1. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.20-1.22, 3.82 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 12, 74 | 1.20. Having now given the result of my inquiries into early times, I grant that there will be a difficulty in believing every particular detail. The way that most men deal with traditions, even traditions of their own country, is to receive them all alike as they are delivered, without applying any critical test whatever. 2 The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the so-called Leokoreion, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. 3 There are many other unfounded ideas current among the rest of the Hellenes, even on matters of contemporary history which have not been obscured by time. For instance, there is the notion that the Lacedaemonian kings have two votes each, the fact being that they have only one; and that there is a company of Pitane, there being simply no such thing. So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand. 1.20. , Having now given the result of my inquiries into early times, I grant that there will be a difficulty in believing every particular detail. The way that most men deal with traditions, even traditions of their own country, is to receive them all alike as they are delivered, without applying any critical test whatever. ,The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. , There are many other unfounded ideas current among the rest of the Hellenes, even on matters of contemporary history which have not been obscured by time. For instance, there is the notion that the Lacedaemonian kings have two votes each, the fact being that they have only one; and that there is a company of Pitane, there being simply no such thing. So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand. 1.21. On the whole, however, the conclusions I have drawn from the proofs quoted may, I believe, safely be relied on. Assuredly they will not be disturbed either by the lays of a poet displaying the exaggeration of his craft, or by the compositions of the chroniclers that are attractive at truth's expense; the subjects they treat of being out of the reach of evidence, and time having robbed most of them of historical value by enthroning them in the region of legend. Turning from these, we can rest satisfied with having proceeded upon the clearest data, and having arrived at conclusions as exact as can be expected in matters of such antiquity. 2 To come to this war; despite the known disposition of the actors in a struggle to overrate its importance, and when it is over to return to their admiration of earlier events, yet an examination of the facts will show that it was much greater than the wars which preceded it. 1.21. ,On the whole, however, the conclusions I have drawn from the proofs quoted may, I believe, safely be relied on. Assuredly they will not be disturbed either by the lays of a poet displaying the exaggeration of his craft, or by the compositions of the chroniclers that are attractive at truth's expense; the subjects they treat of being out of the reach of evidence, and time having robbed most of them of historical value by enthroning them in the region of legend. Turning from these, we can rest satisfied with having proceeded upon the clearest data, and having arrived at conclusions as exact as can be expected in matters of such antiquity. ,To come to this war; despite the known disposition of the actors in a struggle to overrate its importance, and when it is over to return to their admiration of earlier events, yet an examination of the facts will show that it was much greater than the wars which preceded it. 1.22. With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. 2 And with reference to the narrative of events, far from permitting myself to derive it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed tests possible. 3 My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue partiality for one side or the other. 4 The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time. 1.22. , With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. ,And with reference to the narrative of events, far from permitting myself to derive it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed tests possible. ,My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue partiality for one side or the other. ,The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time. 3.82. So bloody was the march of the revolution, and the impression which it made was the greater as it was one of the first to occur. Later on, one may say, the whole Hellenic world was convulsed; struggles being everywhere made by the popular chiefs to bring in the Athenians, and by the oligarchs to introduce the Lacedaemonians. In peace there would have been neither the pretext nor the wish to make such an invitation; but in war, with an alliance always at the command of either faction for the hurt of their adversaries and their own corresponding advantage, opportunities for bringing in the foreigner were never wanting to the revolutionary parties. 2 The sufferings which revolution entailed upon the cities were many and terrible, such as have occurred and always will occur, as long as the nature of mankind remains the same; though in a severer or milder form, and varying in their symptoms, according to the variety of the particular cases. In peace and prosperity states and individuals have better sentiments, because they do not find themselves suddenly confronted with imperious necessities; but war takes away the easy supply of daily wants, and so proves a rough master, that brings most men's characters to a level with their fortunes. 3 Revolution thus ran its course from city to city, and the places which it arrived at last, from having heard what had been done before carried to a still greater excess the refinement of their inventions, as manifested in the cunning of their enterprises and the atrocity of their reprisals. 4 Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. 5 The advocate of extreme measures was always trustworthy; his opponent a man to be suspected. To succeed in a plot was to have a shrewd head, to divine a plot a still shrewder; but to try to provide against having to do either was to break up your party and to be afraid of your adversaries. In fine, to forestall an intending criminal, or to suggest the idea of a crime where it was wanting, was equally commended, 6 until even blood became a weaker tie than party, from the superior readiness of those united by the latter to dare everything without reserve; for such associations had not in view the blessings derivable from established institutions but were formed by ambition for their overthrow; and the confidence of their members in each other rested less on any religious sanction than upon complicity in crime. 7 The fair proposals of an adversary were met with jealous precautions by the stronger of the two, and not with a generous confidence. Revenge also was held of more account than self-preservation. Oaths of reconciliation, being only proffered on either side to meet an immediate difficulty, only held good so long as no other weapon was at hand; but when opportunity offered, he who first ventured to seize it and to take his enemy off his guard, thought this perfidious vengeance sweeter than an open one, since, considerations of safety apart, success by treachery won him the palm of superior intelligence. Indeed it is generally the case that men are readier to call rogues clever than simpletons honest, and are as ashamed of being the second as they are proud of being the first. 8 The cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from greed and ambition; and from these passions proceeded the violence of parties once engaged in contention. The leaders in the cities, each provided with the fairest professions, on the one side with the cry of political equality of the people, on the other of a moderate aristocracy, sought prizes for themselves in those public interests which they pretended to cherish, and, recoiling from no means in their struggles for ascendancy, engaged in the direct excesses; in their acts of vengeance they went to even greater lengths, not stopping at what justice or the good of the state demanded, but making the party caprice of the moment their only standard, and invoking with equal readiness the condemnation of an unjust verdict or the authority of the strong arm to glut the animosities of the hour. Thus religion was in honor with neither party; but the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation. Meanwhile the moderate part of the citizens perished between the two, either for not joining in the quarrel, or because envy would not suffer them to escape. 3.82. , So bloody was the march of the revolution, and the impression which it made was the greater as it was one of the first to occur. Later on, one may say, the whole Hellenic world was convulsed; struggles being everywhere made by the popular chiefs to bring in the Athenians, and by the oligarchs to introduce the Lacedaemonians. In peace there would have been neither the pretext nor the wish to make such an invitation; but in war, with an alliance always at the command of either faction for the hurt of their adversaries and their own corresponding advantage, opportunities for bringing in the foreigner were never wanting to the revolutionary parties. ,The sufferings which revolution entailed upon the cities were many and terrible, such as have occurred and always will occur, as long as the nature of mankind remains the same; though in a severer or milder form, and varying in their symptoms, according to the variety of the particular cases. In peace and prosperity states and individuals have better sentiments, because they do not find themselves suddenly confronted with imperious necessities; but war takes away the easy supply of daily wants, and so proves a rough master, that brings most men's characters to a level with their fortunes. ,Revolution thus ran its course from city to city, and the places which it arrived at last, from having heard what had been done before carried to a still greater excess the refinement of their inventions, as manifested in the cunning of their enterprises and the atrocity of their reprisals. ,Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. ,The advocate of extreme measures was always trustworthy; his opponent a man to be suspected. To succeed in a plot was to have a shrewd head, to divine a plot a still shrewder; but to try to provide against having to do either was to break up your party and to be afraid of your adversaries. In fine, to forestall an intending criminal, or to suggest the idea of a crime where it was wanting, was equally commended, ,until even blood became a weaker tie than party, from the superior readiness of those united by the latter to dare everything without reserve; for such associations had not in view the blessings derivable from established institutions but were formed by ambition for their overthrow; and the confidence of their members in each other rested less on any religious sanction than upon complicity in crime. ,The fair proposals of an adversary were met with jealous precautions by the stronger of the two, and not with a generous confidence. Revenge also was held of more account than self-preservation. Oaths of reconciliation, being only proffered on either side to meet an immediate difficulty, only held good so long as no other weapon was at hand; but when opportunity offered, he who first ventured to seize it and to take his enemy off his guard, thought this perfidious vengeance sweeter than an open one, since, considerations of safety apart, success by treachery won him the palm of superior intelligence. Indeed it is generally the case that men are readier to call rogues clever than simpletons honest, and are as ashamed of being the second as they are proud of being the first. ,The cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from greed and ambition; and from these passions proceeded the violence of parties once engaged in contention. The leaders in the cities, each provided with the fairest professions, on the one side with the cry of political equality of the people, on the other of a moderate aristocracy, sought prizes for themselves in those public interests which they pretended to cherish, and, recoiling from no means in their struggles for ascendancy, engaged in the direct excesses; in their acts of vengeance they went to even greater lengths, not stopping at what justice or the good of the state demanded, but making the party caprice of the moment their only standard, and invoking with equal readiness the condemnation of an unjust verdict or the authority of the strong arm to glut the animosities of the hour. Thus religion was in honor with neither party; but the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation. Meanwhile the moderate part of the citizens perished between the two, either for not joining in the quarrel, or because envy would not suffer them to escape. |
|
2. Suetonius, Caligula, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 45 | 16.1. He banished from the city the sexual perverts called spintriae, barely persuaded not to sink them in the sea. The writings of Titus Labienus, Cremutius Cordus, and Cassius Severus, which had been suppressed by decrees of the senate, he allowed to be hunted up, circulated, and read, saying that it was wholly to his interest that everything which happened be handed down to posterity. He published the accounts of the empire, which had regularly been made public by Augustus, a practice discontinued by Tiberius. |
|
3. Suetonius, Claudius, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 45 | 41.2. Even while he was emperor he wrote a good deal and gave constant recitals through a professional reader. He began his history with the death of the dictator Caesar, but passed to a later period and took a fresh start at the end of the civil war, realising that he was not allowed to give a frank or true account of the earlier times, since he was often taken to task both by his mother and his grandmother. He left two books of the earlier history, but forty-one of the later. |
|
4. Tacitus, Annals, 1.1.2-1.1.3, 1.2, 1.72, 4.32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 26, 45, 47| 1.2. Postquam Bruto et Cassio caesis nulla iam publica arma, Pompeius apud Siciliam oppressus exutoque Lepido, interfecto Antonio ne Iulianis quidem partibus nisi Caesar dux reliquus, posito triumviri nomine consulem se ferens et ad tuendam plebem tribunicio iure contentum, ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam vetera et periculosa mallent. neque provinciae illum rerum statum abnuebant, suspecto senatus populique imperio ob certamina potentium et avaritiam magistratuum, invalido legum auxilio quae vi ambitu postremo pecunia turbabantur. 1.2. Interea manipuli ante coeptam seditionem Nauportum missi ob itinera et pontes et alios usus, postquam turbatum in castris accepere, vexilla convellunt direptisque proximis vicis ipsoque Nauporto, quod municipii instar erat, retinentis centuriones inrisu et contumeliis, postremo verberibus insectantur, praecipua in Aufidienum Rufum praefectum castrorum ira, quem dereptum vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine per ludibrium rogitantes an tam immensa onera, tam longa itinera libenter ferret. quippe Rufus diu manipularis, dein centurio, mox castris praefectus, antiquam duramque militiam revocabat, vetus operis ac laboris et eo inmitior quia toleraverat. 1.72. Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris patriae Tiberius, a populo saepius ingestum, repudiavit; neque in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se magis in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi; nam legem maiestatis reduxerat, cui nomen apud veteres idem, sed alia in iudicium veniebant, si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatem populi Romani minuisset: facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant. primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius tractavit, commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque inlustris procacibus scriptis diffamaverat; mox Tiberius, consultante Pompeio Macro praetore an iudicia maiestatis redderentur, exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina incertis auctoribus vulgata in saevitiam superbiamque eius et discordem cum matre animum. 4.32. Pleraque eorum quae rettuli quaeque referam parva forsitan et levia memoratu videri non nescius sum: sed nemo annalis nostros cum scriptura eorum contenderit qui veteres populi Romani res composuere. ingentia illi bella, expugnationes urbium, fusos captosque reges, aut si quando ad interna praeverterent, discordias consulum adversum tribunos, agrarias frumentariasque leges, plebis et optimatium certamina libero egressu memorabant: nobis in arto et inglorius labor; immota quippe aut modice lacessita pax, maestae urbis res et princeps proferendi imperi incuriosus erat. non tamen sine usu fuerit introspicere illa primo aspectu levia ex quis magnarum saepe rerum motus oriuntur. | 1.2. When the killing of Brutus and Cassius had disarmed the Republic; when Pompey had been crushed in Sicily, and, with Lepidus thrown aside and Antony slain, even the Julian party was leaderless but for the Caesar; after laying down his triumviral title and proclaiming himself a simple consul content with tribunician authority to safeguard the commons, he first conciliated the army by gratuities, the populace by cheapened corn, the world by the amenities of peace, then step by step began to make his ascent and to unite in his own person the functions of the senate, the magistracy, and the legislature. Opposition there was none: the boldest spirits had succumbed on stricken fields or by proscription-lists; while the rest of the nobility found a cheerful acceptance of slavery the smoothest road to wealth and office, and, as they had thriven on revolution, stood now for the new order and safety in preference to the old order and adventure. Nor was the state of affairs unpopular in the provinces, where administration by the Senate and People had been discredited by the feuds of the magnates and the greed of the officials, against which there was but frail protection in a legal system for ever deranged by force, by favouritism, or (in the last resort) by gold. < 1.2. When the killing of Brutus and Cassius had disarmed the Republic; when Pompey had been crushed in Sicily, and, with Lepidus thrown aside and Antony slain, even the Julian party was leaderless but for the Caesar; after laying down his triumviral title and proclaiming himself a simple consul content with tribunician authority to safeguard the commons, he first conciliated the army by gratuities, the populace by cheapened corn, the world by the amenities of peace, then step by step began to make his ascent and to unite in his own person the functions of the senate, the magistracy, and the legislature. Opposition there was none: the boldest spirits had succumbed on stricken fields or by proscription-lists; while the rest of the nobility found a cheerful acceptance of slavery the smoothest road to wealth and office, and, as they had thriven on revolution, stood now for the new order and safety in preference to the old order and adventure. Nor was the state of affairs unpopular in the provinces, where administration by the Senate and People had been discredited by the feuds of the magnates and the greed of the officials, against which there was but frail protection in a legal system for ever deranged by force, by favouritism, or (in the last resort) by gold. 1.72. In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence â betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. < 1.72. In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence â betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. 4.32. I am not unaware that very many of the events I have described, and shall describe, may perhaps seem little things, trifles too slight for record; but no parallel can be drawn between these chronicles of mine and the work of the men who composed the ancient history of the Roman people. Gigantic wars, cities stormed, routed and captive kings, or, when they turned by choice to domestic affairs, the feuds of consul and tribune, land-laws and corn-laws, the duel of nobles and commons â such were the themes on which they dwelt, or digressed, at will. Mine is an inglorious labour in a narrow field: for this was an age of peace unbroken or half-heartedly challenged, of tragedy in the capital, of a prince careless to extend the empire. Yet it may be not unprofitable to look beneath the surface of those incidents, trivial at the first inspection, which so often set in motion the great events of history. < 4.32. I am not unaware that very many of the events I have described, and shall describe, may perhaps seem little things, trifles too slight for record; but no parallel can be drawn between these chronicles of mine and the work of the men who composed the ancient history of the Roman people. Gigantic wars, cities stormed, routed and captive kings, or, when they turned by choice to domestic affairs, the feuds of consul and tribune, land-laws and corn-laws, the duel of nobles and commons â such were the themes on which they dwelt, or digressed, at will. Mine is an inglorious labour in a narrow field: for this was an age of peace unbroken or half-heartedly challenged, of tragedy in the capital, of a prince careless to extend the empire. Yet it may be not unprofitable to look beneath the surface of those incidents, trivial at the first inspection, which so often set in motion the great events of history. |
|
| 5. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1, 2.101 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nerva (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 45, 49 |
6. Josephus Flavius, Life, 361-367 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 47| 367. * ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀπαρτισθείσης τῆς ἱστορίας ἀληθείᾳ οὐ κολακεύων, οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπέβαλλεν αὐτῷ, οὐδὲ εἰρωνευόμενος, ὡς σὺ φήσεις, πόρρω γὰρ ἦν ἐκεῖνος τοιαύτης κακοηθείας, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐμαρτύρει, καθάπερ πάντες οἱ ταῖς ἱστορίαις ἐντυγχάνοντες. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν πρὸς ̓Ιοῦστον ἀναγκαίαν λαβόντα τὴν παρέκβασιν μέχρι τούτων ἡμῖν λελέχθω. | |
|
| 7. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, pr. 20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 47 |
| 8. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 8079.3.4-4.3, 8079.4.3, 8079.7.2, 8079.3.2, 8079.7.1, 8079.7.4, 8079.6.1, 8079.5.4, 8079.5.3, 8079.5.2, 8079.3.3, 8079.7.3, 8079.6.2, 8079.6.3, 8079.5.1, 8079.4.7, 8079.4.6, 8079.4.5, 8079.4.4, 6363.23.1, 6363.24.4a, 6363.29.1, 6364.5.3, 56.43.4, 56.40.5, 6364.8.1, 6363.22.6, 6363.22.12, 7776.14.2, 7978.27.2, 60.2.4, 6262.16.1, 6262.18.1, 6262.18.2, 6263.11.1, 6263.12.2, 6263.13.1, 6263.13.2, 6263.15, 52.39.4, 6060.18.1, 6060.22.5, 6262.15.1, 7473.7.2, 7776.11.1, 7776.13.1, 7776.13.2, 7776.13.3, 7776.13.4, 6364.8.2, 7776.14.3, 7776.14.4, 7776.14.5, 7776.14.6, 7978.27.1, 7978.27.3, 6364.8.3, 6767.12.5, 6364.8.5, 6969.1.2, 6969.2.5, 6969.3.3, 6969.3.4, 6969.7.1, 6969.7.2, 6465.14, 6465.15, 6465.20, 6969.7.3, 6969.9.4, 6364.8.4, 7070.1.1, 7271.3.4, 6465.21, 6969.1.1, 6868.7.5, 6868.7.4, 6868.7.2, 6767.1.3, 6767.1.2, 6767.1.1, 6666.19.1, 6666.18.5, 6666.18.2, 6666.18.1, 6566.1.1, 6566.9.4, 6364.11, 6465.12, 6465.13, 6868.5.2, 6767.14.4, 6868.6.2, 6868.6.3, 6364.8.21, 6566.10.1a, 6969.20, 6364.8.14, 6364.8.20, 6364.8.19, 6364.8.18, 6364.8.17, 6364.8.16, 6364.8.15, 6566.10.3, 6364.8.13, 6767.8.1, 6364.8.12, 6767.15.1, 6868.1.1, 7473.14.2a, 6364.8.10, 6364.8.9, 6364.8.8, 6364.8.7, 6364.8.6, 6364.8.11, 6363.27.2b, 6566.10.4, 7271.33.2, 6566.10.4-11.3, 6566.10.6, 6566.10.5, 7473.3.4, 7372.22.5, 7372.22.4, 7473.3.3, 7473.3.2, 7372.20.2, 7372.21.3, 7372.22.1, 7372.22.2, 7372.22.3, 7372.10.1, 47.39.5, 47.39.4, 47.39.3, 47.39.2, 47.39.1, 7372.9.1, 7372.9.3, 7372.12.1, 8079.15, 8079.16, 8079.17, 8079.12, 8079.11, 8079.10, 8079.9, 8079.8, 8079.1.2-2.6, 8079.7, 8079.6, 8079.18, 8079.19, 8079.20, 6161.6.1, 7877.1.4, 7877.12.1, 8079.5, 8079.4, 8079.3, 8079.2, 7372.9.4, 8079.1, 8079.21, 8079.13, 8079.14, 7473.9.4-10.1, 7372.24.2xiph., 7271.27.2, 7271.26.4, 7978.5.5, 56.34.4, 7877.16.1, 8079.8.1, 8079.8.2, 8079.8.3, 8079.9.1, 8079.9.2, 8079.9.4, 7877.5.5, 7877.13.6, 7473.12.2, 8079.9.3, 7877.17, 7877.18, 7473.12.3, 7978.5.2, 7776.8.1-9.2, 7574.9, 7877.16.3, 7978.5.3, 7978.5.4, 7473.12.4, 7978.8.4, 7473.1, 7877.16.6a, 7473.12, 8079.13.1, 8079.15.4, 7978.5.1, 7978.4.1, 7877.17.1.4, 7877.7.4, 7473.11, 7877.7.2, 7877.7.3, 7877.4.1, 7877.16.2, 7877.5.3, 7877.7.1, 8079.11.1, 7877.5.4, 8079.11.2, 8079.11.3-12.1-21, 7877.6.1, 7877.6.2, 7473.12.5, 47.6.2, 44.24.2, 44.24.3, 46.12.1, 42.9.3, 44.1.2, 41.46.2, 41.14.2, 49.15.3, 38.17.4, 39.58.2, 52.27.3, 7675.6.2, 52.42.5, 7978.28.1, 52.42.1, 7675.6.8, 7675.6.7, 7675.6.6, 7675.6.5, 7675.6.4, 7675.6.3, 7675.6.1, 7575.2.3-3.2, 7675.9.1, 7575.1.2, 7575.1.3, 53.22.5, 56.37.2, 56.37.4, 53.7.2, 56.44.1, 6364.13.1, 6465.10.4, 6868.26.42, 56.38.1, 7776.10.4, 7575.2.4, 7675.4.7, 7675.5.1, 7675.5.3, 7776.10.2, 7776.10.3, 7574.8.3xiph., 7776.10.7, 7675.7.1, 7776.10.6, 7776.1.2, 7776.2.3, 7776.2.4, 7776.2.5, 7675.7.3, 7675.5.2, 6868.4.1, 6868.3.3, 6868.3.4, 6868.4.2, 7877.10.3, 7877.11.1, 7877.8.1, 7877.9.1, 7877.10.1, 7877.10.2, 7877.11.7, 7877.11.6, 7877.11.5, 7877.11.4, 7877.11.3, 7877.11.2, 7271.22.2, 7473.7, 7776.14, 7776.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 196 |
| 9. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.9.1-1.9.10, 4.6.3-4.6.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nicomedia Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 97, 173 |
10. Lucian, How To Write History, 13, 2, 38, 7, 9, 61 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 26 | 61. But the general principle I would have remembered — it will ever be on my lips — is this: do not write merely with an eye to the present, that those now living may commend and honour you; aim at eternity, compose for posterity, and from it ask your reward; and that reward? — that it be said of you, 'This was a man indeed, free and free-spoken; flattery and servility were not in him; he was truth all through.' It is a name which a man of judgement might well prefer to all the fleeting hopes of the present. |
|
| 11. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 6.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 97 |
| 12. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 6.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 97 |
| 13. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, 5.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nicomedia Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 173 |
| 14. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.1033 Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nisibis Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 23 |
| 15. Epigraphy, Ils, 425 Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nisibis Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 23 |
| 16. Anon., Excerpta Lugdunensia, 136 Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nicomedia Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 173 |
