving in a folded tablet many signs and deadly, 6.167. eeing he was minded to lie with me in love against my will. So she spake, and wrath gat hold upon the king to hear that word. To slay him he forbare, for his soul had awe of that; but he sent him to Lycia, and gave him baneful tokens, graving in a folded tablet many signs and deadly, 6.168. eeing he was minded to lie with me in love against my will. So she spake, and wrath gat hold upon the king to hear that word. To slay him he forbare, for his soul had awe of that; but he sent him to Lycia, and gave him baneful tokens, graving in a folded tablet many signs and deadly, 6.169. eeing he was minded to lie with me in love against my will. So she spake, and wrath gat hold upon the king to hear that word. To slay him he forbare, for his soul had awe of that; but he sent him to Lycia, and gave him baneful tokens, graving in a folded tablet many signs and deadly, 6.170. and bade him show these to his own wife's father, that he might be slain. So he went his way to Lycia under the blameless escort of the gods. And when he was come to Lycia and the stream of Xanthus, then with a ready heart did the king of wide Lycia do him honour: for nine days' space he shewed him entertainment, and slew nine oxen. Howbeit when the tenth rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, 6.171. and bade him show these to his own wife's father, that he might be slain. So he went his way to Lycia under the blameless escort of the gods. And when he was come to Lycia and the stream of Xanthus, then with a ready heart did the king of wide Lycia do him honour: for nine days' space he shewed him entertainment, and slew nine oxen. Howbeit when the tenth rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, 6.172. and bade him show these to his own wife's father, that he might be slain. So he went his way to Lycia under the blameless escort of the gods. And when he was come to Lycia and the stream of Xanthus, then with a ready heart did the king of wide Lycia do him honour: for nine days' space he shewed him entertainment, and slew nine oxen. Howbeit when the tenth rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, 6.173. and bade him show these to his own wife's father, that he might be slain. So he went his way to Lycia under the blameless escort of the gods. And when he was come to Lycia and the stream of Xanthus, then with a ready heart did the king of wide Lycia do him honour: for nine days' space he shewed him entertainment, and slew nine oxen. Howbeit when the tenth rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, 6.174. and bade him show these to his own wife's father, that he might be slain. So he went his way to Lycia under the blameless escort of the gods. And when he was come to Lycia and the stream of Xanthus, then with a ready heart did the king of wide Lycia do him honour: for nine days' space he shewed him entertainment, and slew nine oxen. Howbeit when the tenth rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, 6.175. then at length he questioned him and asked to see whatever token he bare from his daughter's husband, Proetus. But when he had received from him the evil token of his daughter's husband, first he bade him slay the raging Chimaera. 6.176. then at length he questioned him and asked to see whatever token he bare from his daughter's husband, Proetus. But when he had received from him the evil token of his daughter's husband, first he bade him slay the raging Chimaera. 6.177. then at length he questioned him and asked to see whatever token he bare from his daughter's husband, Proetus. But when he had received from him the evil token of his daughter's husband, first he bade him slay the raging Chimaera. 6.178. then at length he questioned him and asked to see whatever token he bare from his daughter's husband, Proetus. But when he had received from him the evil token of his daughter's husband, first he bade him slay the raging Chimaera. 6.179. then at length he questioned him and asked to see whatever token he bare from his daughter's husband, Proetus. But when he had received from him the evil token of his daughter's husband, first he bade him slay the raging Chimaera. 6.180. She was of divine stock, not of men, in the fore part a lion, in the hinder a serpent, and in the midst a goat, breathing forth in terrible wise the might of blazing fire. And Bellerophon slew her, trusting in the signs of the gods. Next fought he with the glorious Solymi, 6.181. She was of divine stock, not of men, in the fore part a lion, in the hinder a serpent, and in the midst a goat, breathing forth in terrible wise the might of blazing fire. And Bellerophon slew her, trusting in the signs of the gods. Next fought he with the glorious Solymi, 6.182. She was of divine stock, not of men, in the fore part a lion, in the hinder a serpent, and in the midst a goat, breathing forth in terrible wise the might of blazing fire. And Bellerophon slew her, trusting in the signs of the gods. Next fought he with the glorious Solymi, 6.183. She was of divine stock, not of men, in the fore part a lion, in the hinder a serpent, and in the midst a goat, breathing forth in terrible wise the might of blazing fire. And Bellerophon slew her, trusting in the signs of the gods. Next fought he with the glorious Solymi, 6.184. She was of divine stock, not of men, in the fore part a lion, in the hinder a serpent, and in the midst a goat, breathing forth in terrible wise the might of blazing fire. And Bellerophon slew her, trusting in the signs of the gods. Next fought he with the glorious Solymi, 6.185. and this, said he was the mightest battle of warriors that ever he entered; and thirdly he slew the Amazons, women the peers of men. And against him, as he journeyed back therefrom, the king wove another cunning wile; he chose out of wide Lycia the bravest men and set an ambush; but these returned not home in any wise, 6.186. and this, said he was the mightest battle of warriors that ever he entered; and thirdly he slew the Amazons, women the peers of men. And against him, as he journeyed back therefrom, the king wove another cunning wile; he chose out of wide Lycia the bravest men and set an ambush; but these returned not home in any wise, 6.187. and this, said he was the mightest battle of warriors that ever he entered; and thirdly he slew the Amazons, women the peers of men. And against him, as he journeyed back therefrom, the king wove another cunning wile; he chose out of wide Lycia the bravest men and set an ambush; but these returned not home in any wise, 6.188. and this, said he was the mightest battle of warriors that ever he entered; and thirdly he slew the Amazons, women the peers of men. And against him, as he journeyed back therefrom, the king wove another cunning wile; he chose out of wide Lycia the bravest men and set an ambush; but these returned not home in any wise, 6.189. and this, said he was the mightest battle of warriors that ever he entered; and thirdly he slew the Amazons, women the peers of men. And against him, as he journeyed back therefrom, the king wove another cunning wile; he chose out of wide Lycia the bravest men and set an ambush; but these returned not home in any wise, 6.190. /for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. 6.191. /for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. 6.192. /for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. 6.193. /for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. 6.194. for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. But when the king now knew that he was the valiant offspring of a god, he kept him there, and offered him his own daughter, and gave to him the half of all his kingly honour; moreover the Lycians meted out for him a demesne pre-eminent above all, 6.195. a fair tract of orchard and of plough-land, to possess it. And the lady bare to wise-hearted Bellerophon three children, Isander and Hippolochus and Laodameia. With Laodameia lay Zeus the counsellor, and she bare godlike Sarpedon, the warrior harnessed in bronze. 6.196. a fair tract of orchard and of plough-land, to possess it. And the lady bare to wise-hearted Bellerophon three children, Isander and Hippolochus and Laodameia. With Laodameia lay Zeus the counsellor, and she bare godlike Sarpedon, the warrior harnessed in bronze. 6.197. a fair tract of orchard and of plough-land, to possess it. And the lady bare to wise-hearted Bellerophon three children, Isander and Hippolochus and Laodameia. With Laodameia lay Zeus the counsellor, and she bare godlike Sarpedon, the warrior harnessed in bronze. 6.198. a fair tract of orchard and of plough-land, to possess it. And the lady bare to wise-hearted Bellerophon three children, Isander and Hippolochus and Laodameia. With Laodameia lay Zeus the counsellor, and she bare godlike Sarpedon, the warrior harnessed in bronze. 6.199. a fair tract of orchard and of plough-land, to possess it. And the lady bare to wise-hearted Bellerophon three children, Isander and Hippolochus and Laodameia. With Laodameia lay Zeus the counsellor, and she bare godlike Sarpedon, the warrior harnessed in bronze. 6.200. But when even Bellerophon came to be hated of all the gods, then verily he wandered alone over the Aleian plain, devouring his own soul, and shunning the paths of men; and Isander his son was slain by Ares, insatiate of battle, as he fought against the glorious Solymi; 6.201. But when even Bellerophon came to be hated of all the gods, then verily he wandered alone over the Aleian plain, devouring his own soul, and shunning the paths of men; and Isander his son was slain by Ares, insatiate of battle, as he fought against the glorious Solymi; 6.202. But when even Bellerophon came to be hated of all the gods, then verily he wandered alone over the Aleian plain, devouring his own soul, and shunning the paths of men; and Isander his son was slain by Ares, insatiate of battle, as he fought against the glorious Solymi; 6.203. But when even Bellerophon came to be hated of all the gods, then verily he wandered alone over the Aleian plain, devouring his own soul, and shunning the paths of men; and Isander his son was slain by Ares, insatiate of battle, as he fought against the glorious Solymi; 6.204. But when even Bellerophon came to be hated of all the gods, then verily he wandered alone over the Aleian plain, devouring his own soul, and shunning the paths of men; and Isander his son was slain by Ares, insatiate of battle, as he fought against the glorious Solymi; 6.205. and his daughter was slain in wrath by Artemis of the golden reins. But Hippolochus begat me and of him do I declare that I am sprung; and he sent me to Troy and straitly charged me ever to be bravest and pre-eminent above all, and not bring shame upon the race of my fathers, |
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8. Homer, Odyssey, 1.22-1.27, 13.161-13.164 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 215, 391| 1.22. ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν Αἰθίοπας μετεκίαθε τηλόθʼ ἐόντας, 1.23. Αἰθίοπας τοὶ διχθὰ δεδαίαται, ἔσχατοι ἀνδρῶν, 1.24. οἱ μὲν δυσομένου Ὑπερίονος οἱ δʼ ἀνιόντος, 1.25. ἀντιόων ταύρων τε καὶ ἀρνειῶν ἑκατόμβης. 1.26. ἔνθʼ ὅ γʼ ἐτέρπετο δαιτὶ παρήμενος· οἱ δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι 1.27. Ζηνὸς ἐνὶ μεγάροισιν Ὀλυμπίου ἁθρόοι ἦσαν. 13.161. ἔνθʼ ἔμενʼ· ἡ δὲ μάλα σχεδὸν ἤλυθε ποντοπόρος νηῦς 13.162. ῥίμφα διωκομένη· τῆς δὲ σχεδὸν ἦλθʼ ἐνοσίχθων, 13.163. ὅς μιν λᾶαν ἔθηκε καὶ ἐρρίζωσεν ἔνερθε 13.164. χειρὶ καταπρηνεῖ ἐλάσας· ὁ δὲ νόσφι βεβήκει. | 1.25. to partake of a hecatomb of bulls and rams. He sat there enjoying himself at the feast. The others by now were together in the halls of Olympian Zeus. The father of men and gods began speaking to them, for in his heart he recalled noble Aegisthus, |
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9. Homeric Hymns, To Hermes, 100-103, 105-141, 68-99, 104 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 39 | 104. His holy friend, near over, and daylight, |
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10. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 15.14-15.22 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 207| 15.14. הוּא־בָא עַד־לֶחִי וּפְלִשִׁתִּים הֵרִיעוּ לִקְרָאתוֹ וַתִּצְלַח עָלָיו רוּחַ יְהוָה וַתִּהְיֶינָה הָעֲבֹתִים אֲשֶׁר עַל־זְרוֹעוֹתָיו כַּפִּשְׁתִּים אֲשֶׁר בָּעֲרוּ בָאֵשׁ וַיִּמַּסּוּ אֱסוּרָיו מֵעַל יָדָיו׃ 15.15. וַיִּמְצָא לְחִי־חֲמוֹר טְרִיָּה וַיִּשְׁלַח יָדוֹ וַיִּקָּחֶהָ וַיַּךְ־בָּהּ אֶלֶף אִישׁ׃ 15.16. וַיֹּאמֶר שִׁמְשׁוֹן בִּלְחִי הַחֲמוֹר חֲמוֹר חֲמֹרָתָיִם בִּלְחִי הַחֲמוֹר הִכֵּיתִי אֶלֶף אִישׁ׃ 15.17. וַיְהִי כְּכַלֹּתוֹ לְדַבֵּר וַיַּשְׁלֵךְ הַלְּחִי מִיָּדוֹ וַיִּקְרָא לַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא רָמַת לֶחִי׃ 15.18. וַיִּצְמָא מְאֹד וַיִּקְרָא אֶל־יְהוָה וַיֹּאמַר אַתָּה נָתַתָּ בְיַד־עַבְדְּךָ אֶת־הַתְּשׁוּעָה הַגְּדֹלָה הַזֹּאת וְעַתָּה אָמוּת בַּצָּמָא וְנָפַלְתִּי בְּיַד הָעֲרֵלִים׃ 15.19. וַיִּבְקַע אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הַמַּכְתֵּשׁ אֲשֶׁר־בַּלֶּחִי וַיֵּצְאוּ מִמֶּנּוּ מַיִם וַיֵּשְׁתְּ וַתָּשָׁב רוּחוֹ וַיֶּחִי עַל־כֵּן קָרָא שְׁמָהּ עֵין הַקּוֹרֵא אֲשֶׁר בַּלֶּחִי עַד הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה׃ | 15.14. And when he came to Leĥi, the Pelishtim shouted against him: and the spirit of the Lord came mightily upon him: and the cords that were upon his arms became as flax that was burnt with fire, and his bands melted from off his hands. 15.15. And he found a new jawbone of an ass, and put out his hand, and took it, and slew a thousand men with it. 15.16. And Shimshon said, With the jawbone of an ass, heaps upon heaps; with the jaw of an ass have I slain a thousand men. 15.17. And it came to pass, when he had made an end of speaking, that he cast away the jawbone out of his hand, and called that place Ramat-leĥi. 15.18. And he was very thirsty, and called on the Lord, and said, Thou hast given this great deliverance into the hand of Thy servant: and now shall I die of thirst, and fall into the hand of the uncircumcised? 15.19. But God split the hollow place that was in Leĥi, and water came out; and when he had drunk, his spirit was restored, and he revived: therefore he called the name of it ῾En-haqqore, which is in Leĥi to this day. 15.20. And he judged Yisra᾽el in the days of the Pelishtim for twenty years. |
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| 11. Xenophanes, Fragments, f70 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 55 |
| 12. Xenophanes, Fragments, f70 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 55 |
| 13. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 9 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al., Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions (2020) 140 |
| 14. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 1 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al., Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions (2020) 140 |
| 15. Euripides, Archelaus (Fragmenta Papyracea), f228 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 201 |
16. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 393, 524-525, 531-540 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 171| 540. τοὔλασσον ἐχθρᾶς θ' ἡμέρας κατάρχεται. | 540. and begins the dawn of hatred. For it is Equality that has set up for man measures and divisions of weights, and has determined numbers; night’s sightless eye, and radiant sun proceed upon their yearly course on equal terms, |
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17. Sophocles, Antigone, 450 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 165 | 450. ANTIGONE: Yes; for it was not Zeus that had published me that edict; not such are the laws set among men by the justice who dwells with the gods below; nor deemed I that thy decrees were of such force, that a mortal could override the unwritten and unfailing statutes of heaven. For their life is not of today or yesterday, but from all time, and no man knows when they were first put forth. Not through dread of any human pride could I answer to the gods for breaking these. Die I must,-I knew that well (how should I: not?)-even without thy edicts. But if I am to die before my time, I: count that a gain: for when any one lives, as I do, compassed about with evils, can such an one find aught but gain in death? So for me to meet this doom is trifling grief; but if I had suffered my mother's son to lie in death an unburied corpse, that would have grieved me; for this, I am not grieved. And if my present deeds are foolish in thy sight, it may be that a foolish judge arraigns my folly. LEADER OF THE CHORUS: The maid shows herself passionate child of passionate sire, and knows not how to bend before troubles. 450. Yes, since it was not Zeus that published me that edict, and since not of that kind are the laws which Justice who dwells with the gods below established among men. Nor did I think that your decrees were of such force, that a mortal could override the unwritten |
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18. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 1391, 410 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 165 | 410. For I do not live as your slave, but as Loxias’. I will not stand enrolled as Creon’s client. And I tell you, since you have taunted my blindness, that though you have sight, you do not see what a state of misery you are in, or where you dwell, or with whom. |
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| 19. Plato, Timaeus, 22c, 22d, 22e, 274c-275b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 111 |
20. Herodotus, Histories, 1.8-1.14, 1.94, 2.19-2.34, 2.144, 4.170, 4.172, 4.183, 5.42 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero (emperor) •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, searches for the nile sources Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 41, 81; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 198; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 56, 165, 269| 1.8. οὗτος δὴ ὦν ὁ Κανδαύλης ἠράσθη τῆς ἑωυτοῦ γυναικός, ἐρασθεὶς δὲ ἐνόμιζέ οἱ εἶναι γυναῖκα πολλὸν πασέων καλλίστην. ὥστε δὲ ταῦτα νομίζων, ἦν γάρ οἱ τῶν αἰχμοφόρων Γύγης ὁ Δασκύλου ἀρεσκόμενος μάλιστα, τούτῳ τῷ Γύγῃ καὶ τὰ σπουδαιέστερα τῶν πρηγμάτων ὑπερετίθετο ὁ Κανδαύλης καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸ εἶδος τῆς γυναικὸς ὑπερεπαινέων. χρόνου δὲ οὐ πολλοῦ διελθόντος ʽχρῆν γὰρ Κανδαύλῃ γενέσθαι κακῶσ̓ ἔλεγε πρὸς τὸν Γύγην τοιάδε. “Γύγη, οὐ γὰρ σε δοκέω πείθεσθαι μοι λέγοντι περὶ τοῦ εἴδεος τῆς γυναικός ʽὦτα γὰρ τυγχάνει ἀνθρώποισι ἐόντα ἀπιστότερα ὀφθαλμῶν̓, ποίεε ὅκως ἐκείνην θεήσεαι γυμνήν.” ὃ δʼ ἀμβώσας εἶπε “δέσποτα, τίνα λέγεις λόγον οὐκ ὑγιέα, κελεύων με δέσποιναν τὴν ἐμὴν θεήσασθαι γυμνήν; ἅμα δὲ κιθῶνι ἐκδυομένῳ συνεκδύεται καὶ τὴν αἰδῶ γυνή. πάλαι δὲ τὰ καλὰ ἀνθρώποισι ἐξεύρηται, ἐκ τῶν μανθάνειν δεῖ· ἐν τοῖσι ἓν τόδε ἐστί, σκοπέειν τινὰ τὰ ἑωυτοῦ. ἐγὼ δὲ πείθομαι ἐκείνην εἶναι πασέων γυναικῶν καλλίστην, καὶ σέο δέομαι μὴ δέεσθαι ἀνόμων.” 1.9. ὃ μὲν δὴ λέγων τοιαῦτα ἀπεμάχετο, ἀρρωδέων μὴ τί οἱ ἐξ αὐτῶν γένηται κακόν, ὃ δʼ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. “θάρσεε, Γύγη, καὶ μὴ φοβεῦ μήτε ἐμέ, ὡς σέο πειρώμενος 1 λέγω λόγον τόνδε, μήτε γυναῖκα τὴν ἐμήν, μὴ τὶ τοι ἐξ αὐτῆς γένηται βλάβος. ἀρχήν γὰρ ἐγὼ μηχανήσομαι οὕτω ὥστε μηδέ μαθεῖν μιν ὀφθεῖσαν ὑπὸ σεῦ. ἐγὼ γάρ σε ἐς τὸ οἴκημα ἐν τῷ κοιμώμεθα ὄπισθε τῆς ἀνοιγομένης θύρης στήσω. μετὰ δʼ ἐμὲ ἐσελθόντα παρέσται καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἡ ἐμὴ ἐς κοῖτον. κεῖται δὲ ἀγχοῦ τῆς ἐσόδου θρόνος· ἐπὶ τοῦτον τῶν ἱματίων κατὰ ἕν ἕκαστον ἐκδύνουσα θήσει, καὶ κατʼ ἡσυχίην πολλὴν παρέξει τοι θεήσασθαι. ἐπεὰν δέ ἀπὸ τοῦ θρόνου στείχῃ ἐπὶ τὴν εὐνήν κατὰ νώτου τε αὐτῆς γένῃ, σοὶ μελέτω τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ὅκως μὴ σε ὄψεται ἰόντα διὰ θυρέων.” 1.10. ὃ μὲν δὴ ὡς οὐκ ἐδύνατο διαφυγεῖν, ἦν ἕτοιμος· ὁ δὲ Κανδαύλης, ἐπεὶ ἐδόκεε ὥρη τῆς κοίτης εἶναι, ἤγαγε τὸν Γύγεα ἐς τὸ οἴκημα. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτίκα παρῆν καὶ ἡ γυνή. ἐσελθοῦσαν δὲ καὶ τιθεῖσαν τὰ εἵματα ἐθηεῖτο ὁ Γύγης. ὡς δὲ κατὰ νώτου ἐγένετο ἰούσης τῆς γυναικός ἐς τὴν κοίτην, ὑπεκδὺς ἐχώρεε ἔξω, καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἐπορᾷ μιν ἐξιόντα. μαθοῦσὰ δὲ τὸ ποιηθέν ἐκ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς οὔτε ἀνέβωσε αἰσχυνθεῖσα οὔτε ἔδοξε μαθεῖν, ἐν νοῶ ἔχουσα τίσεσθαι τὸν Κανδαύλεα. παρὰ γὰρ τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι, σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι βαρβάροισι καὶ ἄνδρα ὀφθῆναι γυμνόν ἐς αἰσχύνην μεγάλην φέρει. 1.11. τότε μὲν δὴ οὕτω οὐδέν δηλώσασα ἡσυχίην εἶχε. ὡς δὲ ἡμέρη τάχιστα ἐγεγόνεε, τῶν οἰκετέων τοὺς μάλιστα ὥρα πιστοὺς ἐόντας ἑωυτῇ, ἑτοίμους ποιησαμένη ἐκάλεε τὸν Γύγεα. ὁ δὲ οὐδὲν δοκέων αὐτήν τῶν πρηχθέντων ἐπίστασθαι ἦλθε καλεόμενος· ἐώθεε γὰρ καὶ πρόσθε, ὅκως ἡ βασίλεια καλέοι, φοιτᾶν. ὡς δὲ ὁ Γύγης ἀπίκετο, ἔλεγε ἡ γυνὴ τάδε. “νῦν τοί δυῶν ὁδῶν παρεουσέων Γύγη δίδωμί αἵρεσιν, ὁκοτέρην βούλεαι τραπέσθαι. ἢ γὰρ Κανδαύλεα ἀποκτείνας ἐμέ τε καὶ τὴν βασιληίην ἔχε τὴν Λυδῶν, ἢ αὐτόν σε αὐτίκα οὕτω ἀποθνήσκειν δεῖ, ὡς ἂν μὴ πάντα πειθόμενος Κανδαύλῃ τοῦ λοιποῦ ἴδῃς τὰ μὴ σε δεῖ. ἀλλʼ ἤτοι κεῖνόν γε τὸν ταῦτα βουλεύσαντα δεῖ ἀπόλλυσθαι, ἢ σε τὸν ἐμὲ γυμνήν θεησάμενον καὶ ποιήσαντα οὐ νομιζόμενα.” ὁ δὲ Γύγης τέως μὲν ἀπεθώμαζε τὰ λεγόμενα, μετὰ δὲ ἱκέτευε μὴ μιν ἀναγκαίῃ ἐνδέειν διακρῖναι τοιαύτην αἵρεσιν. οὔκων δὴ ἔπειθε, ἀλλʼ ὥρα ἀναγκαίην ἀληθέως προκειμένην ἢ τὸν δεσπότεα ἀπολλύναι ἢ αὐτὸν ὑπʼ ἄλλων ἀπόλλυσθαι· αἱρέεται αὐτὸς περιεῖναι. ἐπειρώτα δὴ λέγων τάδε. “ἐπεί με ἀναγκάζεις δεσπότεα τὸν ἐμὸν κτείνειν οὐκ ἐθέλοντα, φέρε ἀκούσω τέῳ καὶ τρόπῳ ἐπιχειρήσομεν αὐτῷ.” ἣ δὲ ὑπολαβοῦσα ἔφη “ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μὲν χωρίου ἡ ὁρμή ἔσται ὅθεν περ καὶ ἐκεῖνος ἐμέ ἐπεδέξατο γυμνήν, ὑπνωμένῳ δὲ ἡ ἐπιχείρησις ἔσται.” 1.12. ὡς δὲ ἤρτυσαν τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, νυκτὸς γενομένης ʽοὐ γὰρ ἐμετίετο ὁ Γύγης, οὐδέ οἱ ἦν ἀπαλλαγὴ οὐδεμία, ἀλλʼ ἔδεε ἤ αὐτὸν ἀπολωλέναι ἢ Κανδαύλεἀ εἵπετο ἐς τὸν θάλαμον τῇ γυναικί, καί μιν ἐκείνη, ἐγχειρίδιον δοῦσα, κατακρύπτει ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτὴν θύρην. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἀναπαυομένου Κανδαύλεω ὑπεκδύς τε καὶ ἀποκτείνας αὐτὸν ἔσχε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν βασιληίην Γύγης τοῦ καὶ Ἀρχίλοχος ὁ Πάριος κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον γενόμενος ἐν ἰάμβῳ τριμέτρῳ ἐπεμνήσθη. 1 1.13. ἔσχε δὲ τὴν βασιληίην καὶ ἐκρατύνθη ἐκ τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖσι χρηστηρίου. ὡς γὰρ δὴ οἱ Λυδοὶ δεινόν ἐποιεῦντο τὸ Κανδαύλεω πάθος καὶ ἐν ὅπλοισι ἦσαν, συνέβησαν ἐς τὠυτὸ οἳ τε τοῦ Γύγεω στασιῶται καί οἱ λοιποὶ Λυδοί, ἤν μὲν τὸ χρηστήριον ἀνέλῃ μιν βασιλέα εἶναι Λυδῶν, τόν δὲ βασιλεύειν, ἤν δὲ μή, ἀποδοῦναι ὀπίσω ἐς Ἡρακλείδας τὴν ἀρχήν. ἀνεῖλέ τε δὴ τὸ χρηστήριον καὶ ἐβασίλευσε οὕτω Γύγης. τοσόνδε μέντοι εἶπε ἡ Πυθίη, ὡς Ἡρακλείδῃσι τίσις ἥξει ἐς τὸν πέμπτον ἀπόγονον Γύγεω. τούτου τοῦ ἔπεος Λυδοί τε καί οἱ βασιλέες αὐτῶν λόγον οὐδένα ἐποιεῦντο, πρὶν δὴ ἐπετελέσθη. 1.14. τὴν μὲν δὴ τυραννίδα οὕτω ἔσχον οἱ Μερμνάδαι τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἀπελόμενοι, Γύγης δὲ τυραννεύσας ἀπέπεμψε ἀναθήματα ἐς Δελφοὺς οὐκ ὀλίγα, ἀλλʼ ὅσα μὲν ἀργύρου ἀναθήματα, ἔστι οἱ πλεῖστα ἐν Δελφοῖσι, πάρεξ δὲ τοῦ ἀργύρου χρυσὸν ἄπλετον ἀνέθηκε ἄλλον τε καὶ τοῦ μάλιστα μνήμην ἄξιον ἔχειν ἐστί, κρητῆρες οἱ ἀριθμὸν ἓξ χρύσεοι ἀνακέαται. ἑστᾶσι δὲ οὗτοι ἐν τῷ Κορινθίων θησαυρῷ, σταθμὸν ἔχοντες τριήκοντα τάλαντα· ἀληθέι δὲ λόγῳ χρεωμένῳ οὐ Κορινθίων τοῦ δημοσίου ἐστὶ ὁ θησαυρός, ἀλλὰ Κυψέλου τοῦ Ἠετίωνος. οὗτος δὲ ὁ Γύγης πρῶτος βαρβάρων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀνέθηκε ἀναθήματα μετὰ Μίδην τὸν Γορδίεω Φρυγίης βασιλέα. ἀνέθηκε γὰρ δὴ καὶ Μίδης τὸν βασιλήιον θρόνον ἐς τὸν προκατίζων ἐδίκαζε, ἐόντα ἀξιοθέητον· κεῖται δὲ ὁ θρόνος οὗτος ἔνθα περ οἱ τοῦ Γύγεω κρητῆρες. ὁ δὲ χρυσός οὗτος καὶ ὁ ἄργυρος τὸν ὁ Γύγης ἀνέθηκε, ὑπὸ Δελφῶν καλέεται Γυγάδας ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀναθέντος ἐπωνυμίην. 1.94. Λυδοὶ δὲ νόμοισι μὲν παραπλησίοισι χρέωνται καὶ Ἕλληνές, χωρὶς ἢ ὅτι τὰ θήλεα τέκνα καταπορνεύουσι, πρῶτοι δὲ ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν νόμισμα χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου κοψάμενοι ἐχρήσαντο, πρῶτοι δὲ καὶ κάπηλοι ἐγένοντο. φασὶ δὲ αὐτοὶ Λυδοὶ καὶ τὰς παιγνίας τὰς νῦν σφίσι τε καὶ Ἕλλησι κατεστεώσας ἑωυτῶν ἐξεύρημα γενέσθαι· ἅμα δὲ ταύτας τε ἐξευρεθῆναι παρὰ σφίσι λέγουσι καὶ Τυρσηνίην ἀποικίσαι, ὧδε περὶ αὐτῶν λέγοντες. ἐπὶ Ἄτυος τοῦ Μάνεω βασιλέος σιτοδείην ἰσχυρὴν ἀνὰ τὴν Λυδίην πᾶσαν γενέσθαι, καὶ τοὺς Λυδοὺς τέως μὲν διάγειν λιπαρέοντας, μετὰ δὲ ὡς οὐ παύεσθαι, ἄκεα δίζησθαι, ἄλλον δὲ ἄλλο ἐπιμηχανᾶσθαι αὐτῶν. ἐξευρεθῆναι δὴ ὦν τότε καὶ τῶν κύβων καὶ τῶν ἀστραγάλων καὶ τῆς σφαίρης καὶ τῶν ἀλλέων πασέων παιγνιέων τὰ εἴδεα, πλὴν πεσσῶν τούτων γὰρ ὦν τὴν ἐξεύρεσιν οὐκ οἰκηιοῦνται Λυδοί. ποιέειν δὲ ὧδε πρὸς τὸν λιμὸν ἐξευρόντας, τὴν μὲν ἑτέρην τῶν ἡμερέων παίζειν πᾶσαν, ἵνα δὴ μὴ ζητέοιεν σιτία, τὴν δὲ ἑτέρην σιτέεσθαι παυομένους τῶν παιγνιέων. τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ διάγειν ἐπʼ ἔτεα δυῶν δέοντα εἴκοσι. ἐπείτε δὲ οὐκ ἀνιέναι τὸ κακὸν ἀλλʼ ἔτι ἐπὶ μᾶλλον βιάζεσθαι οὕτω δὴ τὸν βασιλέα αὐτῶν δύο μοίρας διελόντα Λυδῶν πάντων κληρῶσαι τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ μόνῃ τὴν δὲ ἐπὶ ἐξόδῳ ἐκ τῆς χώρης, καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν τῇ μένειν αὐτοῦ λαγχανούσῃ τῶν μοιρέων ἑωυτὸν τὸν βασιλέα προστάσσειν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ἀπαλλασσομένῃ τὸν ἑωυτοῦ παῖδα, τῷ οὔνομα εἶναι Τυρσηνόν. λαχόντας δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς ἑτέρους ἐξιέναι ἐκ τῆς χώρης καταβῆναι ἐς Σμύρνην καὶ μηχανήσασθαι πλοῖα, ἐς τὰ ἐσθεμένους τὰ πάντα ὅσα σφι ἦν χρηστὰ ἐπίπλοα, ἀποπλέειν κατὰ βίου τε καὶ γῆς ζήτησιν, ἐς ὃ ἔθνεα πολλὰ παραμειψαμένους ἀπικέσθαι ἐς Ὀμβρικούς, ἔνθα σφέας ἐνιδρύσασθαι πόλιας καὶ οἰκέειν τὸ μέχρι τοῦδε. ἀντὶ δὲ Λυδῶν μετονομασθῆναι αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ βασιλέος τοῦ παιδός, ὅς σφεας ἀνήγαγε, ἐπὶ τούτου τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ποιευμένους ὀνομασθῆναι Τυρσηνούς. Λυδοὶ μὲν δὴ ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι ἐδεδούλωντο. 2.19. ἐπέρχεται δὲ ὁ Νεῖλος, ἐπεὰν πληθύῃ, οὐ μοῦνον τὸ Δέλτα ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ Λιβυκοῦ τε λεγομένου χωρίου εἶναι καὶ τοῦ Ἀραβίου ἐνιαχῇ καὶ ἐπὶ δύο ἡμερέων ἑκατέρωθι ὁδόν, καὶ πλέον ἔτι τούτου καὶ ἔλασσον. τοῦ ποταμοῦ δὲ φύσιος πέρι οὔτε τι τῶν ἱρέων οὔτε ἄλλου οὐδενὸς παραλαβεῖν ἐδυνάσθην. πρόθυμος δὲ ἔα τάδε παρʼ αὐτῶν πυθέσθαι, ὅ τι κατέρχεται μὲν ὁ Νεῖλος πληθύων ἀπὸ τροπέων τῶν θερινέων ἀρξάμενος ἐπὶ ἑκατὸν ἡμέρας, πελάσας δὲ ἐς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τουτέων τῶν ἡμερέων ὀπίσω ἀπέρχεται ἀπολείπων τὸ ῥέεθρον, ὥστε βραχὺς τὸν χειμῶνα ἅπαντα διατελέει ἐὼν μέχρι οὗ αὖτις τροπέων τῶν θερινέων. τούτων ὦν πέρι οὐδενὸς οὐδὲν οἷός τε ἐγενόμην παραλαβεῖν παρὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων, ἱστορέων αὐτοὺς ἥντινα δύναμιν ἔχει ὁ Νεῖλος τὰ ἔμπαλιν πεφυκέναι τῶν ἄλλων ποταμῶν· ταῦτά τε δὴ τὰ λελεγμένα βουλόμενος εἰδέναι ἱστόρεον καὶ ὅ τι αὔρας ἀποπνεούσας μοῦνος ποταμῶν πάντων οὐ παρέχεται. 2.20. ἀλλὰ Ἑλλῄνων μὲν τινὲς ἐπίσημοι βουλόμενοι γενέσθαι σοφίην ἔλεξαν περὶ τοῦ ὕδατος τούτου τριφασίας ὁδούς· τῶν τὰς μὲν δύο τῶν ὁδῶν οὐδʼ ἀξιῶ μνησθῆναι εἰ μὴ ὅσον σημῆναι βουλόμενος μοῦνον· τῶν ἡ ἑτέρη μὲν λέγει τοὺς ἐτησίας ἀνέμους εἶναι αἰτίους πληθύειν τὸν ποταμόν, κωλύοντας ἐς θάλασσαν ἐκρέειν τὸν Νεῖλον. πολλάκις δὲ ἐτησίαι μὲν οὔκων ἔπνευσαν, ὁ δὲ Νεῖλος τὠυτὸ ἐργάζεται. πρὸς δέ, εἰ ἐτησίαι αἴτιοι ἦσαν, χρῆν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ποταμούς, ὅσοι τοῖσι ἐτησίῃσι ἀντίοι ῥέουσι, ὁμοίως πάσχειν καὶ κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τῷ Νείλῳ, καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι τοσούτῳ ὅσῳ ἐλάσσονες ἐόντες ἀσθενέστερα τὰ ῥεύματα παρέχονται. εἰσὶ δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν τῇ Συρίῃ ποταμοὶ πολλοὶ δὲ ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ, οἳ οὐδὲν τοιοῦτο πάσχουσι οἷόν τι καὶ ὁ Νεῖλος. 2.21. ἡ δʼ ἑτέρη ἀνεπιστημονεστέρη μὲν ἐστὶ τῆς λελεγμένης, λόγῳ δὲ εἰπεῖν θωμασιωτέρη· ἣ λέγει ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὠκεανοῦ ῥέοντα αὐτὸν ταῦτα μηχανᾶσθαι, τὸν δὲ Ὠκεανὸν γῆν περὶ πᾶσαν ῥέειν. 2.22. ἡ δὲ τρίτη τῶν ὁδῶν πολλὸν ἐπιεικεστάτη ἐοῦσα μάλιστα ἔψευσται· λέγει γὰρ δὴ οὐδʼ αὕτη οὐδέν, φαμένη τὸν Νεῖλον ῥέειν ἀπὸ τηκομένης χιόνος· ὃς ῥέει μὲν ἐκ Λιβύης διὰ μέσων Αἰθιόπων, ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ ἐς Αἴγυπτον. κῶς ὦν δῆτα ῥέοι ἂν ἀπὸ χιόνος, ἀπὸ τῶν θερμοτάτων ῥέων ἐς τὰ ψυχρότερα τὰ πολλά ἐστι; ἀνδρί γε λογίζεσθαι τοιούτων πέρι οἵῳ τε ἐόντι, ὡς οὐδὲ οἰκὸς ἀπὸ χιόνος μιν ῥέειν, πρῶτον μὲν καὶ μέγιστον μαρτύριον οἱ ἄνεμοι παρέχονται πνέοντες ἀπὸ τῶν χωρέων τουτέων θερμοί· δεύτερον δὲ ὅτι ἄνομβρος ἡ χώρη καὶ ἀκρύσταλλος διατελέει ἐοῦσα, ἐπὶ δὲ χιόνι πεσούσῃ πᾶσα ἀνάγκη ἐστὶ ὗσαι ἐν πέντε ἡμέρῃσι, ὥστε, εἰ ἐχιόνιζε, ὕετο ἂν ταῦτα τὰ χωρία· τρίτα δὲ οἱ ἄνθρωποι ὑπὸ τοῦ καύματος μέλανες ἐόντες. ἰκτῖνοι δὲ καὶ χελιδόνες διʼ ἔτεος ἐόντες οὐκ ἀπολείπουσι, γέρανοι δὲ φεύγουσαι τὸν χειμῶνα τὸν ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ χώρῃ γινόμενον φοιτῶσι ἐς χειμασίην ἐς τοὺς τόπους τούτους. εἰ τοίνυν ἐχιόνιζε καὶ ὅσον ὦν ταύτην τὴν χώρην διʼ ἧς τε ῥέει καὶ ἐκ τῆς ἄρχεται ῥέων ὁ Νεῖλος, ἦν ἂν τούτων οὐδέν, ὡς ἡ ἀνάγκη ἐλέγχει. 2.23. ὁ δὲ περὶ τοῦ Ὠκεανοῦ λέξας ἐς ἀφανὲς τὸν μῦθον ἀνενείκας οὐκ ἔχει ἔλεγχον· οὐ γὰρ τινὰ ἔγωγε οἶδα ποταμὸν Ὠκεανὸν ἐόντα, Ὅμηρον δὲ ἢ τινὰ τῶν πρότερον γενομένων ποιητέων δοκέω τὸ οὔνομα εὑρόντα ἐς ποίησιν ἐσενείκασθαι. 2.24. εἰ δὲ δεῖ μεμψάμενον γνώμας τὰς προκειμένας αὐτὸν περὶ τῶν ἀφανέων γνώμην ἀποδέξασθαι, φράσω διʼ ὅ τι μοι δοκέει πληθύνεσθαι ὁ Νεῖλος τοῦ θέρεος· τὴν χειμερινὴν ὥρην ἀπελαυνόμενος ὁ ἥλιος ἐκ τῆς ἀρχαίης διεξόδου ὑπὸ τῶν χειμώνων ἔρχεται τῆς Λιβύης τὰ ἄνω. ὡς μέν νυν ἐν ἐλαχίστῳ δηλῶσαι, πᾶν εἴρηται· τῆς γὰρ ἂν ἀγχοτάτω τε ᾖ χώρης οὗτος ὁ θεὸς καὶ κατὰ ἥντινα, ταύτην οἰκὸς διψῆν τε ὑδάτων μάλιστα καὶ τὰ ἐγχώρια ῥεύματα μαραίνεσθαι τῶν ποταμῶν. 2.25. ὡς δὲ ἐν πλέονι λόγῳ δηλῶσαι, ὧδε ἔχει. διεξιὼν τῆς Λιβύης τὰ ἄνω ὁ ἥλιος τάδε ποιέει· ἅτε διὰ παντὸς τοῦ χρόνου αἰθρίου τε ἐόντος τοῦ ἠέρος τοῦ κατὰ ταῦτα τὰ χωρία καὶ ἀλεεινῆς τῆς χώρης ἐούσης καὶ ἀνέμων ψυχρῶν, διεξιὼν ποιέει οἷόν περ καὶ τὸ θέρος ἔωθε ποιέειν ἰὼν τὸ μέσον τοῦ οὐρανοῦ· ἕλκει γὰρ ἐπʼ ἑωυτὸν τὸ ὕδωρ, ἑλκύσας δὲ ἀπωθέει ἐς τὰ ἄνω χωρία, ὑπολαμβάνοντες δὲ οἱ ἄνεμοι καὶ διασκιδνάντες τήκουσι· καὶ εἰσὶ οἰκότως οἱ ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς χώρης πνέοντες, ὅ τε νότος καὶ ὁ λίψ, ἀνέμων πολλὸν τῶν πάντων ὑετιώτατοι δοκέει δέ μοι οὐδὲ πᾶν τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ ἐπέτειον ἑκάστοτε ἀποπέμπεσθαι τοῦ Νείλου ὁ ἥλιος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπολείπεσθαι περὶ ἑωυτόν. πρηϋνομένου δὲ τοῦ χειμῶνος ἀπέρχεται ὁ ἥλιος ἐς μέσον τὸν οὐρανὸν ὀπίσω, καὶ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη ὁμοίως ἀπὸ πάντων ἕλκει τῶν ποταμῶν. τέως δὲ οἳ μὲν ὀμβρίου ὕδατος συμμισγομένου πολλοῦ αὐτοῖσι, ἅτε ὑομένης τε τῆς χώρης καὶ κεχαραδρωμένης, ῥέουσι μεγάλοι· τοῦ δὲ θέρεος τῶν τε ὄμβρων ἐπιλειπόντων αὐτοὺς καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου ἑλκόμενοι ἀσθενέες εἰσί. ὁ δὲ Νεῖλος ἐὼν ἄνομβρος, ἑλκόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου μοῦνος ποταμῶν τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον, οἰκότως αὐτὸς ἑωυτοῦ ῥέει πολλῷ ὑποδεέστερος ἢ τοῦ θέρεος· τότε μὲν γὰρ μετὰ πάντων τῶν ὑδάτων ἴσον ἕλκεται, τὸν δὲ χειμῶνα μοῦνος πιέζεται. 2.26. οὕτω τὸν ἥλιον νενόμικα τούτων αἴτιον εἶναι. αἴτιος δὲ ὁ αὐτὸς οὗτος κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἐμὴν καὶ τὸν ἠέρα ξηρὸν τὸν ταύτῃ εἶναι, διακαίων τὴν διέξοδον ἑωυτοῦ· οὕτω τῆς Λιβύης τὰ ἄνω θέρος αἰεὶ κατέχει. εἰ δὲ ἡ στάσις ἤλλακτο τῶν ὡρέων, καὶ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ τῇ μὲν νῦν ὁ βορέης τε καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἑστᾶσι, ταύτῃ μὲν τοῦ νότου ἦν ἡ στάσις καὶ τῆς μεσαμβρίης, τῇ δὲ ὁ νότος νῦν ἕστηκε, ταύτῃ δὲ ὁ βορέης, εἰ ταῦτα οὕτω εἶχε, ὁ ἥλιος ἂν ἀπελαυνόμενος ἐκ μέσου τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ὑπὸ τοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ τοῦ βορέω ἤιε ἂν τὰ ἄνω τῆς Εὐρώπης κατά περ νῦν τῆς Λιβύης ἔρχεται, διεξιόντα δʼ ἄν μιν διὰ πάσης Εὐρώπης ἔλπομαι ποιέειν ἂν τὸν Ἴστρον τά περ νῦν ἐργάζεται τὸν Νεῖλον. 2.27. τῆς αὔρης δὲ πέρι, ὅτι οὐκ ἀποπνέει, τήνδε ἔχω γνώμην, ὡς κάρτα ἀπὸ θερμέων χωρέων οὐκ οἰκός ἐστι οὐδὲν ἀποπνέειν, αὔρη δὲ ἀπὸ ψυχροῦ τινος φιλέει πνέειν. 2.28. ταῦτα μέν νυν ἔστω ὡς ἔστι τε καὶ ὡς ἀρχὴν ἐγένετο· τοῦ δὲ Νείλου τὰς πηγὰς οὔτε Αἰγυπτίων οὔτε Λιβύων οὔτε Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐμοὶ ἀπικομένων ἐς λόγους οὐδεὶς ὑπέσχετο εἰδέναι, εἰ μὴ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἐν Σάι πόλι ὁ γραμματιστὴς τῶν ἱρῶν χρημάτων τῆς Ἀθηναίης. οὗτος δʼ ἔμοιγε παίζειν ἐδόκεε φάμενος εἰδέναι ἀτρεκέως· ἔλεγε δὲ ὧδε, εἶναι δύο ὄρεα ἐς ὀξὺ τὰς κορυφὰς ἀπηγμένα, μεταξὺ Συήνης τε πόλιος κείμενα τῆς Θηβαΐδος καὶ Ἐλεφαντίνης, οὐνόματα δὲ εἶναι τοῖσι ὄρεσι τῷ μὲν Κρῶφι τῷ δὲ Μῶφι· τὰς ὦν δὴ πηγὰς τοῦ Νείλου ἐούσας ἀβύσσους ἐκ τοῦ μέσου τῶν ὀρέων τούτων ῥέειν, καὶ τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τοῦ ὕδατος ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου ῥέειν καὶ πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον, τὸ δʼ ἕτερον ἥμισυ ἐπʼ Αἰθιοπίης τε καὶ νότου. ὡς δὲ ἄβυσσοι εἰσι αἱ πηγαί, ἐς διάπειραν ἔφη τούτου Ψαμμήτιχον Αἰγύπτου βασιλέα ἀπικέσθαι· πολλέων γὰρ αὐτὸν χιλιάδων ὀργυιέων πλεξάμενον κάλον κατεῖναι ταύτῃ καὶ οὐκ ἐξικέσθαι ἐς βυσσόν. οὕτω μὲν δὴ ὁ γραμματιστής, εἰ ἄρα ταῦτα γινόμενα ἔλεγε, ἀπέφαινε, ὡς ἐμὲ κατανοέειν, δίνας τινὰς ταύτῃ ἐούσας ἰσχυρὰς καὶ παλιρροίην, οἷα δὲ ἐμβάλλοντος τοῦ ὕδατος τοῖσι ὄρεσι, μὴ δύνασθαι κατιεμένην καταπειρητηρίην ἐς βυσσὸν ἰέναι. 2.29. ἄλλου δὲ οὐδενὸς οὐδὲν ἐδυνάμην πυθέσθαι. ἀλλὰ τοσόνδε μὲν ἄλλο ἐπὶ μακρότατον ἐπυθόμην, μέχρι μὲν Ἐλεφαντίνης πόλιος αὐτόπτης ἐλθών, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου ἀκοῇ ἤδη ἱστορέων. ἀπὸ Ἐλεφαντίνης πόλιος ἄνω ἰόντι ἄναντες ἐστὶ χωρίον· ταύτῃ ὦν δεῖ τὸ πλοῖον διαδήσαντας ἀμφοτέρωθεν κατά περ βοῦν πορεύεσθαι· ἢν δὲ ἀπορραγῇ τὸ πλοῖον οἴχεται φερόμενον ὑπὸ ἰσχύος τοῦ ῥόου. τὸ δὲ χωρίον τοῦτο ἐστὶ ἐπʼ ἡμέρας τέσσερας πλόος, σκολιὸς δὲ ταύτῃ κατά περ ὁ Μαίανδρος ἐστὶ ὁ Νεῖλος· σχοῖνοι δὲ δυώδεκα εἰσὶ οὗτοι τοὺς δεῖ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ διεκπλῶσαι. καὶ ἔπειτα ἀπίξεαι ἐς πεδίον λεῖον, ἐν τῷ νῆσον περιρρέει ὁ Νεῖλος· Ταχομψὼ οὔνομα αὐτῇ ἐστι. οἰκέουσι δὲ τὰ ἀπὸ Ἐλεφαντίνης ἄνω Αἰθίοπες ἤδη καὶ τῆς νήσου τὸ ἥμισυ, τὸ δὲ ἥμισυ Αἰγύπτιοι. ἔχεται δὲ τῆς νήσου λίμνην μεγάλη, τὴν πέριξ νομάδες Αἰθίοπες νέμονται· τὴν διεκπλώσας ἐς τοῦ Νείλου τὸ ῥέεθρον ἥξεις, τὸ ἐς τὴν λίμνην ταύτην ἐκδιδοῖ. καὶ ἔπειτα ἀποβὰς παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ὁδοιπορίην ποιήσεαι ἡμερέων τεσσεράκοντα· σκόπελοί τε γὰρ ἐν τῷ Νείλῳ ὀξέες ἀνέχουσι καὶ χοιράδες πολλαί εἰσι, διʼ ὧν οὐκ οἷά τε ἐστὶ πλέειν. διεξελθὼν δὲ ἐν τῇσι τεσσεράκοντα ἡμέρῃσι τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον, αὖτις ἐς ἕτερον πλοῖον ἐσβὰς δυώδεκα ἡμέρας πλεύσεαι, καὶ ἔπειτα ἥξεις ἐς πόλιν μεγάλην τῇ οὔνομα ἐστὶ Μερόη· λέγεται δὲ αὕτη ἡ πόλις εἶναι μητρόπολις τῶν ἄλλων Αἰθιόπων. οἱ δʼ ἐν ταύτῃ Δία θεῶν καὶ Διόνυσον μούνους σέβονται, τούτους τε μεγάλως τιμῶσι, καί σφι μαντήιον Διὸς κατέστηκε· στρατεύονται δὲ ἐπεάν σφεας ὁ θεὸς οὗτος κελεύῃ διὰ θεσπισμάτων, καὶ τῇ ἂν κελεύῃ, ἐκεῖσε. 2.30. ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης τῆς πόλιος πλέων ἐν ἴσῳ χρόνῳ ἄλλῳ ἥξεις ἐς τοὺς αὐτομόλους ἐν ὅσῳ περ ἐξ Ἐλεφαντίνης ἦλθες ἐς τὴν μητρόπολιν τὴν Αἰθιόπων. τοῖσι δὲ αὐτομόλοισι τούτοισι οὔνομα ἐστὶ Ἀσμάχ, δύναται δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν οἱ ἐξ ἀριστερῆς χειρὸς παριστάμενοι βασιλέι. ἀπέστησαν δὲ αὗται τέσσερες καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδες Αἰγυπτίων τῶν μαχίμων ἐς τοὺς Αἰθίοπας τούτους διʼ αἰτίην τοιήνδε. ἐπὶ Ψαμμητίχου βασιλέος φυλακαὶ κατέστησαν ἔν τε Ἐλεφαντίνῃ πόλι πρὸς Αἰθιόπων καὶ ἐν Δάφνῃσι τῇσι Πηλουσίῃσι ἄλλη πρὸς Ἀραβίων τε καὶ Ἀσσυρίων, καὶ ἐν Μαρέῃ πρὸς Λιβύης ἄλλη. ἔτι δὲ ἐπʼ ἐμεῦ καὶ Περσέων κατὰ ταὐτὰ αἱ φυλακαὶ ἔχουσι ὡς καὶ ἐπὶ Ψαμμητίχου ἦσαν· καὶ γὰρ ἐν Ἐλεφαντίνῃ Πέρσαι φρουρέουσι καὶ ἐν Δάφνῃσι. τοὺς ὦν δὴ Αἰγυπτίους τρία ἔτεα φρουρήσαντας ἀπέλυε οὐδεὶς τῆς φρουρῆς· οἳ δὲ βουλευσάμενοι καὶ κοινῷ λόγῳ χρησάμενοι πάντες ἀπὸ τοῦ Ψαμμητίχου ἀποστάντες ἤισαν ἐς Αἰθιοπίην. Ψαμμήτιχος δὲ πυθόμενος ἐδίωκε· ὡς δὲ κατέλαβε, ἐδέετο πολλὰ λέγων καί σφεας θεοὺς πατρωίους ἀπολιπεῖν οὐκ ἔα καὶ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας. τῶν δὲ τινὰ λέγεται δέξαντα τὸ αἰδοῖον εἰπεῖν, ἔνθα ἂν τοῦτο ᾖ, ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖσι ἐνθαῦτα καὶ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας. οὗτοι ἐπείτε ἐς Αἰθιοπίην ἀπίκοντο, διδοῦσι σφέας αὐτοὺς τῷ Αἰθιόπων βασιλέι, ὁ δὲ σφέας τῷδε ἀντιδωρέεται· ἦσάν οἱ διάφοροι τινὲς γεγονότες τῶν Αἰθιόπων· τούτους ἐκέλευε ἐξελόντας τὴν ἐκείνων γῆν οἰκέειν. τούτων δὲ ἐσοικισθέντων ἐς τοὺς Αἰθίοπας ἡμερώτεροι γεγόνασι Αἰθίοπες, ἤθεα μαθόντες Αἰγύπτια. 2.31. μέχρι μέν νυν τεσσέρων μηνῶν πλόου καὶ ὁδοῦ γινώσκεται ὁ Νεῖλος πάρεξ τοῦ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ῥεύματος· τοσοῦτοι γὰρ συμβαλλομένῳ μῆνες εὑρίσκονται ἀναισιμούμενοι ἐξ Ἐλεφαντίνης πορευομένῳ ἐς τοὺς αὐτομόλους τούτους. ῥέει δὲ ἀπὸ ἑσπέρης τε καὶ ἡλίου δυσμέων. τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦδε οὐδεὶς ἔχει σαφέως φράσαι· ἔρημος γὰρ ἐστὶ ἡ χώρη αὕτη ὑπὸ καύματος. 2.32. ἀλλὰ τάδε μὲν ἤκουσα ἀνδρῶν Κυρηναίων φαμένων ἐλθεῖν τε ἐπὶ τὸ Ἄμμωνος χρηστήριον καὶ ἀπικέσθαι ἐς λόγους Ἐτεάρχῳ τῷ Ἀμμωνίων βασιλέι, καί κως ἐκ λόγων ἄλλων ἀπικέσθαι ἐς λέσχην περὶ τοῦ Νείλου, ὡς οὐδεὶς αὐτοῦ οἶδε τὰς πηγάς, καὶ τὸν Ἐτέαρχον φάναι ἐλθεῖν κοτε παρʼ αὐτὸν Νασαμῶνας ἄνδρας. τὸ δὲ ἔθνος τοῦτο ἐστὶ μὲν Λιβυκόν, νέμεται δὲ τὴν Σύρτιν τε καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἠῶ χώρην τῆς Σύρτιος οὐκ ἐπὶ πολλόν. ἀπικομένους δὲ τοὺς Νασαμῶνας καὶ εἰρωτωμένους εἴ τι ἔχουσι πλέον λέγειν περὶ τῶν ἐρήμων τῆς Λιβύης, φάναι παρὰ σφίσι γενέσθαι ἀνδρῶν δυναστέων παῖδας ὑβριστάς, τοὺς ἄλλα τε μηχανᾶσθαι ἀνδρωθέντας περισσὰ καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀποκληρῶσαι πέντε ἑωυτῶν ὀψομένους τὰ ἔρημα τῆς Λιβύης, καὶ εἴ τι πλέον ἴδοιεν τῶν τὰ μακρότατα ἰδομένων. τῆς γὰρ Λιβύης τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν βορηίην θάλασσαν ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου ἀρξάμενοι μέχρι Σολόεντος ἄκρης, ἣ τελευτᾷ τῆς Λιβύης, παρήκουσι παρὰ πᾶσαν Λίβυες καὶ Λιβύων ἔθνεα πολλά, πλὴν ὅσον Ἕλληνες καὶ Φοίνικες ἔχουσι· τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ θαλάσσης τε καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν κατηκόντων ἀνθρώπων, τὰ κατύπερθε θηριώδης ἐστὶ ἡ Λιβύη· τὰ δὲ κατύπερθε τῆς θηριώδεος ψάμμος τε ἐστὶ καὶ ἄνυδρος δεινῶς καὶ ἔρημος πάντων. εἶπαι ὦν τοὺς νεηνίας ἀποπεμπομένους ὑπὸ τῶν ἡλίκων, ὕδασί τε καὶ σιτίοισι εὖ ἐξηρτυμένους, ἰέναι τὰ πρῶτα μὲν διὰ τῆς οἰκεομένης, ταύτην δὲ διεξελθόντας ἐς τὴν θηριώδεα ἀπικέσθαι, ἐκ δὲ ταύτης τὴν ἔρημον διεξιέναι, τὴν ὁδὸν ποιευμένους πρὸς ζέφυρον ἄνεμον, διεξελθόντας δὲ χῶρον πολλὸν ψαμμώδεα καὶ ἐν πολλῇσι ἡμέρῃσι ἰδεῖν δή κοτε δένδρεα ἐν πεδίῳ πεφυκότα, καί σφεας προσελθόντας ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ ἐπεόντος ἐπὶ τῶν δενδρέων καρποῦ, ἁπτομένοισι δέ σφι ἐπελθεῖν ἄνδρας μικρούς, μετρίων ἐλάσσονας ἀνδρῶν, λαβόντας δὲ ἄγειν σφέας· φωνῆς δὲ οὔτε τι τῆς ἐκείνων τοὺς Νασαμῶνας γινώσκειν οὔτε τοὺς ἄγοντας τῶν Νασαμώνων· ἄγειν τε δὴ αὐτοὺς διʼ ἑλέων μεγίστων, καὶ διεξελθόντας ταῦτα ἀπικέσθαι ἐς πόλιν ἐν τῇ πάντας εἶναι τοῖσι ἄγουσι τὸ μέγαθος ἴσους, χρῶμα δὲ μέλανας. παρὰ δὲ τὴν πόλιν ῥέειν ποταμὸν μέγαν, ῥέειν δὲ ἀπὸ ἑσπέρης αὐτὸν πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνατέλλοντα, φαίνεσθαι δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ κροκοδείλους. 2.33. ὁ μὲν δὴ τοῦ Ἀμμωνίου Ἐτεάρχου λόγος ἐς τοῦτό μοι δεδηλώσθω, πλὴν ὅτι ἀπονοστῆσαί τε ἔφασκε τοὺς Νασαμῶνας, ὡς οἱ Κυρηναῖοι ἔλεγον, καὶ ἐς τοὺς οὗτοι ἀπίκοντο ἀνθρώπους, γόητας εἶναι ἅπαντας. τὸν δὲ δὴ ποταμὸν τοῦτον τὸν παραρρέοντα καὶ Ἐτέαρχος συνεβάλλετο εἶναι Νεῖλον, καὶ δὴ καὶ ὁ λόγος οὕτω αἱρέει. ῥέει γὰρ ἐκ Λιβύης ὁ Νεῖλος καὶ μέσην τάμνων Λιβύην, καὶ ὡς ἐγὼ συμβάλλομαι τοῖσι ἐμφανέσι τὰ μὴ γινωσκόμενα τεκμαιρόμενος, τῷ Ἴστρῳ ἐκ τῶν ἴσων μέτρων ὁρμᾶται. Ἴστρος τε γὰρ ποταμὸς ἀρξάμενος ἐκ Κελτῶν καὶ Πυρήνης πόλιος ῥέει μέσην σχίζων τὴν Εὐρώπην· οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ εἰσὶ ἔξω Ἡρακλέων στηλέων, ὁμουρέουσι δὲ Κυνησίοισι, οἳ ἔσχατοι πρὸς δυσμέων οἰκέουσι τῶν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ κατοικημένων· τελευτᾷ δὲ ὁ Ἴστρος ἐς θάλασσαν ῥέων τὴν τοῦ Εὐξείνου πόντου διὰ πάσης Εὐρώπης, τῇ Ἰστρίην οἱ Μιλησίων οἰκέουσι ἄποικοι. 2.34. ὁ μὲν δὴ Ἴστρος, ῥέει γὰρ διʼ οἰκεομένης, πρὸς πολλῶν γινώσκεται, περὶ δὲ τῶν τοῦ Νείλου πηγέων οὐδεὶς ἔχει λέγειν· ἀοίκητός τε γὰρ καὶ ἔρημος ἐστὶ ἡ Λιβύη διʼ ἧς ῥέει. περὶ δὲ τοῦ ῥεύματος αὐτοῦ, ἐπʼ ὅσον μακρότατον ἱστορεῦντα ἦν ἐξικέσθαι, εἴρηται· ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ ἐς Αἴγυπτον. ἡ δὲ Αἴγυπτος τῆς ὀρεινῆς Κιλικίης μάλιστά κῃ ἀντίη κέεται· ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἐς Σινώπην τὴν ἐν τῷ Εὐξείνῳ πόντῳ πέντε ἡμερέων ἰθέα ὁδὸς εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί· ἡ δὲ Σινώπη τῷ Ἴστρῳ ἐκδιδόντι ἐς θάλασσαν ἀντίον κέεται. οὕτω τὸν Νεῖλον δοκέω διὰ πάσης τῆς Λιβύης διεξιόντα ἐξισοῦσθαι τῷ Ἴστρῳ. 2.144. ἤδη ὦν τῶν αἱ εἰκόνες ἦσαν, τοιούτους ἀπεδείκνυσαν σφέας πάντας ἐόντας, θεῶν δὲ πολλὸν ἀπαλλαγμένους. τὸ δὲ πρότερον τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων θεοὺς εἶναι τοὺς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἄρχοντας, οὐκ ἐόντας ἅμα τοῖσι ἀνθρώποισι, καὶ τούτων αἰεὶ ἕνα τὸν κρατέοντα εἶναι· ὕστατον δὲ αὐτῆς βασιλεῦσαι ὦρον τὸν Ὀσίριος παῖδα, τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα Ἕλληνες ὀνομάζουσι· τοῦτον καταπαύσαντα Τυφῶνα βασιλεῦσαι ὕστατον Αἰγύπτου. Ὄσιρις δὲ ἐστὶ Διόνυσος κατὰ Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν. 4.170. Γιλιγαμέων δὲ ἔχονται τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης Ἀσβύσται. οὗτοι ὑπὲρ Κυρήνης οἰκέουσι. ἐπὶ θάλασσαν δὲ οὐ κατήκουσι Ἀσβύσται τὸ γὰρ παρὰ θάλασσαν Κυρηναῖοι νέμονται. τεθριπποβάται δὲ οὐκ ἥκιστα ἀλλὰ μάλιστα Λιβύων εἰσί, νόμους δὲ τοὺς πλεῦνας μιμέεσθαι ἐπιτηδεύουσι τοὺς Κυρηναίων. 4.172. Αὐσχισέων δὲ τούτων τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης ἔχονται Νασαμῶνες, ἔθνος ἐὸν πολλόν, οἳ τὸ θέρος καταλείποντες ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ τὰ πρόβατα ἀναβαίνουσι ἐς Αὔγιλα χῶρον ὀπωριεῦντες τοὺς φοίνικας. οἳ δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ ἀμφιλαφέες πεφύκασι, πάντες ἐόντες καρποφόροι. τοὺς δὲ ἀττελέβους ἐπεὰν θηρεύσωσι, αὐήναντες πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον καταλέουσι καὶ ἔπειτα ἐπὶ γάλα ἐπιπάσσοντες πίνουσι. γυναῖκας δὲ νομίζοντες πολλὰς ἔχειν ἕκαστος ἐπίκοινον αὐτέων τὴν μῖξιν ποιεῦνται τρόπῳ παραπλησίῳ τῷ καὶ Μασσαγέται· ἐπεὰν σκίπωνα προστήσωνται, μίσγονται. πρῶτον δὲ γαμέοντος Νασαμῶνος ἀνδρὸς νόμος ἐστὶ τὴν νύμφην νυκτὶ τῇ πρώτῃ διὰ πάντων διεξελθεῖν τῶν δαιτυμόνων μισγομένην· τῶν δὲ ὡς ἕκαστος οἱ μιχθῇ, διδοῖ δῶρον τὸ ἂν ἔχῃ φερόμενος ἐξ οἴκου. ὁρκίοισι δὲ καὶ μαντικῇ χρέωνται τοιῇδε· ὀμνύουσι μὲν τοὺς παρὰ σφίσι ἄνδρας δικαιοτάτους καὶ ἀρίστους λεγομένους γενέσθαι, τούτους, τῶν τύμβων ἁπτόμενοι· μαντεύονται δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν προγόνων φοιτέοντες τὰ σήματα, καὶ κατευξάμενοι ἐπικατακοιμῶνται· τὸ δʼ ἂν ἴδη ἐν τῇ, ὄψι ἐνύπνιον, τούτῳ χρᾶται. πίστισι δὲ τοιῇσιδε χρέωνται· ἐκ τῆς χειρὸς διδοῖ πιεῖν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἑτέρου πίνει. ἢν δὲ μὴ ἔχωσι ὑγρὸν μηδέν, οἳ δὲ τῆς χαμᾶθεν σποδοῦ λαβόντες λείχουσι. 4.183. ἀπὸ δὲ Αὐγίλων διὰ δέκα ἡμερέων ἀλλέων ὁδοῦ ἕτερος ἁλὸς κολωνὸς καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ φοίνικες καρποφόροι πολλοί, κατά περ καὶ ἐν τοῖσι ἑτέροισι· καὶ ἄνθρωποι οἰκέουσι ἐν αὐτῷ τοῖσι οὔνομα Γαράμαντες ἐστί, ἔθνος μέγα ἰσχυρῶς, οἳ ἐπὶ τὸν ἅλα γῆν ἐπιφορέοντες οὕτω σπείρουσι. συντομώτατον δʼ ἐστὶ ἐς τοὺς Λωτοφάγους, ἐκ τῶν τριήκοντα ἡμερέων ἐς αὐτοὺς ὁδός ἐστι· ἐν τοῖσι καὶ οἱ ὀπισθονόμοι βόες γίνονται· ὀπισθονόμοι δὲ διὰ τόδε εἰσι. τὰ κέρεα ἔχουσι κεκυφότα ἐς τὸ ἔμπροσθε· διὰ τοῦτο ὀπίσω ἀναχωρέοντες νέμονται· ἐς γὰρ τὸ ἔμπροσθε οὐκ οἷοι τε εἰσὶ προεμβαλλόντων ἐς τὴν γῆν τῶν κερέων. ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν διαφέρουσι τῶν ἄλλων βοῶν ὅτι μὴ τοῦτο καὶ τὸ δέρμα ἐς παχύτητά τε καὶ τρῖψιν. οἱ Γαράμαντες δὴ οὗτοι τοὺς τρωγλοδύτας Αἰθίοπας θηρεύουσι τοῖσι τεθρίπποισι· οἱ γὰρ τρωγλοδύται Αἰθίοπες πόδας τάχιστοι ἀνθρώπων πάντων εἰσὶ τῶν ἡμεῖς πέρι λόγους ἀποφερομένους ἀκούομεν. σιτέονται δὲ οἱ τρωγλοδύται ὄφις καὶ σαύρους καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἑρπετῶν· γλῶσσαν δὲ οὐδεμιῇ ἄλλῃ παρομοίην νενομίκασι, ἀλλὰ τετρίγασι κατά περ αἱ νυκτερίδες. 5.42. ὁ μὲν δὴ Κλεομένης, ὡς λέγεται, ἦν τε οὐ φρενήρης ἀκρομανής τε, ὁ δὲ Δωριεὺς ἦν τῶν ἡλίκων πάντων πρῶτος, εὖ τε ἐπίστατο κατʼ ἀνδραγαθίην αὐτὸς σχήσων τὴν βασιληίην. ὥστε ὦν οὕτω φρονέων, ἐπειδὴ ὅ τε Ἀναξανδρίδης ἀπέθανε καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι χρεώμενοι τῷ νόμῳ ἐστήσαντο βασιλέα τὸν πρεσβύτατον Κλεομένεα, ὁ Δωριεὺς δεινόν τε ποιεύμενος καὶ οὐκ ἀξιῶν ὑπὸ Κλεομένεος βασιλεύεσθαι, αἰτήσας λεὼν Σπαρτιήτας ἦγε ἐς ἀποικίην, οὔτε τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖσι χρηστηρίῳ χρησάμενος ἐς ἥντινα γῆν κτίσων ἴῃ, οὔτε ποιήσας οὐδὲν τῶν νομιζομένων· οἷα δὲ βαρέως φέρων, ἀπίει ἐς τὴν Λιβύην τὰ πλοῖα· κατηγέοντο δέ οἱ ἄνδρες Θηραῖοι. ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐς Λιβύην οἴκισε χῶρον κάλλιστον τῶν Λιβύων παρὰ Κίνυπα ποταμόν. ἐξελασθεὶς δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ ὑπὸ Μακέων τε Λιβύων καὶ Καρχηδονίων ἀπίκετο ἐς Πελοπόννησον. | 1.8. This Candaules, then, fell in love with his own wife, so much so that he believed her to be by far the most beautiful woman in the world; and believing this, he praised her beauty beyond measure to Gyges son of Dascylus, who was his favorite among his bodyguard; for it was to Gyges that he entrusted all his most important secrets. ,After a little while, Candaules, doomed to misfortune, spoke to Gyges thus: “Gyges, I do not think that you believe what I say about the beauty of my wife; men trust their ears less than their eyes: so you must see her naked.” Gyges protested loudly at this. ,“Master,” he said, “what an unsound suggestion, that I should see my mistress naked! When a woman's clothes come off, she dispenses with her modesty, too. ,Men have long ago made wise rules from which one ought to learn; one of these is that one should mind one's own business. As for me, I believe that your queen is the most beautiful of all women, and I ask you not to ask of me what is lawless.” 1.9. Speaking thus, Gyges resisted: for he was afraid that some evil would come of it for him. But this was Candaules' answer: “Courage, Gyges! Do not be afraid of me, that I say this to test you, or of my wife, that you will have any harm from her. I will arrange it so that she shall never know that you have seen her. ,I will bring you into the chamber where she and I lie and conceal you behind the open door; and after I have entered, my wife too will come to bed. There is a chair standing near the entrance of the room: on this she will lay each article of her clothing as she takes it off, and you will be able to look upon her at your leisure. ,Then, when she moves from the chair to the bed, turning her back on you, be careful she does not see you going out through the doorway.” 1.10. As Gyges could not escape, he consented. Candaules, when he judged it to be time for bed, brought Gyges into the chamber; his wife followed presently, and when she had come in and was laying aside her garments, Gyges saw her; ,when she turned her back upon him to go to bed, he slipped from the room. The woman glimpsed him as he went out, and perceived what her husband had done. But though shamed, she did not cry out or let it be seen that she had perceived anything, for she meant to punish Candaules; ,since among the Lydians and most of the foreign peoples it is felt as a great shame that even a man be seen naked. 1.11. For the present she made no sign and kept quiet. But as soon as it was day, she prepared those of her household whom she saw were most faithful to her, and called Gyges. He, supposing that she knew nothing of what had been done, answered the summons; for he was used to attending the queen whenever she summoned him. ,When Gyges came, the lady addressed him thus: “Now, Gyges, you have two ways before you; decide which you will follow. You must either kill Candaules and take me and the throne of Lydia for your own, or be killed yourself now without more ado; that will prevent you from obeying all Candaules' commands in the future and seeing what you should not see. ,One of you must die: either he, the contriver of this plot, or you, who have outraged all custom by looking on me uncovered.” Gyges stood awhile astonished at this; presently, he begged her not to compel him to such a choice. ,But when he could not deter her, and saw that dire necessity was truly upon him either to kill his master or himself be killed by others, he chose his own life. Then he asked: “Since you force me against my will to kill my master, I would like to know how we are to lay our hands on him.” ,She replied, “You shall come at him from the same place where he made you view me naked: attack him in his sleep.” 1.12. When they had prepared this plot, and night had fallen, Gyges followed the woman into the chamber (for Gyges was not released, nor was there any means of deliverance, but either he or Candaules must die). She gave him a dagger and hid him behind the same door; ,and presently he stole out and killed Candaules as he slept. Thus he made himself master of the king's wife and sovereignty. He is mentioned in the iambic verses of Archilochus of Parus who lived about the same time. 1.13. So he took possession of the sovereign power and was confirmed in it by the Delphic oracle. For when the Lydians took exception to what was done to Candaules, and took up arms, the faction of Gyges came to an agreement with the rest of the people that if the oracle should ordain him king of the Lydians, then he would reign; but if not, then he would return the kingship to the Heraclidae. ,The oracle did so ordain, and Gyges thus became king. However, the Pythian priestess declared that the Heraclidae would have vengeance on Gyges' posterity in the fifth generation; an utterance to which the Lydians and their kings paid no regard until it was fulfilled. 1.14. Thus the Mermnadae robbed the Heraclidae of the sovereignty and took it for themselves. Having gotten it, Gyges sent many offerings to Delphi : there are very many silver offerings of his there; and besides the silver, he dedicated a hoard of gold, among which six golden bowls are the offerings especially worthy of mention. ,These weigh thirty talents and stand in the treasury of the Corinthians; although in truth it is not the treasury of the Corinthian people but of Cypselus son of Eetion. This Gyges then was the first foreigner whom we know who placed offerings at Delphi after the king of Phrygia, Midas son of Gordias. ,For Midas too made an offering: namely, the royal seat on which he sat to give judgment, and a marvellous seat it is. It is set in the same place as the bowls of Gyges. This gold and the silver offered by Gyges is called by the Delphians “Gygian” after its dedicator. 1.94. The customs of the Lydians are like those of the Greeks, except that they make prostitutes of their female children. They were the first men whom we know who coined and used gold and silver currency; and they were the first to sell by retail. ,And, according to what they themselves say, the games now in use among them and the Greeks were invented by the Lydians: these, they say, were invented among them at the time when they colonized Tyrrhenia. This is their story: ,In the reign of Atys son of Manes there was great scarcity of food in all Lydia . For a while the Lydians bore this with what patience they could; presently, when the famine did not abate, they looked for remedies, and different plans were devised by different men. Then it was that they invented the games of dice and knuckle-bones and ball and all other forms of game except dice, which the Lydians do not claim to have discovered. ,Then, using their discovery to lighten the famine, every other day they would play for the whole day, so that they would not have to look for food, and the next day they quit their play and ate. This was their way of life for eighteen years. ,But the famine did not cease to trouble them, and instead afflicted them even more. At last their king divided the people into two groups, and made them draw lots, so that the one group should remain and the other leave the country; he himself was to be the head of those who drew the lot to remain there, and his son, whose name was Tyrrhenus, of those who departed. ,Then the one group, having drawn the lot, left the country and came down to Smyrna and built ships, in which they loaded all their goods that could be transported aboard ship, and sailed away to seek a livelihood and a country; until at last, after sojourning with one people after another, they came to the Ombrici, where they founded cities and have lived ever since. ,They no longer called themselves Lydians, but Tyrrhenians, after the name of the king's son who had led them there.The Lydians, then, were enslaved by the Persians. 2.19. When the Nile is in flood, it overflows not only the Delta but also the lands called Libyan and Arabian, as far as two days' journey from either bank in places, and sometimes more than this, sometimes less. Concerning its nature, I could not learn anything either from the priests or from any others. ,Yet I was anxious to learn from them why the Nile comes down with a rising flood for a hundred days from the summer solstice; and when this number of days is passed, sinks again with a diminishing stream, so that the river is low for the whole winter until the summer solstice again. ,I was not able to get any information from any of the Egyptians regarding this, when I asked them what power the Nile has to be contrary in nature to all other rivers. I wished to know this, and asked; also, why no breezes blew from it as from every other river. 2.20. But some of the Greeks, wishing to be notable for cleverness, put forward three opinions about this river, two of which I would not even mention except just to show what they are. ,One of them maintains that the Etesian winds are the cause of the river being in flood, because they hinder the Nile from emptying into the sea. But there are many times when the Etesian winds do not blow, yet the Nile does the same as before. ,And further, if the Etesian winds were the cause, then the other rivers which flow contrary to those winds should be affected like the Nile, and even more so, since being smaller they have a weaker current. Yet there are many rivers in Syria and many in Libya, and they behave nothing like the Nile . 2.21. The second opinion is less grounded on knowledge than the previous, though it is more marvellous to the ear: according to it, the river effects what it does because it flows from Ocean, which flows around the whole world. 2.22. The third opinion is by far the most plausible, yet the most erroneous of all. It has no more truth in it than the others. According to this, the Nile flows from where snows melt; but it flows from Libya through the midst of Ethiopia, and comes out into Egypt . ,How can it flow from snow, then, seeing that it comes from the hottest places to lands that are for the most part cooler? In fact, for a man who can reason about such things, the principal and strongest evidence that the river is unlikely to flow from snows is that the winds blowing from Libya and Ethiopia are hot. ,In the second place, the country is rainless and frostless; but after snow has fallen, it has to rain within five days ; so that if it snowed, it would rain in these lands. And thirdly, the men of the country are black because of the heat. ,Moreover, kites and swallows live there all year round, and cranes come every year to these places to winter there, flying from the wintry weather of Scythia . Now, were there but the least fall of snow in this country through which the Nile flows and where it rises, none of these things would happen, as necessity proves. 2.23. The opinion about Ocean is grounded in obscurity and needs no disproof; for I know of no Ocean river; and I suppose that Homer or some older poet invented this name and brought it into his poetry. 2.24. If, after having condemned the opinions proposed, I must indicate what I myself think about these obscure matters, I shall say why I think the Nile floods in the summer. During the winter, the sun is driven by storms from his customary course and passes over the inland parts of Libya . ,For the briefest demonstration, everything has been said; for whatever country this god is nearest, or over, it is likely that that land is very thirsty for water and that the local rivers are dried up. 2.25. A lengthier demonstration goes as follows. In its passage over the inland parts of Libya, the sun does this: as the air is always clear in that region, the land warm, and the winds cool, the sun does in its passage exactly as it would do in the summer passing through the middle of the heaven: ,it draws the water to itself, and having done so, expels it away to the inland regions, and the winds catch it and scatter and dissolve it; and, as is to be expected, those that blow from that country, the south and the southwest, are the most rainy of all winds. ,Yet I think that the sun never lets go of all of the water that it draws up from the Nile yearly, but keeps some back near itself. Then, as the winter becomes milder, the sun returns to the middle of the heaven, and after that draws from all rivers alike. ,Meanwhile, the other rivers are swollen to high flood by the quantity of water that falls into them from the sky, because the country is rained on and cut into gullies; but in the summer they are low, lacking the rain and being drawn up too by the sun. ,But the Nile, being fed by no rain, and being the only river drawn up by the sun in winter, at this time falls far short of the height that it had in summer; which is but natural; for in summer all other waters too and not it alone are attracted to the sun, but in the winter it alone is afflicted. 2.26. I am convinced, therefore, that the sun is the cause of this phenomenon. The dryness of the air in these parts is also caused by the sun, in my opinion, because it burns its way through it; hence, it is always summer in the inland part of Libya . ,But were the stations of the seasons changed, so that the south wind and the summer had their station where the north wind and winter are now set, and the north wind was where the south wind is now—if this were so, the sun, when driven from mid-heaven by the winter and the north wind, would pass over the inland parts of Europe as it now passes over Libya, and I think that in its passage over all Europe it would have the same effect on the Ister as it now does on the Nile . 2.27. And as to why no breeze blows from the river, this is my opinion: it is not natural that any breeze blow from very hot places; breezes always come from that which is very cold. 2.28. Let this be, then, as it is and as it was in the beginning. But as to the sources of the Nile, no one that conversed with me, Egyptian, Libyan, or Greek, professed to know them, except the recorder of the sacred treasures of Athena in the Egyptian city of Saïs. ,I thought he was joking when he said that he had exact knowledge, but this was his story. Between the city of Syene in the Thebaid and Elephantine, there are two hills with sharp peaks, one called Crophi and the other Mophi. ,The springs of the Nile, which are bottomless, rise between these hills; half the water flows north towards Egypt, and the other half south towards Ethiopia . ,He said that Psammetichus king of Egypt had put to the test whether the springs are bottomless: for he had a rope of many thousand fathoms' length woven and let down into the spring, but he could not reach to the bottom. ,This recorder, then, if he spoke the truth, showed, I think, that there are strong eddies and an upward flow of water, such that with the stream rushing against the hills the sounding-line when let down cannot reach bottom. 2.29. I was unable to learn anything from anyone else, but this much further I did learn by the most extensive investigation that I could make, going as far as the city of Elephantine to look myself, and beyond that by question and hearsay. ,Beyond Elephantine, as one travels inland, the land rises. Here one must pass with the boat roped on both sides as men harness an ox; and if the rope breaks, the boat will be carried away by the strength of the current. ,This part of the river is a four days' journey by boat, and the Nile here is twisty just as the Maeander ; a distance of twelve schoeni must be passed in the foregoing manner. After that, you come to a level plain, where there is an island in the Nile, called Takhompso. ,The country above Elephantine now begins to be inhabited by Ethiopians: half the people of the island are Ethiopians, and half Egyptians. Near the island is a great lake, on whose shores live nomadic Ethiopians. After crossing this, you come to the stream of the Nile, which empties into this lake. ,Then you disembark and journey along the river bank for forty days; for there are sharp projecting rocks in the Nile and many reefs, through which no boat can pass. ,Having traversed this part in forty days as I have said, you take boat again and so travel for twelve days until you come to a great city called Meroe, which is said to be the capital of all Ethiopia . ,The people of the place worship no other gods but Zeus and Dionysus; these they greatly honor, and they have a place of divination sacred to Zeus; they send out armies whenever and wherever this god through his oracle commands them. 2.30. From this city you make a journey by water equal in distance to that by which you came from Elephantine to the capital city of Ethiopia, and you come to the land of the Deserters. These Deserters are called Asmakh, which translates, in Greek, as “those who stand on the left hand of the king”. ,These once revolted and joined themselves to the Ethiopians, two hundred and forty thousand Egyptians of fighting age. The reason was as follows. In the reign of Psammetichus, there were watchposts at Elephantine facing Ethiopia, at Daphnae of Pelusium facing Arabia and Assyria, and at Marea facing Libya . ,And still in my time the Persians hold these posts as they were held in the days of Psammetichus; there are Persian guards at Elephantine and at Daphnae . Now the Egyptians had been on guard for three years, and no one came to relieve them; so, organizing and making common cause, they revolted from Psammetichus and went to Ethiopia . ,Psammetichus heard of it and pursued them; and when he overtook them, he asked them in a long speech not to desert their children and wives and the gods of their fathers. Then one of them, the story goes, pointed to his genitals and said that wherever that was, they would have wives and children. ,So they came to Ethiopia, and gave themselves up to the king of the country; who, to make them a gift in return, told them to dispossess certain Ethiopians with whom he was feuding, and occupy their land. These Ethiopians then learned Egyptian customs and have become milder-mannered by intermixture with the Egyptians. 2.31. To a distance of four months' travel by land and water, then, there is knowledge of the Nile, besides the part of it that is in Egypt . So many months, as reckoning shows, are found to be spent by one going from Elephantine to the country of the Deserters. The river flows from the west and the sun's setting. Beyond this, no one has clear information to declare; for all that country is desolate because of the heat. 2.32. But I heard this from some men of Cyrene, who told me that they had gone to the oracle of Ammon, and conversed there with Etearchus king of the Ammonians, and that from other subjects the conversation turned to the Nile, how no one knows the source of it. Then Etearchus told them that once he had been visited by some Nasamonians. ,These are a Libyan people, inhabiting the country of the Syrtis and a little way to the east of the Syrtis . ,When these Nasamonians were asked on their arrival if they brought any news concerning the Libyan desert, they told Etearchus that some sons of their leading men, proud and violent youths, when they came to manhood, besides planning other wild adventures, had chosen by lot five of their company to visit the deserts of Libya and see whether they could see any farther than those who had seen the farthest. ,It must be known that the whole northern seacoast of Libya, from Egypt as far as the promontory of Soloeis, which is the end of Libya, is inhabited throughout its length by Libyans, many tribes of them, except the part held by Greeks and Phoenicians; the region of Libya that is above the sea and the inhabitants of the coast is infested by wild beasts; and farther inland than the wild-beast country everything is sand, waterless and desolate. ,When the young men left their companions, being well supplied with water and provisions, they journeyed first through the inhabited country, and after passing this they came to the region of wild beasts. ,After this, they travelled over the desert, towards the west, and crossed a wide sandy region, until after many days they saw trees growing in a plain; when they came to these and were picking the fruit of the trees, they were met by little men of less than common stature, who took them and led them away. The Nasamonians did not know these men's language nor did the escort know the language of the Nasamonians. ,The men led them across great marshes, after crossing which they came to a city where all the people were of a stature like that of the guides, and black. A great river ran past this city, from the west towards the rising sun; crocodiles could be seen in it. 2.33. This is enough of the story told by Etearchus the Ammonian; except he said that the Nasamonians returned, as the men of Cyrene told me, and that the people to whose country they came were all wizards; ,as to the river that ran past the city, Etearchus guessed it to be the Nile ; and reason proves as much. For the Nile flows from Libya, right through the middle of it; and as I guess, reasoning about things unknown from visible signs, it rises proportionally as far away as does the Ister. ,For the Ister flows from the land of the Celts and the city of Pyrene through the very middle of Europe ; now the Celts live beyond the Pillars of Heracles, being neighbors of the Cynesii, who are the westernmost of all the peoples inhabiting Europe . ,The Ister, then, flows clean across Europe and ends its course in the Euxine sea, at Istria, which is inhabited by Milesian colonists. 2.34. The Ister, since it flows through inhabited country, is known from many reports; but no one can speak of the source of the Nile ; for Libya, though which it runs, is uninhabited and desert. Regarding its course, I have related everything that I could learn by inquiry; and it issues into Egypt . Now Egypt lies about opposite to the mountainous part of Cilicia ; ,from there, it is a straight five days' journey for an unencumbered man to Sinope on the Euxine ; and Sinope lies opposite the place where the Ister falls into the sea. Thus I suppose the course of the Nile in its passage through Libya to be like the course of the Ister. 2.144. Thus they showed that all those whose statues stood there had been good men, but quite unlike gods. ,Before these men, they said, the rulers of Egypt were gods, but none had been contemporary with the human priests. of these gods one or another had in succession been supreme; the last of them to rule the country was Osiris' son Horus, whom the Greeks call Apollo; he deposed Typhon, and was the last divine king of Egypt . Osiris is, in the Greek language, Dionysus. 4.170. The next people west of the Giligamae are the Asbystae, who live inland of Cyrene, not coming down to the coast, for that is Cyrenaean territory. These drive four-horse chariots to a greater extent than any other Libyans; it is their practice to imitate most of the Cyrenaean customs. 4.172. Next west of these Auschisae is the populous country of the Nasamones, who in summer leave their flocks by the sea and go up to the land called Augila to gather dates from the palm-trees that grow there in great abundance and all bear fruit. They hunt locusts, which they dry in the sun, and after grinding sprinkle them into milk and drink it. ,It is their custom for every man to have many wives; their intercourse with women is promiscuous, as among the Massagetae; a staff is placed before the dwelling, and then they have intercourse. When a man of the Nasamones weds, on the first night the bride must by custom lie with each of the whole company in turn; and each man after intercourse gives her whatever gift he has brought from his house. ,As for their manner of swearing and divination, they lay their hands on the graves of the men reputed to have been the most just and good among them, and by these men they swear; their practice of divination is to go to the tombs of their ancestors, where after making prayers they lie down to sleep, and take for oracles whatever dreams come to them. ,They give and receive pledges by each drinking from the hand of the other party; and if they have nothing liquid, they take the dust of the earth and lick it up. 4.183. After ten days' journey again from Augila there is yet another hill of salt and springs of water and many fruit-bearing palms, as at the other places; men live there called Garamantes, an exceedingly great nation, who sow in earth which they have laid on the salt. ,The shortest way to the Lotus Eaters' country is from here, thirty days' journey distant. Among the Garamantes are the cattle that go backward as they graze, the reason being that their horns curve forward; ,therefore, not being able to go forward, since the horns would stick in the ground, they walk backward grazing. Otherwise, they are like other cattle, except that their hide is thicker and harder to the touch. ,These Garamantes go in their four-horse chariots chasing the cave-dwelling Ethiopians: for the Ethiopian cave-dwellers are swifter of foot than any men of whom tales are brought to us. They live on snakes and lizards and such-like creeping things. Their speech is like no other in the world: it is like the squeaking of bats. 5.42. Now Cleomenes, as the story goes, was not in his right mind and really quite mad, while Dorieus was first among all of his peers and fully believed that he would be made king for his manly worth. ,Since he was of this opinion, Dorieus was very angry when at Anaxandrides' death the Lacedaemonians followed their custom and made Cleomenes king by right of age. Since he would not tolerate being made subject to Cleomenes, he asked the Spartans for a group of people whom he took away as colonists. He neither inquired of the oracle at Delphi in what land he should establish his settlement, nor did anything else that was customary but set sail in great anger for Libya, with men of Thera to guide him. ,When he arrived there, he settled by the Cinyps river in the fairest part of Libya, but in the third year he was driven out by the Macae, the Libyans and the Carchedonians and returned to the Peloponnesus. |
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| 21. Anaxagoras, Fragments, f3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 55 |
22. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.3.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 215 | 3.3.2. And Leotychides said: 397 B.C. But, Agesilaus, the law directs, not that a brother, but that a son of a king, should be king; if, however, there should chance to be no son, in that case the brother would be king. It is I, then, who should be king. How so, when I am alive? Because he whom you call your father said that you were not his son. Nay, but my mother, who knows far better than he did, says even to this day that I am. But Poseidon showed that you are entirely in the wrong, for he drove your father Leotychides was reputed to be the son of Alcibiades. For the incident here mentioned, cp. Plut. Alc. 23. out of her chamber into the open by an earthquake. And time also, which is said to be the truest witness, gave testimony that the god was right; for you were born in the tenth month from the time when he fled from the chamber. Such were the words which passed between these two. |
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| 23. Philistus, Fragments, f4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
24. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.20-1.22, 3.82 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 12, 74 | 1.20. Having now given the result of my inquiries into early times, I grant that there will be a difficulty in believing every particular detail. The way that most men deal with traditions, even traditions of their own country, is to receive them all alike as they are delivered, without applying any critical test whatever. 2 The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the so-called Leokoreion, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. 3 There are many other unfounded ideas current among the rest of the Hellenes, even on matters of contemporary history which have not been obscured by time. For instance, there is the notion that the Lacedaemonian kings have two votes each, the fact being that they have only one; and that there is a company of Pitane, there being simply no such thing. So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand. 1.20. , Having now given the result of my inquiries into early times, I grant that there will be a difficulty in believing every particular detail. The way that most men deal with traditions, even traditions of their own country, is to receive them all alike as they are delivered, without applying any critical test whatever. ,The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. , There are many other unfounded ideas current among the rest of the Hellenes, even on matters of contemporary history which have not been obscured by time. For instance, there is the notion that the Lacedaemonian kings have two votes each, the fact being that they have only one; and that there is a company of Pitane, there being simply no such thing. So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand. 1.21. On the whole, however, the conclusions I have drawn from the proofs quoted may, I believe, safely be relied on. Assuredly they will not be disturbed either by the lays of a poet displaying the exaggeration of his craft, or by the compositions of the chroniclers that are attractive at truth's expense; the subjects they treat of being out of the reach of evidence, and time having robbed most of them of historical value by enthroning them in the region of legend. Turning from these, we can rest satisfied with having proceeded upon the clearest data, and having arrived at conclusions as exact as can be expected in matters of such antiquity. 2 To come to this war; despite the known disposition of the actors in a struggle to overrate its importance, and when it is over to return to their admiration of earlier events, yet an examination of the facts will show that it was much greater than the wars which preceded it. 1.21. ,On the whole, however, the conclusions I have drawn from the proofs quoted may, I believe, safely be relied on. Assuredly they will not be disturbed either by the lays of a poet displaying the exaggeration of his craft, or by the compositions of the chroniclers that are attractive at truth's expense; the subjects they treat of being out of the reach of evidence, and time having robbed most of them of historical value by enthroning them in the region of legend. Turning from these, we can rest satisfied with having proceeded upon the clearest data, and having arrived at conclusions as exact as can be expected in matters of such antiquity. ,To come to this war; despite the known disposition of the actors in a struggle to overrate its importance, and when it is over to return to their admiration of earlier events, yet an examination of the facts will show that it was much greater than the wars which preceded it. 1.22. With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. 2 And with reference to the narrative of events, far from permitting myself to derive it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed tests possible. 3 My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue partiality for one side or the other. 4 The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time. 1.22. , With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. ,And with reference to the narrative of events, far from permitting myself to derive it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed tests possible. ,My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue partiality for one side or the other. ,The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time. 3.82. So bloody was the march of the revolution, and the impression which it made was the greater as it was one of the first to occur. Later on, one may say, the whole Hellenic world was convulsed; struggles being everywhere made by the popular chiefs to bring in the Athenians, and by the oligarchs to introduce the Lacedaemonians. In peace there would have been neither the pretext nor the wish to make such an invitation; but in war, with an alliance always at the command of either faction for the hurt of their adversaries and their own corresponding advantage, opportunities for bringing in the foreigner were never wanting to the revolutionary parties. 2 The sufferings which revolution entailed upon the cities were many and terrible, such as have occurred and always will occur, as long as the nature of mankind remains the same; though in a severer or milder form, and varying in their symptoms, according to the variety of the particular cases. In peace and prosperity states and individuals have better sentiments, because they do not find themselves suddenly confronted with imperious necessities; but war takes away the easy supply of daily wants, and so proves a rough master, that brings most men's characters to a level with their fortunes. 3 Revolution thus ran its course from city to city, and the places which it arrived at last, from having heard what had been done before carried to a still greater excess the refinement of their inventions, as manifested in the cunning of their enterprises and the atrocity of their reprisals. 4 Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. 5 The advocate of extreme measures was always trustworthy; his opponent a man to be suspected. To succeed in a plot was to have a shrewd head, to divine a plot a still shrewder; but to try to provide against having to do either was to break up your party and to be afraid of your adversaries. In fine, to forestall an intending criminal, or to suggest the idea of a crime where it was wanting, was equally commended, 6 until even blood became a weaker tie than party, from the superior readiness of those united by the latter to dare everything without reserve; for such associations had not in view the blessings derivable from established institutions but were formed by ambition for their overthrow; and the confidence of their members in each other rested less on any religious sanction than upon complicity in crime. 7 The fair proposals of an adversary were met with jealous precautions by the stronger of the two, and not with a generous confidence. Revenge also was held of more account than self-preservation. Oaths of reconciliation, being only proffered on either side to meet an immediate difficulty, only held good so long as no other weapon was at hand; but when opportunity offered, he who first ventured to seize it and to take his enemy off his guard, thought this perfidious vengeance sweeter than an open one, since, considerations of safety apart, success by treachery won him the palm of superior intelligence. Indeed it is generally the case that men are readier to call rogues clever than simpletons honest, and are as ashamed of being the second as they are proud of being the first. 8 The cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from greed and ambition; and from these passions proceeded the violence of parties once engaged in contention. The leaders in the cities, each provided with the fairest professions, on the one side with the cry of political equality of the people, on the other of a moderate aristocracy, sought prizes for themselves in those public interests which they pretended to cherish, and, recoiling from no means in their struggles for ascendancy, engaged in the direct excesses; in their acts of vengeance they went to even greater lengths, not stopping at what justice or the good of the state demanded, but making the party caprice of the moment their only standard, and invoking with equal readiness the condemnation of an unjust verdict or the authority of the strong arm to glut the animosities of the hour. Thus religion was in honor with neither party; but the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation. Meanwhile the moderate part of the citizens perished between the two, either for not joining in the quarrel, or because envy would not suffer them to escape. 3.82. , So bloody was the march of the revolution, and the impression which it made was the greater as it was one of the first to occur. Later on, one may say, the whole Hellenic world was convulsed; struggles being everywhere made by the popular chiefs to bring in the Athenians, and by the oligarchs to introduce the Lacedaemonians. In peace there would have been neither the pretext nor the wish to make such an invitation; but in war, with an alliance always at the command of either faction for the hurt of their adversaries and their own corresponding advantage, opportunities for bringing in the foreigner were never wanting to the revolutionary parties. ,The sufferings which revolution entailed upon the cities were many and terrible, such as have occurred and always will occur, as long as the nature of mankind remains the same; though in a severer or milder form, and varying in their symptoms, according to the variety of the particular cases. In peace and prosperity states and individuals have better sentiments, because they do not find themselves suddenly confronted with imperious necessities; but war takes away the easy supply of daily wants, and so proves a rough master, that brings most men's characters to a level with their fortunes. ,Revolution thus ran its course from city to city, and the places which it arrived at last, from having heard what had been done before carried to a still greater excess the refinement of their inventions, as manifested in the cunning of their enterprises and the atrocity of their reprisals. ,Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. ,The advocate of extreme measures was always trustworthy; his opponent a man to be suspected. To succeed in a plot was to have a shrewd head, to divine a plot a still shrewder; but to try to provide against having to do either was to break up your party and to be afraid of your adversaries. In fine, to forestall an intending criminal, or to suggest the idea of a crime where it was wanting, was equally commended, ,until even blood became a weaker tie than party, from the superior readiness of those united by the latter to dare everything without reserve; for such associations had not in view the blessings derivable from established institutions but were formed by ambition for their overthrow; and the confidence of their members in each other rested less on any religious sanction than upon complicity in crime. ,The fair proposals of an adversary were met with jealous precautions by the stronger of the two, and not with a generous confidence. Revenge also was held of more account than self-preservation. Oaths of reconciliation, being only proffered on either side to meet an immediate difficulty, only held good so long as no other weapon was at hand; but when opportunity offered, he who first ventured to seize it and to take his enemy off his guard, thought this perfidious vengeance sweeter than an open one, since, considerations of safety apart, success by treachery won him the palm of superior intelligence. Indeed it is generally the case that men are readier to call rogues clever than simpletons honest, and are as ashamed of being the second as they are proud of being the first. ,The cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from greed and ambition; and from these passions proceeded the violence of parties once engaged in contention. The leaders in the cities, each provided with the fairest professions, on the one side with the cry of political equality of the people, on the other of a moderate aristocracy, sought prizes for themselves in those public interests which they pretended to cherish, and, recoiling from no means in their struggles for ascendancy, engaged in the direct excesses; in their acts of vengeance they went to even greater lengths, not stopping at what justice or the good of the state demanded, but making the party caprice of the moment their only standard, and invoking with equal readiness the condemnation of an unjust verdict or the authority of the strong arm to glut the animosities of the hour. Thus religion was in honor with neither party; but the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation. Meanwhile the moderate part of the citizens perished between the two, either for not joining in the quarrel, or because envy would not suffer them to escape. |
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25. Plato, Phaedo, 67e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 47| 67e. παρασκευάζονθ’ ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῷ βίῳ ὅτι ἐγγυτάτω ὄντα τοῦ τεθνάναι οὕτω ζῆν, κἄπειθ’ ἥκοντος αὐτῷ τούτου ἀγανακτεῖν; /γελοῖον: πῶς δ’ οὔ; τῷ ὄντι ἄρα, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία, οἱ ὀρθῶς φιλοσοφοῦντες ἀποθνῄσκειν μελετῶσι, καὶ τὸ τεθνάναι ἥκιστα αὐτοῖς ἀνθρώπων φοβερόν. ἐκ τῶνδε δὲ σκόπει. ΦΑΙΔ. εἰ γὰρ διαβέβληνται μὲν πανταχῇ τῷ σώματι, αὐτὴν δὲ καθ’ αὑτὴν ἐπιθυμοῦσι τὴν ψυχὴν ἔχειν, τούτου δὲ γιγνομένου εἰ φοβοῖντο καὶ ἀγανακτοῖεν, οὐ πολλὴ ἂν ἀλογία εἴη, εἰ μὴ | 67e. in a state of death as he could, should then be disturbed when death came to him. Would it not be absurd? of course. In fact, then, Simmias, said he, the true philosophers practice dying, and death is less terrible to them than to any other men. Consider it in this way. Phaedo. They are in every way hostile to the body and they desire to have the soul apart by itself alone. Would it not be very foolish if they should be frightened and troubled when this very thing happens, and if they should not be glad to go to the place where there is hope of attaining |
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| 26. Plato, Republic, 577b, 577a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
| 27. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1166a32-33 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 171 |
| 28. Aristotle, Meteorology, 1.7, 1.6.343b (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 55 |
| 29. Theocritus, Idylls, 7.114, 17.80, 17.98, 21.52, 28.3 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 111 |
| 30. Theophrastus, Research On Plants, 6.3.1-6.3.6 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 269 |
| 31. Aristotle, Physiognomonics, 807b, 812a, 808a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 105 |
| 32. Aristotle, Poetics, 1449b, 1451b (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 199 |
| 33. Ephorus, Fragments, f113 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 201 |
| 34. Callimachus, Hymn To Apollo, 185, 206, 108 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 111 |
| 35. Plautus, Mostellaria, 959, 961, 960 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 36. Plautus, Amphitruo, 65-84, 86, 85 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 3 |
| 37. Plautus, Captiui, 72-73 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 38. Plautus, Menaechmi, 124 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 39. Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, 652 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 40. Ennius, Annales, 372-373 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 105 |
| 41. Hegesippus Mecybernaeus, Fragments, hist. eccl. 2.23.21), (ap. eusebius (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 251 |
| 42. Accius, Poeta, 205 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 224 |
43. Cicero, Academica, 1.9, 2.136 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 154; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 268| 1.9. Tum ego Sunt sunt uera *g . an s. vero? inquam “ista Varro. nam nos in nostra urbe peregritis errantisque tamquam hospites tui libri quasi domum deduxerunt, reduxerunt s Aug. ut possemus aliquando qui et ubi essemus agnoscere. tu aetatem patriae tu descriptiones discr. cod. Aug. l Mue. temporum, tu sacrorum iura tu sacerdotum, sacerdotem pm 1 nr tu domesticam tu bellicam bellicam] publicam Aug. disciplinam, tu sedum sedum vel -ium codd. Aug. plerique sedem *g*d regionum locorum tu omnium divinarum humanarumque rerum nomina genera officia causas aperuisti; nos ... aperuisti Aug. civ. 6, 2 plurimum plurimumque s Ald. -que idem p. Gr. quidem poetis a petis *d nostris omninoque Latinis et litteris luminis et verbis attulisti atque ipse varium et elegans omni fere numero poema fecisti, philosophiamque multis locis inchoasti, ad impellendum satis, ad edocendum parum. | |
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| 44. Cicero, On Friendship, 97, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 208 |
45. Cicero, On Divination, 1.73 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), murders committed by •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 276| 1.73. Facta coniectura etiam in Dionysio est, paulo ante quam regnare coepit; qui cum per agrum Leontinum iter faciens equum ipse demisisset in flumen, submersus equus voraginibus non exstitit; quem cum maxima contentione non potuisset extrahere, discessit, ut ait Philistus, aegre ferens. Cum autem aliquantum progressus esset, subito exaudivit hinnitum respexitque et equum alacrem laetus aspexit, cuius in iuba examen apium consederat. Quod ostentum habuit hanc vim, ut Dionysius paucis post diebus regnare coeperit. | 1.73. Still another instance of conjectural divination occurred in the case of Dionysius, a little while before he began to reign. He was travelling through the Leontine district, and led his horse down into a river. The horse was engulfed in a whirlpool and disappeared. Dionysius did his utmost to extricate him but in vain and, so Philistus writes, went away greatly troubled. When he had gone on a short distance he heard a whinny, looked back and, to his joy, saw his horse eagerly following and with a swarm of bees in its mane. The sequel of this portent was that Dionysius began to reign within a few days. [34] |
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| 46. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.71, 7.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 165, 215 |
47. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 4.7, 4.11, 5.1.1-5.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor Found in books: Galinsky, Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity (2016) 27; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 39; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 268| 4.7. Totum genus hoc Zeno et qui ab eo sunt aut non potuerunt tueri aut noluerunt, certe reliquerunt. add. Cobet Mnemosyn. nov. ser. III p. 99 quamquam scripsit artem rhetoricam Cleanthes, Chrysippus etiam, sed sic, ut, si quis obmutescere concupierit, nihil aliud legere debeat. itaque vides, quo modo loquantur. nova verba fingunt, deserunt usitata. At quanta cotur! mundum hunc omnem oppidum esse nostrum! incendi incendi ABERN 1 incendit N 2 V igitur igitur ergo BE eos, qui audiunt, vides. quantam rem agas, quantam rem agas = quid efficere quis possit, quod (ut illi Stoicorum conatus) tantum sit, ut Circeiis qui habitet cet. agat (t ab alt. m. in ras. ) N ut Circeiis qui habitet totum hunc mundum suum municipium esse existimet? Quid? ille incendat? restinguet citius, si ardentem acceperit. Ista ipsa, ista ipsa p. 118, 29 sqq. quae tu breviter: regem, dictatorem, divitem solum esse sapientem, a te quidem apte ac rotunde; quippe; habes enim a rhetoribus; illorum vero ista ipsa quam exilia de virtutis vi! quam tantam volunt esse, ut beatum per se efficere possit. pungunt quasi pungunt enim quasi BE aculeis interrogatiunculis angustis, quibus etiam qui assentiuntur nihil commutantur animo et idem abeunt, qui venerant. res enim fortasse verae, certe graves, non ita tractantur, ut debent, sed aliquanto minutius. 4.11. Similia dici possunt de explicatione naturae, qua et hi qua et hij V quae ( compend. scr. ) hic A que hic BER qua hic N utuntur et vestri, neque vero ob duas modo causas, quo modo Epicuro videtur, ut pellatur mortis et religionis metus, sed etiam modestiam quandam cognitio rerum caelestium affert iis, qui videant quanta sit etiam apud deos moderatio, quantus ordo, et magnitudinem animi deorum opera et facta cernentibus, iustitiam etiam, cum cognitum habeas quod sit summi rectoris ac domini numen, quod consilium, quae voluntas; cuius ad naturam apta ratio vera illa et summa lex a philosophis dicitur. | 4.7. This whole field Zeno and his successors were either unable or unwilling to discover; at all events they left it untouched. Cleanthes it is true wrote a treatise on rhetoric, and Chrysippus wrote one too, but what are they like? why, they furnish a complete manual for anyone whose ambition is to hold his tongue; you can judge then of their style, coining new words, discarding those approved by use. 'But,' you will say, 'think how vast are the themes that they essay! for example, that this entire universe is our own town.' You see the magnitude of a Stoic's task, to convince an inhabitant of Circeii that the whole vast world is his own borough! 'If so, he must rouse his audience to enthusiasm.' What? a Stoic rouse enthusiasm? He is much more likely to extinguish any enthusiasm the student may have had to begin with. Even those brief maxims that you propounded, that the Wise Man alone is king, dictator, millionaire, â neatly rounded off no doubt as you put them: of course, for you learnt them from professors of rhetoric; â but how bald those very maxims, on the lips of the Stoics, when they talk about the potency of virtue, â virtue which they rate so highly that it can of itself, they say, confer happiness! Their meagre little syllogisms are mere pinâpricks; they may convince the intellect, but they cannot convert the heart, and the hearer goes away no better than he came. What they say is possibly true, and certainly important; but the way in which they say it is wrong; it is far too petty. < 4.11. "Much the same may be said about Natural Philosophy, which is pursued both by the Peripatetics and by your school, and that not merely for the two objects, recognized by Epicurus, of banishing superstition and the fear of death. Besides these benefits, the study of the heavenly phenomena bestows a power of self-control that arises from the perception of the consummate restraint and order that obtain even among the gods; also loftiness of mind is inspired by contemplating the creations and actions of the gods, and justice by realizing the will, design and purpose of the Supreme Lord and Ruler to whose nature we are told by philosophers that the True Reason and Supreme Law are conformed. < |
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48. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), murders committed by •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 276 | 25. [53] What other dissensions among the nobles can I suppose are pointed out by the immortal gods? For by this expression Publius Clodius is surely not meant nor any one of his gang or of his counselors. The Etruscan books have certain names which may fit some of that class of citizens. “Worthless men, rejected candidates,” as you shall presently hear, they call them, whose minds and estates are ruined, and utterly alienated from the general welfare. Wherefore when the immortal gods warn us of the discords of the nobles, they speak of the dissensions between illustrious citizens who have deserved well of the republic. When they predict danger and slaughter to the chief men, they leave Clodius safe enough, a man who is as far from the chief men as he is from virtuous or holy men. It is for you and for your safety, O most illustrious and most virtuous citizens, that they see that it behoves them to consult and to provide. [54] Slaughter of the chief men is indicated; that is added which must inevitably follow the death of the nobles. We are warned to take care that the republic does not fall under the absolute dominion of a single individual. And even if we were not led to this fear by the warning of the gods, still we ourselves, of our own accord, by our own senses and conjectures, should he forced to entertain it. For there is not usually any other termination to dissensions between eminent and powerful men, except either universal destruction, or the domination of the victorious party, or regal power. Lucius Sulla, a most noble and gallant consul, quarreled with Caius Marius, a most illustrious citizen. Each of these men, when defeated, fell so completely that the conqueror became a king. Cinna quarreled with his colleague Octavius. To each of these men prosperity gave kingly power, and adversity brought death. The same Sulla became victorious a second time. [55] And that time, beyond all question, he exercised regal power, though he re-established the republic. There is at this moment a hatred not concealed but implanted deeply, and burnt as it were into their minds, subsisting between men of the very highest rank. The chief men of the state are at variance. Every occasion is eagerly caught at. That party which is not so powerful as the other is nevertheless waiting for some change of fortune and for some favourable opportunity. That party which without dispute is the more powerful, is still perhaps at times afraid of the designs and opinions of its enemies. Let this discord be which are foreshown by these prodigies will be banished from the state. In a moment that serpent which is at present lurking about here will emerge and be brought to light, and will be strangled, and crushed, and die. |
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| 49. Cicero, Timaeus, 1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 20 |
| 50. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.13.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 110 |
| 51. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.16.40 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 256 |
52. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 146 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 36| 146. facis iniuriam, Chrysogone, si maiorem spem emptionis tuae in huius exitio ponis quam in eis iis π : his cett. rebus quas L. L ucius Sulla gessit. quod si tibi causa nulla est cur hunc miserum tanta calamitate adfici velis, si tibi omnia sua praeter praeter σχψ : propter cett. animam tradidit nec sibi quicquam paternum ne monumenti quidem causa reservavit causa reservavit ψ2 : causa clare servavit cett. : causa clam reservavit pauci dett. , per deos immortalis! quae ista tanta crudelitas est, quae tam fera immanisque natura? quis umquam praedo fuit tam nefarius, quis pirata tam barbarus ut, cum integram praedam sine sanguine habere posset, cruenta spolia detrahere mallet? | |
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| 53. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 124, 106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37 |
54. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.6, 2.18.44, 2.26, 2.42, 2.63, 2.67, 2.105, 5.9.25, 13.9, 13.15.32 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (roman emperor) •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 256; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 36; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 50; McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 | 2.26. Moreover, how likely it is, that among such a number of men, some obscure, some young men who had not the wit to conceal any one, my name could possibly have escaped notice? Indeed, if leaders were wanted for the purpose of delivering the country, what need was there of my instigating the Bruti, one of whom saw every day in his house the image of Lucius Brutus, and the other saw also the image of Ahala? Were these the men to seek counsel from the ancestors of others rather than from their own? and but of doors rather than at home? What? Caius Cassius, a man of that family which could not endure, I will not say the domination, but even the power of any individual, — he, I suppose, was in need of me to instigate him? a man who even without the assistance of these other most illustrious men, would have accomplished this same deed in Cilicia, at the mouth of the river Cydnus, if Caesar had brought his ships to that bank of the river which he had intended, and not to the opposite one. 2.63. However, we will say nothing of these things, which are acts of a more hardy sort of villainy. Let us speak rather of his meaner descriptions of worthlessness. You, with those jaws of yours, and those sides of yours, and that strength of body suited to a gladiator, drank such quantities of wine at the marriage of Hippia, that you were forced to vomit the next day in the sight of the Roman people. O action disgraceful not merely to see, but even to hear of! If this had happened to you at supper amid those vast drinking-cups of yours, who would not have thought it scandalous? But in an assembly of the Roman people, a man holding a public office, a master of the horse, to whom it would have been disgraceful even to belch, vomiting filled his own bosom and the whole tribunal with fragments of what he had been eating reeking with wine. But he himself confesses this among his other disgraceful acts. Let us proceed to his more splendid offenses. 26. 2.67. What Charybdis was ever so voracious? Charybdis, do I say? Charybdis, if she existed at all, was only one animal. The ocean I swear most solemnly, appears scarcely capable of having swallowed up such numbers of things so widely scattered and distributed in such different places with such rapidity. No thing was shut up, nothing sealed up, no list was made of any thing. Whole storehouses were abandoned to the most worthless of men Actors seized on this, actresses on that; the house was crowded with gamblers, and full of drunken men; people were drinking all day, and that too in many places; there were added to all this expense (for this fellow was not invariably fortunate) heavy gambling losses. You might see in the cellars of the slaves, couches covered with the most richly embroidered counterpanes of Cnaeus Pompeius. Wonder not, then, that all these things were so soon consumed. Such profligacy as that could have devoured not only the patrimony of one individual, however ample it might have been (as indeed his was), but whole cities and kingdoms. And then his houses and gardens! 2.105. What noble discussions used to take place in that villa! what ideas were originated there! what writings were composed there! The laws of the Roman people, the memorials of our ancestors, the consideration of all wisdom and all learning, were the topics that used to be dwelt on then; — but now, while you were the intruder there (for I will not call you the master), every place was resounding with the voices of drunken men; the pavements were floating with wine; the walls were dripping; nobly-born boys were mixing with the basest hirelings; prostitutes with mothers of families. Men came from Casinum, from Aquinum, from Interamna to salute him. No one was admitted. That, indeed, was proper. For the ordinary marks of respect were unsuited to the most profligate of men. 13.9. Marcus Lepidus is desirous of peace. He does well especially if he can make such a peace as he made lately, owing to which the republic will behold the son of Cnaeus Pompeius, and will receive him in her bosom and embrace; and will think, that not he alone, but that she also is restored to herself with him. This was the reason why you decreed to him a statue in the Rostra with an honorable inscription, and why you voted him a triumph in his absence. For although he had performed great exploits in war, and such as well deserved a triumph, still for that he might not have had that given to him which was not given to Lucius Aemilius, nor to Aemilianus Scipio, nor to the former Africanus, nor to Marius, nor to Pompeius, who had the conduct of greater wars than he had, but because he had put an end to a civil war in perfect silence, the first moment that it was in his power, on that account you conferred on him the greatest honors. 5. |
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| 55. Cicero, Pro Milone, 20.54 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 110; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 154 |
| 56. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 8 |
| 57. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.15, 2.16.2, 5.12.3, 8.2.1, 8.11.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37, 47, 173; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245 |
58. Cicero, In Verrem, 1.15.45, 2.1.33, 2.1.154, 2.2.154, 2.2.158-2.2.160, 2.2.167, 2.3.31, 2.4.94, 2.4.126, 2.5.28, 2.5.41, 2.5.81, 2.5.106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, death Found in books: Galinsky, Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity (2016) 223; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 36, 37, 47, 50; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245; McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 | 2.1.33. At that time which passed before he came into office and became a public character, he may have free and untouched as far as I am concerned. Nothing shall be said of his drunken nocturnal revels; no mention shall be made of his pimps, and dicers, and panders; his losses at play, and the licentious transactions which the estate of his father and his own age prompted him to shall be passed over in silence. He may have lived in all infamy at that time with impunity, as far as I am concerned; the rest of his life has been such that I can well afford to put up with the loss of not mentioning those enormities. 2.1.154. Do we ask what he did in the distant province of Phrygia? what in the most remote parts of Pamphylia? What a robber of pirates he proved himself in war, who had been found to be a nefarious plunderer of the Roman people in the forum? Do we doubt what that man would do with respect to spoils taken from the enemy, who appropriated to himself so much plunder from the spoils of Lucius Metellus? 36 who let out a contract for whitewashing four pillars at a greater price than Metellus paid for erecting the whole of them? Must we wait to hear what the witnesses from Sicily say? Who has ever seen that temple who is not a witness of your avarice, of your injustice, of your audacity? Who has ever come from the statue of Vertumnus into the Circus Maximus, without being reminded at every step of your avarice? for that road, the road of the sacred cars and of such solemn processions, you have had repaired in such a way that you yourself do not dare go by it. Can any one think that when you were separated from Italy by the sea you spared the allies? You who chose thetemple of Castor to be the witness of your thefts which the Roman people saw every day, and even the judges at the very moment that they were giving their decision concerning you. [60] 2.2.154. I come now to the cities of Sicily, in which case it is exceedingly easy to form an opinion of their inclination. Did the Sicilians also contribute against their will? It is not probable. In truth it is evident that Caius Verres so conducted himself during his praetorship in Sicily, that, as he could not satisfy both parties, both the Sicilians and the Romans, he considered rather his duty to our allies, than his ambition, which might have prompted him to gratify the citizens. And therefore I saw him called in an inscription at Syracuse, not only the patron of that island, but also the saviour of it. What a great expression is this! so great that it cannot be expressed by any single Latin word. He in truth is a saviour, who has given salvation. In his name days of festival are kept — that fine Verrean festival — not as if it was the festival of Marcellus, but instead of the Marcellean festival, which they abolished at his command. His triumphal arch is in the forum at Syracuse, on which his son stands, naked; and he himself from horseback looks down on the province which has been stripped bare by himself. His statues are in every place; which seem to show this, that he very nearly erected as many statues at Syracuse as he had taken away from it. And even at Rome we see an inscription in his honour carved at the foot of the statues, in letters of the largest size, "that that were given by the community of Sicily." Why were they given? How can any one be induced to believe that such great honours were paid to him by people against their will? [64] 2.2.158. What man ever lived of whom such a thing was heard as has happened to you, that his statues in his province, erected in the public places, and some of them even in the holy temples, were thrown down by force by the whole population? There have been many guilty magistrates in Asia, many in Africa, many in Spain, in Gaul, in Sardinia, many in Sicily itself, but did we ever hear such a thing as this of any of them? It is an unexampled thing, O judges, a sort of prodigy amazing the Sicilians, and among all the Greeks. I would not have believed that story about the statues, if I had not seen them myself uprooted and lying on the ground; because it is a custom among all the Greeks to think that honours paid to men by monuments of that sort, are, to some extent, consecrated, and under the protection of the gods. 2.2.159. Therefore, when the Rhodians, almost single-handed, carried on the first war against Mithridates, and withstood all his power and his most vigorous attacks on their walls, and shores, and fleets — when they, beyond all other nations, were enemies to the king; still, even then, at the time of imminent danger to their city, they did not touch his statue which was among them in the most frequented place in their city. Perhaps there might seem some inconsistency in preserving the effigy and image of the man, when they were striving to overthrow the man himself: but still I saw, when I was among them, that they had a religious feeling in those matters handed down to them from their ancestors, and that they argued in this way; — that as to the statue, they regarded the period when it had been erected; but as to the man, they regarded the fact of his waging war against them, and being an enemy. [66] You see, therefore, that the custom and religious feeling of the Greeks, which is accustomed to defend the monuments of enemies, even at a time of actual war, could not, even in a time of profound peace, protect the statues of a praetor of the Roman people. 2.2.160. The men of Tauromenium which is a city in alliance with us, most quiet men, who were formerly as far removed as possible from the injuries of our magistrates, owing to the protection the treaty was to them; yet even they did not hesitate to overturn that man's statue. But when that was removed, they allowed the pedestal to remain in the forum, because they thought it would tell more strongly against him, if men knew that his statue had been thrown down by the Tauromenians, than if they thought that none had ever been erected. The Tyndaritans threw down his statue in the forum; and for the same reason left the horse without a rider. At Leontini, even in that miserable and desolate city, his statue in the gymnasium was thrown down. For why should I speak of the Syracusans, when that act was not a private act of the Syracusans, but was done by them in common with all their neighbouring allies, and withal most the whole province? How great a multitude, how vast a concourse of men is said to have been present when his statues were pulled down and overturned! But where was this done? In the most frequented and sacred place of the whole city; before Serapis himself, in the very entrance and vestibule of the temple. And if Metellus had not acted with great vigour, and by his authority, and by a positive edict forbidden it, there would not have been a trace of a statue of that man left in all Sicily. 2.2.167. Will you dare to say, either that the agriculturists, that all the Sicilians, in short, think well of you, or that it has nothing to do with the subject what they think? You will not dare to say this, nor if you were to wish to do so would you be allowed. For those equestrian statues erected by the Sicilians, whom you affect to despise, and by the agriculturists, deprive you of the power of saying that; the statues, I mean, which a little while before you came to the city you ordered to be erected and to have inscriptions put upon them, to serve as a check to the inclinations of all your enemies and accusers. 2.3.31. The cultivator, forsooth, might plead his cause; he might show that no corn was left him by Apronius — that even his other property was seized; that he himself had been driven away with blows. Those admirable men would lay their heads together, they would chat to one another about revels and harlots, if they could catch any when leaving the praetor. The cause would seem to be properly heard: Apronius would have risen, full of his new dignity as a knight; not like a collector all over dirt and dust, but reeking with perfumes, languid with the lateness of the last night's drinking party, with his first motion, and with his breath he would have filled the whole place with the odour of wine, of perfume, and of his person. He would have said, what he repeatedly has said, that he had bought, not the tenths, but the property and fortunes of the cultivators; that he, Apronius, was not a collector, but a second Verres — the absolute lord and master of those men. And when he had said this, those admirable men of Verres's train, the judges, would deliberate, not about acquitting Apronius, but they would inquire how they could condemn the cultivator himself to pay damages to Apronius. [13] 2.4.126. For the Sappho which was taken away out of the town-hall affords you so reasonable an excuse, that it may seem almost allowable and pardonable. That work of Silanion, so perfect, so elegant, so elaborate, (I will not say what private man, but) what nation could be so worthy to possess, as the most elegant and learned Verres? Certainly, nothing will be said against it. If any one of us, who are not as happy, who cannot be as refined as that man, should wish to behold anything of the sort, let him go to the temple of Good Fortune, to the monument of Catulus, to the portico of Metellus; let him take pains to get admittance into the Tusculan villa of any one of those men; let him see the forum when decorated, if Verres is ever so kind as to lend any of his treasures to the aediles. Shall Verres have all these things at home? shall Verres have his house full of his villas crammed with, the ornaments of temples and cities? Will you still, O judges, bear with the hobby, as he calls it, and pleasures of this vile artisan? a man who was born in such a rank, educated in such a way, and who is so formed both in mind and body, that he appears a much fitter person to take down statues than to appropriate them. 2.5.41. Oh! the noble murmur of the crowd in the temple of Bellona! You recollect, O judges, when it was getting towards evening, and when mention had been made a short time before of this disaster at Temsa, when no one was found who could be sent into those districts with a military command, that some one said that Verres was not far from Temsa. You recollect how universally every one murmured; how openly the chief men repudiated the suggestion. And does the man who has been convicted of so many accusations by so many witnesses, now place any hope in the votes of those judges, who have already openly condemned him, even before his cause was heard? [17] 2.5.81. Here the praetor of the Roman people, the guardian and defender of the province, lived for sixty days of the summer in such a style that he had banquets of women every day, while no man was admitted except himself and his youthful son. Although, indeed, I might have made no exception, but might have said that there was no man there at all, as there were only these two. Sometimes also his freedman Timarchides was admitted. But the women were all wives of citizens, of noble birth, except one the daughter of an actor named Isidorus, whom he, out of love, had seduced away from a Rhodian flute player. There was a woman called Pippa, the wife of Aeschrio the Syracusan, concerning which woman many verses, which were made on Verres's fondness for her, are quoted over all Sicily. 2.5.106. After all this was settled and determined, Verres immediately advances from his praetorian house, inflamed with wickedness, frenzy, and cruelty. He comes into the forum. He orders the naval captains to be summoned. They immediately come with all speed, as men who were afraid of nothing, and suspected nothing. He orders those unhappy and innocent men to be loaded with chains. They began to invoke the good faith of the praetor, and to ask why he did so? Then he says that this is the reason — because they had betrayed the fleet to the pirates. There is a great outcry, and great astonishment on the part of the people, that there should be so much impudence and audacity in the man as to attribute to others the origin of a calamity which had happened entirely owing to his own avarice; or to bring against others a charge of treason, when he himself was thought to be a partner of the pirates; and lastly, they marveled at this charge not being originated till fifteen days after the fleet had been lost. |
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59. Cicero, In Pisonem, 22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 | 22. [51] But since we have begun to institute a comparison between our fortunes we will say no more of the return of Gabinius, whom, though he has cut the ground from under his own feet, I still wish to see to admire the impudence of the man. Let us, if you please, compare your return with mine. Mine was such that the whole way from Brundusium to Rome I was beholding one unbroken line of the inhabitants of all Italy. For there was no district nor municipal town, nor prefecture, nor colony, from which a deputation was not sent by the public authority to congratulate me. Why should I speak of my arrival in the different towns? why of the crowds of men who thronged out to meet me? why of the way in which the fathers of families with their wives and children gathered together to greet me? why of those days which were celebrated by every one on my arrival and return, as if they had been solemn festival days of the immortal gods? [52] That one day was to me like an immortality, on which I returned to my country, and saw the senate which had come forth to meet me, and the whole Roman people; while Rome itself, torn, if I may so say, from its foundations, seemed to come forward to embrace her saviour. Rome, which received me in such a manner that not only all men and all women of all classes, and ages, and orders of society, of every fortune and every rank, but that even the walls and houses of the city and temples appeared to be exulting. And on the succeeding days, the pontiffs, the consuls, the conscript fathers, placed me in that very house from which you had driven me, which you had pillaged, and which you had burnt and voted that my house was to be built up for me again at the public expense, an honour which they had never paid to any one before. [53] Now you know the circumstances of my return. Now compare yours with it, since, having lost your army, you have brought nothing safe back with you except that pristine countece and impudence of yours. And who is there who knows where you first came to with those laurelled lictors of yours? What meanders, what turnings and windings did you thread, while seeking for the most solitary possible places? What municipal town saw you? What friend invited you? What entertainer beheld you? Did you not make night take the place of day? solitude of society? a cookshop of the town? so that you did not appear to be returning from Macedonia as a noble commander, but to be being brought back as a disgraced corpse? and even Rome itself was polluted by your arrival. |
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| 60. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 2.15.2, 3.7.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 42 |
| 61. Cicero, Letters, 3.7.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 42 |
62. Cicero, On Duties, 1.54-1.55, 1.61, 1.64, 3.82, 4.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), murders committed by •nero (emperor), relationship with agrippina the younger •nero, emperor, and seneca •king, emperor, nero •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 171; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 268; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 286| 1.54. Nam cum sit hoc natura commune animantium, ut habeant libidinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso coniugio est, proxima in liberis, deinde una domus, communia omnia; id autem est principium urbis et quasi seminarium rei publicae. Sequuntur fratrum coniunctiones, post consobrinorum sobrinorumque, qui cum una domo iam capi non possint, in alias domos tamquam in colonias exeunt. Sequuntur conubia et affinitates, ex quibus etiam plures propinqui; quae propagatio et suboles origo est rerum publicarum. Sanguinis autem coniunctio et benivolentia devincit homines et caritate; 1.55. magnum est enim eadem habere monumenta maiorum, eisdem uti sacris, sepulcra habere communia. Sed omnium societatum nulla praestantior est, nulla firmior, quam cum viri boni moribus similes sunt familiaritate coniuncti; illud enim honestum quod saepe dicimus, etiam si in alio cernimus, tamen nos movet atque illi, in quo id inesse videtur, amicos facit. 1.61. Intelligendum autem est, cum proposita sint genera quattuor, e quibus honestas officiumque manaret, splendidissimum videri, quod animo magno elatoque humanasque res despiciente factum sit. Itaque in probris maxime in promptu est si quid tale dici potest: Vós enim, iuvenes, ánimum geritis múliebrem, ílla virgo viri et si quid eius modi: Salmácida, spolia sÍne sudore et sánguine. Contraque in laudibus, quae magno animo et fortiter excellenterque gesta sunt, ea nescio quo modo quasi pleniore ore laudamus. Hinc rhetorum campus de Marathone, Salamine, Plataeis, Thermopylis, Leuctris, hine noster Cocles, hinc Decii, hinc Cn. et P. Scipiones, hinc M. Marcellus, innumerabiles alii, maximeque ipse populus Romanus animi magnitudine excellit. Declaratur autem studium bellicae gloriae, quod statuas quoque videmus ornatu fere militari. 1.64. Sed illud odiosum est, quod in hac elatione et magnitudine animi facillime pertinacia et nimia cupiditas principatus innascitur. Ut enim apud Platonem est, omnem morem Lacedaemoniorum inflammatum esse cupiditate vincendi, sic, ut quisque animi magnitudine maxime excellet, ita maxime vult princeps omnium vel potius solus esse. Difficile autem est, cum praestare omnibus concupieris, servare aequitatem, quae est iustitiae maxime propria. Ex quo fit, ut neque disceptatione vinci se nec ullo publico ac legitimo iure patiantur, exsistuntque in re publica plerumque largitores et factiosi, ut opes quam maximas consequantur et sint vi potius superiores quam iustitia pares. Sed quo difficilius, hoc praeclarius; nullum enim est tempus, quod iustitia vacare debeat. 3.82. Est ergo ulla res tanti aut commodum ullum tam expetendum, ut viri boni et splendorem et nomen amittas? Quid est, quod afferre tantum utilitas ista, quae dicitur, possit, quantum auferre, si boni viri nomen eripuerit, fidem iustitiamque detraxerit? Quid enim interest, utrum ex homine se convertat quis in beluam an hominis figura immanitatem gerat beluae? Quid? qui omnia recta et honesta neglegunt, dum modo potentiam consequantur, nonne idem faciunt, quod is, qui etiam socerum habere voluit eum, cuius ipse audacia potens esset? Utile ei videbatur plurimum posse alterius invidia; id quam iniustum in patriam et quam turpe esset, non videbat. Ipse autem socer in ore semper Graecos versus de Phoenissis habebat, quos dicam, ut potero, incondite fortasse, sed tamen, ut res possit intellegi: Nam sí violandum est Iús, regdi grátia Violándum est; aliis rébus pietatém colas. Capitalis Eteocles vel potius Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnum sceleratissimum fuerit, exceperit! | 1.54. For since the reproductive instinct is by Nature's gift the common possession of all living creatures, the first bond of union is that between husband and wife; the next, that between parents and children; then we find one home, with everything in common. And this is the foundation of civil government, the nursery, as it were, of the state. Then follow the bonds between brothers and sisters, and next those of first and then of second cousins; and when they can no longer be sheltered under one roof, they go out into other homes, as into colonies. Then follow between these in turn, marriages and connections by marriage, and from these again a new stock of relations; and from this propagation and after-growth states have their beginnings. The bonds of common blood hold men fast through good-will and affection; < 1.55. for it means much to share in common the same family traditions, the same forms of domestic worship, and the same ancestral tombs. But of all the bonds of fellowship, there is none more noble, none more powerful than when good men of congenial character are joined in intimate friendship; for really, if we discover in another that moral goodness on which I dwell so much, it attracts us and makes us friends to the one in whose character it seems to dwell. < 1.61. We must realize, however, that while we have set down four cardinal virtues from which as sources moral rectitude and moral duty emanate, that achievement is most glorious in the eyes of the world which is won with a spirit great, exalted, and superior to the vicissitudes of earthly life. And so, when we wish to hurl a taunt, the very first to rise to our lips is, if possible, something like this: "For ye, young men, show a womanish soul, yon maiden a man's;" and this: "Thou son of Salmacis, win spoils that cost nor sweat nor blood." When, on the other hand, we wish to pay a compliment, we somehow or other praise in more eloquent strain the brave and noble work of some great soul. Hence there is an open field for orators on the subjects of Marathon, Salamis, Plataea, Thermopylae, and Leuctra, and hence our own Cocles, the Decii, Gnaeus and Publius Scipio, Marcus Marcellus, and countless others, and, above all, the Roman People as a nation are celebrated for greatness of spirit. Their passion for military glory, moreover, is shown in the fact that we see their statues usually in soldier's garb. < 1.64. But the mischief is that from this exaltation and greatness of spirit spring all too readily self-will and excessive lust for power. For just as Plato tells us that the whole national character of the Spartans was on fire with passion for victory, so, in the same way, the more notable a man is for his greatness of spirit, the more ambitious he is to be the foremost citizen, or, I should say rather, to be sole ruler. But when one begins to aspire to pre-eminence, it is difficult to preserve that spirit of fairness which is absolutely essential to justice. The result is that such men do not allow themselves to be constrained either by argument or by any public and lawful authority; but they only too often prove to be bribers and agitators in public life, seeking to obtain supreme power and to be superiors through force rather than equals through justice. But the greater the difficulty, the greater the glory; for no occasion arises that can excuse a man for being guilty of injustice. < 3.82. Is there, then, any object of such value or any advantage so worth the winning that, to gain it, one should sacrifice the name of a "good man" and the lustre of his reputation? What is there that your soâcalled expediency can bring to you that will compensate for what it can take away, if it steals from you the name of a "good man" and causes you to lose your sense of honour and justice? For what difference does it make whether a man is actually transformed into a beast or whether, keeping the outward appearance of a man, he has the savage nature of a beast within? Again, when people disregard everything that is morally right and true, if only they may secure power thereby, are they not pursuing the same course as he who wished to have as a father-inâlaw the man by whose effrontery he might gain power for himself? He thought it advantageous to secure supreme power while the odium of it fell upon another; and he failed to see how unjust to his country this was, and how wrong morally. But the father-inâlaw himself used to have continually upon his lips the Greek verses from the Phoenissae, which I will reproduce as well as I can â awkwardly, it may be, but still so that the meaning can be understood: "If wrong may e'er be right, for a throne's sake Were wrong most right:â be God in all else feared!" Our tyrant deserved his death for having made an exception of the one thing that was the blackest crime of all. < |
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63. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.18, 1.201, 3.69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 111, 245; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 210| 1.18. Nam quid ego de actione ipsa plura dicam? quae motu corporis, quae gestu, quae vultu, quae vocis conformatione ac varietate moderanda est; quae sola per se ipsa quanta sit, histrionum levis ars et scaena declarat; in qua cum omnes in oris et vocis et motus moderatione laborent, quis ignorat quam pauci sint fuerintque, quos animo aequo spectare possimus? Quid dicam de thesauro rerum omnium, memoria? Quae nisi custos inventis cogitatisque rebus et verbis adhibeatur, intellegimus omnia, etiam si praeclarissima fuerint in oratore, peritura. 1.201. Iam illa non longam orationem desiderant, quam ob rem existimem publica quoque iura, quae sunt propria civitatis atque imperi, tum monumenta rerum gestarum et vetustatis exempla oratori nota esse debere; nam ut in rerum privatarum causis atque iudiciis depromenda saepe oratio est ex iure civili et idcirco, ut ante diximus, oratori iuris civilis scientia necessaria est, sic in causis publicis iudiciorum, contionum, senatus omnis haec et antiquitatis memoria et publici iuris auctoritas et regendae rei publicae ratio ac scientia tamquam aliqua materies eis oratoribus, qui versantur in re publica, subiecta esse debet. | 1.18. Besides, the whole of antiquity and a multitude of examples is to be kept in the memory; nor is the knowledge of laws in general, or of the civil law in particular, to be neglected. And why need I add any remarks on delivery itself, which is to be ordered by action of body, by gesture, by look, and by modulation and variation of the voice, the great power of which, alone and in itself, the comparatively trivial art of actors and the stage proves, on which though all bestow their utmost labour to form their look, voice, and gesture, who knows not how few there are, and have ever been, to whom we can attend with, patience 1 What can I say of that repository for all things, the memory, which, unless it be made the keeper of the matter and words that are the fruits of thought and invention, all the talents of the orator, we see, though they be of the highest degree of excellence, will be of no avail? 1.201. “It requires no very long explanation to show why I think the public laws also, which concern the state and government, as well as the records of history, and the precedents of antiquity, ought to be known to the orator; for as in causes and trials relative to private affairs, his language is often to be borrowed from the civil law, and therefore, as we said before, the knowledge of the civil law is necessary to the orator; so in regard to causes affecting public matters, before our courts, in assemblies of the people, and in the senate, all the history of these and of past times, the authority of public law, the system and science of governing the state, ought to be at the command of orators occupied with affairs of government, as the very groundwork of their speeches. |
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64. Cicero, Republic, 4.11-4.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 210| 4.11. August. C.D. 2.9 Numquam comoediae, nisi consuetudo vitae pateretur, probare sua theatris flagitia potuissent. quem illa non adtigit vel potius quem non vexavit? cui pepercit? Esto, populares homines inprobos, in re publica seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum laesit. Patiamur, etsi eius modi cives a censore melius est quam a poeta notari; sed Periclen, cum iam suae civitati maxima auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli praefuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scaena non plus decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset aut Naevius Publio et Gnaeo Scipioni aut Caecilius Marco Catoni male dicere 4.12. Nostrae contra duo decim tabulae cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt, si quis occentavisset sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri. Praeclare; iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis, habere debemus nec probrum audire nisi ea lege, ut respondere liceat et iudicio defendere. veteribus displicuisse Romanis vel laudari quemquam in scaena vivum hominem vel vituperari. | 4.11. Scipio. . . . Nor would comedy, unless the customs of daily life had so permitted, ever have been able to make its disgraceful exhibitions acceptable to the spectators . Whom has comedy not attacked, or rather persecuted ? Whom has it spared ? It is true that it has wounded wicked demagogues and men who stirred up sedition in the State, like Cleon, Cleophon, and Hyperbolus. ** This we might allow, though it is preferable for such citizens to suffer disgrace from a censor rather than from a poet. But it was no more proper that Pericles, who by reason of his commanding influence had already governed his commonwealth for many years, both in peace and war, should be insulted in verse, and that such verses should be recited on the stage, than it would have been for our own Plautus or Naevius to have selected Publius and Gnaeus Scipio for abuse, or for Caecilius to have vilified Marcus Cato . . . 4.12. On the other hand, our Twelve Tables, ** though they provided the death penalty for only a few crimes, did provide it for any person who sang or composed a song which contained a slander or insult to anyone else This was an excellent rule ; for our mode of life ought to be liable to judgment by the magistrates and the courts of law, but not by clever poets ; nor ought we to be subject to disgrace unless we have an opportunity to answer and defend ourselves in a court of law. . . . The early Romans did not desire that any living man should either be praised or blamed on the stage . . . |
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| 65. Cicero, Letters, 2.12.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245 |
| 66. Cicero, Letters, 1.9.2, 1.15.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 8, 47 |
| 67. Cicero, Pro Murena, 76.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 80 |
68. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 2.2, 2.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 275 | 2.2. "Lord, Lord, king of the heavens, and sovereign of all creation, holy among the holy ones, the only ruler, almighty, give attention to us who are suffering grievously from an impious and profane man, puffed up in his audacity and power. 2.2. Speedily let your mercies overtake us, and put praises in the mouth of those who are downcast and broken in spirit, and give us peace." 2.22. He shook him on this side and that as a reed is shaken by the wind, so that he lay helpless on the ground and, besides being paralyzed in his limbs, was unable even to speak, since he was smitten by a righteous judgment. |
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69. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.83, 2.14, 2.62, 2.67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), psychology of Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 105; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 39, 56; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 318 | 1.83. Therefore, ought not a natural philosopher — that is, an inquirer into the secrets of nature — to be ashamed of seeking a testimony to truth from minds prepossessed by custom? According to the rule you have laid down, it may be said that Jupiter is always bearded, Apollo always beardless; that Minerva has gray and Neptune azure eyes; and, indeed, we must then honor that Vulcan at Athens, made by Alcamenes, whose lameness through his thin robes appears to be no deformity. Shall we, therefore, receive a lame Deity because we have such an account of him? Consider, likewise, that the Gods go by what names we give them. Now, in the first place, they have as many names as men have languages; for Vulcan is not called Vulcan in Italy, Africa, or Spain, as you are called Velleius in all countries. Besides, the Gods are innumerable, though the list of their names is of no great length even in the records of our priests. Have they no names? You must necessarily confess, indeed, they have none; for what occasion is there for different names if their persons are alike? How much more laudable would it be, Velleius, to acknowledge that you do not know what you do not know than to follow a man whom you must despise! Do you think the Deity is like either me or you? You do not really think he is like either of us. What is to be done, then? Shall I call the sun, the moon, or the sky a Deity? If so, they are consequently happy. But what pleasures can they enjoy? And they are wise too. But how can wisdom reside in such shapes? These are your own principles. Therefore, if they are not of human form, as I have proved, and if you cannot persuade yourself that they are of any other, why are you cautious of denying absolutely the being of any Gods? You dare not deny it — which is very prudent in you, though here you are not afraid of the people, but of the Gods themselves. I have known Epicureans who reverence even the least images of the Gods, though I perceive it to be the opinion of some that Epicurus, through fear of offending against the Athenian laws, has allowed a Deity in words and destroyed him in fact; so in those his select and short sentences, which are called by you κυρίαι δόξαι, this, I think, is the first: "That being which is happy and immortal is not burdened with any labor, and does not impose any on any one else." 1.83. Should not the physical philosopher therefore, that is, the explorer and tracker-out of nature, be ashamed to go to minds besotted with habit for evidence of truth? On your principle it will be legitimate to assert that Jupiter always wears a beard and Apollo never, and that Minerva has grey eyes and Neptune blue. Yes, and at Athens there is a much-praised statue of Vulcan made by Alcamenes, a standing figure, draped, which displays a slight lameness, though not enough to be unsightly. We shall therefore deem god to be lame, since tradition represents Vulcan so. Tell me now, do we also make out the gods to have the same names as those by which they are known to us? 2.14. third, the awe inspired by lightning, storms, rain, snow, hail, floods, pestilences, earthquakes and occasionally subterranean rumblings, showers of stones and raindrops the colour of blood, also landslips and chasms suddenly opening in the ground, also unnatural monstrosities human and animal, and also the appearance of meteoric lights and what are called by the Greeks 'comets,' and in our language 'long-haired stars,' such as recently during the Octavian War appeared as harbingers of dire disasters, and the doubling of the sun, which my father told me had happened in the consulship of Tuditanus and Aquilius, the year in which the light was quenched of Publius Africanus, that second sun of Rome: all of which alarming portents have suggested to mankind the idea of the existence of some celestial and divine power. 2.62. Everything, then, from which any great utility proceeded was deified; and, indeed, the names I have just now mentioned are declaratory of the particular virtue of each Deity. It has been a general custom likewise, that men who have done important service to the public should be exalted to heaven by fame and universal consent. Thus Hercules, Castor and Pollux, Aesculapius, and Liber became Gods (I mean Liber the son of Semele, and not him whom our ancestors consecrated in such state and solemnity with Ceres and Libera; the difference in which may be seen in our Mysteries. But because the offsprings of our bodies are called "Liberi" (children), therefore the offspring of Ceres are called Liber and Libera; thus likewise Romulus, or Quirinus — for they are thought to be the same — became a God. They are justly esteemed as Deities, since their souls subsist and enjoy eternity, from whence they are perfect and immortal beings. 2.62. Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. 2.67. She is called Ceres, which is the same as Geres — a gerendis frugibus — "from bearing fruit," the first letter of the word being altered after the manner of the Greeks, for by them she is called Δημήτηρ, the same as Γημήτηρ. Again, he (qui magna vorteret) "who brings about mighty changes" is called Mavors; and Minerva is so called because (minueret, or minaretur) she diminishes or menaces. And as the beginnings and endings of all things are of the greatest importance, therefore they would have their sacrifices to begin with Janus. His name is derived ab eundo, from passing; from whence thorough passages are called jani, and the outward doors of common houses are called januae. The name of Vesta is, from the Greeks, the same with their Ἑστία. Her province is over altars and hearths; and in the name of this Goddess, who is the keeper of all things within, prayers and sacrifices are concluded. 2.67. The mother is Ceres, a corruption of 'Geres,' from gero, because she bears the crops; the same accidental change of the first letter is also seen in her Greek name Dēmētēr, a corruption of gē mētēr ('mother earth'). Mavors again is from magna vertere, 'the overturner of the great,' while Minerva is either 'she who minishes' or 'she who is minatory.' Also, as the beginning and the end are the most important parts of all affairs, they held that Janus is the leader in a sacrifice, the name being derived from ire ('to go'), hence the names jani for archways and januae for the front doors of secular buildings. Again, the name Vesta comes from the Greeks, for she is the goddess whom they call Hestia. Her power extends over altars and hearths, and therefore all prayers and all sacrifices end with this goddess, because she is the guardian of the innermost things. |
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70. Polybius, Histories, 1.1.5, 1.2.7, 1.3.9-1.3.10, 3.1.4, 30.22.1-30.22.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor •nero (emperor) Found in books: Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 223; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 114| 1.1.5. τίς γὰρ οὕτως ὑπάρχει φαῦλος ἢ ῥᾴθυμος ἀνθρώπων ὃς οὐκ ἂν βούλοιτο γνῶναι πῶς καὶ τίνι γένει πολιτείας ἐπικρατηθέντα σχεδὸν ἅπαντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην οὐχ ὅλοις πεντήκοντα καὶ τρισὶν ἔτεσιν ὑπὸ μίαν ἀρχὴν ἔπεσε τὴν Ῥωμαίων, ὃ πρότερον οὐχ εὑρίσκεται γεγονός, 1.2.7. Ῥωμαῖοί γε μὴν οὐ τινὰ μέρη, σχεδὸν δὲ πᾶσαν πεποιημένοι τὴν οἰκουμένην ὑπήκοον αὑτοῖς, ἀνυπόστατον μὲν τοῖς ὑπάρχουσι πᾶσιν, ἀνυπέρβλητον δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις ὑπεροχὴν κα τέλιπον τῆς αὑτῶν δυναστείας. 1.3.9. ἵνα μηδεὶς ἐπιστὰς ἐπʼ αὐτὴν τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐξήγησιν τότε διαπορῇ καὶ ζητῇ ποίοις διαβουλίοις ἢ ποίαις δυνάμεσι καὶ χορηγίαις χρησάμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς ταύτας ὥρμησαν τὰς ἐπιβολάς, διʼ ὧν καὶ τῆς γῆς καὶ τῆς θαλάττης τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐγένοντο πάσης ἐγκρατεῖς, 1.3.10. ἀλλʼ ἐκ τούτων τῶν βύβλων καὶ τῆς ἐν ταύταις προκατασκευῆς δῆλον ᾖ τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ὅτι καὶ λίαν εὐλόγοις ἀφορμαῖς χρησάμενοι πρός τε τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ὥρμησαν καὶ πρὸς τὴν συντέλειαν ἐξ | |
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71. Cicero, On Laws, 2.2, 2.14.34, 2.22, 2.38-2.39, 2.62, 3.13.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, •nero (emperor) Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 256; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 110; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 42 | 2.38. With respect to public shows and amusements, they are generally exhibited either in the circus or the theatre. Let therefore corporeal contests, such as racing, boxing, wrestling, and charioteering for the palm of victory, be confined to the circus. And let dramatic recitations, with vocal and instrumental music within due limits, be practised in the theatre as by law prescribed. For I think with Plato that nothing more readily influences sentimental and susceptible minds, than the varied melodies of music; whose power of raising both good and evil passions is almost incalculable; for music can excite the depressed, and depress the excited, and augment our energies, or contract them. It would have been well for many of the Greek cities, if they had maintained the spirited and invigorating character of their ancient music; for since their music has been changed, their morals and manners have lapsed into voluptuousness and effeminacy. Whether their dispositions have been depraved by this seducing and enervating music, or whether their heroism has yielded to the temptation of other vices, certainly both their sense of honour and their sense of hearing must have been corrupt enough ere they could find pleasure in their newfangled concertos. 2.39. Therefore it was, that Plato, that wisest and learnedest philosopher of Greece, so much dreaded the effects of music on his fellow-countrymen. He denied that it was possible to change the laws of music, without likewise changing the laws of manners. If I am not quite so timid as Plato with respect to the influence of music, I by no means believe that this influence is to be slighted or overlooked by the moralist or the lawyer. Without going further, let me observe the effect of that influence among our Romans. The verses of Livius and Naevius, which used to be sung with a manly simplicity and energy, are now chanted forth with all sorts of grimaces and contortions of the eyes and head, according to the variation of the airs. Ancient Greece never permitted such abuses, wisely foreseeing, that if this kind of effeminacy got possession of the citizens, it would ruin all their cities with false arts and luxurious indulgences. And therefore the stern Lacedaemon ordained that the harp of Timotheus should possess but seven chords, and that the rest should be taken away. 2.62. whether the praises of the honorable dead shall be commemorated in a panegyric; whether the elegiac songs shall be accompanied by flutes, so as to form dirges, by which name Gracchus designated funeral lamentations. QUINTUS: I am delighted that our laws are so far conformable to nature, and above measure pleased with the wisdom of our ancestors. MARCUS: Yet I believe, my Quintus, that some further limitation should be made to the funeral pomps and ceremonials. You may see in the funeral of Figulus to what an excess these vanities were carried. QUINTUS: I think there was formerly far less ambition for this kind of extravagance than at present prevails, as many examples of funeral frugality and simplicity are extant in the records of our ancestors. MARCUS: At least our legal interpreters inform us, that the chapter of the law which forbids profuse and excessive ceremonials in the funeral rites of the dead, likewise condemns the superfluous magnificence of sepulchres. And we cannot believe that this important subject should have escaped the attention of our wisest legislators. 2.63 They say that the custom of interring the dead in the Greek mode, began at Athens in the time of Cecrops. And that immediately after such interments, the next relatives, when they had cast the earth over the dead, scattered the seeds of vegetables over the spot; that, having like a benigt mother, taken her lifeless son to her bosom, by the expiation of the seed she should again bear fruit for the living. Then followed the festivals, which the relatives attended, crowned with flowers; and in these festivals they pronounced the eulogies on the deceased, if his virtues were worthy of commendation; for it was reckoned impious to lie on such occasions, and thus the ceremony terminated. |
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| 72. Terence, Adelphi, 101-102 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 73. Terence, The Eunuch, 934-936 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
74. Livy, History, 1.5, 1.14.3, 1.16, 1.19-1.20, 1.46.3, 2.13, 2.36, 3.7.6-3.7.8, 3.13.2, 3.26.11, 3.56.8, 4.2.14, 5.41.6, 5.52.7, 7.2.4-7.2.13, 9.27.14, 9.30.5, 21.46.1, 22.1.15-22.1.20, 22.10.2-22.10.6, 22.55.3, 23.9.3-23.9.5, 23.25.1, 24.10.11, 24.24.3, 24.34.7, 25.7.7, 26.19.7-26.19.8, 27.23.2, 27.34.3-27.34.6, 27.37.5-27.37.8, 27.51.11-27.51.12, 29.37.2, 30.26.5, 31.12.1-31.12.10, 31.24.13, 31.44.4-31.44.5, 31.44.9, 32.34.5, 36.36.3-36.36.5, 37.3.3, 39.5.5, 39.51.12, 40.2.1-40.2.3, 40.29.2, 40.45.1-40.45.6, 42.19.3-42.19.6, 42.20, 42.49.1-42.49.2, 42.49.6, 45.1.2-45.1.4, 45.39.2, 45.39.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 213 | 2.13. Mucius was accordingly dismissed; afterwards he received the sobriquet of Scaevola from the loss of his right hand. Envoys from Porsena followed him to Rome. [2] The king's narrow escape from the first of many attempts which was owing solely to the mistake of his assailant, and the prospect of having to meet as many attacks as there were conspirators, so unnerved him that he made proposals of peace to Rome., One for the restoration of the Tarquins was put forward, more because he could not well refuse their request than because he had any hope of its being granted. [4] The demand for the restitution of their territory to the Veientines, and that for the surrender of hostages as a condition of the withdrawal of the detachment from the Janiculum, were felt by the Romans to be inevitable, and on their being accepted and peace concluded, Porsena moved his troops from the Janiculum and evacuated the Roman territory. [5] As a recognition of his courage the senate gave C. Mucius a piece of land across the river, which was afterwards known as the Mucian Meadows., The honour thus paid to courage incited even women to do glorious things for the State. The Etruscan camp was situated not far from the city, and the maiden Cloelia, one of the hostages, escaped, unobserved, through the guards and at the head of her sister hostages swam across the river amidst a shower of javelins and restored them all safe to their relatives. [7] When the news of this incident reached him, the king was at first exceedingly angry and sent to demand the surrender of Cloelia; the others he did not care about. [8] Afterwards his feelings changed to admiration; he said that the exploit surpassed those of Cocles and Mucius, and announced that whilst on the one hand he should consider the treaty broken if she were not surrendered, he would on the other hand, if she were surrendered, send her back to her people unhurt., Both sides behaved honourably; the Romans surrendered her as a pledge of loyalty to the terms of the treaty; the Etruscan king showed that with him courage was not only safe but honoured, and after eulogising the girl's conduct, told her that he would make her a present of half the remaining hostages, she was to choose whom she would. [10] It is said that after all had been brought before her, she chose the boys of tender age; a choice in keeping with maidenly modesty, and one approved by the hostages themselves, since they felt that the age which was most liable to ill-treatment should have the preference in being rescued from hostile hands. [11] After peace was thus re-established, the Romans rewarded the unprecedented courage shown by a woman by an unprecedented honour, namely an equestrian statue. On the highest part of the Sacred Way a statue was erected representing the maiden sitting on horseback. |
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| 75. Propertius, Elegies, 4.4.74, 2.19.16, 4.4.73, 4.4.75, 4.4.76, 2.13.20, 2.19.14, 2.19.13, 2.19.15, 3.14.30, 3.14.29, 2.29a, 4.1.16, 4.1.15, 2.2.6, 2.2.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 84 |
76. Strabo, Geography, 2.5.33, 4.1.3, 5.1.6, 5.1.10, 5.3.3, 5.4.6, 5.4.12, 6.1.1, 6.4.2, 7.7.6, 8.6.23, 14.3.3, 16.1.28, 17.1.5, 17.1.54 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 119; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 343, 418; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 1, 55, 145, 165, 176, 196, 201, 269, 391 | 2.5.33. After Asia comes Libya, which adjoins Egypt and Ethiopia. The coast next us, from Alexandria almost to the Pillars, is in a straight line, with the exception of the Syrtes, the sinuosities of some moderately sized bays, and the projection of the promontories by which they are formed. The side next the ocean from Ethiopia up to a certain point is almost parallel to the former; but after this the southern portions become narrowed into a sharp peak, extending a little beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and giving to the country something the figure of a trapezium. Its appearance, both by the accounts of other writers, and also the description given to ourselves by Cnaeus Piso, who was governor of this province, is that of a panther's skin, being dotted over with habitations surrounded by parched and desert land: these habitations the Egyptians call Auases. This continent offers besides several other peculiarities, which may be said to divide it into three distinct portions. Most of the coast next us is very fertile, more especially about the Cyrenaic and the parts about Carthage, as far as Maurusia and the Pillars of Hercules. Next the ocean it is likewise tolerably fitted for the habitation of man; but not so the centre of the country, which produces silphium; this for the most part is barren, rugged, and sandy; and the same is the case with regard to the whole of Asia lying under the same right line which traverses Ethiopia, the Troglodytic, Arabia, and the part of Gedrosia occupied by the Ichthyophagi. The people inhabiting Libya are for the most part unknown to us, as it has rarely been entered, either by armies or adventurers. But few of its inhabitants from the farther parts come amongst us, and their accounts are both incomplete and not to be relied on. The sum of what they say is as follows. Those which are most southern are called Ethiopians. North of these the principal nations are the Garamantes, the Pharusians, and the Nigritae. Still farther north are the Gaetuli. Close to the sea, and adjoining it next Egypt, and as far as the Cyrenaic, dwell the Marmaridae. Above the Cyrenaic and the Syrtes are the Psylli and Nasamones, and certain of the Gaetuli; and after them the Asbystae and Byzacii, as far as Carthage. Carthage is vast. Adjoining it are the Numidae ;of these people the tribes best known to us are called the Masylies and the Masuaesylii. The most westerly are the Maurusians. The whole land, from Carthage to the Pillars of Hercules, is fertile. Nevertheless it abounds in wild beasts no less than the interior; and it does not seem improbable that the cause why the name of Nomades, or Wanderers, was bestowed on certain of these people originated in their not being able anciently to devote themselves to husbandry on account of the wild beasts. At the present day, when they are well skilled in hunting, and are besides assisted by the Romans in their rage for the spectacle of fights with beasts, they are both masters of the beasts and of husbandry. This finishes what we have to say on the continents. 5.1.10. Cispadana comprehends all that country enclosed between the Apennines and the Alps as far as Genoa and the Vada-Sabbatorum. The greater part was inhabited by the Boii, the Ligurians, the Senones, and Gaesatae; but after the depopulation of the Boii, and the destruction of the Gaesatae and Senones, the Ligurian tribes and the Roman colonies alone remained. The nation of the Ombrici and certain of the Tyrrheni are also mixed amongst the Romans. These two nations, before the aggrandizement of the Romans, had some disputes with each other concerning precedence. Having only the river Tiber between, it was easy to commence war upon each other; and if the one sent out an expedition against any nation, it was the ambition of the other to enter the same country with an equal force. Thus, the Tyrrheni, having organized a successful expedition against the barbarians [dwelling in the countries] about the Po, but having speedily lost again through their luxury [all they had acquired], the Ombrici made war upon those who had driven them out. Disputes arose between the Tyrrheni and Ombrici concerning the right of possessing these places, and both nations founded many colonies; those, however, of the Ombrici were most numerous, as they were nearest to the spot. When the Romans gained the dominion, they sent out colonies to different parts, but preserved those which had been formerly planted by their predecessors. And although now they are all Romans, they are not the less distinguished, some by the names of Ombri and Tyrrheni, others by those of Heneti, Ligurians, and Insubri. 5.3.3. However, there also exists another more ancient and mythical account, to the effect that Rome was an Arcadian colony planted by Evander. He entertained Hercules when driving the oxen of Geryon, and being informed by his mother Nicostrata, (who was skilled in the art of prophecy,) that when Hercules should have completed his labours it was fore-ordained that he should be enrolled amongst the gods; he informed him of the matter, consecrated to him a grove, and offered sacrifice to him after the Grecian mode; a sacrifice which is continued in honour of Hercules to this day. The Roman historian Coelius is of opinion that this is a proof that Rome is a Grecian colony, the sacrifice to Hercules after the Grecian mode having been brought over from their fatherland. The Romans also worship the mother of Evander under the name of Carmentis, considering her one of the nymphs. 5.4.6. The Lucrine gulf extends in breadth as far as Baiae; it is separated from the sea by a bank eight stadia in length, and the breadth of a carriage-way; this they say was constructed by Hercules when he drove away the oxen of Geryon. But as the wave covered its surface in stormy weather, rendering it difficult to pass on foot, Agrippa has repaired it. Small vessels can put into it, but it is useless as a harbour. It contains abundant oyster-beds. Some take this to be the Acherusian Lake, while Artemidorus confounds it with Avernus. They say that Baiae took its name from Baius one of the companions of Ulysses, and Misenum from Misenus. Beyond is the strand and city of Dicaearchia. Formerly it was nothing but a naval station of the Cumaei. It was built on an eminence. But at the time of the war with Hannibal, the Romans established a colony there, and changed its name into Puteoli, [an appellation derived] from its wells; or, according to others, from the stench of its waters, the whole district from hence to Baiae and Cumae being full of sulphur, fire, and hot-springs. Some too are of opinion that it was on this account [that the country about] Cumae was named Phlegra, and that the fables of the giants struck down by thunderbolts owe their origin to these eruptions of fire and water. This city has become a place of extensive commerce, having artificially constructed harbours, which were much facilitated by the facile nature of the sand, which contains much gypsum, and will cement and consolidate thoroughly. For mixing this sand with chalk-stones they construct moles in the sea, thus forming bays along the open coast, in which the largest transport ships may safely ride. Immediately above the city lies the Forum-Vulcani, a plain surrounded with hills which seem to be on fire, having in many parts mouths emitting smoke, frequently accompanied by a terrible rumbling noise; the plain itself is full of drifted sulphur. 5.4.12. Concerning the Samnitae there is another story current to this effect: The Sabini, since they had long been at war with the Ombrici, vowed (just as some of the Greeks do) to dedicate everything that was produced that year; and, on winning the victory, they partly sacrificed and partly dedicated all that was produced; then a dearth ensued, and some one said that they ought to have dedicated the babies too; this they did, and devoted to Mars all the children born that year; and these children, when grown to manhood, they sent away as colonists, and a bull led the way; and when the bull lay down to rest in the land of the Opici (who, as it chanced, were living only in villages), the Sabini ejected them and settled on the spot, and, in accordance with the utterance of their seers, slaughtered the bull as a sacrifice to Mars who had given it for a guide. It is reasonable to suppose therefore that their name Sabelli is a nickname derived from the name of their forefathers, while their name Samnitae (the Greeks say Saunitai) is due to a different cause. Some say, moreover, that a colony of Laconians joined the Samnitae, and that for this reason the Samnitae actually became philhellenes, and that some of them were even called Pitanatae. But it is thought that the Tarantini simply fabricated this, to flatter, and at the same time to win the friendship of, a powerful people on their borders; because, on a time, the Samnitae were wont to send forth an army of as many as eighty thousand infantry and eight thousand cavalry. And they say that among the Samnitae there is a law which is indeed honourable and conducive to noble qualities; for they are not permitted to give their daughters in marriage to whom they wish, but every year ten virgins and ten young men, the noblest of each sex, are selected, and, of these, the first choice of the virgins is given to the first choice of the young men, and the second to the second, and so on to the end; but if the young man who wins the meed of honour changes and turns out bad, they disgrace him and take away from him the woman given him. Next after the Samnitae come the Hirpini, and they too are Samnitae; they got their name from the wolf that led the way for their colony (for hirpus is what the Samnitae call the wolf); and their territory adjoins that of those Leucani who live in the interior. So much, then, for the Samnitae. 6.1.1. Leucania: After the mouth of the Silaris one comes to Leucania, and to the sanctuary of the Argoan Hera, built by Jason, and near by, within fifty stadia, to Poseidonia. Thence, sailing out past the gulf, one comes to Leucosia, an island, from which it is only a short voyage across to the continent. The island is named after one of the Sirens, who was cast ashore here after the Sirens had flung themselves, as the myth has it, into the depths of the sea. In front of the island lies that promontory which is opposite the Sirenussae and with them forms the Poseidonian Gulf. On doubling this promontory one comes immediately to another gulf, in which there is a city which was called Hyele by the Phocaeans who founded it, and by others Ele, after a certain spring, but is called by the men of today Elea. This is the native city of Parmenides and Zeno, the Pythagorean philosophers. It is my opinion that not only through the influence of these men but also in still earlier times the city was well governed; and it was because of this good government that the people not only held their own against the Leucani and the Poseidoniatae, but even returned victorious, although they were inferior to them both in extent of territory and in population. At any rate, they are compelled, on account of the poverty of their soil, to busy themselves mostly with the sea and to establish factories for the salting of fish, and other such industries. According to Antiochus, after the capture of Phocaea by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus, all the Phocaeans who could do so embarked with their entire families on their light boats and, under the leadership of Creontiades, sailed first to Cyrnus and Massalia, but when they were beaten off from those places founded Elea. Some, however, say that the city took its name from the River Elees. It is about two hundred stadia distant from Poseidonia. After Elea comes the promontory of Palinurus. off the territory of Elea are two islands, the Oinotrides, which have anchoring-places. After Palinurus comes Pyxus — a cape, harbor, and river, for all three have the same name. Pyxus was peopled with new settlers by Micythus, the ruler of the Messene in Sicily, but all the settlers except a few sailed away again. After Pyxus comes another gulf, and also Laus — a river and city; it is the last of the Leucanian cities, lying only a short distance above the sea, is a colony of the Sybaritae, and the distance thither from Elea is four hundred stadia. The whole voyage along the coast of Leucania is six hundred and fifty stadia. Near Laus is the hero-sanctuary of Draco, one of the companions of Odysseus, in regard to which the following oracle was given out to the Italiotes: Much people will one day perish about Laian Draco. 6 And the oracle came true, for, deceived by it, the peoples who made campaigns against Laus, that is, the Greek inhabitants of Italy, met disaster at the hands of the Leucani. 6.4.2. Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, and, later on, by destroying Viriathus and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Augustus Caesar, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians and Iberians, they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution — as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus and the Nomads, for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father. 7.7.6. Next comes the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. Although the mouth of this gulf is but slightly more than four stadia wide, the circumference is as much as three hundred stadia; and it has good harbors everywhere. That part of the country which is on the right as one sails in is inhabited by the Greek Acarians. Here too, near the mouth, is the sacred precinct of the Actian Apollo — a hill on which the sanctuary stands; and at the foot of the hill is a plain which contains a sacred grove and a naval station, the naval station where Caesar dedicated as first fruits of his victory the squadron of ten ships — from vessel with single bank of oars to vessel with ten; however, not only the boats, it is said, but also the boat-houses have been wiped out by fire. On the left of the mouth are Nicopolis and the country of the Epeirote Cassopaeans, which extends as far as the recess of the gulf near Ambracia. Ambracia lies only a short distance above the recess; it was founded by Gorgus, the son of Cypselus. The River Aracthus flows past Ambracia; it is navigable inland for only a few stadia, from the sea to Ambracia, although it rises in Mount Tymphe and the Paroraea. Now this city enjoyed an exceptional prosperity in earlier times (at any rate the gulf was named after it), and it was adorned most of all by Pyrrhus, who made the place his royal residence. In later times, however, the Macedonians and the Romans, by their continuous wars, so completely reduced both this and the other Epeirote cities because of their disobedience that finally Augustus, seeing that the cities had utterly failed, settled what inhabitants were left in one city together the city on this gulf which was called by him Nicopolis; and he so named it after the victory which he won in the naval battle before the mouth of the gulf over Antonius and Cleopatra the queen of the Egyptians, who was also present at the fight. Nicopolis is populous, and its numbers are increasing daily, since it has not only a considerable territory and the adornment taken from the spoils of the battle, but also, in its suburbs, the thoroughly equipped sacred precinct — one part of it being in a sacred grove that contains a gymnasium and a stadium for the celebration of the quinquennial games, the other part being on the hill that is sacred to Apollo and lies above the grove. These games — the Actia, sacred to Actian Apollo — have been designated as Olympian, and they are superintended by the Lacedemonians. The other settlements are dependencies of Nicopolis. In earlier times also the Actian Games were wont to be celebrated in honor of the god by the inhabitants of the surrounding country — games in which the prize was a wreath — but at the present time they have been set in greater honor by Caesar. 8.6.23. The Corinthians, when they were subject to Philip, not only sided with him in his quarrel with the Romans, but individually behaved so contemptuously towards the Romans that certain persons ventured to pour down filth upon the Roman ambassadors when passing by their house. For this and other offences, however, they soon paid the penalty, for a considerable army was sent thither, and the city itself was razed to the ground by Leucius Mummius; and the other countries as far as Macedonia became subject to the Romans, different commanders being sent into different countries; but the Sikyonians obtained most of the Corinthian country. Polybius, who speaks in a tone of pity of the events connected with the capture of Corinth, goes on to speak of the disregard shown by the army for the works of art and votive offerings; for he says that he was present and saw paintings that had been flung to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice on these. Among the paintings he names that of Dionysus by Aristeides, to which, according to some writers, the saying, Nothing in comparison with the Dionysus, referred; and also the painting of Heracles in torture in the robe of Deianeira. Now I have not seen the latter, but I saw the Dionysus, a most beautiful work, on the walls of the sanctuary of Ceres in Rome; but when recently the temple was burned, the painting perished with it. And I may almost say that the most and best of the other dedicatory offerings at Rome came from there; and the cities in the neighborhood of Rome also obtained some; for Mummius, being magimous rather than fond of art, as they say, readily shared with those who asked. And when Lucullus built the sanctuary of Good Fortune and a portico, he asked Mummius for the use of the statues which he had, saying that he would adorn the sanctuary with them until the dedication and then give them back. However, he did not give them back, but dedicated them to the goddess, and then bade Mummius to take them away if he wished. But Mummius took it lightly, for he cared nothing about them, so that he gained more repute than the man who dedicated them. Now after Corinth had remained deserted for a long time, it was restored again, because of its favorable position, by the deified Caesar, who colonized it with people that belonged for the most part to the freedmen class. And when these were removing the ruins and at the same time digging open the graves, they found numbers of terra-cotta reliefs, and also many bronze vessels. And since they admired the workmanship they left no grave unransacked; so that, well supplied with such things and disposing of them at a high price, they filled Rome with Corinthian mortuaries, for thus they called the things taken from the graves, and in particular the earthenware. Now at the outset the earthenware was very highly prized, like the bronzes of Corinthian workmanship, but later they ceased to care much for them, since the supply of earthen vessels failed and most of them were not even well executed. The city of the Corinthians, then, was always great and wealthy, and it was well equipped with men skilled both in the affairs of state and in the craftsman's arts; for both here and in Sikyon the arts of painting and modelling and all such arts of the craftsman flourished most. The city had territory, however, that was not very fertile, but rifted and rough; and from this fact all have called Corinth beetling, and use the proverb, Corinth is both beetle-browed and full of hollows. 17.1.5. The ancients understood more by conjecture than otherwise, but persons in later times learnt by experience as eyewitnesses, that the Nile owes its rise to summer rains, which fall in great abundance in Upper Ethiopia, particularly in the most distant mountains. On the rains ceasing, the fulness of the river gradually subsides. This was particularly observed by those who navigated the Arabian Gulf on their way to the Cinnamon country, and by those who were sent out to hunt elephants, or for such other purposes as induced the Ptolemies, kings of Egypt, to despatch persons in that direction. These sovereigns had directed their attention to objects of this kind, particularly Ptolemy surnamed Philadelphus, who was a lover of science, and on account of bodily infirmities always in search of some new diversion and amusement. But the ancient kings paid little attention to such inquiries, although both they and the priests, with whom they passed the greater part of their lives, professed to be devoted to the study of philosophy. Their ignorance therefore is more surprising, both on this account and because Sesostris had traversed the whole of Ethiopia as far as the Cinnamon country, of which expedition monuments exist even to the present day, such as pillars and inscriptions. Cambyses also, when he was in possession of Egypt, had advanced with the Egyptians as far even as Meroe; and it is said that he gave this name both to the island and to the city, because his sister, or according to some writers his wife, Meroe died there. For this reason therefore he conferred the appellation on the island, and in honour of a woman. It is surprising how, with such opportunities of obtaining information, the history of these rains should not have been clearly known to persons living in those times, especially as the priests registered with the greatest diligence in the sacred books all extraordinary facts, and preserved records of everything which seemed to contribute to an increase of knowledge. And, if this had been the case, would it be necessary to inquire what is even still a question, what can possibly be the reason why rain falls in summer, and not in winter, in the most southerly parts of the country, but not in the Thebais, nor in the country about Syene ? nor should we have to examine whether the rise of the water of the Nile is occasioned by rains, nor require such evidence for these facts as Poseidonius adduces. For he says, that Callisthenes asserts that the cause of the rise of the river is the rain of summer. This he borrows from Aristotle, who borrowed it from Thrasyalces the Thasian (one of the ancient writers on physics), Thrasyalces from some other person, and he from Homer, who calls the Nile 'heaven-descended:' back to Egypt's heaven-descended stream. But I quit this subject, since it has been discussed by many writers, among whom it will be sufficient to specify two, who have (each) composed in our times a treatise on the Nile, Eudorus and Aristo the Peripatetic philosopher. [They differ little from each other] except in the order and disposition of the works, for the phraseology and execution is the same in both writers. (I can speak with some confidence in this matter), for when at a loss (for manuscripts) for the purpose of comparison and copy, I collated both authors. But which of them surreptitiously substituted the other's account as his own, we may go to the temple of Ammon to be informed. Eudorus accused Aristo, but the style is more like that of Aristo.The ancients gave the name of Egypt to that country only which was inhabited and watered by the Nile, and the extent they assigned to it was from the neighbourhood of Syene to the sea. But later writers, to the present time, have included on the eastern side almost all the tract between the Arabian Gulf and the Nile (the Aethiopians however do not make much use of the Red Sea); on the western side, the tract extending to the Auases and the parts of the sea-coast from the Canobic mouth of the Nile to Catabathmus, and the kingdom of Cyrenaea. For the kings who succeeded the race of the Ptolemies had acquired so much power, that they became masters of Cyrenaea, and even joined Cyprus to Egypt. The Romans, who succeeded to their dominions, separated Egypt, and confined it within the old limits.The Egyptians give the name of Auases (Oases) to certain inhabited tracts, which are surrounded by extensive deserts, and appear like islands in the sea. They are frequently met with in Libya, and there are three contiguous to Egypt, and dependent upon it.This is the account which we have to give of Egypt in general and summarily. I shall now describe the separate parts of the country and their advantages. 17.1.54. The Ethiopians, emboldened in consequence of a part of the forces in Egypt being drawn off by Aelius Gallus, who was engaged in war with the Arabs, invaded the Thebais, and attacked the garrison, consisting of three cohorts, near Syene; surprised and took Syene, Elephantine, and Philae, by a sudden inroad; enslaved the inhabitants, and threw down the statues of Caesar. But Petronius, marching with less than 10,000 infantry and 800 horse against an army of 30,000 men, first compelled them to retreat to Pselchis, an Ethiopian city. He then sent deputies to demand restitution of what they had taken, and the reasons which had induced them to begin the war. On their alleging that they had been ill treated by the nomarchs, he answered, that these were not the sovereigns of the country, but Caesar. When they desired three days for consideration, and did nothing which they were bound to do, Petronius attacked and compelled them to fight. They soon fled, being badly commanded, and badly armed; for they carried large shields made of raw hides, and hatchets for offensive weapons; some, however, had pikes, and others swords. Part of the insurgents were driven into the city, others fled into the uninhabited country; and such as ventured upon the passage of the river escaped to a neighbouring island, where there were not many crocodiles on account of the current. Among the fugitives, were the generals of Candace, queen of the Ethiopians in our time, a masculine woman, and who had lost an eye. Petronius, pursuing them in rafts and ships, took them all and despatched them immediately to Alexandreia. He then attacked Pselchis and took it. If we add the number of those who fell in battle to the number of prisoners, few only could have escaped.From Pselchis Petronius went to Premnis, a strong city, travelling over the hills of sand, beneath which the army of Cambyses was overwhelmed by the setting in of a whirlwind. He took the fortress at the first onset, and afterwards advanced to Napata. This was the royal seat of Candace ; and her son was there, but she herself was in a neighbouring stronghold. When she sent ambassadors to treat of peace, and to offer the restitution of the prisoners brought from Syene, and the statues, Petronius attacked and took Napata, from which her son had fled, and then razed it. He made prisoners of the inhabitants, and returned back again with the booty, as he judged any farther advance into the country impracticable on account of the roads. He strengthened, however, the fortifications of Premnis, and having placed a garrison there, with two years' provisions for four hundred men, returned to Alexandreia. Some of the prisoners were publicly sold as booty, and a thousand were sent to Caesar, who had lately returned from the Cantabrians, others died of various diseases.In the mean time Candace attacked the garrison with an army of many thousand men. Petronius came to its assistance, and entering the fortress before the approach of the enemy, secured the place by many expedients. The enemy sent ambassadors, but he ordered them to repair to Caesar: on their replying, that they did not know who Caesar was, nor where they were to find him, Petronius appointed persons to conduct them to his presence. They arrived at Samos, where Caesar was at that time, and from whence he was on the point of proceeding into Syria, having already despatched Tiberius into Armenia. The ambassadors obtained all that they desired, and Caesar even remitted the tribute which he had imposed. |
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77. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 1, 10-13, 135-139, 14, 141, 15-19, 2, 20-23, 25-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-96, 24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 40 | 24. Now though upon this he ought to have rejected and driven away the speakers as workers of revolution and common enemies, he agrees on the contrary to what they say, and at first he made his designs against the Jews less evident, only abstaining from listening to causes brought before his tribunal with impartiality and equity, and inclining more to one side than to the other, and not allowing to both sides an equal freedom of speech; but whenever any Jew came before him he showed his aversion to him, and departed from his habitual affability in their case; but afterwards he exhibited his hostility to them in a more conspicuous manner. V. |
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78. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.416, 4.75-4.83 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 79, 86| 2.416. et cum scena croco Cilici perfusa recens est 4.75. et volgo faciunt id lutea russaque vela 4.76. et ferrugina, cum magnis intenta theatris 4.77. per malos volgata trabesque trementia flutant; 4.78. namque ibi consessum caveai supter et omnem 4.79. scaenai speciem patrum matrumque deorsum 4.80. inficiunt coguntque suo fluitare colore. 4.81. et quanto circum mage sunt inclusa theatri 4.82. moenia, tam magis haec intus perfusa lepore 4.83. omnia conrident correpta luce diei. | |
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| 79. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 4.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 317 |
80. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 3.383-3.386 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 104| 3.385. Nec vos Campus habet, nec vos gelidissima Virgo, 3.386. rend= | 3.385. And make me pant to kiss the naked part. 3.386. Sirens, tho' monsters of the stormy main, Ovid here advises the ladies to learn to sing, and takes his comparisons from the Sirens. They were three in number, half women and half fish; one made use of her voice, another her lyre. and another her flute. Their haunt was on the coast of Sicily , where they charmed voyagers by their singing, but Ulysses escaped them. |
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| 81. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.2.93-1.2.96, 2.1.29-2.1.30, 2.5.85-2.5.88 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 84, 173 |
82. Ovid, Amores, 1.1.6, 1.3.19 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 172; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245| 1.1.6. Pieridum vates, non tua turba sumus. | |
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| 83. Catullus, Poems, 36.11-36.13, 45.6-45.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 104, 105, 106 |
| 84. Horace, Odes, 1.5.4, 1.12.46-1.12.48, 3.30.2, 3.30.8-3.30.9, 4.4.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), worshipful treatment of Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 119; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 238; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 56; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 309 |
| 85. Horace, Letters, 1.18.53-1.18.54 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 79 |
| 86. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 111 |
| 87. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 2.6.7, 7.3.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 114; McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 88. Sallust, Iugurtha, 4.5-4.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86 |
89. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 40-53, 55-56, 54 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 | 54. Accordingly, seven tables, and often more, are brought in, full of every kind of delicacy which earth, and sea, and rivers, and air produce, all procured with great pains, and in high condition, composed of terrestrial, and acquatic, and flying creatures, every one of which is different both in its mode of dressing and in its seasoning. And that no description of thing existing in nature may be omitted, at the last dishes are brought in full of fruits, besides those which are kept back for the more luxurious portion of the entertainment, and for what is called the dessert; |
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| 90. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 3.79 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245 |
| 91. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 1.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 176 |
92. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 120, 132, 139, 162-164, 166-175, 338, 67, 123 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gardner, The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism (2015) 155 | 123. These things were of themselves terrible and grievous; how could they be otherwise? Surely it was most miserable for men to become beggars from having been wealthy, and to be reduced on a sudden from a state of abundance to one of utter indigence, without having done any wrong, and to be rendered houseless and homeless, being driven out and expelled from their own houses, that thus, being compelled to dwell in the open air day and night, they might be destroyed by the burning heat of the sun or by the cold of the night. |
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93. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.560-1.561, 2.241-2.259, 10.734-10.736, 12.273, 15.155, 15.588-15.589, 15.796, 15.862-15.865 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, character in the pseudo-senecan tragedy octauia •emperors, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 119, 156; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 36, 78; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 78, 245; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 174| 1.560. tu ducibus Latiis aderis, cum laeta triumphum 1.561. vox canet et visent longas Capitolia pompas: 2.241. Nec sortita loco distantes flumina ripas 2.242. tuta manent: mediis Tanais fumavit in undis 2.243. Peneusque senex Teuthranteusque Caicus 2.244. et celer Ismenos cum Phegiaco Erymantho 2.245. arsurusque iterum Xanthus flavusque Lycormas, 2.246. quique recurvatis ludit Maeandrus in undis. 2.247. Mygdoniusque Melas et Taenarius Eurotas. 2.248. Arsit et Euphrates Babylonius, arsit Orontes 2.249. Thermodonque citus Gangesque et Phasis et Hister. 2.250. Aestuat Alpheus, ripae Spercheides ardent, 2.251. quodque suo Tagus amne vehit, fluit ignibus aurum, 2.252. et quae Maeonias celebrabant carmine ripas 2.253. flumineae volucres, medio caluere Caystro. 2.254. Nilus in extremum fugit perterritus orbem 2.255. occuluitque caput, quod adhuc latet: ostia septem 2.256. pulverulenta vacant, septem sine flumine valles. 2.257. Fors eadem Ismarios Hebrum cum Strymone siccat 2.258. Hesperiosque amnes Rhenum Rhodanumque Padumque, 2.259. cuique fuit rerum promissa potentia, Thybrin. 10.734. surgere bulla solet. Nec plena longior hora 10.735. facta mora est, cum flos de sanguine concolor ortus, 10.736. qualem, quae lento celant sub cortice granum, 12.273. tempora perstringit fulvo protecta capillo. 15.155. materiem vatum, falsique pericula mundi? 15.588. “talia di pellant! Multoque ego iustius aevum 15.589. exsul agam, quam me videant Capitolia regem!” 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum 15.862. cesserunt, dique Indigetes genitorque Quirine 15.863. urbis et invicti genitor Gradive Quirini, 15.864. Vestaque Caesareos inter sacrata penates, 15.865. et cum Caesarea tu, Phoebe domestice, Vesta, | 1.560. the side of a vast mountain, didst fill with fear 1.561. the race of new created man. The God 2.241. regardless of all order and control; 2.242. and Phaethon filled with fear, knew not to guide 2.242. he gave her javelin, quiver and her bow 2.243. with trusted reins, nor where the way might be— 2.243. to one accustomed to the care of arms; 2.244. nor, if he knew, could he control their flight. 2.244. he gave her mantle to another nymph 2.245. who stood near by her as she took it off; 2.246. the gelid Triones attempted vain 2.246. two others loosed the sandals from her feet; 2.247. to bathe in seas forbid: the Serpent cold 2.247. but Crocale, the daughter of Ismenus, 2.248. and torpid by the frozen Pole, too cold 2.248. more skillful than her sisters, gathered up 2.249. for contest, warmed, and rage assumed from heat 2.249. the goddess' scattered tresses in a knot;— 2.250. bootes, troubled by the heat, took flight, 2.250. her own were loosely wantoned on the breeze. 2.251. impeded by his wain. 2.252. and poured it forth, the cloud-nymph Nephele, 2.253. of utmost height unhappy Phaethon 2.253. the nymph of crystal pools called Hyale, 2.254. beheld the earth receding from his view, 2.254. the rain-drop Rhanis, Psecas of the dews, 2.255. a pallor spread his cheeks with sudden fear; 2.255. and Phyale the guardian of their urns. 2.256. his knees began to quake; and through the flare 2.256. And while they bathed Diana in their streams, 2.257. of vast effulgence darkness closed his eyes. 2.257. Actaeon, wandering through the unknown woods, 2.258. Now vainy he regrets he ever touched 2.258. entered the precincts of that sacred grove; 2.259. his father's steeds, and he is stunned with grief 2.259. with steps uncertain wandered he as fate 10.734. of her bold effort, she would gladly turn 10.735. unrecognized. But as she hesitates, 10.736. the aged crone still holds her by the hand; 12.273. escape my memory; yet, most of them 15.155. All life was safe from treacherous wiles, 15.589. the cassia bark and ears of sweet spikenard, 15.796. be seen and cause men envy by new life: 15.862. But you must promptly put aside delay; 15.863. hasten to enter the wide open gates— 15.864. the fates command you. Once received within 15.865. the city, you shall be its chosen king |
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94. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.10.1-1.10.3, 6.1-6.2, 12.31 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, character in the pseudo-senecan tragedy octauia •nero (emperor) Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 78; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 39, 145 | 1.10.1. Now the Egyptians have an account like this: When in the beginning the universe came into being, men first came into existence in Egypt, both because of the favourable climate of the land and because of the nature of the Nile. For this stream, since it produces much life and provides a spontaneous supply of food, easily supports whatever living things have been engendered; for both the root of the reed and the lotus, as well as the Egyptian bean and corsaeon, as it is called, and many other similar plants, supply the race of men with nourishment all ready for use. 1.10.3. And from this fact it is manifest that, when the world was first taking shape, the land of Egypt could better than any other have been the place where mankind came into being because of the well-tempered nature of its soil; for even at the present time, while the soil of no other country generates any such things, in it alone certain living creatures may be seen coming into being in a marvellous fashion. 6.1. < 6.1. The foregoing is told by Diodorus in the Third Book of his history. And the same writer, in the sixth Book as well, confirms the same view regarding the gods, drawing from the writing of Euhemerus of Messenê, and using the following words:, "As regards the gods, then, men of ancient times have handed down to later generations two different conceptions: Certain of the gods, they say, are eternal and imperishable, such as the sun and moon and the other stars of the heavens, and the winds as well and whatever else possesses a nature similar to theirs; for of each of these the genesis and duration are from everlasting to everlasting. But the other gods, we are told, were terrestrial beings who attained to immortal honour and fame because of their benefactions to mankind, such as Heracles, Dionysus, Aristaeus, and the others who were like them., Regarding these terrestrial gods many and varying accounts have been handed down by the writers of history and mythology; of the historians, Euhemerus, who composed the Sacred History, has written a special treatise about them, while, of the writers of myths, Homer and Hesiod and Orpheus and the others of their kind have invented rather monstrous stories about the gods. But for our part, we shall endeavour to run over briefly the accounts which both groups of writers have given, aiming at due proportion in our exposition., "Now Euhemerus, who was a friend of King Cassander and was required by him to perform certain affairs of state and to make great journeys abroad, says that he travelled southward as far as the ocean; for setting sail from Arabia the Blest he voyaged through the ocean for a considerable number of days and was carried to the shore of some islands in the sea, one of which bore the name of Panchaea. On this island he saw the Panchaeans who dwell there, who excel in piety and honour the gods with the most magnificent sacrifices and with remarkable votive offerings of silver and of gold., The island is sacred to the gods, and there are a number of other objects on it which are admired both for their antiquity and for the great skill of their workmanship, regarding which severally we have written in the preceding Books., There is also on the island, situated upon an exceedingly high hill, a sanctuary of Zeus Triphylius, which was established by him during the time when he was king of all the inhabited world and was still in the company of men., And in this temple there is a stele of gold on which is inscribed in summary, in the writing employed by the Panchaeans, the deeds of Uranus and Cronus and Zeus., "Euhemerus goes on to say that Uranus was the first to be king, that he was an honourable man and beneficent, who was versed in the movement of the stars, and that he was also the first to honour the gods of the heavens with sacrifices, whence he was called Uranus or "Heaven.", There were born to him by his wife Hestia two sons, Titan and Cronus, and two daughters, Rhea and Demeter. Cronus became king after Uranus, and marrying Rhea he begat Zeus and Hera and Poseidon. And Zeus, on succeeding to the kingship, married Hera and Demeter and Themis, and by them he had children, the Curetes by the first named, Persephonê by the second, and Athena by the third., And going to Babylon he was entertained by Belus, and after that he went to the island of Panchaea, which lies in the ocean, and here he set up an altar to Uranus, the founder of his family. From there he passed through Syria and came to Casius, who was ruler of Syria at that time, and who gave his name to Mt. Casius. And coming to Cilicia he conquered in battle Cilix, the governor of the region, and he visited very many other nations, all of which paid honour to him and publicly proclaimed him a god.", After recounting what I have given and more to the same effect about the gods, as if about mortal men, Diodorus goes on to say: "Now regarding Euhemerus, who composed the Sacred History, we shall rest content with what has been said, and shall endeavour to run over briefly the myths which the Greeks recount concerning the gods, as they are given by Hesiod and Homer and Orpheus." Thereupon Diodorus goes on to add the myths as the poets give them. 6.1. 1. The foregoing is told by Diodorus in the Third Book of his history. And the same writer, in the sixth Book as well, confirms the same view regarding the gods, drawing from the writing of Euhemerus of Messenê, and using the following words:,2. "As regards the gods, then, men of ancient times have handed down to later generations two different conceptions: Certain of the gods, they say, are eternal and imperishable, such as the sun and moon and the other stars of the heavens, and the winds as well and whatever else possesses a nature similar to theirs; for of each of these the genesis and duration are from everlasting to everlasting. But the other gods, we are told, were terrestrial beings who attained to immortal honour and fame because of their benefactions to mankind, such as Heracles, Dionysus, Aristaeus, and the others who were like them.,3. Regarding these terrestrial gods many and varying accounts have been handed down by the writers of history and mythology; of the historians, Euhemerus, who composed the Sacred History, has written a special treatise about them, while, of the writers of myths, Homer and Hesiod and Orpheus and the others of their kind have invented rather monstrous stories about the gods. But for our part, we shall endeavour to run over briefly the accounts which both groups of writers have given, aiming at due proportion in our exposition.,4. "Now Euhemerus, who was a friend of King Cassander and was required by him to perform certain affairs of state and to make great journeys abroad, says that he travelled southward as far as the ocean; for setting sail from Arabia the Blest he voyaged through the ocean for a considerable number of days and was carried to the shore of some islands in the sea, one of which bore the name of Panchaea. On this island he saw the Panchaeans who dwell there, who excel in piety and honour the gods with the most magnificent sacrifices and with remarkable votive offerings of silver and of gold.,5. The island is sacred to the gods, and there are a number of other objects on it which are admired both for their antiquity and for the great skill of their workmanship, regarding which severally we have written in the preceding Books.,6. There is also on the island, situated upon an exceedingly high hill, a sanctuary of Zeus Triphylius, which was established by him during the time when he was king of all the inhabited world and was still in the company of men.,7. And in this temple there is a stele of gold on which is inscribed in summary, in the writing employed by the Panchaeans, the deeds of Uranus and Cronus and Zeus.,8. "Euhemerus goes on to say that Uranus was the first to be king, that he was an honourable man and beneficent, who was versed in the movement of the stars, and that he was also the first to honour the gods of the heavens with sacrifices, whence he was called Uranus or "Heaven.",9. There were born to him by his wife Hestia two sons, Titan and Cronus, and two daughters, Rhea and Demeter. Cronus became king after Uranus, and marrying Rhea he begat Zeus and Hera and Poseidon. And Zeus, on succeeding to the kingship, married Hera and Demeter and Themis, and by them he had children, the Curetes by the first named, Persephonê by the second, and Athena by the third.,10. And going to Babylon he was entertained by Belus, and after that he went to the island of Panchaea, which lies in the ocean, and here he set up an altar to Uranus, the founder of his family. From there he passed through Syria and came to Casius, who was ruler of Syria at that time, and who gave his name to Mt. Casius. And coming to Cilicia he conquered in battle Cilix, the governor of the region, and he visited very many other nations, all of which paid honour to him and publicly proclaimed him a god.",11. After recounting what I have given and more to the same effect about the gods, as if about mortal men, Diodorus goes on to say: "Now regarding Euhemerus, who composed the Sacred History, we shall rest content with what has been said, and shall endeavour to run over briefly the myths which the Greeks recount concerning the gods, as they are given by Hesiod and Homer and Orpheus." Thereupon Diodorus goes on to add the myths as the poets give them. |
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95. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.3, 4.89, 4.172, 6.851-6.853, 7.64, 7.346, 8.81-8.83, 9.173, 9.332-9.333, 10.562, 11.642 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero (emperor) •king, emperor, nero •nero (emperor), murders committed by •nero (emperor), prodigies and •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 119, 156; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 50; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 81; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 211, 218; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 39; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 16; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 247, 276| 2.3. Infandum, regina, iubes renovare dolorem, 4.89. murorum ingentes aequataque machina caelo. 4.172. coniugium vocat; hoc praetexit nomine culpam. 6.851. tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento; 6.852. hae tibi erunt artes; pacisque imponere morem, 6.853. parcere subiectis, et debellare superbos. 7.64. Huius apes summum densae (mirabile dictu), 7.346. Huic dea caeruleis unum de crinibus anguem 8.81. Ecce autem subitum atque oculis mirabile monstrum; 8.82. candida per silvam cum fetu concolor albo 8.83. procubuit viridique in litore conspicitur sus. 9.332. tum caput ipsi aufert domino truncumque relinquit 9.333. sanguine singultantem; atro tepefacta cruore 10.562. persequitur fortemque Numam fulvumque Camertem, | 2.3. Father Aeneas with these words began :— 4.89. the eyes of gods upon her, worshipping 4.172. hall first unveil the world. But I will pour 6.851. Eridanus, through forests rolling free. 6.852. Here dwell the brave who for their native land 6.853. Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests 7.64. to King Latinus' body no heirs male: 7.346. they prophesy for Latium 's heir, whose seed 8.81. hall mount my falling stream. Rise, goddess-born, 8.82. and ere the starlight fade give honor due 8.83. to Juno, and with supplicating vow 9.332. to steal a march, that cross-road by the gate 9.333. close-fronting on the bridge. Their lines of fire 10.562. heer off; with one great stone he crushed the brows |
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| 96. Ovid, Tristia, 2.1.70 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245 |
97. Vergil, Eclogues, 7.12, 9.47 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 50; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 56 | 9.47. or Cinna deem I, but account myself |
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98. Vergil, Georgics, 1.24-1.42, 1.498-1.499, 3.15, 3.478, 4.560-4.563 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 211; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 50, 78; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 337| 1.24. tuque adeo, quem mox quae sint habitura deorum 1.25. concilia, incertum est, urbisne invisere, Caesar, 1.26. terrarumque velis curam et te maximus orbis 1.27. auctorem frugum tempestatumque potentem 1.28. accipiat, cingens materna tempora myrto, 1.29. an deus inmensi venias maris ac tua nautae 1.30. numina sola colant, tibi serviat ultima Thule 1.31. teque sibi generum Tethys emat omnibus undis, 1.32. anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, 1.33. qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentis 1.34. panditur—ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens 1.35. Scorpius et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit— 1.36. quidquid eris,—nam te nec sperant Tartara regem 1.37. nec tibi regdi veniat tam dira cupido, 1.38. quamvis Elysios miretur Graecia campos 1.39. nec repetita sequi curet Proserpina matrem— 1.40. da facilem cursum atque audacibus adnue coeptis 1.41. ignarosque viae mecum miseratus agrestis 1.42. ingredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocari. 1.498. Di patrii, Indigetes, et Romule Vestaque mater, 1.499. quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia servas, 3.15. Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. 3.478. Hic quondam morbo caeli miseranda coorta est 4.560. et super arboribus, Caesar dum magnus ad altum 4.561. fulminat Euphraten bello victorque volentes 4.562. per populos dat iura viamque adfectat Olympo. 4.563. Illo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebat | 1.24. Minerva, from whose hand the olive sprung; 1.25. And boy-discoverer of the curved plough; 1.26. And, bearing a young cypress root-uptorn, 1.27. Silvanus, and Gods all and Goddesses, 1.28. Who make the fields your care, both ye who nurse 1.29. The tender unsown increase, and from heaven 1.30. Shed on man's sowing the riches of your rain: 1.31. And thou, even thou, of whom we know not yet 1.32. What mansion of the skies shall hold thee soon, 1.33. Whether to watch o'er cities be thy will, 1.34. Great Caesar, and to take the earth in charge, 1.35. That so the mighty world may welcome thee 1.36. Lord of her increase, master of her times, 1.37. Binding thy mother's myrtle round thy brow, 1.38. Or as the boundless ocean's God thou come, 1.39. Sole dread of seamen, till far |
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99. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.15-1.16, 1.24, 2.70.1-2.70.5, 7.3, 7.64.5, 7.70-7.73, 9.25.2, 10.55.3, 11.43.5, 12.2.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 119; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37, 159; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 145, 165; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 4 | 2.70.1. The sixth division of his religious institutions was devoted to those the Romans call Salii, whom Numa himself appointed out of the patricians, choosing twelve young men of the most graceful appearance. These are the Salii whose holy things are deposited on the Palatine hill and who are themselves called the (Salii) Palatini; for the (Salii) Agonales, by some called the Salii Collini, the repository of whose holy things is on the Quirinal hill, were appointed after Numa's time by King Hostilius, in pursuance of a vow he had made in the war against the Sabines. All these Salii are a kind of dancers and singers of hymns in praise of the gods of war. < 2.70.5. Whether I have been well advised or not in giving them this appellation, anyone who pleases may gather from their actions. For they execute their movements in arms, keeping time to a flute, sometimes all together, sometimes by turns, and while dancing sing certain traditional hymns. But this dance and exercise performed by armed men and the noise they make by striking their bucklers with their daggers, if we may base any conjectures on the ancient accounts, was originated by the Curetes. I need not mention the legend which is related concerning them, since almost everybody is acquainted with it. < 7.3. In the sixty-fourth Olympiad, when Miltiades was archon at Athens, the Tyrrhenians who had inhabited the country lying near the Ionian Gulf, but had been driven from thence in the course of time by the Gauls, joined themselves to the Umbrians, Daunians, and many other barbarians, and undertook to overthrow Cumae, the Greek city in the country of the Opicans founded by Eretrians and Chalcidians, though they could allege no other just ground for their animosity than the prosperity of the city. <, For Cumae was at that time celebrated throughout all Italy for its riches, power, and all the other advantages, as it possessed the most fertile part of the Campanian plain and was mistress of the most convenient havens round about Misenum. The barbarians, accordingly, forming designs upon these advantages, marched against this city with an army consisting of no less than 500,000 foot and 18,000 horse. While they lay encamped not far from the city, a remarkable prodigy appeared to them, the like of which is not recorded as ever having happened anywhere in either the Greek or the barbarian world. <, The rivers, namely, which ran near their camp, one of which is called the Volturnus and the other the Glanis, abandoning their natural course, turned their streams backwards and for a long time continued to run up from their mouths toward their sources. <, The Cumaeans, being informed of this prodigy, were then at last encouraged to engage with the barbarians, in the assurance that Heaven designed to bring low the lofty eminence of their foes and to raise their own fortunes, which seemed at low ebb. And having divided all their youth into three bodies, with one of these they defended the city, with another they guarded their ships, and the third they drew up before the walls to await the enemy's attack. These consisted of 600 horse and of 4500 foot. And though so few in number, they sustained the attack of so many myriads. < 7.3. 1. In the sixty-fourth Olympiad, when Miltiades was archon at Athens, the Tyrrhenians who had inhabited the country lying near the Ionian Gulf, but had been driven from thence in the course of time by the Gauls, joined themselves to the Umbrians, Daunians, and many other barbarians, and undertook to overthrow Cumae, the Greek city in the country of the Opicans founded by Eretrians and Chalcidians, though they could allege no other just ground for their animosity than the prosperity of the city.,2. For Cumae was at that time celebrated throughout all Italy for its riches, power, and all the other advantages, as it possessed the most fertile part of the Campanian plain and was mistress of the most convenient havens round about Misenum. The barbarians, accordingly, forming designs upon these advantages, marched against this city with an army consisting of no less than 500,000 foot and 18,000 horse. While they lay encamped not far from the city, a remarkable prodigy appeared to them, the like of which is not recorded as ever having happened anywhere in either the Greek or the barbarian world.,3. The rivers, namely, which ran near their camp, one of which is called the Volturnus and the other the Glanis, abandoning their natural course, turned their streams backwards and for a long time continued to run up from their mouths toward their sources.,4. The Cumaeans, being informed of this prodigy, were then at last encouraged to engage with the barbarians, in the assurance that Heaven designed to bring low the lofty eminence of their foes and to raise their own fortunes, which seemed at low ebb. And having divided all their youth into three bodies, with one of these they defended the city, with another they guarded their ships, and the third they drew up before the walls to await the enemy's attack. These consisted of 600 horse and of 4500 foot. And though so few in number, they sustained the attack of so many myriads. 7.71. Anyone else might have assumed that the ceremonies now practised in the city were enough even by themselves to afford no slight indication of the ancient observances. But for my part, lest anyone should hold this to be weak evidence, according to that improbable assumption that after the Romans had conquered the whole Greek world they would gladly have scorned their own customs and adopted the better ones in their stead, I shall adduce my evidence from the time when they did not as yet possess the supremacy over Greece or dominion over any other country beyond the sea; and I shall cite Quintus Fabius as my authority, without requiring any further confirmation. For he is the most ancient of all the Roman historians and offers proof of what he asserts, not only from the information of others, but also from his own knowledge. <, This festival, therefore, the Roman senate ordered to be celebrated, as I said before, pursuant to the vow made by the dictator Aulus Postumius when he was upon the point of giving battle to the Latins, who had revolted from the Romans and were endeavouring to restore Tarquinius to power; and they ordered five hundred minae of silver to be expended every year upon the sacrifices and the games, a sum the Romans laid out on the festival till the time of the Punic War. <, During these holidays not only were many other observances carried out according to the customs of the Greeks, in connection with the general assemblies, the reception of strangers, and the cessation of hostilities, which it would be a big task to describe, but also those relating to the procession, the sacrifice, and the games â these are sufficient to give an idea of those I do not mention â which were as follows: < 7.71. 1. Anyone else might have assumed that the ceremonies now practised in the city were enough even by themselves to afford no slight indication of the ancient observances. But for my part, lest anyone should hold this to be weak evidence, according to that improbable assumption that after the Romans had conquered the whole Greek world they would gladly have scorned their own customs and adopted the better ones in their stead, I shall adduce my evidence from the time when they did not as yet possess the supremacy over Greece or dominion over any other country beyond the sea; and I shall cite Quintus Fabius as my authority, without requiring any further confirmation. For he is the most ancient of all the Roman historians and offers proof of what he asserts, not only from the information of others, but also from his own knowledge.,2. This festival, therefore, the Roman senate ordered to be celebrated, as I said before, pursuant to the vow made by the dictator Aulus Postumius when he was upon the point of giving battle to the Latins, who had revolted from the Romans and were endeavouring to restore Tarquinius to power; and they ordered five hundred minae of silver to be expended every year upon the sacrifices and the games, a sum the Romans laid out on the festival till the time of the Punic War.,3. During these holidays not only were many other observances carried out according to the customs of the Greeks, in connection with the general assemblies, the reception of strangers, and the cessation of hostilities, which it would be a big task to describe, but also those relating to the procession, the sacrifice, and the games â these are sufficient to give an idea of those I do not mention â which were as follows: 7.72. Before beginning the games the principal magistrates conducted a procession in honour of the gods from the Capitol through the Forum to the Circus Maximus. Those who led the procession were, first, the Romans' sons who were nearing manhood and were of an age to bear a part in this ceremony, who rode on horseback if their fathers were entitled by their fortunes to be knights, while the others, who were destined to serve in the infantry, went on foot, the former in squadrons and troops, and the latter in divisions and companies, as if they were going to school; this was done in order that strangers might see the number and beauty of the youths of the commonwealth who were approaching manhood. <, These were followed by charioteers, some of whom drove four horses abreast, some two, and others rode unyoked horses. After them came the contestants in both the light and the heavy games, their whole bodies naked except their loins. This custom continued even to my time at Rome, as it was originally practised by the Greeks; but it is now abolished in Greece, the Lacedaemonians having put an end to it. <, The first man who undertook to strip and ran naked at Olympia, at the fifteenth Olympiad, was Acanthus the Lacedaemonian. Before that time, it seems, all the Greeks had been ashamed to appear entirely naked in the games, as Homer, the most credible and the most ancient of all witnesses, shows when he represents the heroes as girding up their loins. At any rate, when he is describing the wrestling-match of Aias and Odysseus at the funeral of Patroclus, he says: And then the twain with loins well girt stepped forth Into the lists. <, And he makes this still plainer in the Odyssey upon the occasion of the boxing-match between Irus and Odysseus, in these verses: He spake, and all approved; Odysseus then His rags girt round his loins, and showed his thighs So fair and stout; broad shoulders too and chest And brawny arms there stood revealed. And when he introduces the beggar as no longer willing to engage but declining the combat through fear, he says: They spake, and Irus' heart was sorely stirred; Yet even so the suitors girt his loins By force and led him forward. Thus it is plain that the Romans, who preserve this ancient Greek custom to this day, did not learn it from us afterwards nor even change it in the course of time, as we have done. <, The contestants were followed by numerous bands of dancers arranged in three divisions, the first consisting of men, the second of youths, and the third of boys. These were accompanied by flute-players, who used ancient flutes that were small and short, as is done even to this day, and by lyre-players, who plucked ivory lyres of seven strings and the instruments called barbita. The use of these has ceased in my time among the Greeks, though traditional with them, but is preserved by the Romans in all their ancient sacrificial ceremonies. <, The dancers were dressed in scarlet tunics girded with bronze cinctures, wore swords suspended at their sides, and carried spears of shorter than average length; the men also had bronze helmets adorned with conspicuous crests and plumes. Each group was led by one man who gave the figures of the dance to the rest, taking the lead in representing their warlike and rapid movements, usually in the proceleusmatic rhythms. <, This also was in fact a very ancient Greek institution â I mean the armed dance called the Pyrrhic â whether it was Athena who first began to lead bands of dancers and to dance in arms over the destruction of the Titans in order to celebrate the victory by this manifestation of her joy, or whether it was the Curetes who introduced it still earlier when, acting as nurses to Zeus, they strove to amuse him by the clashing of arms and the rhythmic movements of their limbs, as the legend has it. <, The antiquity of this dance also, as one native to the Greeks, is made clear by Homer, not only in many other places, but particularly in describing the fashioning of the shield which he says Hephaestus presented to Achilles. For, having represented on it two cities, one blessed with peace, the other suffering from war, in the one on which he bestows the happier fate, describing festivals, marriages, and merriment, as one would naturally expect, he says among other things: Youths whirled around in joyous dance, with sound of flute and harp; and, standing at their doors, Admiring women on the pageant gazed. <, And again, in describing another Cretan band of dancers, consisting of youths and maidens, with which the shield was adorned, he speaks in this manner: And on it, too, the famous craftsman wrought, With cunning workmanship, a dancing-floor, Like that which Daedalus in Cnossus wide For fair-haired Ariadnê shaped. And there Bright youths and many-suitored maidens danced While laying each on other's wrists their hands. And in describing the dress of these dancers, in order to show us that the males danced in arms, he says: The maidens garlands wore, the striplings swords of gold, which proudly hung from silver belts. And when he introduces the leaders of the dance who gave the rhythm to the rest and began it, he writes: And great the throng which stood about the dance, Enjoying it; and tumblers twain did whirl Amid the throng as prelude to the song. <, But it is not alone from the warlike and serious dance of these bands which the Romans employed in their sacrificial ceremonies and processions that one may observe their kinship to the Greeks, but also from that which is of a mocking and ribald nature. For after the armed dancers others marched in procession impersonating satyrs and portraying the Greek dance called sicinnis. Those who represented Sileni were dressed in shaggy tunics, called by some chortaioi, and in mantles of flowers of every sort; and those who represented satyrs wore girdles and goatskins, and on their heads manes that stood upright, with other things of like nature. These mocked and mimicked the serious movements of the others, turning them into laughter-provoking performances. <, The triumphal entrances also show that raillery and fun-making in the manner of satyrs were an ancient practice native to the Romans; for the soldiers who take part in the triumphs are allowed to satirise and ridicule the most distinguished men, including even the generals, in the same manner as those who ride in procession in carts at Athens; the soldiers once jested in prose as they clowned, but now they sing improvised verses. <, And even at the funerals of illustrious persons I have seen, along with the other participants, bands of dancers impersonating satyrs who preceded the bier and imitated in their motions the dance called sicinnis, and particularly at the funerals of the rich. This jesting and dancing in the manner of satyrs, then, was not the invention either of the Ligurians, of the Umbrians, or of any other barbarians who dwelt in Italy, but of the Greeks; but I fear I should prove tiresome to some of my readers if I endeavoured to confirm by more arguments a thing that is generally conceded. <, After these bands of dancers came a throng of lyre-players and many flute-players, and after them the persons who carried the censers in which perfumes and frankincense were burned along the whole route of the procession, also the men who bore the show-vessels made of silver and gold, both those that were sacred owing to the gods and those that belonged to the state. Last of all in the procession came the images of the gods, borne on men's shoulders, showing the same likenesses as those made by the Greeks and having the same dress, the same symbols, and the same gifts which tradition says each of them invented and bestowed on mankind. These were the images not only of Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, Neptune, and of the rest whom the Greeks reckon among the twelve gods, but also of those still more ancient from whom legend says the twelve were sprung, namely, Saturn, Ops, Themis, Latona, the Parcae, Mnemosynê, and all the rest to whom temples and holy places are dedicated among the Greeks; and also of those whom legend represents as living later, after Jupiter took over the sovereignty, such as Proserpina, Lucina, the Nymphs, the Muses, the Seasons, the Graces, Liber, and the demigods whose souls after they had left their mortal bodies are said to have ascended to Heaven and to have obtained the same honours as the gods, such as Hercules, Aesculapius, Castor and Pollux, Helen, Pan, and countless others. <, Yet if those who founded Rome and instituted this festival were barbarians, how could they properly worship all the gods and other divinities of the Greeks and scorn their own ancestral gods? Or let someone show us any other people besides the Greeks among whom these rites are traditional, and then let him censure this demonstration as unsound. <, After the procession was ended the consuls and the priests whose function it was presently sacrificed oxen; and the manner of performing the sacrifices was the same as with us. For after washing their hands they purified the victims with clear water and sprinkled corn on their heads, after which they prayed and then gave orders to their assistants to sacrifice them. Some of these assistants, while the victim was still standing, struck it on the temple with a club, and others received it upon the sacrificial knives as it fell. After this they flayed it and cut it up, taking off a piece from each of the inwards and also from every limb as a first-offering, which they sprinkled with grits of spelt and carried in baskets to the officiating priests. These placed them on the altars, and making a fire under them, poured wine over them while they were burning. <, It is easy to see from Homer's poems that every one of these ceremonies was performed according to the customs established by the Greeks with reference to sacrifices. For he introduces the heroes washing their hands and using barley grits, where he said: Then washed their hands and took up barley-grains. And also cutting off the hair from the head of the victim and placing it on the fire, writing thus: And he, the rite beginning, cast some hairs, Plucked from the victim's head, upon the fire. He also represents them as striking the foreheads of the victims with clubs and stabbing them when they had fallen, as at the sacrifice of Eumaeus: Beginning then the rite, with limb of oak â One he had left when cleaving wood â he smote The boar, which straightway yielded up his life; And next his throat they cut and singed his hide. <, And also at taking the first offerings from the inwards and from the limbs as well and sprinkling them with barley-meal and burning them upon the altars, as at that same sacrifice: Then made the swineherd slices of raw meat, Beginning with a cut from every limb, And wrapping them in rich fat, cast them all Upon the fire, first sprinkling barley-meal. <, These rites I am acquainted with from having seen the Romans perform them at their sacrifices even in my time; and contented with this single proof, I have become convinced that the founders of Rome were not barbarians, but Greeks who had come together out of many places. It is possible, indeed, that some barbarians also may observe a few customs relating to sacrifices and festivals in the same manner as the Greeks, but that they should do everything in the same way is hard to believe. It now remains for me to give a brief account of the games which the Romans performed after the procession. The first was a race of four-horse chariots, two-horse chariots, and of unyoked horses, as has been the custom among the Greeks, both anciently at Olympia and down to the present. < 7.72. 1. Before beginning the games the principal magistrates conducted a procession in honour of the gods from the Capitol through the Forum to the Circus Maximus. Those who led the procession were, first, the Romans' sons who were nearing manhood and were of an age to bear a part in this ceremony, who rode on horseback if their fathers were entitled by their fortunes to be knights, while the others, who were destined to serve in the infantry, went on foot, the former in squadrons and troops, and the latter in divisions and companies, as if they were going to school; this was done in order that strangers might see the number and beauty of the youths of the commonwealth who were approaching manhood.,2. These were followed by charioteers, some of whom drove four horses abreast, some two, and others rode unyoked horses. After them came the contestants in both the light and the heavy games, their whole bodies naked except their loins. This custom continued even to my time at Rome, as it was originally practised by the Greeks; but it is now abolished in Greece, the Lacedaemonians having put an end to it.,3. The first man who undertook to strip and ran naked at Olympia, at the fifteenth Olympiad, was Acanthus the Lacedaemonian. Before that time, it seems, all the Greeks had been ashamed to appear entirely naked in the games, as Homer, the most credible and the most ancient of all witnesses, shows when he represents the heroes as girding up their loins. At any rate, when he is describing the wrestling-match of Aias and Odysseus at the funeral of Patroclus, he says: And then the twain with loins well girt stepped forth Into the lists. ,4. And he makes this still plainer in the Odyssey upon the occasion of the boxing-match between Irus and Odysseus, in these verses: He spake, and all approved; Odysseus then His rags girt round his loins, and showed his thighs So fair and stout; broad shoulders too and chest And brawny arms there stood revealed. And when he introduces the beggar as no longer willing to engage but declining the combat through fear, he says: They spake, and Irus' heart was sorely stirred; Yet even so the suitors girt his loins By force and led him forward. Thus it is plain that the Romans, who preserve this ancient Greek custom to this day, did not learn it from us afterwards nor even change it in the course of time, as we have done.,5. The contestants were followed by numerous bands of dancers arranged in three divisions, the first consisting of men, the second of youths, and the third of boys. These were accompanied by flute-players, who used ancient flutes that were small and short, as is done even to this day, and by lyre-players, who plucked ivory lyres of seven strings and the instruments called barbita. The use of these has ceased in my time among the Greeks, though traditional with them, but is preserved by the Romans in all their ancient sacrificial ceremonies.,6. The dancers were dressed in scarlet tunics girded with bronze cinctures, wore swords suspended at their sides, and carried spears of shorter than average length; the men also had bronze helmets adorned with conspicuous crests and plumes. Each group was led by one man who gave the figures of the dance to the rest, taking the lead in representing their warlike and rapid movements, usually in the proceleusmatic rhythms.,7. This also was in fact a very ancient Greek institution â I mean the armed dance called the Pyrrhic â whether it was Athena who first began to lead bands of dancers and to dance in arms over the destruction of the Titans in order to celebrate the victory by this manifestation of her joy, or whether it was the Curetes who introduced it still earlier when, acting as nurses to Zeus, they strove to amuse him by the clashing of arms and the rhythmic movements of their limbs, as the legend has it.,8. The antiquity of this dance also, as one native to the Greeks, is made clear by Homer, not only in many other places, but particularly in describing the fashioning of the shield which he says Hephaestus presented to Achilles. For, having represented on it two cities, one blessed with peace, the other suffering from war, in the one on which he bestows the happier fate, describing festivals, marriages, and merriment, as one would naturally expect, he says among other things: Youths whirled around in joyous dance, with sound of flute and harp; and, standing at their doors, Admiring women on the pageant gazed. ,9. And again, in describing another Cretan band of dancers, consisting of youths and maidens, with which the shield was adorned, he speaks in this manner: And on it, too, the famous craftsman wrought, With cunning workmanship, a dancing-floor, Like that which Daedalus in Cnossus wide For fair-haired Ariadnê shaped. And there Bright youths and many-suitored maidens danced While laying each on other's wrists their hands. And in describing the dress of these dancers, in order to show us that the males danced in arms, he says: The maidens garlands wore, the striplings swords of gold, which proudly hung from silver belts. And when he introduces the leaders of the dance who gave the rhythm to the rest and began it, he writes: And great the throng which stood about the dance, Enjoying it; and tumblers twain did whirl Amid the throng as prelude to the song. ,10. But it is not alone from the warlike and serious dance of these bands which the Romans employed in their sacrificial ceremonies and processions that one may observe their kinship to the Greeks, but also from that which is of a mocking and ribald nature. For after the armed dancers others marched in procession impersonating satyrs and portraying the Greek dance called sicinnis. Those who represented Sileni were dressed in shaggy tunics, called by some chortaioi, and in mantles of flowers of every sort; and those who represented satyrs wore girdles and goatskins, and on their heads manes that stood upright, with other things of like nature. These mocked and mimicked the serious movements of the others, turning them into laughter-provoking performances.,11. The triumphal entrances also show that raillery and fun-making in the manner of satyrs were an ancient practice native to the Romans; for the soldiers who take part in the triumphs are allowed to satirise and ridicule the most distinguished men, including even the generals, in the same manner as those who ride in procession in carts at Athens; the soldiers once jested in prose as they clowned, but now they sing improvised verses.,12. And even at the funerals of illustrious persons I have seen, along with the other participants, bands of dancers impersonating satyrs who preceded the bier and imitated in their motions the dance called sicinnis, and particularly at the funerals of the rich. This jesting and dancing in the manner of satyrs, then, was not the invention either of the Ligurians, of the Umbrians, or of any other barbarians who dwelt in Italy, but of the Greeks; but I fear I should prove tiresome to some of my readers if I endeavoured to confirm by more arguments a thing that is generally conceded.,13. After these bands of dancers came a throng of lyre-players and many flute-players, and after them the persons who carried the censers in which perfumes and frankincense were burned along the whole route of the procession, also the men who bore the show-vessels made of silver and gold, both those that were sacred owing to the gods and those that belonged to the state. Last of all in the procession came the images of the gods, borne on men's shoulders, showing the same likenesses as those made by the Greeks and having the same dress, the same symbols, and the same gifts which tradition says each of them invented and bestowed on mankind. These were the images not only of Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, Neptune, and of the rest whom the Greeks reckon among the twelve gods, but also of those still more ancient from whom legend says the twelve were sprung, namely, Saturn, Ops, Themis, Latona, the Parcae, Mnemosynê, and all the rest to whom temples and holy places are dedicated among the Greeks; and also of those whom legend represents as living later, after Jupiter took over the sovereignty, such as Proserpina, Lucina, the Nymphs, the Muses, the Seasons, the Graces, Liber, and the demigods whose souls after they had left their mortal bodies are said to have ascended to Heaven and to have obtained the same honours as the gods, such as Hercules, Aesculapius, Castor and Pollux, Helen, Pan, and countless others.,14. Yet if those who founded Rome and instituted this festival were barbarians, how could they properly worship all the gods and other divinities of the Greeks and scorn their own ancestral gods? Or let someone show us any other people besides the Greeks among whom these rites are traditional, and then let him censure this demonstration as unsound.,15. After the procession was ended the consuls and the priests whose function it was presently sacrificed oxen; and the manner of performing the sacrifices was the same as with us. For after washing their hands they purified the victims with clear water and sprinkled corn on their heads, after which they prayed and then gave orders to their assistants to sacrifice them. Some of these assistants, while the victim was still standing, struck it on the temple with a club, and others received it upon the sacrificial knives as it fell. After this they flayed it and cut it up, taking off a piece from each of the inwards and also from every limb as a first-offering, which they sprinkled with grits of spelt and carried in baskets to the officiating priests. These placed them on the altars, and making a fire under them, poured wine over them while they were burning.,16. It is easy to see from Homer's poems that every one of these ceremonies was performed according to the customs established by the Greeks with reference to sacrifices. For he introduces the heroes washing their hands and using barley grits, where he said: Then washed their hands and took up barley-grains. And also cutting off the hair from the head of the victim and placing it on the fire, writing thus: And he, the rite beginning, cast some hairs, Plucked from the victim's head, upon the fire. He also represents them as striking the foreheads of the victims with clubs and stabbing them when they had fallen, as at the sacrifice of Eumaeus: Beginning then the rite, with limb of oak â One he had left when cleaving wood â he smote The boar, which straightway yielded up his life; And next his throat they cut and singed his hide. ,17. And also at taking the first offerings from the inwards and from the limbs as well and sprinkling them with barley-meal and burning them upon the altars, as at that same sacrifice: Then made the swineherd slices of raw meat, Beginning with a cut from every limb, And wrapping them in rich fat, cast them all Upon the fire, first sprinkling barley-meal. ,18. These rites I am acquainted with from having seen the Romans perform them at their sacrifices even in my time; and contented with this single proof, I have become convinced that the founders of Rome were not barbarians, but Greeks who had come together out of many places. It is possible, indeed, that some barbarians also may observe a few customs relating to sacrifices and festivals in the same manner as the Greeks, but that they should do everything in the same way is hard to believe. It now remains for me to give a brief account of the games which the Romans performed after the procession. The first was a race of four-horse chariots, two-horse chariots, and of unyoked horses, as has been the custom among the Greeks, both anciently at Olympia and down to the present. |
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| 100. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 5.6-5.7, 8.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 211; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 307 |
| 101. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.1.18, 2.1.57-2.1.58, 2.4.19-2.4.20, 3.2.74, 3.9.47 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 119; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 36, 78; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245 |
102. Ovid, Fasti, 1.591, 1.607, 1.608, 1.609, 1.610, 1.611, 1.612, 1.613, 1.614, 1.615, 1.616, 2.259-80, 3.771, 3.772, 3.809, 3.810, 3.811, 3.812, 3.813, 3.814, 3.815, 3.816, 3.817, 3.818, 3.819, 3.820, 3.821, 3.822, 3.823, 3.824, 3.825, 3.826, 3.827, 3.828, 3.829, 3.830, 3.831, 3.832, 3.833, 3.834, 3.835, 3.836, 3.837, 3.838, 3.839, 3.840, 3.841, 3.842, 3.843, 3.844, 3.845, 3.846, 3.847, 3.848, 3.849, 3.850, 3.851, 3.852, 3.853, 3.854, 3.855, 3.856, 3.857, 3.858, 3.859, 3.860, 3.861, 3.862, 3.863, 3.864, 3.865, 3.866, 3.867, 3.868, 3.869, 3.870, 3.871, 3.872, 3.873, 3.874, 3.875, 3.876, 4.951, 4.952, 4.954, 5.567, 5.568, 6.212, 6.249, 6.435, 6.436, 381-421 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 203| 3.868. traditur: ille vehit per freta longa duos. | 3.868. They say the sister held too weakly to the left-hand horn, |
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103. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 5.48 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 104 | 5.48. Then, making himself equal unto God, |
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| 104. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 32 |
105. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.88, 1.477, 2.18.1, 2.250, 3.522-3.531, 6.289, 7.219-7.223 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, •nero (roman emperor) •nero, emperor •nero (emperor) Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 37, 86; Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 188; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 343; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 198; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 55| 1.88. ̓Εξανδραποδισαμένῳ δὲ ταύτας ἐπανίσταται τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν ἐν ἑορτῇ: μάλιστα γὰρ ἐν ταῖς εὐωχίαις αὐτῶν στάσις ἅπτεται. καὶ δοκεῖ μὴ ἂν κρείττων γενέσθαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, εἰ μὴ τὸ ξενικὸν αὐτῷ παρεβοήθει: Πισίδαι καὶ Κίλικες ἦσαν: Σύρους γὰρ οὐκ ἐδέχετο μισθοφόρους διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ἀπέχθειαν. 1.477. πολλὰ δὲ ὠνείδιζεν εἰς ἀγένειαν τήν τε ἀδελφὴν τὴν ̔Ηρώδου καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας, ὧν ἑκάστη δι' εὐμορφίαν οὐκ ἀπὸ γένους ᾑρέθη. πολλαὶ δ' ἦσαν, ὡς ἂν ἐφειμένου τε πατρίως ̓Ιουδαίοις γαμεῖν πλείους καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἡδομένου πλείοσιν, αἳ πᾶσαι διὰ τὸ μεγάλαυχον τὸ Γλαφύρας καὶ τὰς λοιδορίας ἐμίσουν ̓Αλέξανδρον. 3.522. Οὐεσπασιανὸς δέ, ἐπεὶ παρεσκευάσθησαν αἱ σχεδίαι, τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπιβήσας ὅσον ᾤετο τοῖς κατὰ τὴν λίμνην ἀνταρκέσειν ἐπανήγετο. τοῖς δὲ συνελαυνομένοις οὔτ' ἐπὶ γῆν διαφεύγειν ἦν ἐκπεπολεμωμένων πάντων οὔτ' ἐξ ἴσου διαναυμαχεῖν: 3.523. τά τε γὰρ σκάφη μικρὰ ὄντα καὶ λῃστρικὰ πρὸς τὰς σχεδίας ἦν ἀσθενῆ, καὶ καθ' ἕκαστον ἐμπλέοντες ὀλίγοι πρὸς ἀθρόους ἐφεστῶτας τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐγγίζειν ἐδεδοίκεισαν. 3.524. ὅμως δ' οὖν ἐκπεριπλέοντες τὰς σχεδίας, ἔστιν δ' ὅπου καὶ πλησιάζοντες, πόρρωθεν τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἔβαλλον λίθοις καὶ παραξύοντες ἐγγύθεν ἔπαιον. 3.525. ἐκακοῦντο δ' αὐτοὶ πλέον κατ' ἀμφότερα: ταῖς τε γὰρ χερμάσιν οὐδὲν δρῶντες ὅτι μὴ κτύπον ἐπάλληλον, εἰς γὰρ πεφραγμένους ἔβαλλον, ἐφικτοὶ τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίων ἐγίνοντο βέλεσιν, καὶ πλησιάζειν τολμῶντες πρὶν δρᾶσαί τι παθεῖν ἔφθανον καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς ἐβαπτίζοντο τοῖς σκάφεσιν. 3.526. τῶν δὲ διεκπαίειν πειρωμένων πολλοὺς μὲν ἐφικνούμενοι κοντοῖς διέπειρον, οὓς δὲ ξιφήρεις ἐπιπηδῶντες εἰς τὰ σκάφη, τινὰς δὲ συντρεχούσαις ταῖς σχεδίαις ἐναποληφθέντας μέσους εἷλον ἅμα ταῖς ἁλιάσιν. 3.527. τῶν δὲ βαπτισθέντων τοὺς ἀνανεύοντας ἢ βέλος ἔφθανεν ἢ σχεδία κατελάμβανεν, καὶ προσβαίνειν ὑπ' ἀμηχανίας εἰς τοὺς ἐχθροὺς πειρωμένων ἢ κεφαλὰς ἢ χεῖρας ἀπέκοπτον οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι. 3.528. πολλή τε ἦν αὐτῶν καὶ ποικίλη φθορὰ πανταχοῦ, μέχρι τραπέντες εἰς γῆν ἐξεώσθησαν οἱ λοιποὶ κεκυκλωμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἁλιάδων. 3.529. ἐκχεόμενοι δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ κατηκοντίζοντο τῇ λίμνῃ, πολλοὺς δ' ἐκπηδήσαντας οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι διέφθειραν ἐπὶ γῆς. ἦν δ' ἰδεῖν κεκερασμένην μὲν αἵματι, πεπληρωμένην δὲ νεκρῶν τὴν λίμνην ἅπασαν: διεσώθη γὰρ οὐδείς. 3.531. τοῦτο μὲν ἐκείνης τῆς ναυμαχίας τὸ τέλος, ἀπέθανον δὲ σὺν τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως πρότερον πεσοῦσιν ἑξακισχίλιοι ἑπτακόσιοι. 6.289. τοῦτο μὲν ὅτε ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν ἄστρον ἔστη ῥομφαίᾳ παραπλήσιον καὶ παρατείνας ἐπ' ἐνιαυτὸν κομήτης, 7.219. ̓́Ηδη δὲ ἔτος τέταρτον Οὐεσπασιανοῦ διέποντος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν συνέβη τὸν βασιλέα τῆς Κομμαγηνῆς ̓Αντίοχον μεγάλαις συμφοραῖς πανοικεσίᾳ περιπεσεῖν ἀπὸ τοιαύτης αἰτίας: 7.221. γράμματα πρὸς Καίσαρα διεπέμψατο, λέγων τὸν ̓Αντίοχον μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς ̓Επιφανοῦς διεγνωκέναι ̔Ρωμαίων ἀφίστασθαι συνθήκας πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Πάρθων πεποιημένον: 7.222. δεῖν οὖν προκαταλαβεῖν αὐτούς, μὴ φθάσαντες τῶν πραγμάτων [ἄρξασθαι] πᾶσαν τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἀρχὴν πολέμῳ συνταράξωσιν. 7.223. ἔμελλε Καῖσαρ τοιούτου μηνύματος αὐτῷ προσπεσόντος μὴ περιορᾶν: καὶ γὰρ ἡ γειτνίασις τῶν βασιλέων ἐποίει τὸ πρᾶγμα μείζονος ἄξιον προνοίας: | 1.88. 3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. 1.477. She also frequently reproached Herod’s sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives,—and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra’s boasting and reproaches. 3.522. 9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon shipboard as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies’ hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea, 3.523. for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian’s vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. 3.524. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; 3.525. yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the other, and were drowned, they and their ships together. 3.526. As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. 3.527. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; 3.528. and indeed they were destroyed after various manners everywhere, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: 3.529. but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. 3.530. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. 3.531. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred. 6.289. Thus there was a star resembling a sword, which stood over the city, and a comet, that continued a whole year. 7.219. 1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: 7.220. Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus (for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered), sent an epistle to Caesar, 7.221. and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; 7.222. that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. 7.223. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; |
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106. Plutarch, Brutus, 9.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 50| 9.3. βουλομένων δὲ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων τοῦ Φαύστου καὶ οἰκείων ἐπεξιέναι καὶ δικάζεσθαι Πομπήϊος ἐκώλυσε, καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς ταὐτὸ τοὺς παῖδας ἀμφοτέρους ἀνέκρινε περὶ τοῦ πράγματος. | 9.3. The guardians and relatives of Faustus wished to carry the matter into court, but Pompey forbade it, and after bringing the two boys together, questioned them both about the matter. |
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107. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.63-18.64, 18.139, 20.183-20.184 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 37; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 107; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 334| 18.63. Γίνεται δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ̓Ιησοῦς σοφὸς ἀνήρ, εἴγε ἄνδρα αὐτὸν λέγειν χρή: ἦν γὰρ παραδόξων ἔργων ποιητής, διδάσκαλος ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡδονῇ τἀληθῆ δεχομένων, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ̓Ιουδαίους, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ τοῦ ̔Ελληνικοῦ ἐπηγάγετο: ὁ χριστὸς οὗτος ἦν. 18.64. καὶ αὐτὸν ἐνδείξει τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν παρ' ἡμῖν σταυρῷ ἐπιτετιμηκότος Πιλάτου οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο οἱ τὸ πρῶτον ἀγαπήσαντες: ἐφάνη γὰρ αὐτοῖς τρίτην ἔχων ἡμέραν πάλιν ζῶν τῶν θείων προφητῶν ταῦτά τε καὶ ἄλλα μυρία περὶ αὐτοῦ θαυμάσια εἰρηκότων. εἰς ἔτι τε νῦν τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἀπὸ τοῦδε ὠνομασμένον οὐκ ἐπέλιπε τὸ φῦλον. 18.139. ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τῷ ̔Ηρώδου παιδὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνῃρημένῳ ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ Τιγράνης ἐγεγόνεισαν υἱεῖς ἐκ τῆς ̓Αρχελάου τοῦ Καππαδόκων βασιλέως θυγατρός. καὶ Τιγράνης μὲν βασιλεύων ̓Αρμενίας κατηγοριῶν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης γενομένων ἄπαις τελευτᾷ. 20.183. καὶ τῶν ἐν Καισαρείᾳ δὲ οἱ πρῶτοι Σύρων Βήρυλλον, παιδαγωγὸς δ' ἦν οὗτος τοῦ Νέρωνος τάξιν τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν ̔Ελληνικῶν ἐπιστολῶν πεπιστευμένος, πείθουσι πολλοῖς χρήμασιν αἰτήσασθαι παρὰ τοῦ Νέρωνος αὐτοῖς ἐπιστολὴν ἀκυροῦσαν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίων πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἰσοπολιτείαν. 20.184. καὶ Βήρυλλος τὸν αὐτοκράτορα παρακαλέσας ἐπέτυχε γραφῆναι τὴν ἐπιστολήν. αὕτη τῷ ἔθνει ἡμῶν τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα κακῶν τὰς αἰτίας παρέσχεν: πυθόμενοι γὰρ οἱ κατὰ τὴν Καισάρειαν ̓Ιουδαῖοι τὰ γραφέντα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σύρους στάσεως μᾶλλον εἴχοντο μέχρι δὴ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξῆψαν. | 18.63. 3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. 18.64. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day. 18.139. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; 20.183. Two of the principal Syrians in Caesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero’s tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed. 20.184. So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Caesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled. |
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108. Plutarch, Crassus, 33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28| 33.2. ἦν γὰρ οὔτε φωνῆς οὔτε γραμμάτων Ὑρώδης Ἑλληνικῶν ἄπειρος, ὁ δʼ Ἀρταοθάσδης καὶ τραγῳδίας ἐποίει καὶ λόγους ἔγραφε καὶ ἱστορίας, ὧν ἔνιαι διασῴζονται, τῆς δὲ κεφαλῆς τοῦ Κράσσου κομισθείσης ἐπὶ θύρας ἀπηρμέναι μὲν ἦσαν αἱ τράπεζαι, τραγῳδιῶν δὲ ὑποκριτὴς Ἰάσων ὄνομα Τραλλιανὸς ᾖδεν Εὐριπίδου Βακχῶν τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἀγαύην. εὐδοκιμοῦντος δʼ αὐτοῦ Σιλλάκης ἐπιστὰς τῷ ἀνδρῶνι καὶ προσκυνήσας προὔβαλεν εἰς μέσον τοῦ Κράσσου τὴν κεφαλήν. | 33.2. For Hyrodes was well acquainted both with the Greek language and literature, and Artavasdes actually composed tragedies, and wrote orations and histories, some of which are preserved. Now when the head of Crassus was brought to the king's door, the tables had been removed, and a tragic actor, Jason by name, of Tralles, was singing that part of the "Bacchae" of Euripides where Agave is about to appear. While he was receiving his applause, Sillaces stood at the door of the banqueting-hall, and after a low obeisance, cast the head of Crassus into the centre of the company. |
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| 109. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2, 80.3-80.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 133; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 286 |
| 110. Plutarch, On The Control of Anger, 461f-462a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, character in the pseudo-senecan tragedy octauia Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 77 |
111. Plutarch, Cicero, 44.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159| 44.3. τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς θέοντας ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις καθέζεσθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας, ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καθʼ ἕνα τῶν παίδων ἀνισταμένων κύκλῳ παρὰ τὸν θεὸν παραπορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀποπέμπειν ἀχθομένους. ὡς δʼ οὗτος ἦν προσιὼν κατʼ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος. | 44.3. For it would appear that while Pompey and Caesar were still living Cicero dreamed that someone invited the sons of the senators to the capitol, on the ground that Jupiter was going to appoint one of their number ruler of Rome; and that the citizens eagerly ran and stationed themselves about the temple, while the youths, in their purple-bordered togas, seated themselves there in silence. |
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112. Josephus Flavius, Life, 361-367 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 47| 367. * ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀπαρτισθείσης τῆς ἱστορίας ἀληθείᾳ οὐ κολακεύων, οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπέβαλλεν αὐτῷ, οὐδὲ εἰρωνευόμενος, ὡς σὺ φήσεις, πόρρω γὰρ ἦν ἐκεῖνος τοιαύτης κακοηθείας, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐμαρτύρει, καθάπερ πάντες οἱ ταῖς ἱστορίαις ἐντυγχάνοντες. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν πρὸς ̓Ιοῦστον ἀναγκαίαν λαβόντα τὴν παρέκβασιν μέχρι τούτων ἡμῖν λελέχθω. | |
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| 113. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, 41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 56 |
114. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 8.3, 14.7, 57.8, 67.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 196| 67.4. μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον κατελθόντων καὶ ποιησαμένων λόγους, ὁ μὲν δῆμος οὔτε δυσχεραίνων οὔτε ὡς ἐπαινῶν τὰ πεπραγμένα τοῖς λεγομένοις προσεῖχεν, ἀλλʼ ὑπεδήλου τῇ πολλῇ σιωπῇ Καίσαρα μὲν οἰκτείρων, αἰδούμενος δὲ Βροῦτον, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἀμνηστίας τινὰς καὶ συμβάσεις πράττουσα πᾶσι Καίσαρα μὲν ὡς θεὸν τιμᾶν ἐψηφίσατο καὶ κινεῖν μηδὲ τὸ μικρότατον ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἄρχων ἐβούλευσε, τοῖς δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον ἐπαρχίας τε διένειμε καὶ τιμὰς ἀπέδωκε πρεπούσας, ὥστε πάντας οἴεσθαι τὰ πράγματα κατάστασιν ἔχειν καὶ σύγκρασιν ἀπειληφέναι τὴν ἀρίστην. | 57.8. And in the effort to surround himself with men's good will as the fairest and at the same time the securest protection, he again courted the people with banquets and distributions of grain, and his soldiers with newly planted colonies, the most conspicuous of which were Carthage and Corinth. The earlier capture of both these cities, as well as their present restoration, chanced to fall at one and the same time. 58 67.4. Some also joined their number and went up with them as though they had shared in the deed, and laid claim to the glory of it, of whom were Caius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther. |
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| 115. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2, 80.3-80.4, 118.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 111; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 133; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 286 |
| 116. Plutarch, Camillus, 42.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37 |
| 117. Frontinus, Strategemata, 2.9.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 110 |
| 118. Frontinus, De Aquis Vrbis Romae, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 307 |
119. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 34.45, 12.18, 6.181, 6.184, 7.138, 34.43, 36.45, 33.57, 7.159, 3.55, 10.5, 15.77, 11.55, 3.105, 34.41, 3.109, 3.50, 6.186, 19.6.24, 33.27.90, 35.1.3, 11.54.145, 11.54.143, 11.54.144, 37.34.50, pr. 20, 14.141, 14.142, 36.22, 36.21, 34.82, 34.62, 35.18, 33.150, 14.140, 31.10, 7.192, 7.193, 7.194, 7.195, 7.196, 19.45, 19.44, 19.43, 19.42, 19.41, 19.40, 19.39, 19.38, 33.118, 33.41, 36.125, 7.198, 7.197, 9.169, 18.114, 17.31, 18.113, 9.46, 14.56, 18.112, 9.168, 9.63, 12.19, 9.62 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 120 | 34.45. The list of remedies even includes rust itself, and this is the way in which Achilles is stated to have cured Telephus, whether he did it by means of a copper javelin or an iron one; at all events Achilles is so represented in painting, knocking the rust off a javelin with his sword. Rust of iron is obtained by scraping it off old nails with an iron tool dipped in water. The effect of rust is to unite wounds and dry them and staunch them, and applied as a liniment it relieves fox-mange. They also use it with wax and oil of myrtle for scabbiness of the eyelids and pimples in all parts of the body, but dipped in vinegar for erysipelas and also for scab, and, applied on pieces of cloth, for hangnails on the fingers and whitlows. Applied on wool it arrests women's discharges and for recent wounds it is useful diluted with wine and kneaded with myrrh, and for swellings round the anus dipped in vinegar. Used as a liniment it also relieves gout. |
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120. Juvenal, Satires, 1.127-1.130, 1.132-1.134, 3.134, 3.177-3.179, 6.116-6.132, 6.634, 7.1, 7.134-7.136, 8.150-8.176, 8.211, 8.229, 10.58-10.67, 10.133-10.137, 10.157-10.158, 10.223-10.224, 11.200 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero •nero (emperor), and pantomime •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 108, 109, 165; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 109; Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 51, 85; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 15, 47, 85 | 1.127. The very day is distinguished by splendid things: The handout, then the Forum, Apollo expert in law, And the insignia, among which some customs-man Out of Egypt, a nobody, dares to display his titles, On whose statue it’s fine to take not merely a piss. Aged and weary his clients abandon the forecourts, Relinquish their aims; since the hope of eating lasts Longest in man, they must buy firewood and greens. Meanwhile his lordship is dining on all of the best Produce of forest and sea, himself, amid empty couches. Now at their table, one of those lovely large round Antique ones, these people consume a whole fortune. Soon there’ll be no parasites left. Who can bear Such vulgar luxury? What a monstrous maw that feeds On a whole wild boar, a creature that’s fit for a banquet! There’s swift punishment though, when bloated you doff Your cloak, and go for a bath, with a part-digested peacockInside. Then for the old it’s death, intestate and sudden. The news is passed round at dinner, with never a tear; And the funeral’s performed to the cheers of irate friends. |
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| 121. Longinus, On The Sublime, 9.13, 13.3, 32.5, 35.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 111 |
122. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 33.1, 34.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37| 33.1. τῆς δὲ τρίτης ἡμέρας ἕωθεν μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπορεύοντο σαλπιγκταί μέλος οὐ προσόδιον καὶ πομπικόν, ἀλλʼ οἵῳ μαχομένους ἐποτρύνουσιν αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι, προσεγκελευόμενοι. | 33.1. On the third day, as soon as it was morning, trumpeters led the way, sounding out no marching or processional strain, but such a one as the Romans use to rouse themselves to battle. |
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| 123. Plutarch, On Exilio, 605 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 171 |
| 124. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 43526 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 247 |
| 125. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 9.3-9.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 214 |
| 126. Plutarch, Demetrius, 52, 41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
| 127. Columella, De Re Rustica, 7.3.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 156 |
128. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 17.6-17.7, 32.41-32.43, 66.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 165, 171 | 17.6. We know, for instance, that inflamed parts of the body do not yield at once to the first fomentation, but that if the treatment is continued, the swelling is softened and relief is given. So in a like manner we must be well content if we are able to assuage the inflammation in the souls of the many by the unceasing use of the word of reason. So I maintain in regard to covetousness too, that all men do know it is neither expedient nor honourable, but the cause of the greatest evils; and that in spite of all this, not one man refrains from it or is willing to have equality of possessions with his neighbour. < 32.41. What, then, do you suppose those people say when they have returned to their homes at the ends of the earth? Do they not say: "We have seen a city that in most respects is admirable and a spectacle that surpasses all human spectacles, with regard both to beauty and sanctuaries and multitude of inhabitants and abundance of all that man requires," going on to describe to their fellow citizens as accurately as possible all the things that I myself named a short while ago â all about the Nile, the land, and the sea, and in particular the epiphany of the god; "and yet," they will add, "it is a city that is mad over music and horse-races and in these matters behaves in a manner entirely unworthy of itself. For the Alexandrians are moderate enough when they offer sacrifice or stroll by themselves or engage in their other pursuits; but when they enter the theatre or the stadium, just as if drugs that would madden them lay buried there, they lose all consciousness of their former state and are not ashamed to say or do anything that occurs to them. < 32.42. And what is most distressing of all is that, despite their interest in the show, they do not really see, and, though they wish to hear, they do not hear, being evidently out of their senses and deranged â not only men, but even women and children. And when the dreadful exhibition is over and they are dismissed, although the more violent aspect of their disorder has been extinguished, still at street-corners and in alley-ways the malady continues throughout the entire city for several days; just as when a mighty conflagration has died down, you can see for a long time, not only the smoke, but also some portions of the buildings still aflame." < 32.43. Moreover, some Persian or Bactrian is likely to say: "We ourselves know how to ride horses and are held to be just about the best in horsemanship" â for they cultivate that art for the defence of their empire and independence â "but for all that we have never behaved that way or anything like it"; whereas you, who have never handled a horse or mounted one yourselves, are unable to restrain yourselves, but are like lame men squabbling over a foot-race. That may explain why, cowards and slackers though you are, you have won so many cavalry battles in the past! < |
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129. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.33-1.66, 1.135, 1.524-1.529, 1.670, 3.260-3.263, 6.529-6.532, 7.695-7.696, 7.778, 8.438-8.439, 9.215-9.216, 9.715-9.716, 10.9-10.52, 10.111-10.126, 10.237-10.248, 10.268-10.275, 10.282-10.303 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero (emperor), relationship with agrippina the younger •nero, emperor •emperors, nero •nero, emperor, searches for the nile sources •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 211; Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 156; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 81, 104, 112, 114; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 169, 236; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 206; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 56; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 294 | 1.33. No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease 1.34. No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease 1.35. No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease 1.36. No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease 1.37. No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease 1.38. No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease 1.39. No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease 1.40. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.41. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.42. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.43. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.44. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.45. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.46. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.47. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.48. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.49. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands 1.50. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.51. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.52. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.53. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.54. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.55. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.56. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.57. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.58. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.59. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime 1.60. Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace 1.61. Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace 1.62. Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace 1.63. Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace 1.64. Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace 1.65. Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace 1.66. Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace 1.135. Had'st thou but longer stayed, it had been thine To keep the husband and the sire apart, And, as the Sabine women did of old, Dash down the threatening swords and join the hands. With thee all trust was buried, and the chiefs Could give their courage vent, and rushed to war. Lest newer glories triumphs past obscure, Late conquered Gaul the bays from pirates won, This, Magnus, was thy fear; thy roll of fame, of glorious deeds accomplished for the state 1.524. And scorn to spare the life that shall return. Ye too depart who kept the banks of RhineSafe from the foe, and leave the Teuton tribes Free at their will to march upon the world. Caesar, with strength increased and gathered troops New efforts daring, spreads his bands afar Through Italy, and fills the neighbouring towns. Then empty rumour to well-grounded fear Gave strength, and heralding the coming war In hundred voices 'midst the people spread. 1.525. And scorn to spare the life that shall return. Ye too depart who kept the banks of RhineSafe from the foe, and leave the Teuton tribes Free at their will to march upon the world. Caesar, with strength increased and gathered troops New efforts daring, spreads his bands afar Through Italy, and fills the neighbouring towns. Then empty rumour to well-grounded fear Gave strength, and heralding the coming war In hundred voices 'midst the people spread. 1.526. And scorn to spare the life that shall return. Ye too depart who kept the banks of RhineSafe from the foe, and leave the Teuton tribes Free at their will to march upon the world. Caesar, with strength increased and gathered troops New efforts daring, spreads his bands afar Through Italy, and fills the neighbouring towns. Then empty rumour to well-grounded fear Gave strength, and heralding the coming war In hundred voices 'midst the people spread. 1.527. And scorn to spare the life that shall return. Ye too depart who kept the banks of RhineSafe from the foe, and leave the Teuton tribes Free at their will to march upon the world. Caesar, with strength increased and gathered troops New efforts daring, spreads his bands afar Through Italy, and fills the neighbouring towns. Then empty rumour to well-grounded fear Gave strength, and heralding the coming war In hundred voices 'midst the people spread. 1.528. And scorn to spare the life that shall return. Ye too depart who kept the banks of RhineSafe from the foe, and leave the Teuton tribes Free at their will to march upon the world. Caesar, with strength increased and gathered troops New efforts daring, spreads his bands afar Through Italy, and fills the neighbouring towns. Then empty rumour to well-grounded fear Gave strength, and heralding the coming war In hundred voices 'midst the people spread. 1.529. And scorn to spare the life that shall return. Ye too depart who kept the banks of RhineSafe from the foe, and leave the Teuton tribes Free at their will to march upon the world. Caesar, with strength increased and gathered troops New efforts daring, spreads his bands afar Through Italy, and fills the neighbouring towns. Then empty rumour to well-grounded fear Gave strength, and heralding the coming war In hundred voices 'midst the people spread. 1.670. Collects the thunderbolts that fell from heaven, And lays them deep in earth, with muttered words Naming the spot accursed. Next a steer, Picked for his swelling neck and beauteous form, He leads to the altar, and with slanting knife Spreads on his brow the meal, and pours the wine. The victim's struggles prove the gods averse; But when the servers press upon his horns He bends the knee and yields him to the blow. No crimson torrent issued at the stroke, 3.260. of mystic sense (in shape of beast or fowl) Preserved the secrets of their magic art. Next Persean Tarsus and high Taurus' groves Are left deserted, and Corycium's cave; And all Cilicia's ports, pirate no more, Resound with preparation. Nor the East Refused the call, where furthest Ganges dares, Alone of rivers, to discharge his stream Against the sun opposing; on this shore The Macedonian conqueror stayed his foot 3.261. of mystic sense (in shape of beast or fowl) Preserved the secrets of their magic art. Next Persean Tarsus and high Taurus' groves Are left deserted, and Corycium's cave; And all Cilicia's ports, pirate no more, Resound with preparation. Nor the East Refused the call, where furthest Ganges dares, Alone of rivers, to discharge his stream Against the sun opposing; on this shore The Macedonian conqueror stayed his foot 3.262. of mystic sense (in shape of beast or fowl) Preserved the secrets of their magic art. Next Persean Tarsus and high Taurus' groves Are left deserted, and Corycium's cave; And all Cilicia's ports, pirate no more, Resound with preparation. Nor the East Refused the call, where furthest Ganges dares, Alone of rivers, to discharge his stream Against the sun opposing; on this shore The Macedonian conqueror stayed his foot 3.263. of mystic sense (in shape of beast or fowl) Preserved the secrets of their magic art. Next Persean Tarsus and high Taurus' groves Are left deserted, and Corycium's cave; And all Cilicia's ports, pirate no more, Resound with preparation. Nor the East Refused the call, where furthest Ganges dares, Alone of rivers, to discharge his stream Against the sun opposing; on this shore The Macedonian conqueror stayed his foot 6.529. of fiction e'er transcended; all their art In things most strange and most incredible; There were Thessalian rocks with deadly herbs Thick planted, sensible to magic chants, Funereal, secret: and the land was full of violence to the gods: the Queenly guest From Colchis gathered here the fatal roots That were not in her store: hence vain to heaven Rise impious incantations, all unheard; For deaf the ears divine: save for one voice 6.530. Which penetrates the furthest depths of airs Compelling e'en th' unwilling deities To hearken to its accents. Not the care of the revolving sky or starry pole Can call them from it ever. Once the sound of those dread tones unspeakable has reached The constellations, then nor BabylonNor secret Memphis, though they open wide The shrines of ancient magic and entreat The gods, could draw them from the fires that smoke 6.531. Which penetrates the furthest depths of airs Compelling e'en th' unwilling deities To hearken to its accents. Not the care of the revolving sky or starry pole Can call them from it ever. Once the sound of those dread tones unspeakable has reached The constellations, then nor BabylonNor secret Memphis, though they open wide The shrines of ancient magic and entreat The gods, could draw them from the fires that smoke 6.532. Which penetrates the furthest depths of airs Compelling e'en th' unwilling deities To hearken to its accents. Not the care of the revolving sky or starry pole Can call them from it ever. Once the sound of those dread tones unspeakable has reached The constellations, then nor BabylonNor secret Memphis, though they open wide The shrines of ancient magic and entreat The gods, could draw them from the fires that smoke 7.695. Thy fated victim! There upon the field Lay all the honour of Rome; no common stream Mixed with the purple tide. And yet of all Who noble fell, one only now I sing, Thee, brave Domitius. Whenever the day Was adverse to the fortunes of thy chief Thine was the arm which vainly stayed the fight. Vanquished so oft by Caesar, now 'twas thine Yet free to perish. By a thousand wounds Came welcome death, nor had thy conqueror power 7.696. Thy fated victim! There upon the field Lay all the honour of Rome; no common stream Mixed with the purple tide. And yet of all Who noble fell, one only now I sing, Thee, brave Domitius. Whenever the day Was adverse to the fortunes of thy chief Thine was the arm which vainly stayed the fight. Vanquished so oft by Caesar, now 'twas thine Yet free to perish. By a thousand wounds Came welcome death, nor had thy conqueror power 7.778. More bloodshed, here on me, my wife, and sons Wreak out your vengeance — pledges to the fates Such have we given. Too little for the war Is our destruction? Doth the carnage fail, The world escaping? Magnus' fortunes lost, Why doom all else beside him?" Thus he cried, And passed amid his standards, and recalled His vanquished host that rushed on fate declared. Not for his sake such carnage should be wrought. So thought Pompeius; nor the foeman's sword 8.438. Shall battering engine or machine of war Dash down the rampart; and whate'er avails To stop their arrows, battles like a wall. Wide sweep their horsemen, fleeting in attack And light in onset, and their troops shall yield A camp, not take it: poisoned are their shafts; Nor do they dare a combat hand to hand; But as the winds may suffer, from afar They draw their bows at venture. Brave men love The sword which, wielded by a stalwart arm, 8.439. Shall battering engine or machine of war Dash down the rampart; and whate'er avails To stop their arrows, battles like a wall. Wide sweep their horsemen, fleeting in attack And light in onset, and their troops shall yield A camp, not take it: poisoned are their shafts; Nor do they dare a combat hand to hand; But as the winds may suffer, from afar They draw their bows at venture. Brave men love The sword which, wielded by a stalwart arm, 9.715. Thou may'st in distant days decree divine. Now was the heat more dense, and through that clime Than which no further on the Southern side The gods permit, they trod; and scarcer still The water, till in middle sands they found One bounteous spring which clustered serpents held Though scaroe the space sufficed. By thirsting snakesThe fount was thronged and asps pressed on the marge. But when the chieftain saw that speedy fate Was on the host, if they should leave the well 9.716. Thou may'st in distant days decree divine. Now was the heat more dense, and through that clime Than which no further on the Southern side The gods permit, they trod; and scarcer still The water, till in middle sands they found One bounteous spring which clustered serpents held Though scaroe the space sufficed. By thirsting snakesThe fount was thronged and asps pressed on the marge. But when the chieftain saw that speedy fate Was on the host, if they should leave the well 10.14. But when the people, jealous of their laws, Murmured against the fasces, Caesar knew Their minds were adverse, and that not for him Was Magnus' murder wrought. And yet with brow Dissembling fear, intrepid, through the shrines of Egypt's gods he strode, and round the fane of ancient Isis; bearing witness all To Macedon's vigour in the days of old. Yet did nor gold nor ornament restrain His hasting steps, nor worship of the gods, 10.15. But when the people, jealous of their laws, Murmured against the fasces, Caesar knew Their minds were adverse, and that not for him Was Magnus' murder wrought. And yet with brow Dissembling fear, intrepid, through the shrines of Egypt's gods he strode, and round the fane of ancient Isis; bearing witness all To Macedon's vigour in the days of old. Yet did nor gold nor ornament restrain His hasting steps, nor worship of the gods, 10.16. But when the people, jealous of their laws, Murmured against the fasces, Caesar knew Their minds were adverse, and that not for him Was Magnus' murder wrought. And yet with brow Dissembling fear, intrepid, through the shrines of Egypt's gods he strode, and round the fane of ancient Isis; bearing witness all To Macedon's vigour in the days of old. Yet did nor gold nor ornament restrain His hasting steps, nor worship of the gods, 10.17. But when the people, jealous of their laws, Murmured against the fasces, Caesar knew Their minds were adverse, and that not for him Was Magnus' murder wrought. And yet with brow Dissembling fear, intrepid, through the shrines of Egypt's gods he strode, and round the fane of ancient Isis; bearing witness all To Macedon's vigour in the days of old. Yet did nor gold nor ornament restrain His hasting steps, nor worship of the gods, 10.18. But when the people, jealous of their laws, Murmured against the fasces, Caesar knew Their minds were adverse, and that not for him Was Magnus' murder wrought. And yet with brow Dissembling fear, intrepid, through the shrines of Egypt's gods he strode, and round the fane of ancient Isis; bearing witness all To Macedon's vigour in the days of old. Yet did nor gold nor ornament restrain His hasting steps, nor worship of the gods, 10.19. But when the people, jealous of their laws, Murmured against the fasces, Caesar knew Their minds were adverse, and that not for him Was Magnus' murder wrought. And yet with brow Dissembling fear, intrepid, through the shrines of Egypt's gods he strode, and round the fane of ancient Isis; bearing witness all To Macedon's vigour in the days of old. Yet did nor gold nor ornament restrain His hasting steps, nor worship of the gods, 10.20. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.21. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.22. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.23. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.24. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.25. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.26. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.27. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.28. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.29. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set 10.30. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.31. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.32. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.33. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.34. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.35. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.36. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.37. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.38. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.39. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.40. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.41. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.42. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.43. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.44. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.45. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.46. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.47. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.48. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.49. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand 10.50. Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure 10.51. Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure 10.52. Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure 10.111. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats 10.112. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats 10.113. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats 10.114. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats 10.115. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats 10.116. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats 10.117. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats 10.118. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats 10.119. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats 10.120. Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! 'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar's ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton's prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.121. Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! 'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar's ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton's prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.122. Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! 'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar's ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton's prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.123. Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! 'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar's ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton's prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.124. Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! 'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar's ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton's prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.125. Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! 'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar's ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton's prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.126. Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! 'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar's ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton's prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.237. Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control 10.238. Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control 10.239. Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control 10.240. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; 10.241. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; 10.242. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; 10.243. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; 10.244. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; 10.245. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; 10.246. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; 10.247. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; 10.248. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; 10.268. Strikes with his beam the waters. Forth the stream Brims from his fount, as Ocean when the moon Commands an increase; nor shall curb his flow Till night wins back her losses from the sun. "Vain is the ancient faith that Ethiop snows Send Nile abundant forth upon the lands. Those mountains know nor northern wind nor star. of this are proof the breezes of the South, Fraught with warm vapours, and the people's hue Burned dark by suns: and 'tis in time of spring, 10.269. Strikes with his beam the waters. Forth the stream Brims from his fount, as Ocean when the moon Commands an increase; nor shall curb his flow Till night wins back her losses from the sun. "Vain is the ancient faith that Ethiop snows Send Nile abundant forth upon the lands. Those mountains know nor northern wind nor star. of this are proof the breezes of the South, Fraught with warm vapours, and the people's hue Burned dark by suns: and 'tis in time of spring, 10.270. When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.271. When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.272. When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.273. When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.274. When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.275. When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.282. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. 10.283. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. 10.284. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. 10.285. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. 10.286. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. 10.287. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. 10.288. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. 10.289. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. 10.290. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.291. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.292. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.293. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.294. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.295. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.296. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.297. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.298. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.299. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.300. Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, 10.301. Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, 10.302. Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, 10.303. Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, |
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| 130. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.7.26, 1.10.12, 8.5.16, 10.1.31, 10.1.98, 10.1.124 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 108; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245; Pausch and Pieper, The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives (2023) 47; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 199; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 20 |
| 131. Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogae, 1.46-1.67 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 16 |
| 132. Statius, Siluae, 2.2, 2.2.13-2.2.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 110; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 212 |
| 133. Statius, Thebais, 3.82-3.88, 3.99-3.101, 7.219-7.221, 8.71-8.72, 8.758-8.766, 12.514-12.518 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 178; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 81, 214, 237, 238 |
134. New Testament, John, 21.18-21.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 47| 21.18. ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω σοι, ὅτε ἦς νεώτερος, ἐζώννυες σεαυτὸν καὶ περιεπάτεις ὅπου ἤθελες· ὅταν δὲ γηράσῃς, ἐκτενεῖς τὰς χεῖράς σου, καὶ ἄλλος ζώσει σε καὶ οἴσει ὅπου οὐ θέλεις. 21.19. τοῦτο δὲ εἶπεν σημαίνων ποίῳ θανάτῳ δοξάσει τὸν θεόν. καὶ τοῦτο εἰπὼν λέγει αὐτῷ Ἀκολούθει μοι. | 21.18. Most assuredly I tell you, when you were young, you dressed yourself, and walked where you wanted to. But when you are old, you will stretch out your hands, and another will dress you, and carry you where you don't want to go." 21.19. Now he said this, signifying by what kind of death he would glorify God. When he had said this, he said to him, "Follow me." |
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135. Suetonius, Augustus, 32.2, 35.3, 40.3-40.5, 44.2, 45.7, 49.1, 72.2, 97.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 108, 114; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 32; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 110; Galinsky, Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity (2016) 164; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 1; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 142; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 5, 307 | 35.3. Furthermore, that those who were chosen and approved might perform their duties more conscientiously, and also with less inconvenience, he provided that before taking his seat each member should offer incense and wine at the altar of the god in whose temple the meeting was held; that regular meetings of the senate should be held not oftener than twice a month, on the Kalends and the Ides; and that in the months of September and October only those should be obliged to attend who were drawn by lot, to a number sufficient for the passage of decrees. He also adopted the plan of privy councils chosen by lot for terms of six months, with which to discuss in advance matters which were to come before the entire body. 40.3. Considering it also of great importance to keep the people pure and unsullied by any taint of foreign or servile blood, he was most chary of conferring Roman citizenship and set a limit to manumission. When Tiberius requested citizenship for a Grecian dependent of his, Augustus wrote in reply that he would not grant it unless the man appeared in person and convinced him that he had reasonable grounds for the request; and when Livia asked it for a Gaul from a tributary province, he refused, offering instead freedom from tribute, and declaring that he would more willingly suffer a loss to his privy purse than the prostitution of the honour of Roman citizenship. 40.5. He desired also to revive the ancient fashion of dress, and once when he saw in an assembly a throng of men in dark cloaks, he cried out indigtly, "Behold them Romans, lords of the world, the nation clad in the toga," and he directed the aediles never again to allow anyone to appear in the Forum or its neighbourhood except in the toga and without a cloak. 41 44.2. He assigned special seats to the married men of the commons, to boys under age their own section and the adjoining one to their preceptors; and he decreed that no one wearing a dark cloak should sit in the middle of the house. He would not allow women to view even the gladiators except from the upper seats, though it had been the custom for men and women to sit together at such shows. 72.2. If ever he planned to do anything in private or without interruption, he had a retired place at the top of the house, which he called "Syracuse" and "technyphion." In this he used to take refuge, or else in the villa of one of his freedmen in the suburbs; but whenever he was not well, he slept at Maecenas's house. For retirement he went most frequently to places by the sea and the islands of Campania, or to the towns near Rome, such as Lanuvium, Praeneste or Tibur, where he very often held court in the colonnades of the Temple of Hercules. |
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136. Suetonius, Caligula, 3.2, 6.1, 15.1-15.2, 16.1, 18.3, 23.1, 24.2-24.3, 30.1, 55.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 98; Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 87, 90; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 8, 159; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 206, 217; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 133, 142; Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 45 | 3.2. He often slew a foeman in hand-toâhand combat. He pleaded causes even after receiving the triumphal regalia; and among other fruits of his studies he left some Greek comedies. Unassuming at home and abroad, he always entered the free and federate towns without lictors. Wherever he came upon the tombs of distinguished men, he always offered sacrifice to their shades. Planning to bury in one mound the old and scattered relics of those who fell in the overthrow of Varus, he was the first to attempt to collect and assemble them with his own hand. 6.1. At Rome when the community, in grief and consternation at the first report of his illness, was awaiting further news, and suddenly after nightfall a report at last spread abroad, on doubtful authority, that he had recovered, a general rush was made from every side to the Capitol with torches and victims, and the temple gates were all but torn off, that nothing might hinder them in their eagerness to pay their vows. Tiberius was roused from sleep by the cries of the rejoicing throng, who all united in singing:â "Safe is Rome, safe too our country, for Germanicus is safe." 15.2. But in memory of his father he gave to the month of September the name of Germanicus. After this, by a decree of the senate, he heaped upon his grandmother Antonia whatever honours Livia Augusta had ever enjoyed; took his uncle Claudius, who up to that time had been a Roman knight, as his colleague in the consulship; adopted his brother Tiberius on the day that he assumed the gown of manhood, and gave him the title of Chief of the Youth. 16.1. He banished from the city the sexual perverts called spintriae, barely persuaded not to sink them in the sea. The writings of Titus Labienus, Cremutius Cordus, and Cassius Severus, which had been suppressed by decrees of the senate, he allowed to be hunted up, circulated, and read, saying that it was wholly to his interest that everything which happened be handed down to posterity. He published the accounts of the empire, which had regularly been made public by Augustus, a practice discontinued by Tiberius. 18.3. He also gave many games in the Circus, lasting from early morning until evening, introducing between the races now a baiting of panthers and now the manoeuvres of the game called Troy; some, too, of special splendour, in which the Circus was strewn with red and green, while the charioteers were all men of senatorial rank. He also started some games off-hand, when a few people called for them from the neighbouring balconies, as he was inspecting the outfit of the Circus from the --> Gelotian house -->. 24.3. The rest of his sisters he did not love with so great affection, nor honour so highly, but often prostituted them to his favourites; so that he was the readier at the trial of Aemilius Lepidus to condemn them, as adulteresses and privy to the conspiracies against him; and he not only made public letters in the handwriting of all of them, procured by fraud and seduction, but also dedicated to Mars the Avenger, with an explanatory inscription, three swords designed to take his life. 30.1. He seldom had anyone put to death except by numerous slight wounds, his constant order, which soon became well-known, being: "Strike so that he may feel that he is dying." When a different man than he had intended had been killed, through a mistake in the names, he said that the victim too had deserved the same fate. He often uttered the familiar line of the tragic poet: "Let them hate me, so they but fear me." 55.2. He gave some Thracian gladiators command of his German body-guard. He reduced the amount of armour of the murmillones. When one Columbus had won a victory, but had suffered from a slight wound, he had the place rubbed with a poison which he henceforth called "Columbinum"; at least that name was found included in his list of poisons. He was so passionately devoted to the green faction that he constantly dined and spent the night in their stable, and in one of his revels with them he gave the driver Eutychus two million sesterces in gifts. |
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137. Suetonius, Claudius, a b c d\n0 21.2 21.2 21 2\n1 46 46 46 None\n2 30 30 30 None\n3 11.3 11.3 11 3\n4 25.12 25.12 25 12\n5 11.2 11.2 11 2\n6 41.2 41.2 41 2\n7 "25.4" "25.4" "25 4" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 245 | 21.2. He also celebrated secular games, alleging that they had been given too early by Augustus and not reserved for the regular time; although he himself writes in his own History that when they had been discontinued for a long time, Augustus restored them to their proper place after a very careful calculation of the intervals. Therefore the herald's proclamation was greeted with laughter, when he invited the people in the usual formula to games "which no one had ever seen or would ever see again"; for some were still living who had seen them before, and some actors who had appeared at the former performance appeared at that time as well. He often gave games in the Vatican Circus also, at times with a beast-baiting between every five races. |
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138. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 108 | 21. Gaius Melissus, a native of Spoletium, was freeborn, but was disowned owing to a disagreement between his parents. Nevertheless through the care and devotion of the man who reared him, he received a superior education, and was presented to Maecenas as a grammarian. Finding that Maecenas appreciated him and treated him as a friend, although his mother claimed his freedom, he yet remained in a condition of slavery, since he preferred his present lot to that of his actual origin. In consequence he was soon set free, and even won the favour of Augustus. At the emperor's appointment he undertook the task of arranging the library in the Colonnade of Octavia. In his sixtieth year, as he himself writes, he began to compile his volumes of "Trifles," now entitled "Jests," of which he completed a hundred and fifty; and he later added other volumes of a different character. He likewise originated a new kind of togatae, to which he gave the name of trabeatae. |
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139. Suetonius, Domitianus, 4.4, 6.2, 7.1, 15.2, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 100; Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 85, 106; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 214; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 307 | 4.4. He also established a quinquennial contest in honour of Jupiter Capitolinus of a threefold character, comprising music, riding, and gymnastics, and with considerably more prizes than are awarded nowadays. For there were competitions in prose declamation both in Greek and in Latin; and in addition to those of the lyre-players, between choruses of such players and in the lyre alone, without singing; while in the stadium there were races even between maidens. He presided at the competitions in half-boots, clad in a purple toga in the Greek fashion, and wearing upon his head a golden crown with figures of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, while by his side sat the priest of Jupiter and the college of the Flaviales, similarly dressed, except that their crowns bore his image as well. He celebrated the Quinquatria too every year in honour of Minerva at his Alban villa, and established for her a college of priests, from which men were chosen by lot to act as officers and give splendid shows of wild beasts and stage plays, besides holding contests in oratory and poetry. 15.2. For eight successive months so many strokes of lightning occurred and were reported, that at last he cried: "Well, let him now strike whom he will." The temple of Jupiter of the Capitol was struck and that of the Flavian family, as well as the Palace and the emperor's own bedroom. The inscription too on the base of a triumphal statue of his was torn off in a violent tempest and fell upon a neighbouring tomb. The tree which had been overthrown when Vespasian was still a private citizen but had sprung up anew, then on a sudden fell down again. Fortune of Praeneste had throughout his whole reign, when he commended the new year to her protection, given him a favourable omen and always in the same words. Now at last she returned a most direful one, not without the mention of bloodshed. |
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140. Suetonius, Galba, 20.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 99 | 20.2. He was killed beside the Lake of Curtius and was left lying just as he was, until a common soldier, returning from a distribution of grain, threw down his load and cut off the head. Then, since there was no hair by which to grasp it, he put it under his robe, but later thrust his thumb into the mouth and so carried it to Otho. He handed it over to his servants and camp-followers, who set it on a lance and paraded it about the camp with jeers, crying out from time to time, "Galba, thou Cupid, exult in thy vigour!" The special reason for this saucy jest was, that the report had gone abroad a few days before, that when someone had congratulated him on still looking young and vigorous, he replied: "As yet my strength is unimpaired." From these it was bought by a freedman of Patrobius Neronianus for a hundred pieces of gold and thrown aside in the place where his patron had been executed by Galba's order. At last, however, his steward Argivus consigned it to the tomb with the rest of the body in Galba's private gardens on the Aurelian Road. |
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141. Suetonius, Iulius, 39.3, 75.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 114; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 47 | 75.4. At last, in his later years, he went so far as to allow all those whom he had not yet pardoned to return to Italy, and to hold magistracies and the command of armies: and he actually set up the statues of Lucius Sulla and Pompey, which had been broken to pieces by the populace. After this, if any dangerous plots were formed against him, or slanders uttered, he preferred to quash rather than to punish them. |
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142. Suetonius, Nero, 6.4, 16.2, 19.1, 20.3, 21.2-21.3, 22.1, 26.1, 32.3-32.4, 33.1, 34.2-34.4, 35.2, 38.121, 39.2-39.3, 46.1, 46.3, 47.2-47.3, 49.1, 49.3-49.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 256; Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 64; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 3, 165; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 32; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 139; Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 39, 51, 91; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 343; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 41, 107; McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 6; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 209, 210, 214; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 300, 318, 324; Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 27; de Ste. Croix et al., Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy (2006) 108 | 16.2. During his reign many abuses were severely punished and put down, and no fewer new laws were made: a limit was set to expenditures; the public banquets were confined to a distribution of food; the sale of any kind of cooked viands in the taverns was forbidden, with the exception of pulse and vegetables, whereas before every sort of dainty was exposed for sale. Punishment was inflicted on the Christians, a class of men given to a new and mischievous superstition. He put an end to the diversions of the chariot drivers, who from immunity of long standing claimed the right of ranging at large and amusing themselves by cheating and robbing the people. The pantomimic actors and their partisans were banished from the city. 20.3. He was greatly taken too with the rhythmic applause of some Alexandrians, who had flocked to Naples from a fleet that had lately arrived, and summoned more men from Alexandria. Not content with that, he selected some young men of the order of knights and more than five thousand sturdy young commoners, to be divided into groups and learn the Alexandrian styles of applause (they called them "the bees," "the roof-tiles," and "the bricks"), and to ply them vigorously whenever he sang. These men were noticeable for their thick hair and fine apparel; their left hands were bare and without rings, and the leaders were paid four hundred thousand sesterces each. 21.3. He also put on the mask and sang tragedies representing gods and heroes and even heroines and goddesses, having the masks fashioned in the likeness of his own features or those of the women of whom he chanced to be enamoured. Among other themes he sang "Canace in Labor," "Orestes the Matricide," "The Blinding of Oedipus" and the "Frenzy of Hercules." At the last named performance they say that a young recruit, seeing the emperor in mean attire and bound with chains, as the subject required, rushed forward to lend him aid. 22.1. From his earliest years he had a special passion for horses and talked constantly about the games in the Circus, though he was forbidden to do so. Once when he was lamenting with his fellow pupils the fate of a charioteer of the "Greens," who was dragged by his horses, and his preceptor scolded him, he told a lie and pretended that he was talking of Hector. At the beginning of his reign he used to play every day with ivory chariots on a board, and he came from the country to all the games, even the most insignificant, at first secretly, and then so openly that no one doubted that he would be in Rome on that particular day. 26.1. Although at first his acts of wantonness, lust, extravagance, avarice and cruelty were gradual and secret, and might be condoned as follies of youth, yet even then their nature was such that no one doubted that they were defects of his character and not due to his time of life. No sooner was twilight over than he would catch up a cap or a wig and go to the taverns or range about the streets playing pranks, which however were very far from harmless; for he used to beat men as they came home from dinner, stabbing any who resisted him and throwing them into the sewers. He would even break into shops and rob them, setting up a market in the Palace, where he divided the booty which he took, sold it at auction, and then squandered the proceeds. 32.3. He demanded the return of the rewards which he had given in recognition of the prizes conferred on him by any city in competition. Having forbidden the use of amethystine or Tyrian purple dyes, he secretly sent a man to sell a few ounces on a market day and then closed the shops of all the dealers. It is even said that when he saw a matron in the audience at one of his recitals clad in the forbidden colour he pointed her out to his agents, who dragged her out and stripped her on the spot, not only of her garment, but also of her property. 32.4. He never appointed anyone to an office without adding: "You know what my needs are," and "Let us see to it that no one possess anything." At last he stripped many temples of their gifts and melted down the images of gold and silver, including those of the Penates, which however Galba soon afterwards restored. 33.1. He began his career of parricide and murder with Claudius, for even if he was not the instigator of the emperor's death, he was at least privy to it, as he openly admitted; for he used afterwards to laud mushrooms, the vehicle in which the poison was administered to Claudius, as "the food of the gods," as the Greek proverb has it. At any rate, after Claudius's death he vented on him every kind of insult, in act and word, charging him now with folly and now with cruelty; for it was a favourite joke of his to say that Claudius had ceased "to play the fool" among mortals, lengthening the first syllable of the word morari, and he disregarded many of his decrees and acts as the work of a madman and a dotard. Finally, he neglected to enclose the place where his body was burned except with a low and mean wall. 34.2. At last terrified by her violence and threats, he determined to have her life, and after thrice attempting it by poison and finding that she had made herself immune by antidotes, he tampered with the ceiling of her bedroom, contriving a mechanical device for loosening its panels and dropping them upon her while she slept. When this leaked out through some of those connected with the plot, he devised a collapsible boat, to destroy her by shipwreck or by the falling in of its cabin. Then he pretended a reconciliation and invited her in a most cordial letter to come to Baiae and celebrate the feast of Minerva with him. On her arrival, instructing his captains to wreck the galley in which she had come, by running into it as if by accident, he detained her at a banquet, and when she would return to Bauli, offered her his contrivance in place of the craft which had been damaged, escorting her to it in high spirits and even kissing her breasts as they parted. 34.3. The rest of the night he passed sleepless in intense anxiety, awaiting the outcome of his design. On learning that everything had gone wrong and that she had escaped by swimming, driven to desperation he secretly had a dagger thrown down beside her freedman Lucius Agermus, when he joyfully brought word that she was safe and sound, and then ordered that the freedman be seized and bound, on the charge of being hired to kill the emperor; that his mother be put to death, and the pretence made that she had escaped the consequences of her detected guilt by suicide. 34.4. Trustworthy authorities add still more gruesome details: that he hurried off to view the corpse, handled her limbs, criticising some and commending others, and that becoming thirsty meanwhile, he took a drink. Yet he could not either then or ever afterwards endure the stings of conscience, though soldiers, senate and people tried to hearten him with their congratulations; for he often owned that he was hounded by his mother's ghost and by the whips and blazing torches of the Furies. He even had rites performed by the Magi, in the effort to summon her shade and entreat it for forgiveness. Moreover, in his journey through Greece he did not venture to take part in the Eleusinian mysteries, since at the beginning the godless and wicked are warned by the herald's proclamation to go hence. 35.2. Presently after several vain attempts to strangle her, he divorced her on the ground of barrenness, and when the people took it ill and openly reproached him, he banished her besides; and finally he had her put to death on a charge of adultery that was so shameless and unfounded, that when all who were put to the torture maintained her innocence, he bribed his former preceptor Anicetus to make a pretended confession that he had violated her chastity by a stratagem. 39.3. As he was passing along a public street, the Cynic Isidorus loudly taunted him, "because he was a good singer of the ills of Nauplius, but made ill use of his own goods." Datus also, an actor of Atellan farces, in a song beginning: "Farewell to thee, father; farewell to thee, mother," represented drinking and swimming in pantomime, referring of course to the death of Claudius and Agrippina; and in the final tag, "Orcus guides your steps," he indicated the senate by a gesture. Nero contented himself with banishing the actor and the philosopher from the city, either because he was impervious to all insults, or to avoid sharpening men's wits by showing his vexation. 46.1. In addition he was frightened by manifest portents from dreams, auspices and omens, both old and new. Although he had never before been in the habit of dreaming, after he had killed his mother it seemed to him that he was steering a ship in his sleep and that the helm was wrenched from his hands; that he was dragged by his wife Octavia into thickest darkness, and that he was now covered with a swarm of winged ants, and now was surrounded by the statues of the nations which had been dedicated in Pompey's theatre and stopped in his tracks. A Spanish steed of which he was very fond was changed into the form of an ape in the hinder parts of its body, and its head, which alone remained unaltered, gave forth tuneful neighs. 47.2. But when some gave evasive answers and some openly refused, one even cried: "Is it so dreadful a thing then to die?" Whereupon he turned over various plans in his mind, whether to go as a suppliant to the Parthians or Galba, or to appear to the people on the rostra, dressed in black, and beg as pathetically as he could for pardon for his past offences; and if he could not soften their hearts, to entreat them at least to allow him the prefecture of Egypt. Afterwards a speech composed for this purpose was found in his writing desk; but it is thought that he did not dare to deliver it for fear of being torn to pieces before he could reach the Forum. 47.3. Having therefore put off further consideration to the following day, he awoke about midnight and finding that the guard of soldiers had left, he sprang from his bed and sent for all his friends. Since no reply came back from anyone, he went himself to their rooms with a few followers. But finding that all the doors were closed and that no one replied to him, he returned to his own chamber, from which now the very caretakers had fled, taking with them even the bed-clothing and the box of poison. Then he at once called for the gladiator Spiculus or any other adept at whose hand he might find death, and when no one appeared, he cried "Have I then neither friend nor foe?" and ran out as if to throw himself into the Tiber. 49.3. Now he would beg Sporus to begin to lament and wail, and now entreat someone to help him take his life by setting him the example; anon he reproached himself for his cowardice in such words as these: "To live is a scandal and a shame â this does not become Nero, does not become him â one should be resolute at such times â come, rouse thyself!" And now the horsemen were at hand who had orders to take him off alive. When he heard them, he quavered: "Hark, now strikes on my ear the trampling of swift-footed coursers!" and drove a dagger into his throat, aided by Epaphroditus, his private secretary. 49.4. He was all but dead when a centurion rushed in, and as he placed a cloak to the wound, pretending that he had come to aid him, Nero merely gasped: "Too late!" and "This is fidelity!" With these words he was gone, with eyes so set and starting from their sockets that all who saw him shuddered with horror. First and beyond all else he had forced from his companions a promise to let no one have his head, but to contrive in some way that he be buried unmutilated. And this was granted by Icelus, Galba's freedman, who had shortly before been released from the bondage to which he was consigned at the beginning of the revolt. 3. He left a son, who was beyond all question better than the rest of the family. He was condemned to death by the Pedian law among those implicated in Caesar's death, though he was guiltless, and accordingly joined Brutus and Cassius, who were his near relatives. After the death of both leaders he retained the fleet of which he had previously been made commander, and even added to it, and it was not until his party had been everywhere routed that he surrendered it to Mark Antony, of his own free will and as if it were a great favour.,He too was the only one of those who were condemned by that same law who was allowed to return to his native land, where he successively held all the highest offices. When the civil strife was subsequently renewed, and he was appointed one of Antony's lieutets, he did not venture, owing to a sudden attack of illness, to accept the chief command when it was offered by those who were ashamed of Cleopatra, nor yet positively to decline it; but he went over to Augustus and a few days later died. Even he did not escape with an unblemished reputation, for Antony openly declared that he had changed sides from desire for the company of his mistress, Servilia Nais. |
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143. Suetonius, Otho, 12.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, searches for the nile sources •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 47; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 41 | 7. Next, as the day was drawing to its close, he entered the senate and after giving a brief account of himself, alleging that he had been carried off in the streets and forced to undertake the rule, which he would exercise in accordance with the general will, he went to the Palace. When in the midst of the other adulations of those who congratulated and flattered him, he was hailed by the common herd as Nero, he made no sign of dissent; on the contrary, according to some writers, he even made use of that surname in his commissions and his first letters to some of the governors of the provinces. Certain it is that he suffered Nero's busts and statues to be set up again, and reinstated his procurators and freedmen in their former posts, while the first grant that he signed as emperor was one of fifty million sesterces for finishing the Golden House., It is said that he had a fearful dream that night, uttered loud groans, and was found by those who ran to his aid lying on the ground beside his couch; that he tried by every kind of expiatory rite to propitiate the shade of Galba, by whom he dreamt that he was ousted and thrown out; and that next day, as he was taking the auspices, a great storm arose and he had a bad fall, whereat he muttered from time to time: "With long pipes what concern have I?", He began his expedition with energy and in fact too hastily, without any regard even for the omens, and in spite of the fact that the sacred shields had been taken out, but not yet put back, which for ages has been considered unlucky; on the very day, too, when the worshippers of the Mother of the Gods begin their wailing and lamentation, and also with most unfavourable auspices. For having offered up a victim to father Dis, he had good omens, whereas in such a sacrifice adverse indications are more favourable; and when he first left the city, he was delayed by floods of the Tiber, while at the twentieth milestone he found the road blocked by fallen buildings. |
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144. Suetonius, Tiberius, 59.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 206, 234 | 59.2. Look, son of Rome, upon Sulla, for himself not for you blest and happy, Marius too, if you will, but after capturing Rome; Hands of an Antony see, rousing the strife of the people, Hands stained with blood not once, dripping again and again; Then say: Rome is no more! He ever has reigned with great bloodshed, Whoso made himself king, coming from banishment home." These at first he wished to be taken as the work of those who were impatient of his reforms, voicing not so much their real feelings as their anger and vexation; and he used to say from time to time: "Let them hate me, provided they respect my conduct." Later he himself proved them only too true and unerring. 51. Afterwards he reached the point of open enmity, and the reason, they say, was this. On her urging him again and again to appoint among the jurors a man who had been made a citizen, he declared that he would do it only on condition that she would allow an entry to be made in the official list that it was forced upon him by his mother. Then Livia, in a rage, drew from a secret place and read some old letters written to her by Augustus with regard to the austerity and stubbornness of Tiberius' disposition. He in turn was so put out that these had been preserved so long and were thrown up at him in such a spiteful spirit, that some think that this was the very strongest of the reasons for his retirement., At all events, during all the three years that she lived after he left Rome he saw her but once, and then only one day, for a very few hours; and when shortly after that she fell ill, he took no trouble to visit her. When she died, and after a delay of several days, during which he held out hope of his coming, had at last been buried because the condition of the corpse made it necessary, he forbade her deification, alleging that he was acting according to her own instructions. He further disregarded the provisions of her will, and within a short time caused the downfall of all her friends and intimates, even of those to whom she had on her deathbed entrusted the care of her obsequies, actually condemning one of them, and that a man of equestrian rank, to the treadmill. |
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145. Suetonius, Titus, 8.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 80, 159 | 8.4. He chose commissioners by lot from among the ex-consuls for the relief of Campania; and the property of those who lost their lives by Vesuvius and had no heirs left alive he applied to the rebuilding of the buried cities. During the fire in Rome he made no remark except "I am ruined," and he set aside all the ornaments of his villas for the public buildings and temples, and put several men of the equestrian order in charge of the work, that everything might be done with the greater dispatch. For curing the plague and diminishing the force of the epidemic there was no aid, human or divine, which he did not employ, searching for every kind of sacrifice and all kinds of medicines. |
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146. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 4.5, 18.1, 19.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, roman emperor •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 3; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245; Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 120 | 4.5. There had spread over all the Orient an old and established belief, that it was fated at that time for men coming from Judaea to rule the world. This prediction, referring to the emperor of Rome, as afterwards appeared from the event, the people of Judaea took to themselves; accordingly they revolted and after killing their governor, they routed the consular ruler of Syria as well, when he came to the rescue, and took one of his eagles. Since to put down this rebellion required a considerable army with a leader of no little enterprise, yet one to whom so great power could be entrusted without risk, Vespasian was chosen for the task, both as a man of tried energy and as one in no wise to be feared because of the obscurity of his family and name. |
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| 147. Suetonius, Vitellius, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 217 |
| 148. Tacitus, Agricola, 1, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.3-3.1, 3.1, 3.3, 6.5, 10.3, 13.3, 21.1, 29.4, 30, 30.1-32.3, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 41.3, 42.3, 43.3, 44.5-45.2, 45 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 170, 183 |
| 149. New Testament, Mark, 47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 525 |
| 150. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 10.5, 38.2, 39.2-39.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 108; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 183 |
| 151. Silius Italicus, Punica, 2.197-2.205, 2.208-2.210, 3.572-3.573, 3.609-3.610, 3.708-3.709, 5.151-5.153, 7.684-7.686, 13.820-13.836, 15.805-15.823, 16.348-16.349 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero •nero, emperor Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 156; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 99, 110, 268; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 218 |
| 152. Seneca The Younger, Troades, 11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 112 |
| 153. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.10.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245 |
| 154. Seneca The Younger, Apocolocyntosis, 11.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), performance and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 342 |
| 155. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 3.28.2, 6.32.1, 6.33.3, 6.34.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 109; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 50, 154, 173 |
| 156. Seneca The Younger, De Brevitate Vitae (Dialogorum Liber X ), 2.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 172 |
| 157. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.1.1, 1.8.2, 1.9-1.11, 1.10.3, 1.12.4, 1.19.8, 1.26.5, 2.2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 206 |
| 158. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 172 |
| 159. Seneca The Younger, De Constantia Sapientis, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 104 |
| 160. Seneca The Younger, De Otio Sapientis (Dialogorum Liber Viii), 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 6 |
| 161. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 11.15.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 174, 234 |
162. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 11.8, 16.4, 18.4, 21.4, 43.3-43.5, 55.3, 71.12, 80.7, 84.1, 86.6, 88.22, 97.3-97.4, 104.15-104.16, 108.13, 116.1, 118.1-118.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan •emperors, nero •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 22; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 15, 26, 84; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 113, 114; Pausch and Pieper, The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives (2023) 48; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 47, 210, 214; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 39; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 268 | 11.8. But my letter calls for its closing sentence. Hear and take to heart this useful and wholesome motto:[1] "Cherish some man of high character, and keep him ever before your eyes, living as if he were watching you, and ordering all your actions as if he beheld them." 16.4. Perhaps someone will say: "How can philosophy help me, if Fate exists? of what avail is philosophy, if God rules the universe? of what avail is it, if Chance governs everything? For not only is it impossible to change things that are determined, but it is also impossible to plan beforehand against what is undetermined; either God has forestalled my plans, and decided what I am to do, or else Fortune gives no free play to my plans." 18.4. It shows much more courage to remain dry and sober when the mob is drunk and vomiting; but it shows greater self-control to refuse to withdraw oneself and to do what the crowd does, but in a different way, – thus neither making oneself conspicuous nor becoming one of the crowd. For one may keep holiday without extravagance. 21.4. Did Epicurus speak falsely? Who would have known of Idomeneus, had not the philosopher thus engraved his name in those letters of his? All the grandees and satraps, even the king himself, who was petitioned for the title which Idomeneus sought, are sunk in deep oblivion. Cicero's letters keep the name of Atticus from perishing. It would have profited Atticus nothing to have an Agrippa for a son-in-law, a Tiberius for the husband of his grand-daughter, and a Drusus Caesar for a great-grandson; amid these mighty names his name would never be spoken, had not Cicero bound him to himself. 21.4. Did Epicurus speak falsely? Who would have known of Idomeneus, had not the philosopher thus engraved his name in those letters of his? All the grandees and satraps, even the king himself, who was petitioned for the title which Idomeneus sought, are sunk in deep oblivion. Cicero's letters keep the name of Atticus from perishing. It would have profited Atticus nothing to have an Agrippa for a son-in-law, a Tiberius for the husband of his grand-daughter, and a Drusus Caesar for a great-grandson; amid these mighty names his name would never be spoken, had not Cicero bound him to himself.[2] 43.3. So you in your province[2] are really of importance, though you scorn yourself. Men are asking what you do, how you dine, and how you sleep, and they find out, too; hence there is all the more reason for your living circumspectly. Do not, however, deem yourself truly happy until you find that you can live before men's eyes, until your walls protect but do not hide you; although we are apt to believe that these walls surround us, not to enable us to live more safely, but that we may sin more secretly. 55.3. As my habit is, I began to look about for something there that might be of service to me, when my eyes fell upon the villa which had once belonged to Vatia. So this was the place where that famous praetorian millionaire passed his old age! He was famed for nothing else than his life of leisure, and he was regarded as lucky only for that reason. For whenever men were ruined by their friendship with Asinius Gallus whenever others were ruined by their hatred of Sejanus, and later by their intimacy with him, – for it was no more dangerous to have offended him than to have loved him, – people used to cry out: "O Vatia, you alone know how to live!" 55.3. As my habit is, I began to look about for something there that might be of service to me, when my eyes fell upon the villa which had once belonged to Vatia. So this was the place where that famous praetorian millionaire passed his old age! He was famed for nothing else than his life of leisure, and he was regarded as lucky only for that reason. For whenever men were ruined by their friendship with Asinius Gallus[2] whenever others were ruined by their hatred of Sejanus, and later[3] by their intimacy with him, – for it was no more dangerous to have offended him than to have loved him, – people used to cry out: "O Vatia, you alone know how to live!" 71.12. Why should he not suffer, bravely and calmly, a change in the government? For what is free from the risk of change? Neither earth, nor sky, nor the whole fabric of our universe, though it be controlled by the hand of God. It will not always preserve its present order; it will be thrown from its course in days to come. 71.12. Why should he not suffer, bravely and calmly, a change in the government? For what is free from the risk of change? Neither earth, nor sky, nor the whole fabric of our universe, though it be controlled by the hand of God. It will not always preserve its present order; it will be thrown from its course in days to come.[9] 80.7. I often feel called upon to use the following illustration, and it seems to me that none expresses more effectively this drama of human life, wherein we are assigned the parts which we are to play so badly. Yonder is the man who stalks upon the stage with swelling port and head thrown back, and says: Lo, I am he whom Argos hails as lord, Whom Pelops left the heir of lands that spread From Hellespont and from th' Ionian sea E'en to the Isthmian straits. And who is this fellow? He is but a slave; his wage is five measures of grain and five denarii. 80.7. I often feel called upon to use the following illustration, and it seems to me that none expresses more effectively this drama of human life, wherein we are assigned the parts which we are to play so badly. Yonder is the man who stalks upon the stage with swelling port and head thrown back, and says: Lo, I am he whom Argos hails as lord, Whom Pelops left the heir of lands that spread From Hellespont and from th' Ionian sea E'en to the Isthmian straits.[5] And who is this fellow? He is but a slave; his wage is five measures of grain and five denarii. 80.7. But surely, you say, "it is the part of justice to render to each that which is his due, – thanks in return for a benefit, and retribution,[4] or at any rate ill-will, in return for an injury!" This, I say, will be true when it is one man who has inflicted the injury, and a different man who has conferred the benefit; for if it is the same man, the force of the injury is nullified by the benefit conferred. Indeed, a man who ought to be pardoned, even though there were no good deeds credited to him in the past, should receive something more than mere leniency if he commits a wrong when he has a benefit to his credit. 84.1. LXXXIV. On Gathering Ideas The journeys to which you refer – journeys that shake the laziness out of my system – I hold to be profitable both for my health and for my studies. You see why they benefit my health: since my passion for literature makes me lazy and careless about my body, I can take exercise by deputy; as for my studies, I shall show you why my journeys help them, for I have not stopped my reading in the slightest degree. And reading, I hold, is indispensable – primarily, to keep me from being satisfied with myself alone, and besides, after I have learned what others have found out by their studies, to enable me to pass judgment on their discoveries and reflect upon discoveries that remain to be made. Reading nourishes the mind and refreshes it when it is wearied with study; nevertheless, this refreshment is not obtained without study. 84.1. The journeys to which you refer – journeys that shake the laziness out of my system – I hold to be profitable both for my health and for my studies. You see why they benefit my health: since my passion for literature makes me lazy and careless about my body, I can take exercise by deputy; as for my studies, I shall show you why my journeys help them, for I have not stopped my reading in the slightest degree. And reading, I hold, is indispensable – primarily, to keep me from being satisfied with myself alone, and besides, after I have learned what others have found out by their studies, to enable me to pass judgment on their discoveries and reflect upon discoveries that remain to be made. Reading nourishes the mind and refreshes it when it is wearied with study; nevertheless, this refreshment is not obtained without study. 84.1. I had been inclined to spare you, and had omitted any knotty problems that still remained undiscussed; I was satisfied to give you a sort of taste of the views held by the men of our school, who desire to prove that virtue is of itself sufficiently capable of rounding out the happy life. But now you bid me include the entire bulk either of our own syllogisms or of those which have been devised[1] by other schools for the purpose of belittling us. If I shall be willing to do this, the result will be a book, instead of a letter. And I declare again and again that I take no pleasure in such proofs. I am ashamed to enter the arena and undertake battle on behalf of gods and men armed only with an awl.[2] 84.1. I am resting at the country-house which once belonged to Scipio Africanus[1] himself; and I write to you after doing reverence to his spirit and to an altar which I am inclined to think is the tomb[2] of that great warrior. That his soul has indeed returned to the skies, whence it came, I am convinced, not because he commanded mighty armies – for Cambyses also had mighty armies, and Cambyses was a madman[3] who made successful use of his madness – but because he showed moderation and a sense of duty to a marvellous extent. I regard this trait in him as more admirable after his withdrawal from his native land than while he was defending her; for there was the alternative: Scipio should remain in Rome, or Rome should remain free. 86.6. But who in these days could bear to bathe in such a fashion? We think ourselves poor and mean if our walls are not resplendent with large and costly mirrors; if our marbles from Alexandria are not set off by mosaics of Numidian stone, if their borders are not faced over on all sides with difficult patterns, arranged in many colours like paintings; if our vaulted ceilings are not buried in glass; if our swimming-pools are not lined with Thasian marble, once a rare and wonderful sight in any temple pools into which we let down our bodies after they have been drained weak by abundant perspiration; and finally, if the water has not poured from silver spigots. 88.22. The arts of amusement are those which aim to please the eye and the ear. To this class you may assign the stage-machinists, who invent scaffolding that goes aloft of its own accord, or floors that rise silently into the air, and many other surprising devices, as when objects that fit together then fall apart, or objects which are separate then join together automatically, or objects which stand erect then gradually collapse. The eye of the inexperienced is struck with amazement by these things; for such persons marvel at everything that takes place without warning, because they do not know the causes. 88.22. The arts of amusement are those which aim to please the eye and the ear. To this class you may assign the stage-machinists, who invent scaffolding that goes aloft of its own accord, or floors that rise silently into the air, and many other surprising devices, as when objects that fit together then fall apart, or objects which are separate then join together automatically, or objects which stand erect then gradually collapse. The eye of the inexperienced is struck with amazement by these things; for such persons marvel at everything that takes place without warning, because they do not know the causes. 88.22. Next I pass to you, you whose bottomless and insatiable maw explores on the one hand the seas, on the other the earth, with enormous toil hunting down your prey, now with hook, now with snare, now with nets of various kinds; no animal has peace except when you are cloyed with it. And how slight a portion of those banquets of yours, prepared for you by so many hands, do you taste with your pleasure-jaded palate! How slight a portion of all that game, whose taking was fraught with danger, does the master's sick and squeamish stomach relish? How slight a portion of all those shell-fish, imported from so far, slips down that insatiable gullet? Poor wretches, do you not know that your appetites are bigger than your bellies? 97.3. The charge involved less sin than the acquittal; for the defendant on a charge of adultery parcelled out the adulteries, and was not sure of his own safety until he had made the jury criminals like himself. All this was done at the trial in which Cato gave evidence, although that was his sole part therein. I shall quote Cicero's actual words, because the facts are so bad as to pass belief: 97.3. The charge involved less sin than the acquittal; for the defendant on a charge of adultery parcelled out the adulteries, and was not sure of his own safety until he had made the jury criminals like himself. All this was done at the trial in which Cato gave evidence, although that was his sole part therein. I shall quote Cicero's actual words,[3] because the facts are so bad as to pass belief: 97.4. "He made assignations, promises, pleas, and gifts. And more than this (merciful Heavens, what an abandoned state of affairs!) upon several of the jury, to round out their reward, he even bestowed the enjoyment of certain women and meetings with noble youths." 97.4. He made assignations, promises, pleas, and gifts. And more than this (merciful Heavens, what an abandoned state of affairs!) upon several of the jury, to round out their reward, he even bestowed the enjoyment of certain women and meetings with noble youths. 104.15. What travel will give is familiarity with other nations: it will reveal to you mountains of strange shape, or unfamiliar tracts of plain, or valleys that are watered by everflowing springs, or the characteristics of some river that comes to our attention. We observe how the Nile rises and swells in summer, or how the Tigris disappears, runs underground through hidden spaces, and then appears with unabated sweep; or how the Maeander, that oft-rehearsed theme and plaything of the poets, turns in frequent bendings, and often in winding comes close to its own channel before resuming its course. But this sort of information will not make better or sounder men of us. 104.15. What travel will give is familiarity with other nations: it will reveal to you mountains of strange shape, or unfamiliar tracts of plain, or valleys that are watered by ever-flowing springs, or the characteristics of some river that comes to our attention. We observe how the Nile rises and swells in summer, or how the Tigris disappears, runs underground through hidden spaces, and then appears with unabated sweep; or how the Maeander,[5] that oft-rehearsed theme and plaything of the poets, turns in frequent bendings, and often in winding comes close to its own channel before resuming its course. But this sort of information will not make better or sounder men of us.[6] 108.13. At any rate, when I used to hear Attalus denouncing sin, error, and the evils of life, I often felt sorry for mankind and regarded Attalus as a noble and majestic being, – above our mortal heights. He called himself a king,[10] but I thought him more than a king, because he was entitled to pass judgment on kings. 118.1. You have been demanding more frequent letters from me. But if we compare the accounts, you will not be on the credit side.[1] We had indeed made the agreement that your part came first, that you should write the first letters, and that I should answer. However, I shall not be disagreeable; I know that it is safe to trust you, so I shall pay in advance, and yet not do as the eloquent Cicero bids Atticus do:[2] "Even if you have nothing to say, write whatever enters your head." 118.2. For there will always be something for me to write about, even omitting all the kinds of news with which Cicero fills his correspondence: what candidate is in difficulties, who is striving on borrowed resources and who on his own; who is a candidate for the consulship relying on Caesar, or on Pompey, or on his own strong-box; what a merciless usurer is Caecilius,[3] out of whom his friends cannot screw a penny for less than one per cent each month. But it is preferable to deal with one's own ills, rather than with another's – to sift oneself and see for how many vain things one is a candidate, and cast a vote for none of them. |
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| 163. Seneca The Younger, Hercules Furens, 1323-1324 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 112 |
164. Seneca The Younger, Medea, 723 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 112| 723. has aluit altum gurgitem Tigris premens, | |
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| 165. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 6.32.9, 6.1.2, 7.17.2, 6.8.5, 6.8.4, 6.8.3, 6.8.2, 5.15, 3.26.4, 6.26, 7.21.4, 7.21.3, 3.25.8, 7.21, 3.25.9, 3.25.10, 4a.2.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 311 |
| 166. Seneca The Younger, Oedipus, 1039, 1038 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 205 |
| 167. Seneca The Younger, Phaedra, 719-733, 735, 896-900, 734 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 217 |
| 168. Seneca The Younger, Phoenissae, 447 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 205 |
| 169. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 1, 10-19, 193-195, 2, 20, 222, 3-5, 546-598, 6, 600-622, 7-9, 981, 599 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 204 |
| 170. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.9.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 196 |
171. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1-1.11, 1.1.4, 1.3.2, 1.8.1, 1.10.3, 1.16.2-1.16.3, 1.18.1, 1.18.3, 1.23.1, 1.24.1, 1.25.2, 1.40, 1.44, 1.72, 1.77-1.78, 1.78.2, 1.84.2, 1.86.1-1.86.2, 2.8, 2.30.2, 2.38, 2.50.2, 2.53.1, 2.70.2, 2.91, 2.91.1-2.91.2, 2.95.1, 2.101, 3.74.1, 3.84.4, 4.1, 4.2.1, 4.5-4.8, 4.7.1, 4.40.1-4.40.2, 4.42, 4.61.2, 4.65.4, 4.81-4.85, 4.86.2, 5.53 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky, Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity (2016) 50, 53, 54, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37, 47, 317; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 81, 268; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 77, 78, 170, 179, 201, 215, 305; Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 120; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 142; Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 45; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 26, 48, 230, 250, 291, 293, 297, 325, 337, 360 | 1.72. Equal delight, but for different reasons, was felt when the destruction of Tigellinus was secured. ofonius Tigellinus was of obscure parentage; his youth had been infamous and in his old age he was profligate. Command of the city watch and of the praetorians and other prizes which belong to virtue he had obtained by vices as the quicker course; then, afterwards, he practised cruelty and later greed, offences which belong to maturity. He also corrupted Nero so that he was ready for any wickedness; he dared certain acts without Nero's knowledge and finally deserted and betrayed him. So no one was more persistently demanded for punishment from different motives, both by those who hated Nero and by those who regretted him. Under Galba Tigellinus had been protected by the influence of Titus Vinius, who claimed that Tigellinus had saved his daughter. He undoubtedly had saved her, not, however, prompted by mercy (he had killed so many victims!) but to secure a refuge for the future, since the worst of rascals in their distrust of the present and fear of a change always try to secure private gratitude as an off-set to public detestation, having no regard for innocence, but wishing to obtain mutual impunity in wrong-doing. These facts made the people more hostile toward him, and their old hatred was increased by their recent dislike for Titus Vinius. They rushed from every part of the city to the Palatine and the fora, and, pouring into the circus and theatres where the common people have the greatest licence, they broke out into seditious cries, until finally Tigellinus, at the baths of Sinuessa, receiving the message that the hour of his supreme necessity had come, amid the embraces and kisses of his mistresses, shamefully delaying his end, finally cut his throat with a razor, still further defiling a notorious life by a tardy and ignominious death. 1.77. Since the armies and provinces were thus divided, Vitellius for his part needed to fight to gain the imperial fortune; but Otho was performing the duties of an emperor as if in profound peace. Some things he did in accordance with the dignity of the state, but often he acted contrary to its honour in the haste that was prompted by present need. He himself was consul with his brother Titianus until the first of March. The next months were allotted to Verginius as a sop to the army in Germany. With Verginius he associated Pompeius Vopiscus under the pretext of their ancient friendship; but most interpreted the act as an honour shown the people of Vienne. The rest of the consulships for the year remained as Nero and Galba had assigned them: Caelius Sabinus and Flavius Sabinus until July; Arrius Antoninus and Marius Celsus till September; their honours not even Vitellius vetoed when he became victor. But Otho assigned pontificates and augurships as a crowning distinction to old men who had already gone through the list of offices, or solaced young nobles recently returned from exile with priesthoods which their fathers and ancestors had held. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Blaesus, and Saevinus P. . . were restored to senatorial rank, which they had lost under Claudius and Nero on account of charges of bribery made against them; those who pardoned them decided to shift the name so that what had really been greed should seem treason, which was now so odious that it made even good laws null and useless. 1.78. With the same generosity Otho tried to win over the support of communities and provinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita he sent additional families. To the whole people of the Lingones he gave Roman citizenship and presented the province Baetica with towns in Mauritania. New constitutions were given Cappadocia and Africa, more for display than to the lasting advantage of the provinces. Even while engaged in these acts, which found their excuse in the necessity of the situation and the anxieties that were forced upon him, he did not forget his loves and had the statues of Poppaea replaced by a vote of the senate. It was believed that he also brought up the question of celebrating Nero's memory with the hope of winning over the Roman people; and in fact some set up statues of Nero; moreover on certain days the people and soldiers, as if adding thereby to Otho's nobility and distinction, acclaimed him as Nero Otho; he himself remained undecided, from fear to forbid or shame to acknowledge the title. 2.8. About this time Achaia and Asia were terrified by a false rumour of Nero's arrival. The reports with regard to his death had been varied, and therefore many people imagined and believed that he was alive. The forces and attempts of other pretenders we shall tell as we proceed; but at this time, a slave from Pontus or, as others have reported, a freedman from Italy, who was skilled in playing on the cithara and in singing, gained the readier belief in his deceit through these accomplishments and his resemblance to Nero. He recruited some deserters, poor tramps whom he had bribed by great promises, and put to sea. A violent storm drove him to the island of Cythnus, where he called to his standard some soldiers who were returning from the East on leave, or ordered them to be killed if they refused. Then he robbed the merchants, and armed all the ablest-bodied of their slaves. A centurion, Sisenna, who was carrying clasped right hands, the symbol of friendship, to the praetorians in the name of the army in Syria, the pretender approached with various artifices, until Sisenna in alarm and fearing violence secretly left the island and made his escape. Then the alarm spread far and wide. Many came eagerly forward at the famous name, prompted by their desire for a change and their hatred of the present situation. The fame of the pretender was increasing from day to day when a chance shattered it. 2.91. A city which found a meaning in everything naturally regarded as an evil omen the fact that on becoming pontifex maximus Vitellius issued a proclamation concerning public religious ceremonies on the eighteenth of July, a day which for centuries had been held to be a day of ill-omen because of the disasters suffered at the Cremera and Allia: thus, wholly ignorant of law both divine and human, his freedmen and courtiers as stupid as himself, he lived as if among a set of drunkards. Yet at the time of the consular elections he canvassed with his candidates like an ordinary citizen; he eagerly caught at every murmur of the lowest orders in the theatre where he merely looked on, but in the circus he openly favoured his colours. All this no doubt gave pleasure and would have won him popularity, if it had been prompted by virtue; but as it was, the memory of his former life made men regard these acts as unbecoming and base. He frequently came to the senate, even when the senators were discussing trivial matters. Once it happened that Helvidius Priscus, being then praetor-elect, expressed a view which was opposed to his wishes. Vitellius was at first excited, but he did nothing more than call the tribunes of the people to support his authority that had been slighted. Later, when his friends, fearing that his anger might be deep-seated, tried to calm him, he replied that it was nothing strange for two senators to hold different views in the state; indeed he had usually opposed even Thrasea. Many regarded this impudent comparison as absurd; others were pleased with the very fact that he had selected, not one of the most influential, but Thrasea, to serve as a model of true glory. 4.1. The death of Vitellius was rather the end of war than the beginning of peace. The victors ranged through the city in arms, pursuing their defeated foes with implacable hatred: the streets were full of carnage, the fora and temples reeked with blood; they slew right and left everyone whom chance put in their way. Presently, as their licence increased, they began to hunt out and drag into the light those who had concealed themselves; did they espy anyone who was tall and young, they cut him down, regardless whether he was soldier or civilian. Their ferocity, which found satisfaction in bloodshed while their hatred was fresh, turned then afterwards to greed. They let no place remain secret or closed, pretending that Vitellians were in hiding. This led to the forcing of private houses or, if resistance was made, became an excuse for murder. Nor was there any lack of starvelings among the mob or of the vilest slaves ready to betray their rich masters; others were pointed out by their friends. Everywhere were lamentations, cries of anguish, and the misfortunes that befall a captured city; so that the citizens actually longed for the licence of Otho's and Vitellius's soldiers, which earlier they had detested. The generals of the Flavian party, who had been quick to start the conflagration of civil war, were unequal to the task of controlling their victory, for in times of violence and civil strife the worst men have the greatest power; peace and quiet call for honest arts. 4.5. Since I have again had occasion to mention a man of whom I shall have cause to speak many times, I think that I ought to give a brief account of his life and interests, and of the vicissitudes of fortune that he experienced. Helvidius Priscus was born in the town of Cluviae [in the district of Caracina]. His father had been a centurion of the first rank. In his early youth Helvidius devoted his extraordinary talents to the higher studies, not as most youths do, in order to cloak a useless leisure with a pretentious name, but that he might enter public life better fortified against the chances of fortune. He followed those teachers of philosophy who count only those things "good" which are morally right and only those things "evil" which are base, and who reckon power, high birth, and everything else that is beyond the control of the will as neither good nor bad. After he had held only the quaestorship, he was selected by Paetus Thrasea to be his son-inâlaw; from the character of his father-inâlaw he derived above everything the spirit of freedom; as citizen, senator, husband, son-inâlaw, and friend he showed himself equal to all of life's duties, despising riches, determined in the right, unmoved by fear. 4.6. Some thought that he was rather too eager for fame, since the passion for glory is that from which even philosophers last divest themselves. Driven into exile by the ruin of his father, he returned under Galba and brought charges against Marcellus Eprius, who had informed against Thrasea. This attempt to avenge him, at once notable and just, divided the senators: for if Marcellus fell, it was the ruin of a host of the guilty. At first the struggle was threatening, as is proved by the elsewhere speeches on both sides; later, since Galba's attitude was uncertain, Priscus yielded to many appeals from his fellow senators and gave up the prosecution. This action called forth varied comments according to the nature of those who made them, some praising his moderation, others regretting his lack of firmness. However, at the meeting of the senate at which Vespasian was voted the imperial power, the senators decided to send a delegation to the emperor. This gave rise to a sharp difference between Helvidius and Eprius, for Helvidius demanded that the representatives be chosen by the magistrates under oath, Marcellus demanded a selection by lot, as the consul designate had proposed. 4.7. The interest that Marcellus felt was prompted by his personal vanity and his fear that others might be chosen and so he might seem neglected. Gradually the disputants were swept on in their wrangling to make long and bitter speeches. Helvidius asked Marcellus why he was so afraid of the decision of the magistrates. "You have," he said, "wealth and eloquence in which you would be superior to many, if you were not burdened with men's memory of your crimes. The lot and urn do not judge character; voting and the judgment of the senate have been devised as means to penetrate into the life and reputation of the individual. It is for the interests of the state and it touches the honour to be done Vespasian to have the delegation that meets him made up of the men whom the senate considers freest from reproach, that they may fill the emperor's ears with honourable counsels. Vespasian was once the friend of Thrasea, Soranus, and Sentius. Even if it is not well to punish their accusers, we ought not to make a display of them. By its decision in this matter the senate will, in a way, suggest to the emperor whom to approve, whom to fear. For a good government there is no greater instrument at hand than the possession of good friends. You, Marcellus, must be satisfied with the fact that you induced Nero to put to death so many innocent men. Enjoy your rewards and immunity; leave Vespasian to better men." 4.8. Marcellus replied that it was not his proposal, but that of the consul designate that was attacked; and it was a proposal that conformed to the ancient precedents, which prescribed that delegates should be chosen by lot, that there might be no room for self-seeking or for hate. Nothing had occurred to give reason for abandoning long-established customs or for turning the honour due an emperor into an insult to any man: they could all pay homage. What they must try to avoid was allowing the wilfulness of certain individuals to irritate the mind of the emperor, who was as yet unbiassed, being newly come to power and watchful of every look and every word. For his own part he remembered the time in which he was born, the form of government that their fathers and grandfathers had established; he admired the earlier period, but adapted himself to the present; he prayed for good emperors, but endured any sort. It was not by his speech any more than by the judgment of the senate that Thrasea had been brought to ruin; Nero's cruel nature found its delight in such shows of justice, and such a friendship caused him no less anxiety than exile in others. In short, let them set Helvidius on an equality with Cato and Brutus in firmness and courage: for himself, he was only one of a senate which accepted a common servitude. He would also advise Priscus not to exalt himself above an emperor, not to try to check by his precepts a man of ripe age as Vespasian was, a man who had gained the insignia of a triumph, and who had sons grown to man's estate. Just as the worst emperors wish for absolute tyrannical power, even the best desire some limit to the freedom of their subjects. These arguments, which were hurled back and forth with great vehemence, were received with different feelings. The party prevailed that favoured the selection of the envoys by lot, for even the ordinary senators were eager to preserve precedent, and all the most prominent also inclined to the same course, fearing to excite envy if they should be selected themselves. 4.81. During the months while Vespasian was waiting at Alexandria for the regular season of the summer winds and a settled sea, many marvels continued to mark the favour of heaven and a certain partiality of the gods toward him. One of the common people of Alexandria, well known for his loss of sight, threw himself before Vespasian's knees, praying him with groans to cure his blindness, being so directed by the god Serapis, whom this most superstitious of nations worships before all others; and he besought the emperor to deign to moisten his cheeks and eyes with his spittle. Another, whose hand was useless, prompted by the same god, begged Caesar to step and trample on it. Vespasian at first ridiculed these appeals and treated them with scorn; then, when the men persisted, he began at one moment to fear the discredit of failure, at another to be inspired with hopes of success by the appeals of the suppliants and the flattery of his courtiers: finally, he directed the physicians to give their opinion as to whether such blindness and infirmity could be overcome by human aid. Their reply treated the two cases differently: they said that in the first the power of sight had not been completely eaten away and it would return if the obstacles were removed; in the other, the joints had slipped and become displaced, but they could be restored if a healing pressure were applied to them. Such perhaps was the wish of the gods, and it might be that the emperor had been chosen for this divine service; in any case, if a cure were obtained, the glory would be Caesar's, but in the event of failure, ridicule would fall only on the poor suppliants. So Vespasian, believing that his good fortune was capable of anything and that nothing was any longer incredible, with a smiling countece, and amid intense excitement on the part of the bystanders, did as he was asked to do. The hand was instantly restored to use, and the day again shone for the blind man. Both facts are told by eye-witnesses even now when falsehood brings no reward. 4.82. These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides. 4.83. The origin of this god has not yet been generally treated by our authors: the Egyptian priests tell the following story, that when King Ptolemy, the first of the Macedonians to put the power of Egypt on a firm foundation, was giving the new city of Alexandria walls, temples, and religious rites, there appeared to him in his sleep a vision of a young man of extraordinary beauty and of more than human stature, who warned him to send his most faithful friends to Pontus and bring his statue hither; the vision said that this act would be a happy thing for the kingdom and that the city that received the god would be great and famous: after these words the youth seemed to be carried to heaven in a blaze of fire. Ptolemy, moved by this miraculous omen, disclosed this nocturnal vision to the Egyptian priests, whose business it is to interpret such things. When they proved to know little of Pontus and foreign countries, he questioned Timotheus, an Athenian of the clan of the Eumolpidae, whom he had called from Eleusis to preside over the sacred rites, and asked him what this religion was and what the divinity meant. Timotheus learned by questioning men who had travelled to Pontus that there was a city there called Sinope, and that not far from it there was a temple of Jupiter Dis, long famous among the natives: for there sits beside the god a female figure which most call Proserpina. But Ptolemy, although prone to superstitious fears after the nature of kings, when he once more felt secure, being more eager for pleasures than religious rites, began gradually to neglect the matter and to turn his attention to other things, until the same vision, now more terrible and insistent, threatened ruin upon the king himself and his kingdom unless his orders were carried out. Then Ptolemy directed that ambassadors and gifts should be despatched to King Scydrothemis â he ruled over the people of Sinope at that time â and when the embassy was about to sail he instructed them to visit Pythian Apollo. The ambassadors found the sea favourable; and the answer of the oracle was not uncertain: Apollo bade them go on and bring back the image of his father, but leave that of his sister. 4.84. When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis. 4.85. But before Domitian and Mucianus reached the Alps, they received news of the success among the Treviri. The chief proof of their victory was given by the presence of the enemy's leader, Valentinus, who, never losing courage, continued to show by his looks the same spirit that he had always maintained. He was given an opportunity to speak, but solely that his questioners might judge of his nature; and he was condemned. While being executed, someone taunted him with the fact that his native country had been subdued, to which he replied that he found therein consolation for his own death. Mucianus now brought forward a proposal as if he had just thought of it, but which in reality he had long concealed. He urged that since, thanks to the gods' kindness, the enemy's strength has been broken, it would little become Domitian, now that war is almost over, to interfere in the glory of others. If the stability of the empire or the safety of Gaul were imperilled, then Caesar ought to take his place in the battle-line; but the Canninefates and the Batavi he should assign to inferior commanders. "You should," he added, "personally display the power and majesty of the imperial throne from close quarters at Lyons, not mixing yourself up with trifling tasks, but ready to deal with graver ones." |
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172. Tacitus, Annals, 1, 1.1.3, 1.1.2, 1.2, 1.3.5, 1.5, 1.6.1, 1.6, 1.9.1, 1.9.3, 1.10.6, 1.10.1, 1.33, 1.33.1, 1.33.2, 1.43.3, 1.51.1, 1.54.1, 1.69.4, 1.72, 1.73, 1.74, 1.75, 1.76.1, 1.76, 1.77, 1.78, 1.79, 1.80, 1.81, 2.8, 2.9, 2.13.1, 2.26.4, 2.32.3, 2.33, 2.39, 2.40, 2.46, 2.49, 2.55.6, 2.73, 2.73.1, 2.73.2, 2.75.1, 2.76.3, 2.82, 2.83, 2.85.4, 3.1.3, 3.3.1, 3.5.2, 3.14.4, 3.17.4, 3.18.2, 3.33, 3.33.3, 3.34, 3.47.3, 3.47.4, 3.55.5, 3.55, 3.60, 3.61, 3.62, 3.63, 3.64.4, 3.64.3, 3.66.1, 3.67.1, 3.67.2, 3.71.2, 3.71.3, 4.1, 4.1.1, 4.5, 4.11.3, 4.14, 4.15.2, 4.15.3, 4.16.2, 4.16.3, 4.21.2, 4.32, 4.37.3, 4.37.1, 4.38.5, 4.38.4, 4.43, 4.53.1, 4.53.2, 4.55, 4.56, 4.58.2, 4.62, 4.64.1, 4.68.1, 4.70.2, 4.70.4, 4.70.3, 4.74, 5.1, 5.2, 5.2.1, 5.4.2, 6.5, 6.6, 6.12.1, 6.12.2, 6.12.3, 6.17.3, 6.20.2, 6.21, 6.22.3, 6.22.4, 6.22, 6.22.1, 6.22.2, 6.25.3, 6.25.2, 6.28.4, 6.28.1, 6.28.2, 6.28.3, 6.28.6, 6.28.5, 6.46.1, 6.50, 11.4.1, 11.11.3, 11.11.2, 11.11.3-12.1, 11.11.1, 11.12.1, 11.15, 11.15.2, 11.22.1, 11.25.5, 11.27.1, 11.31.3, 11.32.3, 11.36.2, 11.36.1, 12.1.2, 12.3.2-4.1, 12.5.1, 12.8.1, 12.23.2-24.2, 12.23.1, 12.25, 12.26.1, 12.26.2, 12.27.1, 12.27.2, 12.36.3, 12.37.4, 12.41.2, 12.43, 12.43.2, 12.43.1, 12.45, 12.49.2, 12.50, 12.56.3, 12.64.1, 12.64, 12.68, 12.69, 12.69.1, 12.69.2, 12.69.3, 13.1.1, 13.1, 13.3.2, 13.4.2, 13.4.1, 13.5, 13.5.2, 13.5.1, 13.10.1, 13.12.1, 13.12.2, 13.14.3, 13.14.2, 13.14.1, 13.15.3, 13.15.1, 13.15.2, 13.17.1, 13.17.3, 13.17.2, 13.17, 13.20.3, 13.20.1, 13.21, 13.24.2, 13.24.1, 13.25, 13.25.1, 13.31, 13.37.3, 13.41.4, 13.41.5, 13.45.2, 13.50, 13.54, 13.57.3, 13.58, 14.1.1, 14.1, 14.1.3, 14.2, 14.3.3, 14.3, 14.3.1, 14.4.1, 14.4.3, 14.4.2, 14.4, 14.4.4, 14.5, 14.5.3, 14.5.1, 14.6, 14.6.1, 14.6.3, 14.6.2, 14.7, 14.7.6, 14.7.4, 14.8.1, 14.8.3, 14.8, 14.8.5, 14.8.4, 14.8-9.1, 14.9, 14.9.3, 14.10, 14.10.2, 14.10.1, 14.10.3, 14.11, 14.11.2, 14.11.3, 14.12, 14.12.1, 14.12.2, 14.13, 14.13.1, 14.13.2, 14.13.3, 14.14.1, 14.14, 14.15, 14.15.5, 14.15.1, 14.16, 14.17, 14.18, 14.20, 14.21, 14.22.4, 14.22.2, 14.22.1, 14.22.3, 14.26, 14.47.2, 14.48, 14.49, 14.49.1, 14.51.2, 14.52, 14.53, 14.54, 14.55, 14.56, 14.57, 14.58, 14.59, 14.60, 14.60.5, 14.61, 14.61.1, 14.62, 14.62.2, 14.63, 14.64, 14.64.3, 14.65.2, 15.7.2, 15.17, 15.18.1, 15.22.2, 15.22, 15.23, 15.23.2, 15.23.1, 15.23.3, 15.24, 15.32, 15.33.3, 15.33, 15.34.1, 15.34, 15.36, 15.36.1, 15.36.2, 15.37, 15.38, 15.39, 15.39.3, 15.40.2, 15.41.1, 15.42.1, 15.42, 15.43.1, 15.44.5, 15.44.3, 15.44.7, 15.44.8, 15.44.4, 15.44.6, 15.44, 15.45.2, 15.45.1, 15.46.2, 15.47.2, 15.47.1, 15.47, 15.48, 15.50.4, 15.51.1, 15.52.2, 15.52.1, 15.53.2, 15.53, 15.62, 15.63, 15.64, 15.69, 15.71.1, 15.74.1, 15.74.2, 15.74.3, 16, 16.1.1, 16.2.2-3.1, 16.3.2, 16.4, 16.5.3, 16.6.2, 16.6.1, 16.7, 16.7.1, 16.8, 16.9, 16.10, 16.10.2, 16.10.1, 16.11, 16.12.2, 16.13.1, 16.13.2, 16.16.2, 16.21, 16.21.3-22.5, 16.21.1, 16.21.2, 16.22, 16.22.3, 16.22.1, 16.22.2, 16.23, 16.24, 16.24.1, 16.24.2, 16.25, 16.25.2, 16.26, 16.27, 16.28, 16.28.1, 16.28.2, 16.28.3, 16.29, 16.30, 16.30.2, 16.31, 16.31.1, 16.31.2, 16.32, 16.32.1, 16.33, 16.34, 16.35.2, 16.35, 44.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 64| 15.39. Eo in tempore Nero Antii agens non ante in urbem regressus est quam domui eius, qua Palatium et Maecenatis hortos continuaverat, ignis propinquaret. neque tamen sisti potuit quin et Palatium et domus et cuncta circum haurirentur. sed solacium populo exturbato ac profugo campum Martis ac monumenta Agrippae, hortos quin etiam suos patefecit et subitaria aedificia extruxit quae multitudinem inopem acciperent; subvectaque utensilia ab Ostia et propinquis municipiis pretiumque frumenti minutum usque ad ternos nummos. quae quamquam popularia in inritum cadebant, quia pervaserat rumor ipso tempore flagrantis urbis inisse eum domesticam scaenam et cecinisse Troianum excidium, praesentia mala vetustis cladibus adsimulantem. | 15.39. Nero, who at the time was staying in Antium, did not return to the capital until the fire was nearing the house by which he had connected the Palatine with the Gardens of Maecenas. It proved impossible, however, to stop it from engulfing both the Palatine and the house and all their surroundings. Still, as a relief to the homeless and fugitive populace, he opened the Campus Martius, the buildings of Agrippa, even his own Gardens, and threw up a number of extemporized shelters to accommodate the helpless multitude. The necessities of life were brought up from Ostia and the neighbouring municipalities, and the price of grain was lowered to three sesterces. Yet his measures, popular as their character might be, failed of their effect; for the report had spread that, at the very moment when Rome was aflame, he had mounted his private stage, and typifying the ills of the present by the calamities of the past, had sung the destruction of Troy. < 15.39. Nero, who at the time was staying in Antium, did not return to the capital until the fire was nearing the house by which he had connected the Palatine with the Gardens of Maecenas. It proved impossible, however, to stop it from engulfing both the Palatine and the house and all their surroundings. Still, as a relief to the homeless and fugitive populace, he opened the Campus Martius, the buildings of Agrippa, even his own Gardens, and threw up a number of extemporized shelters to accommodate the helpless multitude. The necessities of life were brought up from Ostia and the neighbouring municipalities, and the price of grain was lowered to three sesterces. Yet his measures, popular as their character might be, failed of their effect; for the report had spread that, at the very moment when Rome was aflame, he had mounted his private stage, and typifying the ills of the present by the calamities of the past, had sung the destruction of Troy. |
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173. New Testament, Romans, 15.33, 16.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 23| 15.33. ὁ δὲ θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν· ἀμήν. 16.20. ὁ δὲ θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης συντρίψει τὸν Σατανᾶν ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας ὑμῶν ἐν τάχει. Ἡ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ μεθʼ ὑμῶν. | 15.33. Now the God of peace be with you all. Amen. 16.20. And the God of peace will quickly crush Satan under your feet. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you. |
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174. Plutarch, Sulla, 33.4, 36.1-36.2, 38.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 50, 159; McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91| 36.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτην ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας συνῆν μίμοις γυναιξὶ καὶ κιθαριστρίαις καὶ θυμελικοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἐπὶ στιβάδων ἀφʼ ἡμέρας συμπίνων. οὗτοι γὰρ οἱ τότε παρʼ αὐτῷ δυνάμενοι μέγιστον ἦσαν, Ῥώσκιος ὁ κωμῳδὸς καὶ Σῶριξ ὁ ἀρχιμῖμος καὶ Μητρόβιος ὁ λυσιῳδός, οὗ καίπερ ἐξώρου γενομένου διετέλει μέχρι παντὸς ἐρᾶν οὐκ ἀρνούμενος. 36.2. ὅθεν καὶ τὴν νόσον ἀπʼ αἰτίας ἐλαφρᾶς ἀρξαμένην ἐξέθρεψε, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἠγνόει περὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα γεγονὼς ἔμπυος, ὑφʼ ἧς καὶ τὴν σάρκα διαφθαρεῖσαν εἰς φθεῖρας μετέβαλε πᾶσαν, ὥστε πολλῶν διʼ ἡμέρας ἅμα καὶ νυκτὸς ἀφαιρούντων μηδὲν εἶναι μέρος τοῦ ἐπιγινομένου τὸ ἀποκρινόμενον, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν ἐσθῆτα καὶ λουτρὸν καὶ ἀπόνιμμα καὶ σιτίον ἀναπίμπλασθαι τοῦ ῥεύματος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς φθορᾶς· τοσοῦτον ἐξήνθει. 38.4. τὸ μὲν οὖν μνημεῖον ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεώς ἐστι τὸ δὲ ἐπίγραμμά φασιν αὐτὸν ὑπογραψάμενον καταλιπεῖν, οὗ κεφάλαιόν ἐστιν ὡς οὔτε τῶν φίλων τις αὐτὸν εὖ ποιῶν οὔτε τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακῶς ὑπερεβάλετο. | 36.1. However, even though he had such a wife at home, he consorted with actresses, harpists, and theatrical people, drinking with them on couches all day long. For these were the men who had most influence with him now: Roscius the comedian, Sorex the archmime, and Metrobius the impersonator of women, for whom, though past his prime, he continued up to the last to be passionately fond, and made no denial of it. 36.2. By this mode of life he aggravated a disease which was insignificant in its beginnings, and for a long time he knew not that his bowels were ulcerated. This disease corrupted his whole flesh also, and converted it into worms, so that although many were employed day and night in removing them, what they took away was as nothing compared with the increase upon him, but all his clothing, baths, hand-basins, and food, were infected with that flux of corruption, so violent was its discharge. 38.4. At any rate, his monument stands in the Campus Martius, and the inscription on it, they say, is one which he wrote for it himself, and the substance of it is, that no friend ever surpassed him in kindness, and no enemy in mischief. |
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| 175. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.442 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 133 |
| 176. Mela, De Chorographia, 2.110 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 215 |
177. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 10.6, 18.4-19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37| 10.6. αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν κολαζομένην εἰς φορεῖον ἐνθέμενοι καὶ καταστεγάσαντες ἔξωθεν καὶ καταλαβόντες ἱμᾶσιν, ὡς μηδὲ φωνὴν ἐξάκουστον γενέσθαι, κομίζουσι διʼ ἀγορᾶς, ἐξίστανται δὲ πάντες σιωπῇ καὶ παραπέμπουσιν ἄφθογγοι μετά τινος δεινῆς κατηφείας οὐδὲ ἔστιν ἕτερον θέαμα φρικτότερον, οὐδʼ ἡμέραν ἡ πόλις ἄλλην ἄγει στυγνοτέραν ἐκείνης. | 10.6. Then the culprit herself is placed on a litter, over which coverings are thrown and fastened down with cords so that not even a cry can be heard from within, and carried through the forum. All the people there silently make way for the litter, and follow it without uttering a sound, in a terrible depression of soul. No other spectacle is more appalling, nor does any other day bring more gloom to the city than this. 10.6. Then the culprit herself is placed on a litter, over which coverings are thrown and fastened down with cords so that not even a cry can be heard from within, and carried through the forum. All the people there silently make way for the litter, and follow it without uttering a sound, in a terrible depression of soul. No other spectacle is more appalling, nor does any other day bring more gloom to the city than this. |
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| 178. Martial, Spectacula, 2.6, 25, 25b, 26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 42 |
179. Martial, Epigrams, 1.4.4, 1.96, 3.36, 3.46, 3.82.5-3.82.12, 3.95, 5.5.8, 5.8, 5.14, 5.23, 5.25, 5.35, 5.38, 6.48, 8.3, 9.1.4, 11.33, 11.56, 12.36, 12.94 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •emperors, nero •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, failed student •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 108, 116; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 109; Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 51, 90, 91; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 108, 245; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 215; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 133 | 1.96. TO HIS VERSE, ON A LICENTIOUS CHARACTER: If it is not disagreeable, and does not annoy you, my verse, say, I pray, a word or two in the ear of our friend Maternus, so that he alone may hear. That admirer of sad-coloured coats, clad in the costume of the banks of the river Baetis, and in grey garments, who deems the wearers of scarlet not men, and calls amethyst-coloured robes the dress of women, however much he may praise natural hues, and be always seen in dark colours, has at the same time morals of an extremely flagrant hue. You will ask whence I suspect him of effeminacy. We go to the same baths; Do you ask me who this is? His name has escaped me. 5.8. ON PHASIS: The edict of our supreme lord and ruler, by which the seats in the theatre are more exactly defined, and the knight is allotted a place free from contact with the vulgar, was lately the theme of Phasis' approbation in the theatre, where, flaming with purple robes, he was boasting proudly, and in a pompous tone: "At length we can sit more at our ease; the dignity of the knighthood is now restored; we are not pressed or contaminated by the mob." These and such remarks was this upstart uttering, when Leitus ordered his arrogant purple robes to change their seat. 5.14. ON NANNEIUS: Nanneius, having been always accustomed to sit in the front row, at the time when anybody was allowed to take a place, moved his quarters, after being twice or thrice requested to do so, yet still seated himself on the benches of the knights, almost immediately behind Caius and Lucius. Thence for awhile, with his head shrouded in a hood, he remains a spectator of the games; ungracefully peeping with but one eye. Being again ejected, the unhappy wight crossed to the standing way, and, leaning over the end of a seat, half kneeling, he endeavoured to make it appear to the knights that he was sitting, and to Leitus that he was standing. 5.23. TO BASSUS, PRETENDING TO BE A KNIGHT: You used to wear garments of the colour of grass, Bassus, while the laws concerning the seats in the theatre were a dead letter. But since the care of a discreet censor has bid them revive, and the knight, more certain of his position, obeys the directions of Oceanus, you shine forth m a garb dyed either with saffron-colour or vermilion, and think you deceive others by such a dress. No cloak, Bassus, is worth four hundred thousand sesterces, or, before all men, my friend Cordus would have been a knight. 5.25. ON CHAERESTRATUS, A KNIGHT IN REDUCED CIRCUMSTANCES: "You have not four hundred thousand sesterces, Charestratus; rise, Leitus is coming; quick; away with you; run, hide yourself." Does any one call him back, and restore him to the seat he is leaving? Does any patron offer him a share of his lordly riches? Is there such person whose name we may commit in verse to fame and the applause of the people. Where is he, who does not wish to sink in obscurity to the waters of Styx? Would not such generosity, I ask, he better than to sprinkle the stage with a rufous cloud, and to be drenched with a shower of saffron-water? Or than to spend four hundred thousand sesterces upon a horse which will not appreciate it; or that the nose of Scorpus may glisten everywhere in gold? O rich man, rich to no purpose, and faithless to your friend, do you read and approve these verses? What glory do you allow to escape you! 5.35. ON EUCLIDES, A PRETENDED KNIGHT, BETRAYED BY DROPPING HIS KEY: While Euclides, clad in purple robes, was exclaiming that his income from each of his farms at Patras was two hundred thousand sesterces, and from his property near Corinth still more, and while he was tracing down his long pedigree from the beautiful Leda, and resisting Leitus, who was trying to make him leave his seat, suddenly there dropped from the toga of this knight, so proud, so noble, so rich, a large key. Never, Fabullus, was a key a worse friend. 5.38. TO SEXTUS, ON CALLIODORUS, WHOSE PROPERTY WITH THAT OF HIS BROTHER AMOUNTED TOGETHER TO THE FORTUNE OF A KNIGHT: Calliodorus, friend Sextus, possesses (who does not know it?) the fortune of a knight; but Calliodorus has also a brother. He who divides four hundred thousand sesterces would halve a fig. Do you think that two men can sit on one horse? What want you with a brother, a troublesome Pollux? if you had not this Pollux, you would be a Castor. While you are one, you require, Calliodorus, two seats. You are committing a solecism, Calliodorus. Rise, or else imitate the sons of Leda, and, as you cannot sit along with your brother, Calliodorus, occupy the seat by turns. 8.3. TO HIS MUSE: "Five books had been enough; six or seven are surely too many: why, Muse, do you delight still to sport on? Be modest and make an end. Fame can now give me nothing more: my book is in every hand. And when the stone sepulchre of Messala shall He ruined by time, and the vast marble tomb of Licinus shall be reduced to dust, I shall still be read, and many a stranger will carry my verses with him to his ancestral home." Thus had I concluded, when the ninth of the sisters, her hair and dress streaming with perfumes, made this reply: Can you then, ungrateful, lay aside your pleasant trifling? Can you employ your leisure, tell me, in any better way? Do you wish to relinquish my sock for the tragic buskin, or to thunder of savage wars in heroic verse, that the pompous pedant may read you with hoarse voice to his class, and that the grown-up maiden and ingenuous youth may detest you? Let such poems be written by those who are most grave and singularly severe, whose wretched toilings the lamp witnesses at midnight. But do you season books for the Romans with racy salt; in you let human nature read and recognise its own manners. Although you may seem to be playing on but a slender reed, that reed will be better heard than the trumpets of many. 11.56. TO CHAEREMON: When you extol death in such extravagant terms, Stoic Chaeremon, you wish me to admire and respect your spirit. Such magimity arises from your possession of only a pitcher with a broken handle, a cheerless hearth, warmed with no fire, a mat, plenty of fleas, a bare bedstead, and a short toga that serves you both night and day. How great a man you are, that can think of abandoning dregs of red vinegar, and straw, and black bread. But let your cushions swell with Leuconian wool, and soft purple covers adorn your couches; and let a favourite share your couch, who, when mixing the Caecuban wine for your guests, tortures them with the ruddiest of lips, how earnestly then will you desire to live thrice as long as Nestor; and study to lose no part of a single day! In adversity it is easy to despise life; the truly brave man is he who can endure to be miserable. |
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| 180. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 6.4, 8.7, 14.1, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37, 50, 159, 172 |
181. Martial, Epigrams, 1.4.4, 1.96, 3.36, 3.46, 3.82.5-3.82.12, 3.95, 4.63, 5.5.8, 5.8, 5.14, 5.23, 5.25, 5.35, 5.38, 6.48, 8.3, 9.1.4, 11.33, 11.56, 12.36, 12.94 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •emperors, nero •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, failed student •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 108, 116; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 109; Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 51, 90, 91; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 108, 245; Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 215; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 198; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 133 | 1.96. TO HIS VERSE, ON A LICENTIOUS CHARACTER: If it is not disagreeable, and does not annoy you, my verse, say, I pray, a word or two in the ear of our friend Maternus, so that he alone may hear. That admirer of sad-coloured coats, clad in the costume of the banks of the river Baetis, and in grey garments, who deems the wearers of scarlet not men, and calls amethyst-coloured robes the dress of women, however much he may praise natural hues, and be always seen in dark colours, has at the same time morals of an extremely flagrant hue. You will ask whence I suspect him of effeminacy. We go to the same baths; Do you ask me who this is? His name has escaped me. 5.8. ON PHASIS: The edict of our supreme lord and ruler, by which the seats in the theatre are more exactly defined, and the knight is allotted a place free from contact with the vulgar, was lately the theme of Phasis' approbation in the theatre, where, flaming with purple robes, he was boasting proudly, and in a pompous tone: "At length we can sit more at our ease; the dignity of the knighthood is now restored; we are not pressed or contaminated by the mob." These and such remarks was this upstart uttering, when Leitus ordered his arrogant purple robes to change their seat. 5.14. ON NANNEIUS: Nanneius, having been always accustomed to sit in the front row, at the time when anybody was allowed to take a place, moved his quarters, after being twice or thrice requested to do so, yet still seated himself on the benches of the knights, almost immediately behind Caius and Lucius. Thence for awhile, with his head shrouded in a hood, he remains a spectator of the games; ungracefully peeping with but one eye. Being again ejected, the unhappy wight crossed to the standing way, and, leaning over the end of a seat, half kneeling, he endeavoured to make it appear to the knights that he was sitting, and to Leitus that he was standing. 5.23. TO BASSUS, PRETENDING TO BE A KNIGHT: You used to wear garments of the colour of grass, Bassus, while the laws concerning the seats in the theatre were a dead letter. But since the care of a discreet censor has bid them revive, and the knight, more certain of his position, obeys the directions of Oceanus, you shine forth m a garb dyed either with saffron-colour or vermilion, and think you deceive others by such a dress. No cloak, Bassus, is worth four hundred thousand sesterces, or, before all men, my friend Cordus would have been a knight. 5.25. ON CHAERESTRATUS, A KNIGHT IN REDUCED CIRCUMSTANCES: "You have not four hundred thousand sesterces, Charestratus; rise, Leitus is coming; quick; away with you; run, hide yourself." Does any one call him back, and restore him to the seat he is leaving? Does any patron offer him a share of his lordly riches? Is there such person whose name we may commit in verse to fame and the applause of the people. Where is he, who does not wish to sink in obscurity to the waters of Styx? Would not such generosity, I ask, he better than to sprinkle the stage with a rufous cloud, and to be drenched with a shower of saffron-water? Or than to spend four hundred thousand sesterces upon a horse which will not appreciate it; or that the nose of Scorpus may glisten everywhere in gold? O rich man, rich to no purpose, and faithless to your friend, do you read and approve these verses? What glory do you allow to escape you! 5.35. ON EUCLIDES, A PRETENDED KNIGHT, BETRAYED BY DROPPING HIS KEY: While Euclides, clad in purple robes, was exclaiming that his income from each of his farms at Patras was two hundred thousand sesterces, and from his property near Corinth still more, and while he was tracing down his long pedigree from the beautiful Leda, and resisting Leitus, who was trying to make him leave his seat, suddenly there dropped from the toga of this knight, so proud, so noble, so rich, a large key. Never, Fabullus, was a key a worse friend. 5.38. TO SEXTUS, ON CALLIODORUS, WHOSE PROPERTY WITH THAT OF HIS BROTHER AMOUNTED TOGETHER TO THE FORTUNE OF A KNIGHT: Calliodorus, friend Sextus, possesses (who does not know it?) the fortune of a knight; but Calliodorus has also a brother. He who divides four hundred thousand sesterces would halve a fig. Do you think that two men can sit on one horse? What want you with a brother, a troublesome Pollux? if you had not this Pollux, you would be a Castor. While you are one, you require, Calliodorus, two seats. You are committing a solecism, Calliodorus. Rise, or else imitate the sons of Leda, and, as you cannot sit along with your brother, Calliodorus, occupy the seat by turns. 8.3. TO HIS MUSE: "Five books had been enough; six or seven are surely too many: why, Muse, do you delight still to sport on? Be modest and make an end. Fame can now give me nothing more: my book is in every hand. And when the stone sepulchre of Messala shall He ruined by time, and the vast marble tomb of Licinus shall be reduced to dust, I shall still be read, and many a stranger will carry my verses with him to his ancestral home." Thus had I concluded, when the ninth of the sisters, her hair and dress streaming with perfumes, made this reply: Can you then, ungrateful, lay aside your pleasant trifling? Can you employ your leisure, tell me, in any better way? Do you wish to relinquish my sock for the tragic buskin, or to thunder of savage wars in heroic verse, that the pompous pedant may read you with hoarse voice to his class, and that the grown-up maiden and ingenuous youth may detest you? Let such poems be written by those who are most grave and singularly severe, whose wretched toilings the lamp witnesses at midnight. But do you season books for the Romans with racy salt; in you let human nature read and recognise its own manners. Although you may seem to be playing on but a slender reed, that reed will be better heard than the trumpets of many. 11.56. TO CHAEREMON: When you extol death in such extravagant terms, Stoic Chaeremon, you wish me to admire and respect your spirit. Such magimity arises from your possession of only a pitcher with a broken handle, a cheerless hearth, warmed with no fire, a mat, plenty of fleas, a bare bedstead, and a short toga that serves you both night and day. How great a man you are, that can think of abandoning dregs of red vinegar, and straw, and black bread. But let your cushions swell with Leuconian wool, and soft purple covers adorn your couches; and let a favourite share your couch, who, when mixing the Caecuban wine for your guests, tortures them with the ruddiest of lips, how earnestly then will you desire to live thrice as long as Nestor; and study to lose no part of a single day! In adversity it is easy to despise life; the truly brave man is he who can endure to be miserable. |
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| 182. Plutarch, Marius, 34.3, 1043b, 1043c, 1060b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 79 |
| 183. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 15.1, 16.1, 17.1, 17.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 |
184. Plutarch, Lucullus, 43.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159| 43.2. τὰ δὲ φάρμακα δοθῆναι μὲν, ὡς ἀγαπῷτο μᾶλλον ὁ Καλλισθένης ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, τοιαύτην ἔχειν δοκοῦντα τὴν δύναμιν, ἐκστῆσαι δὲ καὶ κατακλύσαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὥστʼ ἔτι ζῶντος αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν διοικεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀπέθανε, καθάπερ ἂν ἂν supplied by Reiske. ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς στρατηγίας καὶ τῆς πολιτείας αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος, ὁ δῆμος ἠχθέσθη καὶ συνέδραμε, καὶ τὸ σῶμα κομισθὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν ὑπὸ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων νεανίσκων ἐβιάζετο θάπτειν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεως, ὅπου καὶ Σύλλαν ἔθαψεν. | 43.2. that the drugs were given him by Callisthenes in order to win more of his love, in the belief that they had such a power, but they drove him from his senses and overwhelmed his reason, so that even while he was still alive, his brother managed his property. However, when he died, the people grieved just as much as if his death had come at the culmination of his military and political services, and flocked together, and tried to compel the young nobles who had carried the body into the forum to bury it in the Campus Martius, where Sulla also had been buried. |
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185. Plutarch, Galba, 2.1, 26.27.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, searches for the nile sources •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 41| 2.1. Νυμφίδιος γὰρ Σαβῖνος ὢν ἔπαρχος, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, μετὰ Τιγελλίνου τῆς αὐλῆς, ἐπεὶ τὰ Νέρωνος ἀπέγνωστο παντάπασι καὶ δῆλος ἦν ἀποδρασόμενος εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ἔπεισε τὸ στρατιωτικόν, ὡς μηκέτι παρόντος, ἀλλʼ ἤδη πεφευγότος, αὐτοκράτορα Γάλβαν ἀναγορεῦσαι, | 2.1. It was Nymphidius Sabinus, prefect of the court guard along with Tigellinus, as I have already stated, who, when Nero's case was altogether desperate, and it was clear that he was going to run away to Egypt, persuaded the soldiery, as though Nero were no longer there but had already fled, to proclaim Galba emperor, |
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| 186. Arrian, Epicteti Dissertationes, 1.24.16 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 166 |
| 187. Plutarch, Fabius, 8.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 |
| 188. Plutarch, Moralia, 1043b, 1043c, 1060b, 289d, 289c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 203 |
| 189. Plutarch, Timoleon, 31 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
| 190. Plutarch, Pompey, 23.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 173 |
| 191. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 4.33.14-4.33.20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 100 |
192. New Testament, Acts, 1.8, 1.12, 1.23, 8.26-8.40, 13.1, 17.6-17.8, 19.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cadwallader, Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E (2016) 250; Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 207; Immendörfer, Ephesians and Artemis: The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context (2017) 161, 162; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 134| 1.8. ἀλλὰ λήμψεσθε δύναμιν ἐπελθόντος τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς, καὶ ἔσεσθέ μου μάρτυρες ἔν τε Ἰερουσαλὴμ καὶ [ἐν] πάσῃ τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ καὶ Σαμαρίᾳ καὶ ἕως ἐσχάτου τῆς γῆς. 1.12. Τότε ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς Ἰερουσαλὴμ ἀπὸ ὄρους τοῦ καλουμένου Ἐλαιῶνος, ὅ ἐστιν ἐγγὺς Ἰερουσαλὴμ σαββάτου ἔχον ὁδόν. 1.23. καὶ ἔστησαν δύο, Ἰωσὴφ τὸν καλούμενον Βαρσαββᾶν, ὃς ἐπεκλήθη Ἰοῦστος, καὶ Μαθθίαν. 8.26. Ἄγγελος δὲ Κυρίου ἐλάλησεν πρὸς Φίλιππον λέγων Ἀνάστηθι καὶ πορεύου κατὰ μεσημβρίαν ἐπὶ τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν καταβαίνουσαν ἀπὸ Ἰερουσαλὴμ εἰς Γάζαν· αὕτη ἐστὶν ἔρημος. 8.27. καὶ ἀναστὰς ἐπορεύθη, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἀνὴρ Αἰθίοψ εὐνοῦχος δυνάστης Κανδάκης βασιλίσσης Αἰθιόπων, ὃς ἦν ἐπὶ πάσης τῆς γάζης αὐτῆς, [ὃς] ἐληλύθει προσκυνήσων εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ, 8.28. ἦν δὲ ὑποστρέφων καὶ καθήμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀνεγίνωσκεν τὸν προφήτην Ἠσαίαν. 8.29. εἶπεν δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα τῷ Φιλίππῳ Πρόσελθε καὶ κολλήθητι τῷ ἅρματι τούτῳ. 8.30. προσδραμὼν δὲ ὁ Φίλιππος ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ ἀναγινώσκοντος Ἠσαίαν τὸν προφήτην, καὶ εἶπεν Ἆρά γε γινώσκεις ἃ ἀναγινώσκεις; 8.31. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν Πῶς γὰρ ἂν δυναίμην ἐὰν μή τις ὁδηγήσει με; παρεκάλεσέν τε τὸνΦίλιππον ἀναβάντα καθίσαι σὺν αὐτῷ. 8.32. ἡ δὲ περιοχὴ τῆς γραφῆς ἣν ἀνεγίνωσκεν ἦν αὕτη 8.33. 8.34. ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ εὐνοῦχος τῷ Φιλίππῳ εἶπεν Δέομαί σου, περὶ τίνος ὁ προφήτης λέγει τοῦτο; περὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἢ περὶ ἑτέρου τινός; 8.35. ἀνοίξας δὲ ὁ Φίλιππος τὸ στόμα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τῆς γραφῆς ταύτης εὐηγγελίσατο αὐτῷ τὸν Ἰησοῦν. 8.36. ὡς δὲ ἐπορεύοντο κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν, ἦλθον ἐπί τι ὕδωρ, καί φησιν ὁ εὐνοῦχος Ἰδοὺ ὕδωρ· τί κωλύει με βαπτισθῆναι; 8.37. 8.38. καὶ ἐκέλευσεν στῆναι τὸ ἅρμα, καὶ κατέ βησαν ἀμφότεροι εἰς τὸ ὕδωρ ὅ τε Φίλιππος καὶ ὁ εὐνοῦχος, καὶ ἐβάπτισεν αὐτόν. 8.39. ὅτε δὲ ἀνέβησαν ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος, πνεῦμα Κυρίου ἥρπασεν τὸν Φίλιππον, καὶ οὐκ εἶδεν αὐτὸν οὐκέτι ὁ εὐνοῦχος, ἐπορεύετο γὰρ τὴν ὁδὸν αὐτοῦ χαίρων. 8.40. Φίλιππος δὲ εὑρέθη εἰς Ἄζωτον, καὶ διερχόμενος εὐηγγελίζετο τὰς πόλεις πάσας ἕως τοῦ ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς Καισαρίαν. 13.1. Ἦσαν δὲ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ κατὰ τὴν οὖσαν ἐκκλησίαν προφῆται καὶ διδάσκαλοι ὅ τε Βαρνάβας καὶ Συμεὼν ὁ καλούμενος Νίγερ, καὶ Λούκιος ὁ Κυρηναῖος, Μαναήν τε Ἡρῴδου τοῦ τετραάρχου σύντροφος καὶ Σαῦλος. 17.6. μὴ εὑρόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔσυρον Ἰάσονα καί τινας ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας, βοῶντες ὅτι Οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀναστατώσαντες οὗτοι καὶ ἐνθάδε πάρεισιν, 17.7. οὓς ὑποδέδεκται Ἰάσων· καὶ οὗτοι πάντες ἀπέναντι τῶν δογμάτων Καίσαρος πράσσουσι, βασιλέα ἕτερον λέγοντες εἶναι Ἰησοῦν. 17.8. ἐτάραξαν δὲ τὸν ὄχλον καὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας ἀκούοντας ταῦτα, 19.35. καταστείλας δὲ τὸν ὄχλον ὁ γραμματεύς φησιν Ἄνδρες Ἐφέσιοι, τίς γάρ ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων ὃς οὐ γινώσκει τὴν Ἐφεσίων πόλιν νεωκόρον οὖσαν τῆς μεγάλης Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ τοῦ διοπετοῦς; | 1.8. But you will receive power when the Holy Spirit has come on you. You will be witnesses to me in Jerusalem, in all Judea and Samaria, and to the uttermost parts of the earth." 1.12. Then they returned to Jerusalem from the mountain called Olivet, which is near Jerusalem, a Sabbath day's journey away. 1.23. They put forward two, Joseph called Barsabbas, who was surnamed Justus, and Matthias. 8.26. But an angel of the Lord spoke to Philip, saying, "Arise, and go toward the south to the way that goes down from Jerusalem to Gaza. This is a desert." 8.27. He arose and went. Behold, there was a man of Ethiopia, a eunuch of great authority under Candace, queen of the Ethiopians, who was over all her treasure, who had come to Jerusalem to worship. 8.28. He was returning and sitting in his chariot, and was reading the prophet Isaiah. 8.29. The Spirit said to Philip, "Go near, and join yourself to this chariot." 8.30. Philip ran to him, and heard him reading Isaiah the prophet, and said, "Do you understand what you are reading?" 8.31. He said, "How can I, unless someone explains it to me?" He begged Philip to come up and sit with him. 8.32. Now the passage of the Scripture which he was reading was this, "He was led as a sheep to the slaughter. As a lamb before his shearer is silent, So he doesn't open his mouth. 8.33. In his humiliation, his judgment was taken away. Who will declare His generations? For his life is taken from the earth." 8.34. The eunuch answered Philip, "Please tell who the prophet is talking about: about himself, or about some other?" 8.35. Philip opened his mouth, and beginning from this Scripture, preached to him Jesus. 8.36. As they went on the way, they came to some water, and the eunuch said, "Behold, here is water. What is keeping me from being baptized?" 8.37. 8.38. He commanded the chariot to stand still, and they both went down into the water, both Philip and the eunuch, and he baptized him. 8.39. When they came up out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord caught Philip away, and the eunuch didn't see him any more, for he went on his way rejoicing. 8.40. But Philip was found at Azotus. Passing through, he preached the gospel to all the cities, until he came to Caesarea. 13.1. Now in the assembly that was at Antioch there were some prophets and teachers: Barnabas, Simeon who was called Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaen the foster-brother of Herod the tetrarch, and Saul. 17.6. When they didn't find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, 17.7. whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!" 17.8. The multitude and the rulers of the city were troubled when they heard these things. 19.35. When the town clerk had quieted the multitude, he said, "You men of Ephesus, what man is there who doesn't know that the city of the Ephesians is temple-keeper of the great goddess Artemis, and of the image which fell down from Zeus? |
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| 193. Musonius Rufus, Dissertationum A Lucio Digestarum Reliquiae, 8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 268 |
194. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 2.1-2.2, 2.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 47, 188| 2.1. Παρακαλῶ οὖν πρῶτον πάντων ποιεῖσθαι δεήσεις, προσευχάς, ἐντεύξεις, εὐχαριστίας, ὑπὲρ πάντων ἀνθρώπων, 2.2. ὑπὲρ βασιλέων καὶ πάντων τῶν ἐν ὑπεροχῇ ὄντων, ἵνα ἤρεμον καὶ ἡσύχιον βίον διάγωμεν ἐν πάσῃ εὐσεβείᾳ καὶ σεμνότητι. 2.4. ὃς πάντας ἀνθρώπους θέλει σωθῆναι καὶ εἰς ἐπίγνωσιν ἀληθείας ἐλθεῖν. | 2.1. I exhort therefore, first of all, that petitions, prayers, intercessions, and givings of thanks, be made for all men: 2.2. for kings and all who are in high places; that we may lead a tranquil and quiet life in all godliness and reverence. 2.4. who desires all people to be saved and come to full knowledge of the truth. |
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195. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 1.10, 2.12, 4.15-4.17, 5.3, 5.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 18| 1.10. καὶ ἀναμένειν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν, ὃν ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν, Ἰησοῦν τὸν ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς ἐρχομένης. 2.12. παρακαλοῦντες ὑμᾶς καὶ παραμυθούμενοι καὶ μαρτυρόμενοι, εἰς τὸ περιπατεῖν ὑμᾶς ἀξίως τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ καλοῦντος ὑμᾶς εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν καὶ δόξαν. 4.15. Τοῦτο γὰρ ὑμῖν λέγομεν ἐν λόγῳ κυρίου, ὅτι ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες οἱ περιλειπόμενοι εἰς τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ κυρίου οὐ μὴ φθάσωμεν τοὺς κοιμηθέντας· 4.16. ὅτι αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος ἐν κελεύσματι, ἐν φωνῇ ἀρχαγγέλου καὶ ἐν σάλπιγγι θεοῦ, καταβήσεται ἀπʼ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ἀναστήσονται πρῶτον, 4.17. ἔπειτα ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες οἱ περιλειπόμενοι ἅμα σὺν αὐτοῖς ἁρπαγησόμεθα ἐν νεφέλαις εἰς ἀπάντησιν τοῦ κυρίου εἰς ἀέρα· καὶ οὕτως πάντοτε σὺν κυρίῳ ἐσόμεθα. 5.3. ὅταν λέγωσιν Εἰρήνη καὶ ἀσφάλεια, τότε αἰφνίδιος αὐτοῖς ἐπίσταται ὄλεθρος ὥσπερ ἡ ὠδὶν τῇ ἐν γαστρὶ ἐχούσῃ, καὶ οὐ μὴ ἐκφύγωσιν. 5.23. Αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης ἁγιάσαι ὑμᾶς ὁλοτελεῖς, καὶ ὁλόκληρον ὑμῶν τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἀμέμπτως ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τηρηθείη. | 1.10. and to wait for his Son from heaven, whom he raised from the dead -- Jesus, who delivers us from the wrath to come. 2.12. to the end that you should walk worthily of God, who calls you into his own kingdom and glory. 4.15. For this we tell you by the word of the Lord, that we who are alive, who are left to the coming of the Lord, will in no way precede those who have fallen asleep. 4.16. For the Lord himself will descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of the archangel, and with God's trumpet. The dead in Christ will rise first, 4.17. then we who are alive, who are left, will be caught up together with them in the clouds, to meet the Lord in the air. So we will be with the Lord forever. 5.3. For when they are saying, "Peace and safety," then sudden destruction will come on them, like birth pains on a pregt woman; and they will in no way escape. 5.23. May the God of peace himself sanctify you completely. May your whole spirit, soul, and body be preserved blameless at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ. |
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| 196. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 2.211-2.213, 4.181-4.184 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 81, 194 |
197. New Testament, Apocalypse, a b c d\n0 6.9 6.9 6 9\n1 17.6 17.6 17 6\n2 12.17 12.17 12 17\n3 1.9 1.9 1 9\n4 11.13 11.13 11 13\n5 11.12 11.12 11 12\n6 11.11 11.11 11 11\n7 11.10 11.10 11 10\n8 11.9 11.9 11 9\n9 11.8 11.8 11 8\n10 11.7 11.7 11 7\n11 11.6 11.6 11 6\n12 11.5 11.5 11 5\n13 11.4 11.4 11 4\n14 7.14 7.14 7 14\n15 22.20 22.20 22 20\n16 22.18 22.18 22 18\n17 22.16 22.16 22 16\n18 20.4 20.4 20 4\n19 19.10 19.10 19 10\n20 2.9 2.9 2 9\n21 2.13 2.13 2 13\n22 3.14 3.14 3 14\n23 11.3 11.3 11 3\n24 12.11 12.11 12 11\n25 13.1 13.1 13 1\n26 15.5 15.5 15 5\n27 16.9 16.9 16 9\n28 16.11 16.11 16 11\n29 16.21 16.21 16 21\n30 17.3 17.3 17 3\n31 13.5 13.5 13 5\n32 2 2 2 None\n33 3 3 3 None\n34 10.1-11.13 10.1 10 1\n35 "39" "39" "39" None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 41, 44| 6.9. Καὶ ὅτε ἤνοιξεν τὴν πέμπτην σφραγῖδα, εἶδον ὑποκάτω τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν ἐσφαγμένων διὰ τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ διὰ τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἣν εἶχον. | 6.9. When he opened the fifth seal, I saw underneath the altar the souls of those who had been killed for the Word of God, and for the testimony of the Lamb which they had. |
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| 198. New Testament, Galatians, a b c d\n0 "1.13" "1.13" "1 13" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 40 |
| 199. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 5.3.3, 8.1, 8.7.ext. (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 234 |
200. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 11.17-11.34 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Cadwallader, Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E (2016) 36, 48| 11.17. Τοῦτο δὲ παραγγέλλων οὐκ ἐπαινῶ ὅτι οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸ ἧσσον συνέρχεσθε. 11.18. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν, καὶ μέρος τι πιστεύω. 11.19. δεῖ γὰρ καὶ αἱρέσεις ἐν ὑμῖν εἶναι· ἵνα [καὶ] οἱ δόκιμοι φανεροὶ γένωνται ἐν ὑμῖν. 11.20. Συνερχομένων οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν, 11.21. ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν, καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ, ὃς δὲ μεθύει. 11.22. μὴ γὰρ οἰκίας οὐκ ἔχετε εἰς τὸ ἐσθίειν καὶ πίνειν; ἢ τῆς ἐκκλησίας τοῦ θεοῦ καταφρονεῖτε, καὶ καταισχύνετε τοὺς μὴ ἔχοντας; τί εἴπω ὑμῖν; ἐπαινέσω ὑμᾶς; ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ. 11.23. ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου, ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν, ὅτι ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ᾗ παρεδίδετο ἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν 11.24. Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν· τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. ὡσαύτως καὶ τὸ ποτήριον μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι, λέγων 11.25. Τοῦτο τὸ ποτήριον ἡ καινὴδιαθήκηἐστὶν ἐντῷἐμῷαἵματι·τοῦτο ποιεῖτε, ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε, εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. 11.26. ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτον καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε, τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε, ἄχρι οὗ ἔλθῃ. 11.27. ὥστε ὃς ἂν ἐσθίῃ τὸν ἄρτον ἢ πίνῃ τὸ ποτήριον τοῦ κυρίου ἀναξίως, ἔνοχος ἔσται τοῦ σώματος καὶ τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ κυρίου. 11.28. δοκιμαζέτω δὲ ἄνθρωπος ἑαυτόν, καὶ οὕτως ἐκ τοῦ ἄρτου ἐσθιέτω καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ποτηρίου πινέτω· 11.29. ὁ γὰρ ἐσθίων καὶ πίνων κρίμα ἑαυτῷ ἐσθίει καὶ πίνει μὴ διακρίνων τὸ σῶμα. 11.30. διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ὑμῖν πολλοὶ ἀσθενεῖς καὶ ἄρρωστοι καὶ κοιμῶνται ἱκανοί. 11.31. εἰ δὲ ἑαυτοὺς διεκρίνομεν, οὐκ ἂν ἐκρινόμεθα· 11.32. κρινόμενοι δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ κυρίου παιδευόμεθα, ἵνα μὴ σὺν τῷ κόσμῳ κατακριθῶμεν. 11.33. ὥστε, ἀδελφοί μου, συνερχόμενοι εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε. 11.34. εἴ τις πεινᾷ, ἐν οἴκῳ ἐσθιέτω, ἵνα μὴ εἰς κρίμα συνέρχησθε. Τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ ὡς ἂν ἔλθω διατάξομαι. | 11.17. But in giving you this command, I don't praise you, that youcome together not for the better but for the worse. 11.18. For firstof all, when you come together in the assembly, I hear that divisionsexist among you, and I partly believe it. 11.19. For there also mustbe factions among you, that those who are approved may be revealedamong you. 11.20. When therefore you assemble yourselves together, itis not possible to eat the Lord's supper. 11.21. For in your eatingeach one takes his own supper before others. One is hungry, and anotheris drunken. 11.22. What, don't you have houses to eat and to drink in?Or do you despise God's assembly, and put them to shame who don't have?What shall I tell you? Shall I praise you? In this I don't praise you. 11.23. For I received from the Lord that which also I delivered toyou, that the Lord Jesus on the night in which he was betrayed tookbread. 11.24. When he had given thanks, he broke it, and said, "Take,eat. This is my body, which is broken for you. Do this in memory ofme." 11.25. In the same way he also took the cup, after supper,saying, "This cup is the new covet in my blood. Do this, as often asyou drink, in memory of me." 11.26. For as often as you eat this breadand drink this cup, you proclaim the Lord's death until he comes. 11.27. Therefore whoever eats this bread or drinks the Lord's cup i unworthy manner will be guilty of the body and the blood of theLord. 11.28. But let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of thebread, and drink of the cup. 11.29. For he who eats and drinks in anunworthy manner eats and drinks judgment to himself, if he doesn'tdiscern the Lord's body. 11.30. For this cause many among you are weakand sickly, and not a few sleep. 11.31. For if we discerned ourselves,we wouldn't be judged. 11.32. But when we are judged, we are punishedby the Lord, that we may not be condemned with the world. 11.33. Therefore, my brothers, when you come together to eat, wait one foranother. 11.34. But if anyone is hungry, let him eat at home, lestyour coming together be for judgment. The rest I will set in orderwhenever I come. |
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201. New Testament, 1 Peter, 4.4, 4.12-4.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 46| 4.4. ἐν ᾧ ξενίζονται μὴ συντρεχόντων ὑμῶν εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν τῆς ἀσωτίας ἀνάχυσιν, βλασφημοῦντες· 4.12. Ἀγαπητοί, μὴ ξενίζεσθε τῇ ἐν ὑμῖν πυρώσει πρὸς πειρασμὸν ὑμῖν γινομένῃ ὡς ξένου ὑμῖν συμβαίνοντος, 4.13. ἀλλὰ καθὸ κοινωνεῖτε τοῖς τοῦ Χριστοῦ παθήμασιν χαίρετε, ἵνα καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει τῆς δόξης αὐτοῦ χαρῆτε ἀγαλλιώμενοι. 4.14. εἰὀνειδίζεσθεἐν ὀνόματιΧριστοῦ,μακάριοι, ὅτι τὸ τῆς δόξης καὶτὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πνεῦμα ἐφʼὑμᾶςἀναπαύεται. 4.15. μὴ γάρ τις ὑμῶν πασχέτω ὡς φονεὺς ἢ κλέπτης ἢ κακοποιὸς ἢ ὡς ἀλλοτριεπίσκοπος· 4.16. εἰ δὲ ὡς Χριστιανός, μὴ αἰσχυνέσθω, δοξαζέτω δὲ τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ. 4.17. ὅτι [ὁ] καιρὸς τοῦἄρξασθαιτὸ κρίμαἀπὸ τοῦ οἴκουτοῦ θεοῦ· εἰ δὲ πρῶτον ἀφʼ ἡμῶν, τί τὸ τέλος τῶν ἀπειθούντων τῷ τοῦ θεοῦ εὐαγγελίῳ; 4.18. καὶ εἰὁ δίκαιος μόλις σώζεται, ὁ [δὲ] ἀσεβὴς καὶ ἁμαρτωλὸς ποῦ φανεῖται; 4.19. ὥστε καὶ οἱ πάσχοντες κατὰ τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ πιστῷ κτίστῃ παρατιθέσθωσαν τὰς ψυχὰς ἐν ἀγαθοποιίᾳ. | 4.4. They think it is strange that you don't run with them into the same excess of riot, blaspheming: 4.12. Beloved, don't be astonished at the fiery trial which has come upon you, to test you, as though a strange thing happened to you. 4.13. But because you are partakers of Christ's sufferings, rejoice; that at the revelation of his glory also you may rejoice with exceeding joy. 4.14. If you are insulted for the name of Christ, blessed are you; because the Spirit of glory and of God rests on you. On their part he is blasphemed, but on your part he is glorified. 4.15. For let none of you suffer as a murderer, or a thief, or an evil doer, or as a meddler in other men's matters. 4.16. But if one of you suffers for being a Christian, let him not be ashamed; but let him glorify God in this matter. 4.17. For the time has come for judgment to begin at the house of God. If it begins first with us, what will happen to those who don't obey the gospel of God? 4.18. "If it is hard for the righteous to be saved, what will happen to the ungodly and the sinner?" 4.19. Therefore let them also who suffer according to the will of God in doing good entrust their souls to him, as to a faithful Creator. |
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| 202. New Testament, Philippians, a b c d\n0 "3.6" "3.6" "3 6" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 40 |
203. New Testament, Ephesians, 2.14-2.18, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 47| 2.14. Αὐτὸς γάρ ἐστιν ἡ εἰρήνη ἡμῶν, ὁ ποιήσας τὰ ἀμφότερα ἓν καὶ τὸ μεσότοιχον τοῦ φραγμοῦ λύσας, τὴν ἔχθραν 2.15. ἐν τῇ σαρκὶ αὐτοῦ, τὸν νόμον τῶν ἐντολῶν ἐν δόγμασιν καταργήσας, ἵνα τοὺς δύο κτίσῃ ἐν αὑτῷ εἰς ἕνα καινὸν ἄνθρωπον ποιῶν εἰρήνην, 2.16. καὶ ἀποκαταλλάξῃ τοὺς ἀμφοτέρους ἐν ἑνὶ σώματι τῷ θεῷ διὰ τοῦ σταυροῦ ἀποκτείνας τὴν ἔχθραν ἐν αὐτῷ· 2.17. καὶ ἐλθὼν εὐηγγελίσατο εἰρήνην ὑμῖν τοῖς μακρὰν καὶ εἰρήνην τοῖς ἐγγύς· 2.18. ὅτι διʼ αὐτοῦ ἔχομεν τὴν προσαγωγὴν οἱ ἀμφότεροι ἐν ἑνὶ πνεύματι πρὸς τὸν πατέρα. 4.3. σπουδάζοντες τηρεῖν τὴν ἑνότητα τοῦ πνεύματος ἐν τῷ συνδέσμῳ τῆς εἰρήνης· | 2.14. For he is our peace, who made both one, and broke down the middle wall of partition, 2.15. having abolished in the flesh the hostility, the law of commandments contained in ordices, that he might create in himself one new man of the two, making peace; 2.16. and might reconcile them both in one body to God through the cross, having killed the hostility thereby. 2.17. He came and preached peace to you who were far off and to those who were near. 2.18. For through him we both have our access in one Spirit to the Father. 4.3. being eager to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace. |
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| 204. Anon., Acts of Paul, 108, 13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 207 |
205. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.42.3, 7.18.7, 7.18.9, 10.8.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 119; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 112; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 196| 7.18.7. Αὔγουστος δὲ ἢ τοῦ παράπλου νομίζων κεῖσθαι καλῶς τὰς Πάτρας ἢ κατʼ ἄλλην τινὰ αἰτίαν ἐπανήγαγεν αὖθις ἐκ τῶν πολισμάτων τῶν ἄλλων τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐς τὰς Πάτρας, προσσυνῴκισε δέ σφισι καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς τοὺς ἐκ Ῥυπῶν, καταβαλὼν ἐς ἔδαφος Ῥύπας· καὶ ἔδωκε μὲν ἐλευθέροις Ἀχαιῶν μόνοις τοῖς Πατρεῦσιν εἶναι, ἔδωκε δὲ καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα γέρα σφίσιν, ὁπόσα τοῖς ἀποίκοις νέμειν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι νομίζουσι. 7.18.9. ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἀγάλματα ἔκ τε Αἰτωλίας καὶ παρὰ Ἀκαρνάνων, τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ἐς τὴν Νικόπολιν κομισθῆναι, Πατρεῦσι δὲ ὁ Αὔγουστος ἄλλα τε τῶν ἐκ Καλυδῶνος λαφύρων καὶ δὴ καὶ τῆς Λαφρίας ἔδωκε τὸ ἄγαλμα, ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει τῇ Πατρέων εἶχε τιμάς. γενέσθαι δὲ ἐπίκλησιν τῇ θεῷ Λαφρίαν ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς Φωκέως φασί· Λάφριον γὰρ τὸν Κασταλίου τοῦ Δελφοῦ Καλυδωνίοις ἱδρύσασθαι τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸ ἀρχαῖον, οἱ δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸ μήνιμα τὸ 10.8.3. Βρέννου δὲ τὸν Γαλατῶν στρατὸν ἀγαγόντος ἐς Δελφοὺς προθυμίαν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον οἱ Φωκεῖς πλείστην τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ παρέσχοντο, καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου μετασχεῖν Ἀμφικτυονίας αὖθις καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα ἐγένετο ἀξίωμα αὐτοῖς ἀνασώσασθαι τὸ ἀρχαῖον. βασιλεὺς δὲ Αὔγουστος μετεῖναι καὶ Νικοπολίταις τοῖς πρὸς τῷ Ἀκτίῳ συνεδρίου τοῦ Ἀμφικτυόνων ἠθέλησε· Μάγνητας μὲν οὖν καὶ Μαλιεῖς καὶ Αἰνιᾶνας καὶ Φθιώτας Θεσσαλοῖς συντελεῖν, τὰς ψήφους δὲ ὅσαι τούτων τε καὶ Δολόπων—οὐ γὰρ ἔτι ἦν Δολόπων γένος—Νικοπολίτας φέρειν. | 7.18.7. But Augustus, for some reason, perhaps because he thought that Patrae was a convenient port of call, brought back again to Patrae the men from the other towns, and united with them the Achaeans also from Rhypes, which town he razed to the ground. He granted freedom to the Patraeans, and to no other Achaeans; and he granted also all the other privileges that the Romans are accustomed to bestow on their colonists. 7.18.9. Most of the images out of Aetolia and from Acaria were brought by Augustus' orders to Nicopolis, but to Patrae he gave, with other spoils from Calydon, the image of Laphria, which even in my time was still worshipped on the acropolis of Patrae . It is said that the goddess was surnamed Laphria after a man of Phocis, because the ancient image of Artemis was set up at Calydon by Laphrius, the son of Castalius, the son of Delphus. 10.8.3. When Brennus led the Gallic army against Delphi, no Greeks showed greater zeal for the war than the Phocians, and for this conduct of theirs recovered their membership of the League, as well as their old reputation. The emperor Augustus willed that the Nicopolitans, whose city is near Actium, should be members of the Amphictyonic League, that the Magnesians moreover and the Malians, together with the Aenianians and Phthiotians, should be numbered with the Thessalians, and that all their votes, together with those of the Dolopes, who were no longer a separate people, should be assigned to the Nicopolitans. |
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206. Lucian, How To Write History, 13, 2, 38, 7, 9, 61 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 26 | 61. But the general principle I would have remembered — it will ever be on my lips — is this: do not write merely with an eye to the present, that those now living may commend and honour you; aim at eternity, compose for posterity, and from it ask your reward; and that reward? — that it be said of you, 'This was a man indeed, free and free-spoken; flattery and servility were not in him; he was truth all through.' It is a name which a man of judgement might well prefer to all the fleeting hopes of the present. |
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207. Lucian, Nigrinus, 17-18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 8 | 18. Thus reasoning, I withdrew myself out of range, as Zeus did Hector,Far from the scene of slaughter, blood and strife,and resolved henceforth to keep my house. I lead the life you see — a spiritless, womanish life, most men would account it — holding converse with Philosophy, with Plato, with Truth. From my high seat in this vast theatre, I look down on the scene beneath me; a scene calculated to afford much entertainment; calculated also to try a man’s resolution to the utmost. |
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| 208. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 7.38, 7.40-7.41, 9.29, 11.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 166; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 268 |
| 209. Lucian, Dialogues of The Dead, 25.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 275 |
210. Justin, First Apology, 68 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al., Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy (2006) 119 | 68. And if these things seem to you to be reasonable and true, honour them; but if they seem nonsensical, despise them as nonsense, and do not decree death against those who have done no wrong, as you would against enemies. For we forewarn you, that you shall not escape the coming judgment of God, if you continue in your injustice; and we ourselves will invite you to do that which is pleasing to God. And though from the letter of the greatest and most illustrious Emperor Adrian, your father, we could demand that you order judgment to be given as we have desired, yet we have made this appeal and explanation, not on the ground of Adrian's decision, but because we know that what we ask is just. And we have subjoined the copy of Adrian's epistle, that you may know that we are speaking truly about this. And the following is the copy:- |
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| 211. Lucian, Nero, 8-9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 166 |
| 212. Lucian, Zeus Rants, 33 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 260 |
| 213. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 2.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 129 |
214. Lucian, Hermotimus, Or Sects, 20, 22, 34, 48, 50, 52-53, 68, 85-86 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 260 | 86. HERMOTIMUS: You are quite right. And now I will be off to metamorphose myself. When we next meet, there will be no long, shaggy beard, no artificial composure; I shall be natural, as a gentleman should. I may go as far as a fashionable coat, by way of publishing my renunciation of nonsense. I only wish there were an emetic that would purge out every doctrine they have instilled into me; I assure you, if I could reverse Chrysippus's plan with the hellebore, and drink forgetfulness, not of the world but of Stoicism, I would not think twice about it. Well, Lycinus, I owe you a debt indeed; I was being swept along in a rough turbid torrent, unresisting, drifting with the stream; when lo, you stood there and fished me out, a true deus ex machina. I have good enough reason, I think, to shave my head like the people who get clear off from a wreck; for I am to make votive offerings today for the dispersion of that thick cloud which was over my eyes. Henceforth, if I meet a philosopher on my walks (and it will not be with my will), I shall turn aside and avoid him as I would a mad dog.END 86. Her . You are quite right. And now I will be off to metamorphose myself. When we next meet, there will be no long, shaggy beard, no artificial composure; I shall be natural, as a gentleman should. I may go as far as a fashionable coat, by way of publishing my renunciation of nonsense. I only wish there were an emetic that would purge out every doctrine they have instilled into me; I assure you, if I could reverse Chrysippus's plan with the hellebore, and drink forgetfulness, not of the world but of Stoicism, I would not think twice about it. Well, Lycinus, I owe you a debt indeed; I was being swept along in a rough turbid torrent, unresisting, drifting with the stream; when lo, you stood there and fished me out, a true deus ex machina. I have good enough reason, I think, to shave my head like the people who get clear off from a wreck; for I am to make votive offerings today for the dispersion of that thick cloud which was over my eyes. Henceforth, if I meet a philosopher on my walks (and it will not be with my will), I shall turn aside and avoid him as I would a mad dog. |
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| 215. Lucian, The Ignorant Book-Collector, 21 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 275 |
| 216. Anon., Acts of Philip, 107 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 332 |
| 217. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 1.7.1, 5.6.9 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 26, 104 |
| 218. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 2.9.45, 5.96.2-5.96.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 362 |
| 219. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.33.1, 2.25.1, 2.26.1, 2.27.2, 2.34, 3.18-3.20, 3.27.3, 3.31.3, 3.33.2, 3.45.2, 4.6, 4.35.1, 5.27.2-5.27.3, 5.35.1, 5.37.3, 6.26.1-6.26.2, 7.14.8, 7.30.1-7.30.2, 8.7.33 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 269 |
| 220. Aelian, Varia Historia, 9.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
| 221. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 43.50.4, 43.50.3, 43.50.5, 44.6.2, 45.7.1, 45.7.2, 47.39.5, 47.39.4, 47.39.3, 47.39.2, 47.39.1, 51.1, 53.19.2, 53.19.3, 53.19.4, 53.19.5, 53.19.1, 53.31.2, 53.31.3, 54.30.1, 55.2.1, 56.29.4, 57.15.1, 57.18.6, 57.18.3, 57.18.4, 57.18.5, 58.2, 58.24.4, 58.24.3, 58.24.5, 58.27.1, 58.28, 59.5, 60.10.1, 60.17.1, 60.24.4, 60.35.1, 61.2.4, 61.4.5, 61.11.4, 61.12, 61.12.2, 61.13.2, 61.13.3, 61.13.4, 61.13.5, 61.13, 61.14.2, 61.14, 61.14.4, 61.16.2, 61.20.5, 61.20.4, 61.35.2, 62.2, 62.15, 62.15.6, 62.20.1, 62.20.2, 62.21.1, 62.22.3, 62.229, 63.4, 63.4.2, 63.6.3, 63.8.1, 63.8.2, 63.9.4, 63.10.2, 63.11.3, 63.13.3, 63.14.3, 63.22.6, 63.24.5, 63.27.2, 66.8.6, 66.8.5, 66.8.4, 66.8.3, 66.8.2, 66.15.1, 67.2.6, 67.2.7, 67.4.4, 68.2.3, 68.10, 68.15, 68.17, 68.17.1, 68.18, 68.19.1, 68.19, 68.20, 68.21, 68.22, 68.23, 68.24, 68.25, 68.26, 68.27, 68.28, 68.29, 68.30, 68.31, 69.2.5, 72.8, 73.15.3, 77.7.2, 78.1.2, 6161.6.1, 6263.1, 6263.2, 6263.3, 6263.4, 6263.5, 6263.6, 6263.7, 7372.9.1, 7372.9.3, 7372.9.4, 7372.10.1, 7372.12.1, 7877.1.4, 7877.12.1, 8079.1.2-2.6, 8079.1, 8079.2, 8079.3, 8079.4, 8079.5, 8079.6, 8079.7.4, 8079.7, 8079.8, 8079.9, 8079.10, 8079.11, 8079.12, 8079.13, 8079.14, 8079.15, 8079.16, 8079.17, 8079.18, 8079.19, 8079.20, 8079.21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 234 |
| 222. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 3.4, 20.2, 33.1, 42.4, 43.3, 45.6, 46.1, 47.4-47.5, 49.4-49.5, 51.4-51.5, 52.4, 56.1, 62.9, 66.1, 80.3-80.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 107, 108; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 26, 47, 50, 80; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245 |
| 223. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 13.586d, 12.542d (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
224. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.5.1-3.5.9, 6.16, 6.16.4, 6.20, 10.96-10.97, 10.97.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (roman emperor) •nero, emperor •nero; bad emperor Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 139; Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 46; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 1, 87; Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 17; de Ste. Croix et al., Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy (2006) 111 | 3.5.2. Does it surprise you that a busy man found time to finish so many volumes, many of which deal with such minute details? You will wonder the more when I tell you that he for many years pleaded in the law courts, that he died in his fifty-seventh year, and that in the interval his time was taken up and his studies were hindered by the important offices he held and the duties arising out of his friendship with the Emperors. But he possessed a keen intellect; he had a marvellous capacity for work, and his powers of application were enormous. He used to begin to study at night on the Festival of Vulcan, not for luck but from his love of study, long before dawn; in winter he would commence at the seventh hour or at the eighth at the very latest, and often at the sixth. He could sleep at call, and it would come upon him and leave him in the middle of his work. Before daybreak he would go to Vespasian — for he too was a night-worker — and then set about his official duties. On his return home he would again give to study any time that he had free. often in summer after taking a meal, which with him, as in the old days, was always a simple and light one, he would lie in the sun if he had any time to spare, and a book would be read aloud, from which he would take notes and extracts. For he never read without taking extracts, and used to say that there never was a book so bad that it was not good in some passage or another. After his sun bath he usually bathed in cold water, then he took a snack and a brief nap, and subsequently, as though another day had begun, he would study till dinner-time. After dinner a book would be read aloud, and he would take notes in a cursory way. I remember that one of his friends, when the reader pronounced a word wrongly, checked him and made him read it again, and my uncle said to him, "Did you not catch the meaning?" When his friend said "yes," he remarked, "Why then did you make him turn back? We have lost more than ten lines through your interruption." So jealous was he of every moment lost. 6.16. To Tacitus: You ask me to send you an account of my uncle's death, so that you may be able to give posterity an accurate description of it. I am much obliged to you, for I can see that the immortality of his fame is well assured, if you take in hand to write of it. For although he perished in a disaster which devastated some of the fairest regions of the land, and though he is sure of eternal remembrance like the peoples and cities that fell with him in that memorable calamity, though too he had written a large number of works of lasting value, yet the undying fame of which your writings are assured will secure for his a still further lease of life. For my own part, I think that those people are highly favoured by Providence who are capable either of performing deeds worthy of the historian's pen or of writing histories worthy of being read, but that they are peculiarly favoured who can do both. Among the latter I may class my uncle, thanks to his own writings and to yours. So I am all the more ready to fulfil your injunctions, nay, I am even prepared to beg to be allowed to undertake them. 6.16. To Tacitus. You ask me to send you an account of my uncle's death, so that you may be able to give posterity an accurate description of it. I am much obliged to you, for I can see that the immortality of his fame is well assured, if you take in hand to write of it. For although he perished in a disaster which devastated some of the fairest regions of the land, and though he is sure of eternal remembrance like the peoples and cities that fell with him in that memorable calamity, though too he had written a large number of works of lasting value, yet the undying fame of which your writings are assured will secure for his a still further lease of life. For my own part, I think that those people are highly favoured by Providence who are capable either of performing deeds worthy of the historian's pen or of writing histories worthy of being read, but that they are peculiarly favoured who can do both. Among the latter I may class my uncle, thanks to his own writings and to yours. So I am all the more ready to fulfil your injunctions, nay, I am even prepared to beg to be allowed to undertake them. My uncle was stationed at Misenum, where he was in active command of the fleet, with full powers. On the 24th of August *, about the seventh hour, my mother drew his attention to the fact that a cloud of unusual size and shape had made its appearance. He had been out in the sun, followed by a cold bath, and after a light meal he was lying down and reading. Yet he called for his sandals, and climbed up to a spot from which he could command a good view of the curious phenomenon. Those who were looking at the cloud from some distance could not make out from which mountain it was rising - it was afterwards discovered to have been Mount Vesuvius - but in likeness and form it more closely resembled a pine-tree than anything else, for what corresponded to the trunk was of great length and height, and then spread out into a number of branches, the reason being, I imagine, that while the vapour was fresh, the cloud was borne upwards, but when the vapour became wasted, it lost its motion, or even became dissipated by its own weight, and spread out laterally. At times it looked white, and at other times dirty and spotted, according to the quantity of earth and cinders that were shot up. To a man of my uncle's learning, the phenomenon appeared one of great importance, which deserved a closer study. He ordered a Liburnian galley to be got ready, and offered to take me with him, if I desired to accompany him, but I replied that I preferred to go on with my studies, and it so happened that he had assigned me some writing to do. He was just leaving the house when he received a written message from Rectina, the wife of Tascus, who was terrified at the peril threatening her - for her villa lay just beneath the mountain, and there were no means of escape save by shipboard - begging him to save her from her perilous position. So he changed his plans, and carried out with the greatest fortitude the task, which he had started as a scholarly inquiry. He had the galleys launched and went on board himself, in the hope of succouring, not only Rectina, but many others, for there were a number of people living along the shore owing to its delightful situation. He hastened, therefore, towards the place whence others were fleeing, and steering a direct course, kept the helm straight for the point of danger, so utterly devoid of fear that every movement of the looming portent and every change in its appearance he described and had noted down by his secretary, as soon as his eyes detected it. Already ashes were beginning to fall upon the ships, hotter and in thicker showers as they approached more nearly, with pumice-stones and black flints, charred and cracked by the heat of the flames, while their way was barred by the sudden shoaling of the sea bottom and the litter of the mountain on the shore. He hesitated for a moment whether to turn back, and then, when the helmsman warned him to do so, he exclaimed, "Fortune favours the bold ; try to reach Pomponianus." The latter was at Stabiae, separated by the whole width of the bay, for the sea there pours in upon a gently rounded and curving shore. Although the danger was not yet close upon him, it was none the less clearly seen, and it travelled quickly as it came nearer, so Pomponianus had got his baggage together on shipboard, and had determined upon flight, and was waiting for the wind which was blowing on shore to fall. My uncle sailed in with the wind fair behind him, and embraced Pomponianus, who was in a state of fright, comforting and cheering him at the same time. Then in order to calm his friend's fears by showing how composed he was himself, he ordered the servants to carry him to the bath, and, after his ablutions, he sat down and had dinner in the best of spirits, or with that assumption of good spirits which is quite as remarkable as the reality. In the meantime broad sheets of flame, which rose high in the air, were breaking out in a number of places on Mount Vesuvius and lighting up the sky, and the glare and brightness seemed all the more striking owing to the darkness of the night. My uncle, in order to allay the fear of his companions, kept declaring that the country people in their terror had left their fires burning, and that the conflagration they saw arose from the blazing and empty villas. Then he betook himself to rest and enjoyed a very deep sleep, for his breathing, which, owing to his bulk, was rather heavy and loud, was heard by those who were waiting at the door of his chamber. But by this time the courtyard leading to the room he occupied was so full of ashes and pumice-stones mingled together, and covered to such a depth, that if he had delayed any longer in the bedchamber there would have been no means of escape. So my uncle was aroused, and came out and joined Pomponianus and the rest who had been keeping watch. They held a consultation whether they should remain indoors or wander forth in the open; for the buildings were beginning to shake with the repeated and intensely severe shocks of earthquake, and seemed to be rocking to and fro as though they had been torn from their foundations. Outside again there was danger to be apprehended from the pumice-stones, though these were light and nearly burnt through, and thus, after weighing the two perils, the latter course was determined upon. With my uncle it was a choice of reasons which prevailed, with the rest a choice of fears. They placed pillows on their heads and secured them with cloths, as a precaution against the falling bodies. Elsewhere the day had dawned by this time, but there it was still night, and the darkness was blacker and thicker than any ordinary night. This, however, they relieved as best they could by a number of torches and other kinds of lights. They decided to make their way to the shore, and to see from the nearest point whether the sea would enable them to put out, but it was still running high and contrary. A sheet was spread on the ground, and on this my uncle lay, and twice he called for a draught of cold water, which he drank. Then the flames, and the smell of sulphur which gave warning of them, scattered the others in flight and roused him. Leaning on two slaves, he rose to his feet and immediately fell down again, owing, as I think, to his breathing being obstructed by the thickness of the fumes and congestion of the stomach, that organ being naturally weak and narrow, and subject to inflammation. When daylight returned - two days after the last day he had seen - his body was found untouched, uninjured, and covered, dressed just as he had been in life. The corpse suggested a person asleep rather than a dead man. Meanwhile my mother and I were at Misenum. But that is of no consequence for the purposes of history, nor indeed did you express a wish to be told of anything except of my uncle's death. So I will say no more, except to add that I have given you a full account both of the incidents which I myself witnessed and of those narrated to me immediately afterwards, when, as a rule, one gets the truest account of what has happened. You will pick out what you think will answer your purpose best, for to write a letter is a different thing from writing a history, and to write to a friend is not like writing to all and sundry. Farewell. 6.16.4. My uncle was stationed at Misenum, where he was in active command of the fleet, with full powers. On the 24th of August, about the seventh hour, my mother drew his attention to the fact that a cloud of unusual size and shape had made its appearance. He had been out in the sun, followed by a cold bath, and after a light meal he was lying down and reading. Yet he called for his sandals, and climbed up to a spot from which he could command a good view of the curious phenomenon. Those who were looking at the cloud from some distance could not make out from which mountain it was rising - it was afterwards discovered to have been Mount Vesuvius - but in likeness and form it more closely resembled a pine-tree than anything else, for what corresponded to the trunk was of great length and height, and then spread out into a number of branches, the reason being, I imagine, that while the vapour was fresh, the cloud was borne upwards, but when the vapour became wasted, it lost its motion, or even became dissipated by its own weight, and spread out laterally. At times it looked white, and at other times dirty and spotted, according to the quantity of earth and cinders that were shot up. To a man of my uncle's learning, the phenomenon appeared one of great importance, which deserved a closer study. He ordered a Liburnian galley to be got ready, and offered to take me with him, if I desired to accompany him, but I replied that I preferred to go on with my studies, and it so happened that he had assigned me some writing to do. He was just leaving the house when he received a written message from Rectina, the wife of Tascus, who was terrified at the peril threatening her - for her villa lay just beneath the mountain, and there were no means of escape save by shipboard - begging him to save her from her perilous position. So he changed his plans, and carried out with the greatest fortitude the task, which he had started as a scholarly inquiry. He had the galleys launched and went on board himself, in the hope of succouring, not only Rectina, but many others, for there were a number of people living along the shore owing to its delightful situation. He hastened, therefore, towards the place whence others were fleeing, and steering a direct course, kept the helm straight for the point of danger, so utterly devoid of fear that every movement of the looming portent and every change in its appearance he described and had noted down by his secretary, as soon as his eyes detected it. 6.20. To Tacitus: You say that the letter which I wrote to you at your request, describing the death of my uncle, has made you anxious to know not only the terrors, but also the distress I suffered while I remained behind at Misenum. I had indeed started to tell you of these, but then broke off. Well, "though my mind shudders at the recollection, I will essay the task". After my uncle had set out I employed the remainder of the time with my studies, for I had stayed behind for that very purpose. Afterwards I had a bath, dined, and then took a brief and restless sleep. For many days previous there had been slight shocks of earthquake, which were not particularly alarming, because they are common enough in Campania. But on that night the shocks were so intense that everything round us seemed not only to be disturbed, but to be tottering to its fall. My mother rushed into my bedchamber, just as I myself was getting up in order to arouse her if she was still sleeping. We sat down in the courtyard of the house, which was of smallish size and lay between the sea and the buildings. I don't know whether my behaviour should be called courageous or rash - for I was only in my eighteenth year - but I called for a volume of Titus Livius, and read it, as though I were perfectly at my ease, and went on making my usual extracts. Then a friend of my uncle's, who had but a little time before come to join him from Spain, on seeing my mother and myself sitting there and me reading, upbraided her for her patience and me for my indifference, but I paid no heed, and pored over my book. It was now the first hour of the day, but the light was still faint and weak. The buildings all round us were beginning to totter, and, though we were in the open, the courtyard was so narrow that we were greatly afraid, and indeed sure of being overwhelmed by their fall. So that decided us to leave the town. We were followed by a distracted crowd, which, when in a panic, always prefers someone else's judgment to its own as the most prudent course to adopt, and when we set out these people came crowding in masses upon us, and pressed and urged us forward. We came to a halt when we had passed beyond the buildings, and underwent there many wonderful experiences and terrors. For although the ground was perfectly level, the vehicles which we had ordered to be brought with us began to sway to and fro, and though they were wedged with stones, we could not keep them still in their places. Moreover, we saw the sea drawn back upon itself, and, as it were, repelled by the quaking of the earth. The shore certainly was greatly widened, and many marine creatures were stranded on the dry sands. On the other side, the black, fearsome cloud of fiery vapour burst into long, twisting, zigzag flames and gaped asunder, the flames resembling lightning flashes, only they were of greater size. Then indeed my uncle's Spanish friend exclaimed sharply, and with an air of command, to my mother and me, "If your brother and your uncle is still alive, he will be anxious for you to save yourselves; if he is dead, I am sure he wished you to survive him. Come, why do you hesitate to quit this place?" We replied that we could not think of looking after our own safety while we were uncertain of his. He then waited no longer, but tore away as fast as he could and got clear of danger. Soon afterwards the cloud descended upon the earth, and covered the whole bay; it encircled Capri and hid it from sight, and we could no longer see the promontory of Misenum. Then my mother prayed, entreated, and commanded me to fly as best I could, saying that I was young and could escape, while she was old and infirm, and would not fear to die, if only she knew that she had not been the cause of my death. I replied that I would not save myself unless I could save her too, and so, after taking tight hold of her hand, I forced her to quicken her steps. She reluctantly obeyed, accusing herself for retarding my flight. Then the ashes began to fall, but not thickly: I looked back, and a dense blackness was rolling up behind us, which spread itself over the ground and followed like a torrent. "Let us turn aside," I said, "while we can still see, lest we be thrown down in the road and trampled on in the darkness by the thronging crowd." We were considering what to do, when the blackness of night overtook us, not that of a moonless or cloudy night, but the blackness of pent-up places which never see the light. You could hear the wailing of women, the screams of little children, and the shouts of men; some were trying to find their parents, others their children, others their wives, by calling for them and recognising them by their voices alone. Some were commiserating their own lot, others that of their relatives, while some again prayed for death in sheer terror of dying. Many were lifting up their hands to the gods, but more were declaring that now there were no more gods, and that this night would last for ever, and the end of all the world. Nor were there wanting those who added to the real perils by inventing new and false terrors, for some said that part of Misenum was in ruins and the rest in flames, and though the tale was untrue, it found ready believers. A gleam of light now appeared, which seemed to us not so much daylight as a token of the approaching fire. The latter remained at a distance, but the darkness came on again, and the ashes once more fell thickly and heavily. We had to keep rising and shaking the latter off us, or we should have been buried by them and crushed by their weight. I might boast that not one groan or cowardly exclamation escaped my lips, despite these perils, had I not believed that I and the world were perishing together - a miserable consolation, indeed, yet one which a mortal creature finds very soothing. At length the blackness became less dense, and dissipated as it were into smoke and cloud; then came the real light of day, and the sun shone out, but as blood-red as it appears at its setting. Our still trembling eyes saw that everything had been transformed, and covered with a deep layer of ashes, like snow. Making our way back to Misenum, we refreshed our bodies as best we could, and passed an anxious, troubled night, hovering between hope and fear. But our fears were uppermost, for the shocks of earthquake still continued, and several persons, driven frantic by dreadful prophecies, made sport of their own calamities and those of others. For our own part, though we had already passed through perils, and expected still more to come, we had no idea even then of leaving the town until we got news of my uncle. You will not read these details, which are not up to the dignity of history, as though you were about to incorporate them in your writings, and if they seem to you to be hardly worth being made the subject of a letter, you must take the blame yourself, inasmuch as you insisted on having them. Farewell 6.20. To Tacitus. You say that the letter which I wrote to you at your request, describing the death of my uncle, * has made you anxious to know not only the terrors, but also the distress I suffered while I remained behind at Misenum. I had indeed started to tell you of these, but then broke off. Well, "though my mind shudders at the recollection, I will essay the task". ** After my uncle had set out I employed the remainder of the time with my studies, for I had stayed behind for that very purpose. Afterwards I had a bath, dined, and then took a brief and restless sleep. For many days previous there had been slight shocks of earthquake, which were not particularly alarming, because they are common enough in Campania. But on that night the shocks were so intense that everything round us seemed not only to be disturbed, but to be tottering to its fall. My mother rushed into my bedchamber, just as I myself was getting up in order to arouse her if she was still sleeping. We sat down in the courtyard of the house, which was of smallish size and lay between the sea and the buildings. I don't know whether my behaviour should be called courageous or rash - for I was only in my eighteenth year - but I called for a volume of Titus Livius, and read it, as though I were perfectly at my ease, and went on making my usual extracts. Then a friend of my uncle's, who had but a little time before come to join him from Spain, on seeing my mother and myself sitting there and me reading, upbraided her for her patience and me for my indifference, but I paid no heed, and pored over my book. It was now the first hour of the day, but the light was still faint and weak. The buildings all round us were beginning to totter, and, though we were in the open, the courtyard was so narrow that we were greatly afraid, and indeed sure of being overwhelmed by their fall. So that decided us to leave the town. We were followed by a distracted crowd, which, when in a panic, always prefers someone else's judgment to its own as the most prudent course to adopt, and when we set out these people came crowding in masses upon us, and pressed and urged us forward. We came to a halt when we had passed beyond the buildings, and underwent there many wonderful experiences and terrors. For although the ground was perfectly level, the vehicles which we had ordered to be brought with us began to sway to and fro, and though they were wedged with stones, we could not keep them still in their places. Moreover, we saw the sea drawn back upon itself, and, as it were, repelled by the quaking of the earth. The shore certainly was greatly widened, and many marine creatures were stranded on the dry sands. On the other side, the black, fearsome cloud of fiery vapour burst into long, twisting, zigzag flames and gaped asunder, the flames resembling lightning flashes, only they were of greater size. Then indeed my uncle's Spanish friend exclaimed sharply, and with an air of command, to my mother and me, "If your brother and your uncle is still alive, he will be anxious for you to save yourselves; if he is dead, I am sure he wished you to survive him. Come, why do you hesitate to quit this place?" We replied that we could not think of looking after our own safety while we were uncertain of his. He then waited no longer, but tore away as fast as he could and got clear of danger. Soon afterwards the cloud descended upon the earth, and covered the whole bay ; it encircled Capri and hid it from sight, and we could no longer see the promontory of Misenum. Then my mother prayed, entreated, and commanded me to fly as best I could, saying that I was young and could escape, while she was old and infirm, and would not fear to die, if only she knew that she had not been the cause of my death. I replied that I would not save myself unless I could save her too, and so, after taking tight hold of her hand, I forced her to quicken her steps. She reluctantly obeyed, accusing herself for retarding my flight. Then the ashes began to fall, but not thickly A gleam of light now appeared, which seemed to us not so much daylight as a token of the approaching fire. The latter remained at a distance, but the darkness came on again, and the ashes once more fell thickly and heavily. We had to keep rising and shaking the latter off us, or we should have been buried by them and crushed by their weight. I might boast that not one groan or cowardly exclamation escaped my lips, despite these perils, had I not believed that I and the world were perishing together - a miserable consolation, indeed, yet one which a mortal creature finds very soothing. At length the blackness became less dense, and dissipated as it were into smoke and cloud ; then came the real light of day, and the sun shone out, but as blood-red as it appears at its setting. Our still trembling eyes saw that everything had been transformed, and covered with a deep layer of ashes, like snow. Making our way back to Misenum, we refreshed our bodies as best we could, and passed an anxious, troubled night, hovering between hope and fear. But our fears were uppermost, for the shocks of earthquake still continued, and several persons, driven frantic by dreadful prophecies, made sport of their own calamities and those of others. For our own part, though we had already passed through perils, and expected still more to come, we had no idea even then of leaving the town until we got news of my uncle. You will not read these details, which are not up to the dignity of history, as though you were about to incorporate them in your writings, and if they seem to you to be hardly worth being made the subject of a letter, you must take the blame yourself, inasmuch as you insisted on having them. Farewell 0 10.96. To Trajan: It is my custom, Sir, to refer to you in all cases where I do not feel sure, for who can better direct my doubts or inform my ignorance? I have never been present at any legal examination of the Christians, and I do not know, therefore, what are the usual penalties passed upon them, or the limits of those penalties, or how searching an inquiry should be made. I have hesitated a great deal in considering whether any distinctions should be drawn according to the ages of the accused; whether the weak should be punished as severely as the more robust; whether if they renounce their faith they should be pardoned, or whether the man who has once been a Christian should gain nothing by recanting; whether the name itself, even though otherwise innocent of crime, should be punished, or only the crimes that gather round it. 10.96. In the meantime, this is the plan which I have adopted in the case of those Christians who have been brought before me. I ask them whether they are Christians; if they say yes, then I repeat the question a second and a third time, warning them of the penalties it entails, and if they still persist, I order them to be taken away to prison. For I do not doubt that, whatever the character of the crime may be which they confess, their pertinacity and inflexible obstinacy certainly ought to be punished. There were others who showed similar mad folly whom I reserved to be sent to Rome, as they were Roman citizens. Subsequently, as is usually the way, the very fact of my taking up this question led to a great increase of accusations, and a variety of cases were brought before me. A pamphlet was issued anonymously, containing the names of a number of people. Those who denied that they were or had been Christians and called upon the gods in the usual formula, reciting the words after me, those who offered incense and wine before your image, which I had given orders to be brought forward for this purpose, together with the statues of the deities - all such I considered should be discharged, especially as they cursed the name of Christ, which, it is said, those who are really Christians cannot be induced to do. Others, whose names were given me by an informer, first said that they were Christians and afterwards denied it, declaring that they had been but were so no longer, some of them having recanted many years before, and more than one so long as twenty years back. They all worshipped your image and the statues of the deities, and cursed the name of Christ. But they declared that the sum of their guilt or their error only amounted to this, that on a stated day they had been accustomed to meet before daybreak and to recite a hymn among themselves to Christ, as though he were a god, and that so far from binding themselves by oath to commit any crime, their oath was to abstain from theft, robbery, adultery, and from breach of faith, and not to deny trust money placed in their keeping when called upon to deliver it. When this ceremony was concluded, it had been their custom to depart and meet again to take food, but it was of no special character and quite harmless, and they had ceased this practice after the edict in which, in accordance with your orders, I had forbidden all secret societies. † I thought it the more necessary, therefore, to find out what truth there was in these statements by submitting two women, who were called deaconesses, to the torture, but I found nothing but a debased superstition carried to great lengths. So I postponed my examination, and immediately consulted you. The matter seems to me worthy of your consideration, especially as there are so many people involved in the danger. Many persons of all ages, and of both sexes alike, are being brought into peril of their lives by their accusers, and the process will go on. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through the free cities, but into the villages and the rural districts, and yet it seems to me that it can be checked and set right. It is beyond doubt that the temples, which have been almost deserted, are beginning again to be thronged with worshippers, that the sacred rites which have for a long time been allowed to lapse are now being renewed, and that the food for the sacrificial victims is once more finding a sale, whereas, up to recently, a buyer was hardly to be found. From this it is easy to infer what vast numbers of people might be reclaimed, if only they were given an opportunity of repentance. 10.97. Trajan to Pliny: You have adopted the proper course, my dear Pliny, in examining into the cases of those who have been denounced to you as Christians, for no hard and fast rule can be laid down to meet a question of such wide extent. The Christians are not to be hunted out ; if they are brought before you and the offence is proved, they are to be punished, but with this reservation - that if any one denies that he is a Christian and makes it clear that he is not, by offering prayers to our deities, then he is to be pardoned because of his recantation, however suspicious his past conduct may have been. But pamphlets published anonymously must not carry any weight whatever, no matter what the charge may be, for they are not only a precedent of the very worst type, but they are not in consoce with the spirit of our age. |
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| 225. Philostratus The Athenian, Nero, 8-9 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 166 |
226. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.5.1-3.5.9, 3.18.2, 5.19.3, 6.16, 6.16.4, 6.20-6.21, 6.34, 7.4.2, 7.11.4, 7.17, 9.36.4, 10.96-10.97, 10.97.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero (roman emperor) •nero, emperor •nero; bad emperor Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 98, 108; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 139; Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 46; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 536; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 1, 87; Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 17; de Ste. Croix et al., Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy (2006) 111 | 3.5.2. Does it surprise you that a busy man found time to finish so many volumes, many of which deal with such minute details? You will wonder the more when I tell you that he for many years pleaded in the law courts, that he died in his fifty-seventh year, and that in the interval his time was taken up and his studies were hindered by the important offices he held and the duties arising out of his friendship with the Emperors. But he possessed a keen intellect; he had a marvellous capacity for work, and his powers of application were enormous. He used to begin to study at night on the Festival of Vulcan, not for luck but from his love of study, long before dawn; in winter he would commence at the seventh hour or at the eighth at the very latest, and often at the sixth. He could sleep at call, and it would come upon him and leave him in the middle of his work. Before daybreak he would go to Vespasian — for he too was a night-worker — and then set about his official duties. On his return home he would again give to study any time that he had free. often in summer after taking a meal, which with him, as in the old days, was always a simple and light one, he would lie in the sun if he had any time to spare, and a book would be read aloud, from which he would take notes and extracts. For he never read without taking extracts, and used to say that there never was a book so bad that it was not good in some passage or another. After his sun bath he usually bathed in cold water, then he took a snack and a brief nap, and subsequently, as though another day had begun, he would study till dinner-time. After dinner a book would be read aloud, and he would take notes in a cursory way. I remember that one of his friends, when the reader pronounced a word wrongly, checked him and made him read it again, and my uncle said to him, "Did you not catch the meaning?" When his friend said "yes," he remarked, "Why then did you make him turn back? We have lost more than ten lines through your interruption." So jealous was he of every moment lost. 3.18.2. But I have been more than a little pleased to find that when I proposed to give a public reading of this speech, my friends, whom I invited not by letters and personal notes, but in general terms, such as "if you find it convenient," or "if you have plenty of time" — for no one has ever plenty of time at Rome, nor is it ever convenient to listen to a recital — attended two days running, in spite of shockingly bad weather, and when my modesty would have brought the recital to an end, they forced me to continue it for another day. Am I to take this as a compliment to myself or to learning? I should prefer to think to the latter, for learning, after having almost drooped to death, is now reviving a little. Yet consider the subject which occasioned all this enthusiasm! Why, in the Senate, when we had to listen to these panegyrics we used to be bored to death after the first moment; yet now there are people to be found who are willing to read and listen to the readings for three days, not because the subject is dealt with more eloquently than before, but because it is treated with greater freedom, and therefore the work is more willingly undertaken. This will be another feather in the cap of our Emperor, that those speeches which used to be as odious as they were unreal are now as popular as they are true to facts. 6.16. To Tacitus: You ask me to send you an account of my uncle's death, so that you may be able to give posterity an accurate description of it. I am much obliged to you, for I can see that the immortality of his fame is well assured, if you take in hand to write of it. For although he perished in a disaster which devastated some of the fairest regions of the land, and though he is sure of eternal remembrance like the peoples and cities that fell with him in that memorable calamity, though too he had written a large number of works of lasting value, yet the undying fame of which your writings are assured will secure for his a still further lease of life. For my own part, I think that those people are highly favoured by Providence who are capable either of performing deeds worthy of the historian's pen or of writing histories worthy of being read, but that they are peculiarly favoured who can do both. Among the latter I may class my uncle, thanks to his own writings and to yours. So I am all the more ready to fulfil your injunctions, nay, I am even prepared to beg to be allowed to undertake them. 6.16. To Tacitus. You ask me to send you an account of my uncle's death, so that you may be able to give posterity an accurate description of it. I am much obliged to you, for I can see that the immortality of his fame is well assured, if you take in hand to write of it. For although he perished in a disaster which devastated some of the fairest regions of the land, and though he is sure of eternal remembrance like the peoples and cities that fell with him in that memorable calamity, though too he had written a large number of works of lasting value, yet the undying fame of which your writings are assured will secure for his a still further lease of life. For my own part, I think that those people are highly favoured by Providence who are capable either of performing deeds worthy of the historian's pen or of writing histories worthy of being read, but that they are peculiarly favoured who can do both. Among the latter I may class my uncle, thanks to his own writings and to yours. So I am all the more ready to fulfil your injunctions, nay, I am even prepared to beg to be allowed to undertake them. My uncle was stationed at Misenum, where he was in active command of the fleet, with full powers. On the 24th of August *, about the seventh hour, my mother drew his attention to the fact that a cloud of unusual size and shape had made its appearance. He had been out in the sun, followed by a cold bath, and after a light meal he was lying down and reading. Yet he called for his sandals, and climbed up to a spot from which he could command a good view of the curious phenomenon. Those who were looking at the cloud from some distance could not make out from which mountain it was rising - it was afterwards discovered to have been Mount Vesuvius - but in likeness and form it more closely resembled a pine-tree than anything else, for what corresponded to the trunk was of great length and height, and then spread out into a number of branches, the reason being, I imagine, that while the vapour was fresh, the cloud was borne upwards, but when the vapour became wasted, it lost its motion, or even became dissipated by its own weight, and spread out laterally. At times it looked white, and at other times dirty and spotted, according to the quantity of earth and cinders that were shot up. To a man of my uncle's learning, the phenomenon appeared one of great importance, which deserved a closer study. He ordered a Liburnian galley to be got ready, and offered to take me with him, if I desired to accompany him, but I replied that I preferred to go on with my studies, and it so happened that he had assigned me some writing to do. He was just leaving the house when he received a written message from Rectina, the wife of Tascus, who was terrified at the peril threatening her - for her villa lay just beneath the mountain, and there were no means of escape save by shipboard - begging him to save her from her perilous position. So he changed his plans, and carried out with the greatest fortitude the task, which he had started as a scholarly inquiry. He had the galleys launched and went on board himself, in the hope of succouring, not only Rectina, but many others, for there were a number of people living along the shore owing to its delightful situation. He hastened, therefore, towards the place whence others were fleeing, and steering a direct course, kept the helm straight for the point of danger, so utterly devoid of fear that every movement of the looming portent and every change in its appearance he described and had noted down by his secretary, as soon as his eyes detected it. Already ashes were beginning to fall upon the ships, hotter and in thicker showers as they approached more nearly, with pumice-stones and black flints, charred and cracked by the heat of the flames, while their way was barred by the sudden shoaling of the sea bottom and the litter of the mountain on the shore. He hesitated for a moment whether to turn back, and then, when the helmsman warned him to do so, he exclaimed, "Fortune favours the bold ; try to reach Pomponianus." The latter was at Stabiae, separated by the whole width of the bay, for the sea there pours in upon a gently rounded and curving shore. Although the danger was not yet close upon him, it was none the less clearly seen, and it travelled quickly as it came nearer, so Pomponianus had got his baggage together on shipboard, and had determined upon flight, and was waiting for the wind which was blowing on shore to fall. My uncle sailed in with the wind fair behind him, and embraced Pomponianus, who was in a state of fright, comforting and cheering him at the same time. Then in order to calm his friend's fears by showing how composed he was himself, he ordered the servants to carry him to the bath, and, after his ablutions, he sat down and had dinner in the best of spirits, or with that assumption of good spirits which is quite as remarkable as the reality. In the meantime broad sheets of flame, which rose high in the air, were breaking out in a number of places on Mount Vesuvius and lighting up the sky, and the glare and brightness seemed all the more striking owing to the darkness of the night. My uncle, in order to allay the fear of his companions, kept declaring that the country people in their terror had left their fires burning, and that the conflagration they saw arose from the blazing and empty villas. Then he betook himself to rest and enjoyed a very deep sleep, for his breathing, which, owing to his bulk, was rather heavy and loud, was heard by those who were waiting at the door of his chamber. But by this time the courtyard leading to the room he occupied was so full of ashes and pumice-stones mingled together, and covered to such a depth, that if he had delayed any longer in the bedchamber there would have been no means of escape. So my uncle was aroused, and came out and joined Pomponianus and the rest who had been keeping watch. They held a consultation whether they should remain indoors or wander forth in the open; for the buildings were beginning to shake with the repeated and intensely severe shocks of earthquake, and seemed to be rocking to and fro as though they had been torn from their foundations. Outside again there was danger to be apprehended from the pumice-stones, though these were light and nearly burnt through, and thus, after weighing the two perils, the latter course was determined upon. With my uncle it was a choice of reasons which prevailed, with the rest a choice of fears. They placed pillows on their heads and secured them with cloths, as a precaution against the falling bodies. Elsewhere the day had dawned by this time, but there it was still night, and the darkness was blacker and thicker than any ordinary night. This, however, they relieved as best they could by a number of torches and other kinds of lights. They decided to make their way to the shore, and to see from the nearest point whether the sea would enable them to put out, but it was still running high and contrary. A sheet was spread on the ground, and on this my uncle lay, and twice he called for a draught of cold water, which he drank. Then the flames, and the smell of sulphur which gave warning of them, scattered the others in flight and roused him. Leaning on two slaves, he rose to his feet and immediately fell down again, owing, as I think, to his breathing being obstructed by the thickness of the fumes and congestion of the stomach, that organ being naturally weak and narrow, and subject to inflammation. When daylight returned - two days after the last day he had seen - his body was found untouched, uninjured, and covered, dressed just as he had been in life. The corpse suggested a person asleep rather than a dead man. Meanwhile my mother and I were at Misenum. But that is of no consequence for the purposes of history, nor indeed did you express a wish to be told of anything except of my uncle's death. So I will say no more, except to add that I have given you a full account both of the incidents which I myself witnessed and of those narrated to me immediately afterwards, when, as a rule, one gets the truest account of what has happened. You will pick out what you think will answer your purpose best, for to write a letter is a different thing from writing a history, and to write to a friend is not like writing to all and sundry. Farewell. 6.16.4. My uncle was stationed at Misenum, where he was in active command of the fleet, with full powers. On the 24th of August, about the seventh hour, my mother drew his attention to the fact that a cloud of unusual size and shape had made its appearance. He had been out in the sun, followed by a cold bath, and after a light meal he was lying down and reading. Yet he called for his sandals, and climbed up to a spot from which he could command a good view of the curious phenomenon. Those who were looking at the cloud from some distance could not make out from which mountain it was rising - it was afterwards discovered to have been Mount Vesuvius - but in likeness and form it more closely resembled a pine-tree than anything else, for what corresponded to the trunk was of great length and height, and then spread out into a number of branches, the reason being, I imagine, that while the vapour was fresh, the cloud was borne upwards, but when the vapour became wasted, it lost its motion, or even became dissipated by its own weight, and spread out laterally. At times it looked white, and at other times dirty and spotted, according to the quantity of earth and cinders that were shot up. To a man of my uncle's learning, the phenomenon appeared one of great importance, which deserved a closer study. He ordered a Liburnian galley to be got ready, and offered to take me with him, if I desired to accompany him, but I replied that I preferred to go on with my studies, and it so happened that he had assigned me some writing to do. He was just leaving the house when he received a written message from Rectina, the wife of Tascus, who was terrified at the peril threatening her - for her villa lay just beneath the mountain, and there were no means of escape save by shipboard - begging him to save her from her perilous position. So he changed his plans, and carried out with the greatest fortitude the task, which he had started as a scholarly inquiry. He had the galleys launched and went on board himself, in the hope of succouring, not only Rectina, but many others, for there were a number of people living along the shore owing to its delightful situation. He hastened, therefore, towards the place whence others were fleeing, and steering a direct course, kept the helm straight for the point of danger, so utterly devoid of fear that every movement of the looming portent and every change in its appearance he described and had noted down by his secretary, as soon as his eyes detected it. 6.20. To Tacitus: You say that the letter which I wrote to you at your request, describing the death of my uncle, has made you anxious to know not only the terrors, but also the distress I suffered while I remained behind at Misenum. I had indeed started to tell you of these, but then broke off. Well, "though my mind shudders at the recollection, I will essay the task". After my uncle had set out I employed the remainder of the time with my studies, for I had stayed behind for that very purpose. Afterwards I had a bath, dined, and then took a brief and restless sleep. For many days previous there had been slight shocks of earthquake, which were not particularly alarming, because they are common enough in Campania. But on that night the shocks were so intense that everything round us seemed not only to be disturbed, but to be tottering to its fall. My mother rushed into my bedchamber, just as I myself was getting up in order to arouse her if she was still sleeping. We sat down in the courtyard of the house, which was of smallish size and lay between the sea and the buildings. I don't know whether my behaviour should be called courageous or rash - for I was only in my eighteenth year - but I called for a volume of Titus Livius, and read it, as though I were perfectly at my ease, and went on making my usual extracts. Then a friend of my uncle's, who had but a little time before come to join him from Spain, on seeing my mother and myself sitting there and me reading, upbraided her for her patience and me for my indifference, but I paid no heed, and pored over my book. It was now the first hour of the day, but the light was still faint and weak. The buildings all round us were beginning to totter, and, though we were in the open, the courtyard was so narrow that we were greatly afraid, and indeed sure of being overwhelmed by their fall. So that decided us to leave the town. We were followed by a distracted crowd, which, when in a panic, always prefers someone else's judgment to its own as the most prudent course to adopt, and when we set out these people came crowding in masses upon us, and pressed and urged us forward. We came to a halt when we had passed beyond the buildings, and underwent there many wonderful experiences and terrors. For although the ground was perfectly level, the vehicles which we had ordered to be brought with us began to sway to and fro, and though they were wedged with stones, we could not keep them still in their places. Moreover, we saw the sea drawn back upon itself, and, as it were, repelled by the quaking of the earth. The shore certainly was greatly widened, and many marine creatures were stranded on the dry sands. On the other side, the black, fearsome cloud of fiery vapour burst into long, twisting, zigzag flames and gaped asunder, the flames resembling lightning flashes, only they were of greater size. Then indeed my uncle's Spanish friend exclaimed sharply, and with an air of command, to my mother and me, "If your brother and your uncle is still alive, he will be anxious for you to save yourselves; if he is dead, I am sure he wished you to survive him. Come, why do you hesitate to quit this place?" We replied that we could not think of looking after our own safety while we were uncertain of his. He then waited no longer, but tore away as fast as he could and got clear of danger. Soon afterwards the cloud descended upon the earth, and covered the whole bay; it encircled Capri and hid it from sight, and we could no longer see the promontory of Misenum. Then my mother prayed, entreated, and commanded me to fly as best I could, saying that I was young and could escape, while she was old and infirm, and would not fear to die, if only she knew that she had not been the cause of my death. I replied that I would not save myself unless I could save her too, and so, after taking tight hold of her hand, I forced her to quicken her steps. She reluctantly obeyed, accusing herself for retarding my flight. Then the ashes began to fall, but not thickly: I looked back, and a dense blackness was rolling up behind us, which spread itself over the ground and followed like a torrent. "Let us turn aside," I said, "while we can still see, lest we be thrown down in the road and trampled on in the darkness by the thronging crowd." We were considering what to do, when the blackness of night overtook us, not that of a moonless or cloudy night, but the blackness of pent-up places which never see the light. You could hear the wailing of women, the screams of little children, and the shouts of men; some were trying to find their parents, others their children, others their wives, by calling for them and recognising them by their voices alone. Some were commiserating their own lot, others that of their relatives, while some again prayed for death in sheer terror of dying. Many were lifting up their hands to the gods, but more were declaring that now there were no more gods, and that this night would last for ever, and the end of all the world. Nor were there wanting those who added to the real perils by inventing new and false terrors, for some said that part of Misenum was in ruins and the rest in flames, and though the tale was untrue, it found ready believers. A gleam of light now appeared, which seemed to us not so much daylight as a token of the approaching fire. The latter remained at a distance, but the darkness came on again, and the ashes once more fell thickly and heavily. We had to keep rising and shaking the latter off us, or we should have been buried by them and crushed by their weight. I might boast that not one groan or cowardly exclamation escaped my lips, despite these perils, had I not believed that I and the world were perishing together - a miserable consolation, indeed, yet one which a mortal creature finds very soothing. At length the blackness became less dense, and dissipated as it were into smoke and cloud; then came the real light of day, and the sun shone out, but as blood-red as it appears at its setting. Our still trembling eyes saw that everything had been transformed, and covered with a deep layer of ashes, like snow. Making our way back to Misenum, we refreshed our bodies as best we could, and passed an anxious, troubled night, hovering between hope and fear. But our fears were uppermost, for the shocks of earthquake still continued, and several persons, driven frantic by dreadful prophecies, made sport of their own calamities and those of others. For our own part, though we had already passed through perils, and expected still more to come, we had no idea even then of leaving the town until we got news of my uncle. You will not read these details, which are not up to the dignity of history, as though you were about to incorporate them in your writings, and if they seem to you to be hardly worth being made the subject of a letter, you must take the blame yourself, inasmuch as you insisted on having them. Farewell 6.20. To Tacitus. You say that the letter which I wrote to you at your request, describing the death of my uncle, * has made you anxious to know not only the terrors, but also the distress I suffered while I remained behind at Misenum. I had indeed started to tell you of these, but then broke off. Well, "though my mind shudders at the recollection, I will essay the task". ** After my uncle had set out I employed the remainder of the time with my studies, for I had stayed behind for that very purpose. Afterwards I had a bath, dined, and then took a brief and restless sleep. For many days previous there had been slight shocks of earthquake, which were not particularly alarming, because they are common enough in Campania. But on that night the shocks were so intense that everything round us seemed not only to be disturbed, but to be tottering to its fall. My mother rushed into my bedchamber, just as I myself was getting up in order to arouse her if she was still sleeping. We sat down in the courtyard of the house, which was of smallish size and lay between the sea and the buildings. I don't know whether my behaviour should be called courageous or rash - for I was only in my eighteenth year - but I called for a volume of Titus Livius, and read it, as though I were perfectly at my ease, and went on making my usual extracts. Then a friend of my uncle's, who had but a little time before come to join him from Spain, on seeing my mother and myself sitting there and me reading, upbraided her for her patience and me for my indifference, but I paid no heed, and pored over my book. It was now the first hour of the day, but the light was still faint and weak. The buildings all round us were beginning to totter, and, though we were in the open, the courtyard was so narrow that we were greatly afraid, and indeed sure of being overwhelmed by their fall. So that decided us to leave the town. We were followed by a distracted crowd, which, when in a panic, always prefers someone else's judgment to its own as the most prudent course to adopt, and when we set out these people came crowding in masses upon us, and pressed and urged us forward. We came to a halt when we had passed beyond the buildings, and underwent there many wonderful experiences and terrors. For although the ground was perfectly level, the vehicles which we had ordered to be brought with us began to sway to and fro, and though they were wedged with stones, we could not keep them still in their places. Moreover, we saw the sea drawn back upon itself, and, as it were, repelled by the quaking of the earth. The shore certainly was greatly widened, and many marine creatures were stranded on the dry sands. On the other side, the black, fearsome cloud of fiery vapour burst into long, twisting, zigzag flames and gaped asunder, the flames resembling lightning flashes, only they were of greater size. Then indeed my uncle's Spanish friend exclaimed sharply, and with an air of command, to my mother and me, "If your brother and your uncle is still alive, he will be anxious for you to save yourselves; if he is dead, I am sure he wished you to survive him. Come, why do you hesitate to quit this place?" We replied that we could not think of looking after our own safety while we were uncertain of his. He then waited no longer, but tore away as fast as he could and got clear of danger. Soon afterwards the cloud descended upon the earth, and covered the whole bay ; it encircled Capri and hid it from sight, and we could no longer see the promontory of Misenum. Then my mother prayed, entreated, and commanded me to fly as best I could, saying that I was young and could escape, while she was old and infirm, and would not fear to die, if only she knew that she had not been the cause of my death. I replied that I would not save myself unless I could save her too, and so, after taking tight hold of her hand, I forced her to quicken her steps. She reluctantly obeyed, accusing herself for retarding my flight. Then the ashes began to fall, but not thickly A gleam of light now appeared, which seemed to us not so much daylight as a token of the approaching fire. The latter remained at a distance, but the darkness came on again, and the ashes once more fell thickly and heavily. We had to keep rising and shaking the latter off us, or we should have been buried by them and crushed by their weight. I might boast that not one groan or cowardly exclamation escaped my lips, despite these perils, had I not believed that I and the world were perishing together - a miserable consolation, indeed, yet one which a mortal creature finds very soothing. At length the blackness became less dense, and dissipated as it were into smoke and cloud ; then came the real light of day, and the sun shone out, but as blood-red as it appears at its setting. Our still trembling eyes saw that everything had been transformed, and covered with a deep layer of ashes, like snow. Making our way back to Misenum, we refreshed our bodies as best we could, and passed an anxious, troubled night, hovering between hope and fear. But our fears were uppermost, for the shocks of earthquake still continued, and several persons, driven frantic by dreadful prophecies, made sport of their own calamities and those of others. For our own part, though we had already passed through perils, and expected still more to come, we had no idea even then of leaving the town until we got news of my uncle. You will not read these details, which are not up to the dignity of history, as though you were about to incorporate them in your writings, and if they seem to you to be hardly worth being made the subject of a letter, you must take the blame yourself, inasmuch as you insisted on having them. Farewell 0 6.21. To Caninius: I am one of those who admire the ancients, but not to the extent of despising the genius of our own times, like some people do. For nature is not so exhausted and worn out that she can no longer produce anything worthy of our praise. So, a short time ago, I attended a reading by Vergilius Romanus, who was reading a comedy of his to a few people, and it was so skilfully modelled on the lines of the old comedy, that in days to come it may very well serve as a model itself. I am not sure whether you know the author, though you certainly ought to have made his acquaintance, for he is a man quite out of the common, owing to the uprightness of his conduct, the elegance of his wit, and the versatility of his genius. He has written some mimiambi, graceful, smart, polished, and containing as much eloquence as that style of poem permits of. Indeed, there is no sort of composition which may not be described as eloquent if it be perfect of its kind. He has also written comedies in the style of Meder and other poets of the same period, and these are well worthy of being classed with those of Plautus and Terence. Now he has tried his hand for the first time in public with the old comedy, but it is not as if it were his first attempt in it. In his play neither force, dignity, neatness, satire, charm, nor wit was wanting; he made virtue more lovely, and assailed vice; when he made use of an assumed name, he did so with propriety; when he utilised a real one, he did so without travesty. Only so far as I was concerned did his good nature lead him to overstep the mark, but then poets are privileged to draw on their imagination. In short, I will coax the volume out of him, and send it on to you for you to read, or rather, learn by heart, for I am quite sure that you will not put it down if once you take it up. Farewell. 6.21. To Caninius. I am one of those who admire the ancients, but not to the extent of despising the genius of our own times, like some people do. For nature is not so exhausted and worn out that she can no longer produce anything worthy of our praise. So, a short time ago, I attended a reading by Vergilius Romanus, who was reading a comedy of his to a few people, and it was so skilfully modelled on the lines of the old comedy, that in days to come it may very well serve as a model itself. I am not sure whether you know the author, though you certainly ought to have made his acquaintance, for he is a man quite out of the common, owing to the uprightness of his conduct, the elegance of his wit, and the versatility of his genius. He has written some mimiambi, * graceful, smart, polished, and containing as much eloquence as that style of poem permits of. Indeed, there is no sort of composition which may not be described as eloquent if it be perfect of its kind. He has also written comedies in the style of Meder and other poets of the same period, and these are well worthy of being classed with those of Plautus and Terence. Now he has tried his hand for the first time in public with the old comedy, but it is not as if it were his first attempt in it. In his play neither force, dignity, neatness, satire, charm, nor wit was wanting; he made virtue more lovely, and assailed vice ; when he made use of an assumed name, he did so with propriety; when he utilised a real one, he did so without travesty. Only so far as I was concerned did his good nature lead him to overstep the mark, but then poets are privileged to draw on their imagination. In short, I will coax the volume out of him, and send it on to you for you to read, or rather, learn by heart, for I am quite sure that you will not put it down if once you take it up. Farewell. 6.34. To Maximus: You did quite right in promising a gladiatorial display to my clients at Verona, for they have long loved you, looked up to you, and honoured you. You took from that city your dearly loved and most estimable wife, and you owe to her memory some public work or festival, and a gladiatorial show is most suitable for a funeral honour. Besides, as the people were so uimous in asking for that form of entertainment, you would have appeared boorish rather than consistent had you refused. Whereas now it stands to your credit that you were not only lavish in giving the show, but were easily persuaded to do so, and it is in matters such as these that magimity is disclosed. I wish that the numerous African panthers you had bought had turned up by the appointed day, but it may be that they were detained by stress of weather. At any rate you have deserved the fullest credit for them, for it was not your fault that the exhibition was not complete. Farewell. 6.34. To Maximus. You did quite right in promising a gladiatorial display to my clients at Verona, for they have long loved you, looked up to you, and honoured you. You took from that city your dearly loved and most estimable wife, and you owe to her memory some public work or festival, and a gladiatorial show is most suitable for a funeral honour. Besides, as the people were so uimous in asking for that form of entertainment, you would have appeared boorish rather than consistent had you refused. Whereas now it stands to your credit that you were not only lavish in giving the show, but were easily persuaded to do so, and it is in matters such as these that magimity is disclosed. I wish that the numerous African panthers you had bought had turned up by the appointed day, but it may be that they were detained by stress of weather. At any rate you have deserved the fullest credit for them, for it was not your fault that the exhibition was not complete. Farewell. 7.17. To Celer: Every author has his own reasons for giving recitals; mine, as I have often said before, is that I may discover any slip I may have made, and I certainly do make them. So I am surprised when you say that some people have found fault with me for giving recitals of speeches at all, unless, indeed, they think that speeches are the only kind of composition which requires no emendations. I should be very glad if they were to tell me why they allow - if they do allow it - that history is a proper subject for recitation, seeing that history is written not for display but in the interests of strict truth, or why they should consider a tragedy a fit subject, seeing that it requires not an audience room but a stage and actors, or lyric verses, which need not a reader but the accompaniment of a chorus and a lyre. Perhaps they will say that long established custom sanctions the practice. Then is the originator of it to be blamed? Besides, not only our own countrymen but the Greeks as well have constantly read speeches. But, they say, it is a waste of time to give a reading of a speech which has already been delivered. So it would be if the speech remained identically the same, and you read it to the same audience and immediately after its delivery; but if you make a number of additions, if you recast numerous passages, if you have a new audience, or if the audience be the same and yet a considerable time has elapsed, why should one hesitate more about giving a reading of an already delivered speech than about publishing it? It may be argued that it is difficult to make a speech convincing when it is read. True, but that is a point connected with the difficulty of reciting, and has no bearing on the argument that a speech should not be read at all. For my own part I desire applause, not when I am reciting but when other people are reading my book, and that is why I let no opportunity of emending a passage escape me. In the first place, I go carefully over what I have written again and again; then I read it to two or three friends; subsequently I pass it on to others to make marginal criticisms, and, if I am in doubt, I once more call in a friend or two to help me in weighing their value. Last of all, I read it to a large audience, and it is then, if you can credit the statement, that I make the severest corrections, because the greater my anxiety to please, the more diligent I am in application. But the best judges of all are modesty, respect, and awe. Consider the matter in this light. If you are going to enter into conversation with some one person, however learned he may be, are you not less flurried than you would be if you were entering into conversation with a number of people or with persons who know nothing? Is not your diffidence the greatest just at the moment when you rise to plead, and is it not then that you wish not only a large part of your speech but the whole of it were cast in a different mould? Especially is this the case if the scene of the encounter is a spacious one and there is a dense ring of spectators, for we feel nervous even of the meanest and commonest folk who crowd there. If you think your opening points are badly received, does it not weaken your nerve and make you feel like collapse? I fancy so, the reason being that there exists a considerable weight of sound opinion in mere numbers simply, and though, if you take them individually, their judgment is worth next to nothing, taken collectively, it is worth a great deal. Hence it was that Pomponius Secundus, who used to write tragedies, was in the habit of exclaiming, " I appeal to the people," whenever he thought that a passage should be retained, which some one of his intimate friends considered had better be expunged, and so he either stuck to his own opinion or followed that of his friend, according as the people received the passage in silence or greeted it with applause. Such was the high estimate he formed of the popular judgment; whether rightly or wrongly does not affect me. For my custom is to call in, not the people, but a few carefully selected friends, whose judgment I respect and have confidence in, and whose faces I can watch individually, yet who are numerous enough collectively to put me in some awe. For I think that although Marcus Cicero says, "Composition is the keenest critic in the world," this applies even more to the fear of speaking in public. The very fact that we keep thinking we are going to give a reading sharpens our critical taste, so too does our entry into the audience-hall, so too do our pale looks, anxious tremors, and our glances from side to side. Hence I am far from repenting of my practice, which I find of the greatest value to me, and so far am I from being deterred by the idle talk of my critics that I beg of you to point out to me some additional method of criticism in addition to those I have enumerated. For though I take great pains I never seem to take enough. I keep thinking what a serious matter it is to place anything in the hands of the public for them to read, nor can I persuade myself that' any work of mine, which you are always anxious should get a welcome everywhere, does not stand in need of constant revision by myself and a number of my friends. Farewell. 7.17. To Celer. Every author has his own reasons for giving recitals; mine, as I have often said before, is that I may discover any slip I may have made, and I certainly do make them. So I am surprised when you say that some people have found fault with me for giving recitals of speeches at all, unless, indeed, they think that speeches are the only kind of composition which requires no emendations. I should be very glad if they were to tell me why they allow - if they do allow it - that history is a proper subject for recitation, seeing that history is written not for display but in the interests of strict truth, or why they should consider a tragedy a fit subject, seeing that it requires not an audience room but a stage and actors, or lyric verses, which need not a reader but the accompaniment of a chorus and a lyre. Perhaps they will say that long established custom sanctions the practice. Then is the originator of it to be blamed ? Besides, not only our own countrymen but the Greeks as well have constantly read speeches. But, they say, it is a waste of time to give a reading of a speech which has already been delivered. So it would be if the speech remained identically the same, and you read it to the same audience and immediately after its delivery; but if you make a number of additions, if you recast numerous passages, if you have a new audience, or if the audience be the same and yet a considerable time has elapsed, why should one hesitate more about giving a reading of an already delivered speech than about publishing it ? It may be argued that it is difficult to make a speech convincing when it is read. True, but that is a point connected with the difficulty of reciting, and has no bearing on the argument that a speech should not be read at all. For my own part I desire applause, not when I am reciting but when other people are reading my book, and that is why I let no opportunity of emending a passage escape me. In the first place, I go carefully over what I have written again and again; then I read it to two or three friends; subsequently I pass it on to others to make marginal criticisms, and, if I am in doubt, I once more call in a friend or two to help me in weighing their value. Last of all, I read it to a large audience, and it is then, if you can credit the statement, that I make the severest corrections, because the greater my anxiety to please, the more diligent I am in application. But the best judges of all are modesty, respect, and awe. Consider the matter in this light. If you are going to enter into conversation with some one person, however learned he may be, are you not less flurried than you would be if you were entering into conversation with a number of people or with persons who know nothing ? Is not your diffidence the greatest just at the moment when you rise to plead, and is it not then that you wish not only a large part of your speech but the whole of it were cast in a different mould ? Especially is this the case if the scene of the encounter is a spacious one and there is a dense ring of spectators, for we feel nervous even of the meanest and commonest folk who crowd there. If you think your opening points are badly received, does it not weaken your nerve and make you feel like collapse? I fancy so, the reason being that there exists a considerable weight of sound opinion in mere numbers simply, and though, if you take them individually, their judgment is worth next to nothing, taken collectively, it is worth a great deal. Hence it was that Pomponius Secundus, who used to write tragedies, was in the habit of exclaiming, " I appeal to the people," whenever he thought that a passage should be retained, which some one of his intimate friends considered had better be expunged, and so he either stuck to his own opinion or followed that of his friend, according as the people received the passage in silence or greeted it with applause. Such was the high estimate he formed of the popular judgment; whether rightly or wrongly does not affect me. For my custom is to call in, not the people, but a few carefully selected friends, whose judgment I respect and have confidence in, and whose faces I can watch individually, yet who are numerous enough collectively to put me in some awe. For I think that although Marcus Cicero says, "Composition is the keenest critic in the world," * this applies even more to the fear of speaking in public. The very fact that we keep thinking we are going to give a reading sharpens our critical taste, so too does our entry into the audience-hall, so too do our pale looks, anxious tremors, and our glances from side to side. Hence I am far from repenting of my practice, which I find of the greatest value to me, and so far am I from being deterred by the idle talk of my critics that I beg of you to point out to me some additional method of criticism in addition to those I have enumerated. For though I take great pains I never seem to take enough. I keep thinking what a serious matter it is to place anything in the hands of the public for them to read, nor can I persuade myself that' any work of mine, which you are always anxious should get a welcome everywhere, does not stand in need of constant revision by myself and a number of my friends. Farewell. 10.96. To Trajan: It is my custom, Sir, to refer to you in all cases where I do not feel sure, for who can better direct my doubts or inform my ignorance? I have never been present at any legal examination of the Christians, and I do not know, therefore, what are the usual penalties passed upon them, or the limits of those penalties, or how searching an inquiry should be made. I have hesitated a great deal in considering whether any distinctions should be drawn according to the ages of the accused; whether the weak should be punished as severely as the more robust; whether if they renounce their faith they should be pardoned, or whether the man who has once been a Christian should gain nothing by recanting; whether the name itself, even though otherwise innocent of crime, should be punished, or only the crimes that gather round it. 10.96. In the meantime, this is the plan which I have adopted in the case of those Christians who have been brought before me. I ask them whether they are Christians; if they say yes, then I repeat the question a second and a third time, warning them of the penalties it entails, and if they still persist, I order them to be taken away to prison. For I do not doubt that, whatever the character of the crime may be which they confess, their pertinacity and inflexible obstinacy certainly ought to be punished. There were others who showed similar mad folly whom I reserved to be sent to Rome, as they were Roman citizens. Subsequently, as is usually the way, the very fact of my taking up this question led to a great increase of accusations, and a variety of cases were brought before me. A pamphlet was issued anonymously, containing the names of a number of people. Those who denied that they were or had been Christians and called upon the gods in the usual formula, reciting the words after me, those who offered incense and wine before your image, which I had given orders to be brought forward for this purpose, together with the statues of the deities - all such I considered should be discharged, especially as they cursed the name of Christ, which, it is said, those who are really Christians cannot be induced to do. Others, whose names were given me by an informer, first said that they were Christians and afterwards denied it, declaring that they had been but were so no longer, some of them having recanted many years before, and more than one so long as twenty years back. They all worshipped your image and the statues of the deities, and cursed the name of Christ. But they declared that the sum of their guilt or their error only amounted to this, that on a stated day they had been accustomed to meet before daybreak and to recite a hymn among themselves to Christ, as though he were a god, and that so far from binding themselves by oath to commit any crime, their oath was to abstain from theft, robbery, adultery, and from breach of faith, and not to deny trust money placed in their keeping when called upon to deliver it. When this ceremony was concluded, it had been their custom to depart and meet again to take food, but it was of no special character and quite harmless, and they had ceased this practice after the edict in which, in accordance with your orders, I had forbidden all secret societies. † I thought it the more necessary, therefore, to find out what truth there was in these statements by submitting two women, who were called deaconesses, to the torture, but I found nothing but a debased superstition carried to great lengths. So I postponed my examination, and immediately consulted you. The matter seems to me worthy of your consideration, especially as there are so many people involved in the danger. Many persons of all ages, and of both sexes alike, are being brought into peril of their lives by their accusers, and the process will go on. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through the free cities, but into the villages and the rural districts, and yet it seems to me that it can be checked and set right. It is beyond doubt that the temples, which have been almost deserted, are beginning again to be thronged with worshippers, that the sacred rites which have for a long time been allowed to lapse are now being renewed, and that the food for the sacrificial victims is once more finding a sale, whereas, up to recently, a buyer was hardly to be found. From this it is easy to infer what vast numbers of people might be reclaimed, if only they were given an opportunity of repentance. 10.97. Trajan to Pliny: You have adopted the proper course, my dear Pliny, in examining into the cases of those who have been denounced to you as Christians, for no hard and fast rule can be laid down to meet a question of such wide extent. The Christians are not to be hunted out ; if they are brought before you and the offence is proved, they are to be punished, but with this reservation - that if any one denies that he is a Christian and makes it clear that he is not, by offering prayers to our deities, then he is to be pardoned because of his recantation, however suspicious his past conduct may have been. But pamphlets published anonymously must not carry any weight whatever, no matter what the charge may be, for they are not only a precedent of the very worst type, but they are not in consoce with the spirit of our age. |
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| 227. Hermas, Visions, 1, 3-4, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 27 |
| 228. Pollux, Onomasticon, 4.116 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
| 229. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 14.205, 46.23, 46.35, 46.38, 50.103 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 119; Edelmann-Singer et al., Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions (2020) 140; Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 285; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 418 |
| 230. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 119 |
| 231. Galen, On The Art of Healing, 1.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 232. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.119-1.120 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 618 |
| 233. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.9.1-1.9.10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 97 |
234. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 3.30.1-3.30.11, 5.30.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 45 | 5.30.3. It is therefore more certain, and less hazardous, to await the fulfilment of the prophecy, than to be making surmises, and casting about for any names that may present themselves, inasmuch as many names can be found possessing the number mentioned; and the same question will, after all, remain unsolved. For if there are many names found possessing this number, it will be asked which among them shall the coming man bear. It is not through a want of names containing the number of that name that I say this, but on account of the fear of God, and zeal for the truth: for the name Evanthas (EUANQAS) contains the required number, but I make no allegation regarding it. Then also Lateinos (LATEINOS) has the number six hundred and sixty-six; and it is a very probable [solution], this being the name of the last kingdom [of the four seen by Daniel]. For the Latins are they who at present bear rule: I will not, however, make any boast over this [coincidence]. Teitan too, (TEITAN, the first syllable being written with the two Greek vowels e and i), among all the names which are found among us, is rather worthy of credit. For it has in itself the predicted number, and is composed of six letters, each syllable containing three letters; and [the word itself] is ancient, and removed from ordinary use; for among our kings we find none bearing this name Titan, nor have any of the idols which are worshipped in public among the Greeks and barbarians this appellation. Among many persons, too, this name is accounted divine, so that even the sun is termed "Titan" by those who do now possess [the rule]. This word, too, contains a certain outward appearance of vengeance, and of one inflicting merited punishment because he (Antichrist) pretends that he vindicates the oppressed. And besides this, it is an ancient name, one worthy of credit, of royal dignity, and still further, a name belonging to a tyrant. Inasmuch, then, as this name "Titan" has so much to recommend it, there is a strong degree of probability, that from among the many [names suggested], we infer, that perchance he who is to come shall be called "Titan." We will not, however, incur the risk of pronouncing positively as to the name of Antichrist; for if it were necessary that his name should be distinctly revealed in this present time, it would have been announced by him who beheld the apocalyptic vision. For that was seen no very long time since, but almost in our day, towards the end of Domitian's reign. |
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| 235. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 11.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 107 |
236. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 1.7, 2.10-2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 119; de Ste. Croix et al., Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy (2006) 119 | 1.7. Whence comes it to pass, you will say to us, that such a character could have been attributed to you, as to have justified the lawmakers perhaps by its imputation? Let me ask on my side, what voucher they had then, or you now, for the truth of the imputation? (You answer,) Fame. Well, now, is not this - Fama malum, quo non aliud velocius ullum? Now, why a plague, if it be always true? It never ceases from lying; nor even at the moment when it reports the truth is it so free from the wish to lie, as not to interweave the false with the true, by processes of addition, diminution, or confusion of various facts. Indeed, such is its condition, that it can only continue to exist while it lies. For it lives only just so long as it fails to prove anything. As soon as it proves itself true, it falls; and, as if its office of reporting news were at an end, it quits its post: thenceforward the thing is held to be a fact, and it passes under that name. No one, then, says, to take an instance, The report is that this happened at Rome, or, The rumour goes that he has got a province; but, He has got a province, and, This happened at Rome. Nobody mentions a rumour except at an uncertainty, because nobody can be sure of a rumour, but only of certain knowledge; and none but a fool believes a rumour, because no wise man puts faith in an uncertainty. In however wide a circuit a report has been circulated, it must needs have originated some time or other from one mouth; afterwards it creeps on somehow to ears and tongues which pass it on and so obscures the humble error in which it began, that no one considers whether the mouth which first set it a-going disseminated a falsehood - a circumstance which often happens either from a temper of rivalry, or a suspicious turn, or even the pleasure of feigning news. It is, however, well that time reveals all things, as your own sayings and proverbs testify; yea, as nature herself attests, which has so ordered it that nothing lies hid, not even that which fame has not reported. See, now, what a witness you have suborned against us: it has not been able up to this time to prove the report it set in motion, although it has had so long a time to recommend it to our acceptance. This name of ours took its rise in the reign of Augustus; under Tiberius it was taught with all clearness and publicity; under Nero it was ruthlessly condemned, and you may weigh its worth and character even from the person of its persecutor. If that prince was a pious man, then the Christians are impious; if he was just, if he was pure, then the Christians are unjust and impure; if he was not a public enemy, we are enemies of our country: what sort of men we are, our persecutor himself shows, since he of course punished what produced hostility to himself. Now, although every other institution which existed under Nero has been destroyed, yet this of ours has firmly remained - righteous, it would seem, as being unlike the author (of its persecution). Two hundred and fifty years, then, have not yet passed since our life began. During the interval there have been so many criminals; so many crosses have obtained immortality; so many infants have been slain; so many loaves steeped in blood; so many extinctions of candles; so many dissolute marriages. And up to the present time it is mere report which fights against the Christians. No doubt it has a strong support in the wickedness of the human mind, and utters its falsehoods with more success among cruel and savage men. For the more inclined you are to maliciousness, the more ready are you to believe evil; in short, men more easily believe the evil that is false, than the good which is true. Now, if injustice has left any place within you for the exercise of prudence in investigating the truth of reports, justice of course demanded that you should examine by whom the report could have been spread among the multitude, and thus circulated through the world. For it could not have been by the Christians themselves, I suppose, since by the very constitution and law of all mysteries the obligation of silence is imposed. How much more would this be the case in such (mysteries as are ascribed to us), which, if divulged, could not fail to bring down instant punishment from the prompt resentment of men! Since, therefore, the Christians are not their own betrayers, it follows that it must be strangers. Now I ask, how could strangers obtain knowledge of us, when even true and lawful mysteries exclude every stranger from witnessing them, unless illicit ones are less exclusive? Well, then, it is more in keeping with the character of strangers both to be ignorant (of the true state of a case), and to invent (a false account). Our domestic servants (perhaps) listened, and peeped through crevices and holes, and stealthily got information of our ways. What, then, shall we say when our servants betray them to you? It is better, (to be sure,) for us all not to be betrayed by any; but still, if our practices be so atrocious, how much more proper is it when a righteous indignation bursts asunder even all ties of domestic fidelity? How was it possible for it to endure what horrified the mind and affrighted the eye? This is also a wonderful thing, both that he who was so overcome with impatient excitement as to turn informer, did not likewise desire to prove (what he reported), and that he who heard the informer's story did not care to see for himself, since no doubt the reward is equal both for the informer who proves what he reports, and for the hearer who convinces himself of the credibility of what he hears. But then you say that (this is precisely what has taken place): first came the rumour, then the exhibition of the proof; first the hearsay, then the inspection; and after this, fame received its commission. Now this, I must say, surpasses all admiration, that that was once for all detected and divulged which is being for ever repeated, unless, forsooth, we have by this time ceased from the reiteration of such things (as are alleged of us). But we are called still by the same (offensive) name, and we are supposed to be still engaged in the same practices, and we multiply from day to day; the more we are, to the more become we objects of hatred. Hatred increases as the material for it increases. Now, seeing that the multitude of offenders is ever advancing, how is it that the crowd of informers does not keep equal pace therewith? To the best of my belief, even our manner of life has become better known; you know the very days of our assemblies; therefore we are both besieged, and attacked, and kept prisoners actually in our secret congregations. Yet who ever came upon a half-consumed corpse (among us)? Who has detected the traces of a bite in our blood-steeped loaf? Who has discovered, by a sudden light invading our darkness, any marks of impurity, I will not say of incest, (in our feasts)? If we save ourselves by a bribe from being dragged out before the public gaze with such a character, how is it that we are still oppressed? We have it indeed in our own power not to be thus apprehended at all; for who either sells or buys information about a crime, if the crime itself has no existence? But why need I disparagingly refer to strange spies and informers, when you allege against us such charges as we certainly do not ourselves divulge with very much noise - either as soon as you hear of them, if we previously show them to you, or after you have yourselves discovered them, if they are for the time concealed from you? For no doubt, when any desire initiation in the mysteries, their custom is first to go to the master or father of the sacred rites. Then he will say (to the applicant), You must bring an infant, as a guarantee for our rites, to be sacrificed, as well as some bread to be broken and dipped in his blood; you also want candles, and dogs tied together to upset them, and bits of meat to rouse the dogs. Moreover, a mother too, or a sister, is necessary for you. What, however, is to be said if you have neither? I suppose in that case you could not be a genuine Christian. Now, do let me ask you, Will such things, when reported by strangers, bear to be spread about (as charges against us)? It is impossible for such persons to understand proceedings in which they take no part. The first step of the process is perpetrated with artifice; our feasts and our marriages are invented and detailed by ignorant persons, who had never before heard about Christian mysteries. And though they afterwards cannot help acquiring some knowledge of them, it is even then as having to be administered by others whom they bring on the scene. Besides, how absurd is it that the profane know mysteries which the priest knows not! They keep them all to themselves, then, and take them for granted; and so these tragedies, (worse than those) of Thyestes or Œdipus, do not at all come forth to light, nor find their way to the public. Even more voracious bites take nothing away from the credit of such as are initiated, whether servants or masters. If, however, none of these allegations can be proved to be true, how incalculable must be esteemed the grandeur (of that religion) which is manifestly not overbalanced even by the burden of these vast atrocities! O you heathen; who have and deserve our pity, behold, we set before you the promise which our sacred system offers. It guarantees eternal life to such as follow and observe it; on the other hand, it threatens with the eternal punishment of an unending fire those who are profane and hostile; while to both classes alike is preached a resurrection from the dead. We are not now concerned about the doctrine of these (verities), which are discussed in their proper place. Meanwhile, however, believe them, even as we do ourselves, for I want to know whether you are ready to reach them, as we do, through such crimes. Come, whosoever you are, plunge your sword into an infant; or if that is another's office, then simply gaze at the breathing creature dying before it has lived; at any rate, catch its fresh blood in which to steep your bread; then feed yourself without stint; and while this is going on, recline. Carefully distinguish the places where your mother or your sister may have made their bed; mark them well, in order that, when the shades of night have fallen upon them, putting of course to the test the care of every one of you, you may not make the awkward mistake of alighting on somebody else: you would have to make an atonement, if you failed of the incest. When you have effected all this, eternal life will be in store for you. I want you to tell me whether you think eternal life worth such a price. No, indeed, you do not believe it: even if you did believe it, I maintain that you would be unwilling to give (the fee); or if willing, would be unable. But why should others be able if you are unable? Why should you be able if others are unable? What would you wish impunity (and) eternity to stand you in? Do you suppose that these (blessings) can be bought by us at any price? Have Christians teeth of a different sort from others? Have they more ample jaws? Are they of different nerve for incestuous lust? I think not. It is enough for us to differ from you in condition by truth alone. 2.10. I hasten to even more abominable cases. Your writers have not been ashamed to publish that of Larentina. She was a hired prostitute, whether as the nurse of Romulus, and therefore called Lupa, because she was a prostitute, or as the mistress of Hercules, now deceased, that is to say, now deified. They relate that his temple-warder happened to be playing at dice in the temple alone; and in order to represent a partner for himself in the game, in the absence of an actual one, he began to play with one hand for Hercules and the other for himself. (The condition was,) that if he won the stakes from Hercules, he should with them procure a supper and a prostitute; if Hercules, however, proved the winner, I mean his other hand, then he should provide the same for Hercules. The hand of Hercules won. That achievement might well have been added to his twelve labours! The temple-warden buys a supper for the hero, and hires Larentina to play the whore. The fire which dissolved the body of even a Hercules enjoyed the supper, and the altar consumed everything. Larentina sleeps alone in the temple; and she a woman from the brothel, boasts that in her dreams she had submitted herself to the pleasure of Hercules; and she might possibly have experienced this, as it passed through her mind, in her sleep. In the morning, on going out of the temple very early, she is solicited by a young man - a third Hercules, so to speak. He invites her home. She complies, remembering that Hercules had told her that it would be for her advantage. He then, to be sure, obtains permission that they should be united in lawful wedlock (for none was allowed to have intercourse with the concubine of a god without being punished for it); the husband makes her his heir. By and by, just before her death, she bequeathed to the Roman people the rather large estate which she had obtained through Hercules. After this she sought deification for her daughters too, whom indeed the divine Larentina ought to have appointed her heirs also. The gods of the Romans received an accession in her dignity. For she alone of all the wives of Hercules was dear to him, because she alone was rich; and she was even far more fortunate than Ceres, who contributed to the pleasure of the (king of the) dead. After so many examples and eminent names among you, who might not have been declared divine? Who, in fact, ever raised a question as to his divinity against Antinous? Was even Ganymede more grateful and dear than he to (the supreme god) who loved him? According to you, heaven is open to the dead. You prepare a way from Hades to the stars. Prostitutes mount it in all directions, so that you must not suppose that you are conferring a great distinction upon your kings. |
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| 237. Tertullian, To Scapula, 5.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 536 |
238. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.26, 2.28.4-2.28.7, 6.12, 14.7.7, 14.7.9, 19.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero •nero (emperor), prodigies and •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor), performance and •nero (emperor), relationship with agrippina the younger •nero (emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 36; Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 105; McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 5, 12 | 6.12. of the tunics called chiridotae; that Publius Africanus reproved Sulpicius Gallus for wearing them. For a man to wear tunics coming below the arms and as far as the wrists, and almost to the fingers, was considered unbecoming in Rome and in all Latium. Such tunics our countrymen called by the Greek name chiridotae (long-sleeved), and they thought that a long and full-flowing garment was not unbecoming for women only, to hide their arms and legs from sight. But Roman men at first wore the toga alone without tunics; later, they had close, short tunics ending below the shoulders, the kind which the Greeks call ἐξωμίδες (sleeveless). Habituated to this older fashion, Publius Africanus, son of Paulus, a man gifted with all worthy arts and every virtue, among many other things with which he reproached Publius Sulpicius Gallus, an effeminate man, included this also, that he wore tunics which covered his whole hands. Scipio's words are these: "For one who daily perfumes himself and dresses before a mirror, whose eyebrows are trimmed, who walks abroad with beard plucked out and thighs made smooth, who at banquets, though a young man, has reclined in a long-sleeved tunic on the inner side of the couch with a lover, who is fond not only of wine but of men — does anyone doubt that he does what wantons commonly do?. Virgil too attacks tunics of this kind as effeminate and shameful, saying: Sleeves have their tunics, and their turbans, ribbons. Quintus Ennius also seems to have spoken not without scorn of "the tunic-clad men" of the Carthaginians. 19.9. The very neat reply of Antonius Julianus to certain Greeks at a banquet. A YOUNG man of equestrian rank from the land of Asia, gifted by nature, well off in manners and fortune, with a taste and talent for music, was celebrating the anniversary of the day on which he began life by giving a dinner to his friends and teachers in a little country place near the city. There had come with us then to that dinner the rhetorician Antonius Julianus, a public teacher of young men, who spoke in the Spanish manner, but was very eloquent, besides being well acquainted with our early literature. When there was an end of eating and drinking, and the time came for conversation, Julianus asked that the singers and lyre-players be produced, the most skilful of both sexes, whom he knew that the young man had at hand. And when the boys and girls were brought in, they sang in a most charming way several odes of Anacreon and Sappho, as well as some erotic elegies of more recent poets that were sweet and graceful. But we were especially pleased with some delightful verses of Anacreon, written in his old age, which I noted down, in order that sometimes the toil and worry of this task of mine might find relief in the sweetness of poetical compositions: Shaping the silver, Hephaestus, Make me no panoply, pray; What do I care for war's combats? Make me a drinking cup rather, Deep as you ever can make it; Carve on it no stars and no wains; What care I, pray, for the Pleiads, What for the star of Bootes? Make vines, and clusters upon them, Treading them Love and Bathyllus, Made of pure gold, with Lyaeus. Then several Greeks who were present at that dinner, men of refinement and not without considerable acquaintance also with our literature, began to attack and assail Julianus the rhetorician as altogether barbarous and rustic, since he was sprung from the land of Spain, was a mere ranter of violent and noisy speech, and taught exercises in a tongue which had no charm and no sweetness of Venus and the Muse; and they asked him more than once what he thought of Anacreon and the other poets of that kind, and whether any of our bards had written such smooth-flowing and delightful poems; "except," said they, "perhaps a few of Catullus and also possibly a few of Calvus; for the compositions of Laevius were involved, those of Hortensius without elegance, of Cinna harsh, of Memmius rude, and in short those of all the poets without polish or melody." Then Julianus, filled with anger and indignation, spoke as follows in behalf of his mother tongue, as if for his altars and his fires: "I must indeed grant you that in such licentiousness and baseness you would outdo Alcinus and that as you outstrip us in the pleasures of adornment and of food, so you do also in the wantonness of your ditties. But lest you should condemn us, that is, the Latin race, as lacking in Aphrodite's charm, just as if we were barbarous and ignorant, allow me, I pray, to cover my head with my cloak (as they say Socrates did when making somewhat indelicate remarks), and hear and learn that our forefathers also were lovers and devoted to Venus before those poets whom you have named." Then lying upon his back with veiled head, he chanted in exceedingly sweet tones some verses of Valerius Aedituus, an early poet, and also of Porcius Licinus and Quintus Catulus; and I think that nothing can be found neater, more graceful, more polished and more terse than those verses, either in Greek or in Latin: The verses of Aedituus are as follows: When, Pamphila, I try to tell my love, What shall I ask of you? Words fail my lips, A sudden sweat o'erflows my ardent breast; Thus fond and silent, I refrain and die. And he also added other verses of the same poet, no less sweet than the former ones: O Phileros, why a torch, that we need not? Just as we are we'll go, our hearts aflame. That flame no wild wind's blast can ever quench, Or rain that falls torrential from the skies; Venus herself alone can quell her fire, No other force there is that has such power. He also recited the following verses of Porcius Licinus: O shepherds of the lambs, the ewes' young brood, Seek ye for fire? Come hither; man is fire. Touch I the wood with finger-tip, it burns; Your flock's a flame, all I behold is fire. The verses of Quintus Catulus were these: My soul has left me; it has fled, methinks, To Theotimus; he its refuge is. But what if I should beg that he refuse The truant to admit, but cast it out? I'll go to him; but what if I be caught? What shall I do? Queen Venus, lend me aid. |
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| 239. Tertullian, Antidote For The Scorpion'S Sting, a b c d\n0 "10.10" "10.10" "10 10" (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 41 |
240. Tertullian, Apology, 5.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 27| 5.4. restituere soliti estis. Ceterum de tot exinde principibus ad hodiernum divinum humanumque sapientibus edite aliquem debellatorem Christianorum! | |
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| 241. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.21.518, 1.500, 2.10.590, 2.11.591, 2.24.607, 4.38.5, 4.39.2, 7.4.2 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28, 164, 165 |
242. Tertullian, On The Games, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 80 | 2. Then, again, every one is ready with the argument that all things, as we teach, were created by God, and given to man for his use, and that they must be good, as coming all from so good a source; but that among them are found the various constituent elements of the public shows, such as the horse, the lion, bodily strength, and musical voice. It cannot, then, be thought that what exists by God's own creative will is either foreign or hostile to Him; and if it is not opposed to Him, it cannot be regarded as injurious to His worshippers, as certainly it is not foreign to them. Beyond all doubt, too, the very buildings connected with the places of public amusement, composed as they are of rocks, stones, marbles, pillars, are things of God, who has given these various things for the earth's embellishment; nay, the very scenes are enacted under God's own heaven. How skilful a pleader seems human wisdom to herself, especially if she has the fear of losing any of her delights - any of the sweet enjoyments of worldly existence! In fact, you will find not a few whom the imperilling of their pleasures rather than their life holds back from us. For even the weakling has no strong dread of death as a debt he knows is due by him; while the wise man does not look with contempt on pleasure, regarding it as a precious gift - in fact, the one blessedness of life, whether to philosopher or fool. Now nobody denies what nobody is ignorant of - for Nature herself is teacher of it - that God is the Maker of the universe, and that it is good, and that it is man's by free gift of its Maker. But having no intimate acquaintance with the Highest, knowing Him only by natural revelation, and not as His friends- afar off, and not as those who have been brought near to Him - men cannot but be in ignorance alike of what He enjoins and what He forbids in regard to the administration of His world. They must be ignorant, too, of the hostile power which works against Him, and perverts to wrong uses the things His hand has formed; for you cannot know either the will or the adversary of a God you do not know. We must not, then, consider merely by whom all things were made, but by whom they have been perverted. We shall find out for what use they were made at first, when we find for what they were not. There is a vast difference between the corrupted state and that of primal purity, just because there is a vast difference between the Creator and the corrupter. Why, all sorts of evils, which as indubitably evils even the heathens prohibit, and against which they guard themselves, come from the works of God. Take, for instance, murder, whether committed by iron, by poison, or by magical enchantments. Iron and herbs and demons are all equally creatures of God. Has the Creator, withal, provided these things for man's destruction? Nay, He puts His interdict on every sort of man-killing by that one summary precept, You shall not kill. Moreover, who but God, the Maker of the world, put in its gold, brass, silver, ivory, wood, and all the other materials used in the manufacture of idols? Yet has He done this that men may set up a worship in opposition to Himself? On the contrary idolatry in His eyes is the crowning sin. What is there offensive to God which is not God's? But in offending Him, it ceases to be His; and in ceasing to be His, it is in His eyes an offending thing. Man himself, guilty as he is of every iniquity, is not only a work of God - he is His image, and yet both in soul and body he has severed himself from his Maker. For we did not get eyes to minister to lust, and the tongue for speaking evil with, and ears to be the receptacle of evil speech, and the throat to serve the vice of gluttony, and the belly to be gluttony's ally, and the genitals for unchaste excesses, and hands for deeds of violence, and the feet for an erring life; or was the soul placed in the body that it might become a thought-manufactory of snares, and fraud, and injustice? I think not; for if God, as the righteous ex-actor of innocence, hates everything like malignity - if He hates utterly such plotting of evil, it is clear beyond a doubt, that, of all things that have come from His hand, He has made none to lead to works which He condemns, even though these same works may be carried on by things of His making; for, in fact, it is the one ground of condemnation, that the creature misuses the creation. We, therefore, who in our knowledge of the Lord have obtained some knowledge also of His foe - who, in our discovery of the Creator, have at the same time laid hands upon the great corrupter, ought neither to wonder nor to doubt that, as the prowess of the corrupting and God-opposing angel overthrew in the beginning the virtue of man, the work and image of God, the possessor of the world, so he has entirely changed man's nature - created, like his own, for perfect sinlessness - into his own state of wicked enmity against his Maker, that in the very thing whose gift to man, but not to him, had grieved him, he might make man guilty in God's eyes, and set up his own supremacy. |
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243. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.21 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 36 | 1.21. Milo's House That was the end of our conversation and our shared journey. My two companions turned to the left towards a nearby farm, while I approached the first inn I found on entering the town. I immediately enquired of the old woman who kept the inn: 'Is this Hypata?' She nodded. Do you know a prominent citizen named Milo?' 'Milo's certainly prominent,' she replied, 'since his house sticks out beyond the city limits.' 'Joking apart,' I said 'tell me, good mother, what sort he is and where he lives.' 'Do you see,' she answered, 'that row of windows facing the city, and the door on the other side opening on the ally nearby? That's where your Milo lives, with piles of money, heaps of wealth, but a man truly famed for his total avarice, his stingy ways. He lends cash at high rates of interest, takes gold and silver as security, but shuts himself up in that little house anxious about every rusty farthing. He has a wife, a companion in misery, no servants except a little maid, and dresses like a beggar when he goes out.' I responded to this with a laugh, 'My friend Demeas was certainly kind and thoughtful sending me off with a letter of introduction to a man like that, |
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| 244. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 1.4.11, 2.56.11, 3.47.6, 3.47.7, 3.47.8, 3.47.9, 3.47.10, 3.47.11, 3.47.12, 3.47.13, 3.47.14, 3.47.15, 3.47.16, 3.47.17, 3.47.18, 3.47.19, 3.47.20, 3.47.21, 3.47.22, 3.47.23, 3.47.24, 3.47.25, 3.47.26, 3.47.27, 3.47.28, 3.47.29, 3.47.30, 3.47.31, 3.47.32, 3.47.33, 3.47.34, 3.47.35, 3.47.36, 3.47.37, 3.47.38, 3.47.39, 3.47.40, 3.47.41, 3.47.42, 3.47.43, 3.47.44, 3.47.45, 3.47.46, 3.47.47, 3.47.48, 5.75.6, 6.2.8, 7.7.8, 15.36.3, 31.30.1, 19a (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 201, 202 |
| 245. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 5.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 135 |
| 246. Athanasius, Against The Pagans, 38 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 47 |
| 247. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, 55b-56a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 103 |
248. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, 18 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 338 | 18. M. Claudius Marcellus, L. Valerio Flaccus consuls [A.U.C. 602] Through the force of a whirlwind in the Campus the column in front of the temple of Jove was toppled with its gilded statue; and when the haruspices responded that there would be deaths of magistrates and priests, all the magistrates resigned immediately. Because it had rained stones at Aricia, a supplication was held, and also because in many places at Rome there appeared visions of toga wearing men that deceived the eyes of those approaching them. In Lusitania the fighting had mixed results, while in Gaul it went well. |
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| 249. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 4.2286, 4.2523, 4.2816 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman emperors, nero Found in books: Immendörfer, Ephesians and Artemis: The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context (2017) 161 |
250. Origen, Commentary On John, 2.12 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 362 | 2.12. We have thus enquired as to the life of God, and the life which is Christ, and the living who are in a place by themselves, and have seen how the living are not justified before God, and we have noticed the cognate statement, Who alone has immortality. We may now take up the assumption which may appear to be involved in this, namely, that whatever being is gifted with reason does not possess blessedness as a part of its essence, or as an inseparable part of its nature. For if blessedness and the highest life were an inseparable characteristic of reasonable being, how could it be truly said of God that He only has immortality? We should therefore remark, that the Saviour is some things, not to Himself but to others, and some things both to Himself and others, and we must enquire if there are some things which He is to Himself and to no other. Clearly it is to others that He is a Shepherd, not a shepherd like those among men who make gain out of their occupation; unless the benefit conferred on the sheep might be regarded, on account of His love to men, as a benefit to Himself also. Similarly it is to others that He is the Way and the Door, and, as all will admit, the Rod. To Himself and to others He is Wisdom and perhaps also Reason (Logos). It may be asked whether, as He has in Himself a system of speculations, inasmuch as He is wisdom, there are some of those speculations which cannot be received by any nature that is begotten, but His own, and which He knows for Himself only. Nor should the reverence we owe to the Holy Spirit keep us from seeking to answer this question. For the Holy Spirit Himself receives instruction, as is clear from what is said about the Paraclete and the Holy Spirit, John 16:14-15 He shall take of mine and shall declare it to you. Does He, then, from these instructions, take in everything that the Son, gazing at the Father from the first, Himself knows? That would require further consideration. And if the Saviour is some things to others, and some things it may be to Himself, and to no other, or to one only, or to few, then we ask, in so far as He is the life which came in the Logos, whether he is life to Himself and to others, or to others, and if to others, to what others. And are life and the light of men the same thing, for the text says, That which was made was life in Him and the life was the light of men. But the light of men is the light only of some, not of all, rational creatures; the word men which is added shows this. But He is the light of men, and so He is the life of those whose light he is also. And inasmuch as He is life He may be called the Saviour, not for Himself but to be life to others, whose light also He is. And this life comes to the Logos and is inseparable from Him, once it has come to Him. But the Logos, who cleanses the soul, must have been in the soul first; it is after Him and the cleansing that proceeds from Him, when all that is dead or weak in her has been taken away, that pure life comes to every one who has made himself a fit dwelling for the Logos, considered as God. |
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251. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 2.16, 2.23.21, 2.24-2.25, 3.14, 3.14.21, 3.17-3.18, 3.18.1-3.18.5, 3.21, 4.1, 4.26, 5.8.5-5.8.6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor •nero, emperor •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 45; Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 129; Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 251, 525; Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 27 | 2.16. And they say that this Mark was the first that was sent to Egypt, and that he proclaimed the Gospel which he had written, and first established churches in Alexandria.,And the multitude of believers, both men and women, that were collected there at the very outset, and lived lives of the most philosophical and excessive asceticism, was so great, that Philo thought it worth while to describe their pursuits, their meetings, their entertainments, and their whole manner of life. 2.24. When Nero was in the eighth year of his reign, Annianus succeeded Mark the Evangelist in the administration of the parish of Alexandria. 2.25. When the government of Nero was now firmly established, he began to plunge into unholy pursuits, and armed himself even against the religion of the God of the universe.,To describe the greatness of his depravity does not lie within the plan of the present work. As there are many indeed that have recorded his history in most accurate narratives, every one may at his pleasure learn from them the coarseness of the man's extraordinary madness, under the influence of which, after he had accomplished the destruction of so many myriads without any reason, he ran into such blood-guiltiness that he did not spare even his nearest relatives and dearest friends, but destroyed his mother and his brothers and his wife, with very many others of his own family as he would private and public enemies, with various kinds of deaths.,But with all these things this particular in the catalogue of his crimes was still wanting, that he was the first of the emperors who showed himself an enemy of the divine religion.,The Roman Tertullian is likewise a witness of this. He writes as follows: Examine your records. There you will find that Nero was the first that persecuted this doctrine, particularly then when after subduing all the east, he exercised his cruelty against all at Rome. We glory in having such a man the leader in our punishment. For whoever knows him can understand that nothing was condemned by Nero unless it was something of great excellence.,Thus publicly announcing himself as the first among God's chief enemies, he was led on to the slaughter of the apostles. It is, therefore, recorded that Paul was beheaded in Rome itself, and that Peter likewise was crucified under Nero. This account of Peter and Paul is substantiated by the fact that their names are preserved in the cemeteries of that place even to the present day.,It is confirmed likewise by Caius, a member of the Church, who arose under Zephyrinus, bishop of Rome. He, in a published disputation with Proclus, the leader of the Phrygian heresy, speaks as follows concerning the places where the sacred corpses of the aforesaid apostles are laid:,But I can show the trophies of the apostles. For if you will go to the Vatican or to the Ostian way, you will find the trophies of those who laid the foundations of this church.,And that they both suffered martyrdom at the same time is stated by Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, in his epistle to the Romans, in the following words: You have thus by such an admonition bound together the planting of Peter and of Paul at Rome and Corinth. For both of them planted and likewise taught us in our Corinth. And they taught together in like manner in Italy, and suffered martyrdom at the same time. I have quoted these things in order that the truth of the history might be still more confirmed. 3.17. Domitian, having shown great cruelty toward many, and having unjustly put to death no small number of well-born and notable men at Rome, and having without cause exiled and confiscated the property of a great many other illustrious men, finally became a successor of Nero in his hatred and enmity toward God. He was in fact the second that stirred up a persecution against us, although his father Vespasian had undertaken nothing prejudicial to us. 3.18. It is said that in this persecution the apostle and evangelist John, who was still alive, was condemned to dwell on the island of Patmos in consequence of his testimony to the divine word.,Irenaeus, in the fifth book of his work Against Heresies, where he discusses the number of the name of Antichrist which is given in the so-called Apocalypse of John, speaks as follows concerning him:,If it were necessary for his name to be proclaimed openly at the present time, it would have been declared by him who saw the revelation. For it was seen not long ago, but almost in our own generation, at the end of the reign of Domitian.,To such a degree, indeed, did the teaching of our faith flourish at that time that even those writers who were far from our religion did not hesitate to mention in their histories the persecution and the martyrdoms which took place during it.,And they, indeed, accurately indicated the time. For they recorded that in the fifteenth year of Domitian Flavia Domitilla, daughter of a sister of Flavius Clement, who at that time was one of the consuls of Rome, was exiled with many others to the island of Pontia in consequence of testimony borne to Christ. 3.18.4. To such a degree, indeed, did the teaching of our faith flourish at that time that even those writers who were far from our religion did not hesitate to mention in their histories the persecution and the martyrdoms which took place during it. 3.21. After Nerva had reigned a little more than a year he was succeeded by Trajan. It was during the first year of his reign that Abilius, who had ruled the church of Alexandria for thirteen years, was succeeded by Cerdon. He was the third that presided over that church after Annianus, who was the first. At that time Clement still ruled the church of Rome, being also the third that held the episcopate there after Paul and Peter. Linus was the first, and after him came Anencletus. 4.26. In those days also Melito, bishop of the parish in Sardis, and Apolinarius, bishop of Hierapolis, enjoyed great distinction. Each of them on his own part addressed apologies in behalf of the faith to the above-mentioned emperor of the Romans who was reigning at that time.,The following works of these writers have come to our knowledge. of Melito, the two books On the Passover, and one On the Conduct of Life and the Prophets, the discourse On the Church, and one On the Lord's Day, still further one On the Faith of Man, and one On his Creation, another also On the Obedience of Faith, and one On the Senses; besides these the work On the Soul and Body, and that On Baptism, and the one On Truth, and On the Creation and Generation of Christ; his discourse also On Prophecy, and that On Hospitality; still further, The Key, and the books On the Devil and the Apocalypse of John, and the work On the Corporeality of God, and finally the book addressed to Antoninus.,In the books On the Passover he indicates the time at which he wrote, beginning with these words: While Servilius Paulus was proconsul of Asia, at the time when Sagaris suffered martyrdom, there arose in Laodicea a great strife concerning the Passover, which fell according to rule in those days; and these were written.,And Clement of Alexandria refers to this work in his own discourse On the Passover, which, he says, he wrote on occasion of Melito's work.,But in his book addressed to the emperor he records that the following events happened to us under him: For, what never before happened, the race of the pious is now suffering persecution, being driven about in Asia by new decrees. For the shameless informers and coveters of the property of others, taking occasion from the decrees, openly carry on robbery night and day, despoiling those who are guilty of no wrong. And a little further on he says: If these things are done by your command, well and good. For a just ruler will never take unjust measures; and we indeed gladly accept the honor of such a death.,But this request alone we present to you, that you would yourself first examine the authors of such strife, and justly judge whether they be worthy of death and punishment, or of safety and quiet. But if, on the other hand, this counsel and this new decree, which is not fit to be executed even against barbarian enemies, be not from you, much more do we beseech you not to leave us exposed to such lawless plundering by the populace.,Again he adds the following: For our philosophy formerly flourished among the Barbarians; but having sprung up among the nations under your rule, during the great reign of your ancestor Augustus, it became to your empire especially a blessing of auspicious omen. For from that time the power of the Romans has grown in greatness and splendor. To this power you have succeeded, as the desired possessor, and such shall you continue with your son, if you guard the philosophy which grew up with the empire and which came into existence with Augustus; that philosophy which your ancestors also honored along with the other religions.,And a most convincing proof that our doctrine flourished for the good of an empire happily begun, is this — that there has no evil happened since Augustus' reign, but that, on the contrary, all things have been splendid and glorious, in accordance with the prayers of all.,Nero and Domitian, alone, persuaded by certain calumniators, have wished to slander our doctrine, and from them it has come to pass that the falsehood has been handed down, in consequence of an unreasonable practice which prevails of bringing slanderous accusations against the Christians.,But your pious fathers corrected their ignorance, having frequently rebuked in writing many who dared to attempt new measures against them. Among them your grandfather Hadrian appears to have written to many others, and also to Fundanus, the proconsul and governor of Asia. And your father, when you also were ruling with him, wrote to the cities, forbidding them to take any new measures against us; among the rest to the Larissaeans, to the Thessalonians, to the Athenians, and to all the Greeks.,And as for you — since your opinions respecting the Christians are the same as theirs, and indeed much more benevolent and philosophic — we are the more persuaded that you will do all that we ask of you. These words are found in the above-mentioned work.,But in the Extracts made by him the same writer gives at the beginning of the introduction a catalogue of the acknowledged books of the Old Testament, which it is necessary to quote at this point. He writes as follows:,Melito to his brother Onesimus, greeting: Since you have often, in your zeal for the word, expressed a wish to have extracts made from the Law and the Prophets concerning the Saviour and concerning our entire faith, and has also desired to have an accurate statement of the ancient book, as regards their number and their order, I have endeavored to perform the task, knowing your zeal for the faith, and your desire to gain information in regard to the word, and knowing that you, in your yearning after God, esteem these things above all else, struggling to attain eternal salvation.,Accordingly when I went East and came to the place where these things were preached and done, I learned accurately the books of the Old Testament, and send them to you as written below. Their names are as follows: of Moses, five books: Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Leviticus, Deuteronomy; Jesus Nave, Judges, Ruth; of Kings, four books; of Chronicles, two; the Psalms of David, the Proverbs of Solomon, Wisdom also, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, Job; of Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah; of the twelve prophets, one book ; Daniel, Ezekiel, Esdras. From which also I have made the extracts, dividing them into six books. Such are the words of Melito. |
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252. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.5, 1.6.43-1.6.44, 1.6.78-1.6.79, 1.6.101-1.6.103, 1.99, 7.122 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37, 172, 173; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 196; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 268 | 1.99. Neanthes of Cyzicus also says this, and adds that they were near relations. And Aristotle maintains that the Corinthian Periander was the sage; while Plato denies this.His apophthegm is: Practice makes perfect. He planned a canal across the Isthmus.A letter of his is extant:Periander to the Wise MenVery grateful am I to the Pythian Apollo that I found you gathered together; and my letters will also bring you to Corinth, where, as you know, I will give you a thoroughly popular reception. I learn that last year you met in Sardis at the Lydian court. Do not hesitate therefore to come to me, the ruler of Corinth. The Corinthians will be pleased to see you coming to the house of Periander.Periander to Procle 7.122. though indeed there is also a second form of slavery consisting in subordination, and a third which implies possession of the slave as well as his subordination; the correlative of such servitude being lordship; and this too is evil. Moreover, according to them not only are the wise free, they are also kings; kingship being irresponsible rule, which none but the wise can maintain: so Chrysippus in his treatise vindicating Zeno's use of terminology. For he holds that knowledge of good and evil is a necessary attribute of the ruler, and that no bad man is acquainted with this science. Similarly the wise and good alone are fit to be magistrates, judges, or orators, whereas among the bad there is not one so qualified. |
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| 253. Lactantius, Deaths of The Persecutors, 2-6, 8-9, 7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 18 |
| 254. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 10.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 142 |
| 255. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 6.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 97 |
| 256. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 7.1-7.2, 8.2, 8.7, 9.3, 13.1, 19.12-19.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 81; Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 41, 119 |
257. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 15.10.2-15.10.7, 25.10.14, 30.9.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 105; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 176 | 25.10.14. He walked with a dignified bearing; his expression was very cheerful. His eyes were gray. He was so unusually tall that for some time no imperial robe could be found that was long enough for him. He took as his model Constantius, often spending the afternoon in some serious occupation, but accustomed to jest in public with his intimates. 30.9.6. His strong and muscular body, the gleam of his hair, his brilliant complexion, his grey eyes, with a gaze that was always sidelong and stern, his fine stature, and his regular features Cf. membrorum recta compage, xiv. 11, 28. completed a figure of regal charm and majesty. |
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| 258. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 4.6, 4.8-4.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 91; McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 259. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Diadumenus, 3.2-3.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 51 |
| 260. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 26.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, enemy of philosophy in philostratus Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 264 |
| 261. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations, 4.89 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 331 |
| 262. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 4.6, 4.8-4.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 91; McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 263. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 6.13, 7.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 422; Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 97 |
| 264. Anon., Mosaicarum Et Romanarum Legum Collatio, 12.2.4, 12.5-12.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 139 |
| 265. Julian (Emperor), Letters, "136b", "54" (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 80 |
| 266. Prudentius, Contra Symmachum, 1.271-1.277 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 119 |
267. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 5.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 | 5.18. The emperor Theodosius during his short stay in Italy, conferred the greatest benefit on the city of Rome, by grants on the one hand, and abrogations on the other. His largesses were indeed very munificent; and he removed two most infamous abuses which existed in the city. One of them was the following: there were buildings of immense magnitude, erected in ancient Rome in former times, in which bread was made for distribution among the people. Those who had the charge of these edifices, who Mancipes were called in the Latin language, in process of time converted them into receptacles for thieves. Now as the bake-houses in these structures were placed underneath, they build taverns at the side of each, where they kept prostitutes; by which means they entrapped many of those who went there either for the sake of refreshment, or to gratify their lusts, for by a certain mechanical contrivance they precipitated them from the tavern into the bake-house below. This was practiced chiefly upon strangers; and such as were in this way kidnapped were compelled to work in the bake-houses, where many of them were immured until old age, not being allowed to go out, and giving the impression to their friends that they were dead. It happened that one of the soldiers of the emperor Theodosius fell into this snare; who being shut up in the bake-house, and hindered from going out, drew a dagger which he wore and killed those who stood in his way: the rest being terrified, suffered him to escape. When the emperor was made acquainted with the circumstance he punished the Mancipes, and ordered these haunts of lawless and abandoned characters to be pulled down. This was one of the disgraceful nuisances of which the emperor purged the imperial city: the other was of this nature. When a woman was detected in adultery, they punished the delinquent not in the way of correction but rather of aggravation of her crime. For shutting her up in a narrow brothel, they obliged her to prostitute herself in a most disgusting manner; causing little bells to be rung at the time of the unclean deed that those who passed might not be ignorant of what was doing within. This was doubtless intended to brand the crime with greater ignominy in public opinion. As soon as the emperor was apprised of this indecent usage, he would by no means tolerate it; but having ordered the Sistra - for so these places of penal prostitution were denominated - to be pulled down, he appointed other laws for the punishment of adulteresses. Thus did the emperor Theodosius free the city from two of its most discreditable abuses: and when he had arranged all other affairs to his satisfaction, he left the emperor Valentinian at Rome, and returned himself with his son Honorius to Constantinople, and entered that city of the 10th of November, in the consulate of Tatian and Symmachus. |
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| 268. Libanius, Orations, a b c d\n0 "18.129" "18.129" "18 129" (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 80 |
| 269. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 7.84 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 307 |
| 270. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.7.4-7.7.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 101 |
| 271. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.36-1.12.37, 2.3.10, 3.16.15-3.16.16, 7.3.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 114; McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 133 |
| 272. Justinian, Digest, 11.7, 49.1.25, 48.19.30, 1.8.2.1, 43.12.3.2, 41.1.30.1, 41.1.1.1, 43.14.1.8, 43.12.1.5, 47.9.12.1, 47.9.9, 47.9.3.8, 47.9.1.4, 47.9.1pr., 48.8.1pr., 48.19.28.12, 48.8.3.5 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 293 |
| 273. Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 8 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians (2010) 129 |
| 274. Jerome, Commentary On Isaiah, 4 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 362 |
| 275. Jerome, Commentaria In Jeremiam, 15.4 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 362 |
| 276. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 8.5 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 662 |
| 277. Justinian, Institutiones, 2.1.2 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 117 |
| 278. John Malalas, History, 10.27 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 101 |
| 279. Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.209, 43.12.3.2, 43.14.1.8, 43.12.1.5, 41.1.30.1, 41.1.1.1, 1.8.2.1, 48.8.1pr., 47.9.12.1, 47.9.9, 47.9.3.8, 47.9.1.4, 47.9.1pr., 48.19.28.12, 48.8.3.5 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 169 |
| 280. Akousilaos of Argos, Fr., f25a Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 201 |
| 281. Juba Ii of Mauretania, Fr., f38a Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 269 |
| 282. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 1.9.3, 1.40.2, 2.5.1, 2.12, 2.14, 2.17-2.18, 3.1-3.2, 3.1.3, 3.2.1, 3.17.1, 4.20.1, 4.21.1, 4.25, 4.26.1, 4.32, 5.16.1, 5.44.2, 5.53.1 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 37, 86, 172, 173, 174, 256, 288 |
| 283. Simonides The Younger, Fr., t1 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 392 |
| 284. Acilius, Fr., f1 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 201 |
| 285. Artemidorus of Ephesus, Oneirocritica, f94 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 392 |
| 286. Eugraphius, Ad Ter. Ad., 783 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 287. Lucianus, Conviv., 44-46, 43 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
| 288. Aretaeus, Cur. Acut., 2.5 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 47 |
| 289. Scribonius Largus, Compounds Ep., 5, 4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 47 |
| 290. Eusebius, Ad M. Ant. Imp. Et Invincem, 1.3.2 Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 268 |
| 291. Numismatics, Bmc, 1.209, 2.241 Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 18, 23 |
| 292. Justinian, Codex Theodosianus, a b c d\n0 "12.1.50" "12.1.50" "12 1\n1 "9.17.5" "9.17.5" "9 17\n2 "12.1.59" "12.1.59" "12 1\n3 "16.2.7" "16.2.7" "16 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 80 |
| 293. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 5.3.6, 5.20.1, 5.21.2 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 139; de Ste. Croix et al., Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy (2006) 119 |
| 294. Anon., 1 Clement 30-32, 46, 50,, 5.4-5.7 Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 27 |
| 295. Eratosthenes, Geography, f16 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 196 |
| 296. Papyri, P.Oxy., 23.2382, 654.5-654.9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 198; Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 362 |
| 297. Arch., Att., 1.16.11, 1.18.1, 2.19.3, 4.15.6, 13.52 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37, 172, 173 |
| 298. Cicero, Atticus, 1.13, 12.36 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 110 |
| 299. Epigraphy, Didyma, 163, 233 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 223, 224 |
| 300. Epigraphy, Ekm 1. Beroia, 117 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 546 |
| 301. Epigraphy, Ephesos, 1105, 1105a, 1605, 1611, 692, 692a, 1130 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalinowski, Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos (2021) 229 |
| 302. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, 1105, 1105a, 1130, 1611, 1910, 24/a/b/c, 300a, 647, 692, 692a, 1605 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalinowski, Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos (2021) 229 |
| 303. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 3161.3-3161.4 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 100 |
| 304. Epigraphy, Ils, 1612, 225, 2304, 231, 375, 425, 5050, 5154, 5193, 8781, 9505, 2927 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 344 |
| 305. Pseudo-Eustathius, De Rebaptismate, 438, 437 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 194 |
| 306. Epigraphy, Cil, 10.7852.12, 6.32323, 3.6783, 5.5262, 10.6679, 14.2113, 10.8222, 3.6123, 6.1033, 15.7300, 6.8495, 6.31230, 6.36881, 2.4719, 3.6580, 6.1016a-c, i2 3449g, 4.7996, 4.3884, 4.2993, 4.1185, 4.149, 9.3019 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 170 |
| 308. Epigraphy, Priene, 81 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 332 |
| 309. Lucretius, Pharsalia, 6.1096-6.1097 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 337 |
| 310. Epigraphy, Roesch, Ithesp, 358 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 131, 135, 164, 165, 166, 171, 172, 223, 224 |
| 311. Epigraphy, Seg, 11.464, 11.923, 17.315, 49.886, 52.1496, 53.1758, 55.744 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), and pantomime •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 546, 662; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 109, 131 |
| 312. Epigraphy, Teos, 61 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
| 313. Anon., Appendix Vergiliana. Ciris, 36-41 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 211 |
| 314. Eusebius of Caesarea, Chronicon, gcs 20, 215 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 101 |
| 315. Epigraphy, Ogis, 51.43 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 313 |
| 316. Epigraphy, Ae, 1913.134, 1972.174 Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 83 |
| 317. Pseudo-Quintilian, Major Declamations, 9.10 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn, The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel (2004) 91 |
318. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 6.2.15, 8.3.1-8.3.15 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 245; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 204| 8.3.5. nisi prohibitus esset fratrum eius occursu. Ceterum abire e conspectu iubet addito metu mortis, si se oculis eius obtulisset, et ad desiderium levandum noctes agere inter pelices coepit. 8.3.6. Sed penitus haerens amor fastidio praesentium accensus est. Itaque rursus uni ei deditus orare non destitit, ut tali consilio abstineret patereturque sortem, quamcumque iis fortuna fecisset: | |
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| 319. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, a b c d\n0 "5.3.4" "5.3.4" "5 3 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Geljon and Vos, Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (2014) 80 |
| 320. Statius Valens, Historia Caesaris, 2.3.76-2.3.77, 2.7.41-2.7.119, 5.3.197 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Mcclellan, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (2019) 236, 238, 268 |
| 321. Synkellos, Ecloga Chronographica, 407, 410 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 101 |
| 322. Terence, Heauton Timorumenos, 1061, 206-210, 1062 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman, Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome (2013) 119 |
323. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.5, 2.1.1-2.1.2, 2.43, 2.79, 2.103-2.104 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 37, 47, 80; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 18 | 1.11.5. This same Metellus was the first of all to build a temple of marble, which he erected in the midst of these very monuments, thereby becoming the pioneer in this form of munificence, or shall we call it luxury? One will scarcely find a man of any race, or any age, or any rank, whose happy fortune is comparable with that of Metellus. 6 For, not to mention his surpassing triumphs, the great honours which he held, his supreme position in the state, the length of his life, and the bitter struggles on behalf of the state which he waged with his enemies without damage to his reputation, he reared four sons, saw them all reach man's estate, left them all surviving him and held in the highest honour. 7 These four sons bore the bier of their dead father to its place in front of the rostra; one was an ex-consul and ex-censor, the second an ex-consul, the third was actually consul, and the fourth was then a candidate for the consulship, an office which he duly held. This is assuredly not to die, but rather to pass happily out of life. 2.1.1. BOOK II The first of the Scipios opened the way for the world power of the Romans; the second opened the way for luxury. For, when Rome was freed of the fear of Carthage, and her rival in empire was out of her way, the path of virtue was abandoned for that of corruption, not gradually, but in headlong course. The older discipline was discarded to give place to the new. The state passed from vigilance to slumber, from the pursuit of arms to the pursuit of pleasure, from activity to idleness. 2 It was at this time that there were built, on the Capitol, the porticoes of Scipio Nasica, the porticoes of Metellus already mentioned, and, in the Circus, the portico of Gnaeus Octavius, the most splendid of them all; and private luxury soon followed public extravagance. |
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| 324. Epigraphy, Inschriften Von Sardis, 8 line 76 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 418 |
| 325. Epigraphy, Ig, 3.350, 3.352, 3.351, 7.1773.24, 7.1773.23, 7.1773.22, ii2.1103 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 418 |
| 326. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, 10 c 40 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 133 |
| 327. Epigraphy, Illrp, 5795 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Clark, Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome (2007) 267 |
| 328. Epigraphy, Igbulg, 5.5691 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 662 |
| 329. Evagrius Ponticus, Antirrhetikos, 4.8-4.11 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 47 |
| 330. Anon., Suda, φ422 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 164 |
| 331. Numismatics, Rib, 2404.3 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 689 |
| 332. Callimachus, Hymns, 3.1-3.3, 3.116-3.128, 3.251-3.268 Tagged with subjects: •roman emperors, nero Found in books: Immendörfer, Ephesians and Artemis: The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context (2017) 161 |
| 333. Arius Didymus, Fragments, 11m Tagged with subjects: •king, emperor, nero Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 268 |
| 334. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 113, 243, 257 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 142 |
| 336. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 8.3.1 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 344 |
| 337. Anon., Martyrdom of Mark, 4-6, 10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 525 |
| 338. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.20 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 50 |
| 339. Pseudo-Seneca, Letters, 16.4 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 39 |
| 340. Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine, Short Recension, 8.11 Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 188 |
| 341. Augustus, Seg, 37.1186 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 381 |
| 342. Aurelius Victor, Aurelius Victor, 13.6 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 381 |
| 343. Epigraphy, Bmc, 6 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 418 |
| 344. Augustus, Sng Aulock, 5200 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 418 |
| 345. Augustus, Sng Levante, 259 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 418 |
| 346. Anon., Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, 247-248 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 331 |
| 347. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 16.5, 16.5.10 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
| 348. Manilius, Astronomica, 1.7, 4.932 Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 211 |
| 349. Claudian, De Iii Consulatu Honorii, 106-108, 110, 109 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 211 |
| 350. Euripides, Trgf Fr., 208, 287 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 166 |
| 351. Anon., Thesm., 1059 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 28 |
| 352. Epigraphy, Glad. Paria, 1.2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 546 |
| 353. Epigraphy, Elrh, c42 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 689 |
| 354. Asconius Pedianus, Works, 27.4-5c, 27.17c, 84.5c, 5.1-2c, 43.27-28c, 80.5-6c Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper, The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives (2023) 47 |
| 355. Fortunatianus, Frhist, 48-49 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper, The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives (2023) 47 |
| 356. Cicero, On Behalf of King Deiotarus, 9.25 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 256 |
| 357. Nero, Fragmenta, 1 courtney Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 112 |
| 360. Suetonius, Ben., 6.30.6 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 8 |
| 361. Arch., Am., 16 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 173 |
| 363. Seneca The Younger, Nero, 57.1 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 |
| 364. Hegesippus Comicus, Fragments, hist. eccl. 2.23.21), (ap. eusebius Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 251 |
| 365. Epigraphy, Ccca, 6.77 Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 78 |
| 366. Mela, Nepos, praef. 5 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 210 |
| 368. Plin., Ep., 8.22, 10.57.2 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 170 |
| 369. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., 26, 84, f1, f108, 103 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 46 |
| 372. Plin., Pan., 48.5, 57.4, 58.3, 66.2-66.4 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 47, 183 |
| 373. Anon., Consolatio Ad Liuiam, 86-88, 90, 89 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 234 |
| 374. Suda, Geography, k1905 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 46 |
| 375. Javol., Dig., 4.8.39 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 170 |
| 377. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 5.51 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 366 |
| 378. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 127-130, 309-317, 319-376, 435-592, 929-946, 318 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 15, 198, 217, 218 |
