| 1. Euripides, Fragments, f 973 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 62 |
2. Euripides, Bacchae, 274-280, 282-283, 281 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 144| 281. λύπης, ὅταν πλησθῶσιν ἀμπέλου ῥοῆς, | 281. to mortals. It releases wretched mortals from grief, whenever they are filled with the stream of the vine, and gives them sleep, a means of forgetting their daily troubles, nor is there another cure for hardships. He who is a god is poured out in offerings to the gods, |
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| 3. Polybius, Histories, 3.91 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 144 |
| 4. Cicero, Letters, 7.13.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 62 |
5. Cicero, On Divination, 2.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 62| 2.12. Quodsi nec earum rerum, quae subiectae sensibus sunt, ulla divinatio est nec earum, quae artibus continentur, nec earum, quae in philosophia disseruntur, nec earum, quae in re publica versantur, quarum rerum sit, nihil prorsus intellego; nam aut omnium debet esse, aut aliqua ei materia danda est, in qua versari possit. Sed nec omnium divinatio est, ut ratio docuit, nec locus nec materia invenitur, cui divinationem praeficere possimus. Vide igitur, ne nulla sit divinatio. Est quidam Graecus vulgaris in hanc sententiam versus: Bene quí coniciet, vátem hunc perhibebo óptumum. Num igitur aut, quae tempestas inpendeat, vates melius coniciet quam gubernator aut morbi naturam acutius quam medicus aut belli administrationem prudentius quam inperator coniectura adsequetur? | 2.12. But if there is no place for divination in things perceived by the senses, or in those included among the arts, or in those discussed by philosophers, or in those which have to do with government, I see absolutely no need for it anywhere. For either it ought to be of use in every case, or, at least, some department in which it may be employed should be found. But divination is not of use in every case, as my reasoning has shown; nor can any field or subject matter be found over which it may exercise control.[5] Therefore I am inclined to think that there is no such thing as divination. There is a much-quoted Greek verse to this effect:The best diviner I maintain to beThe man who guesses or conjectures best.Now do you think that a prophet will conjecture better whether a storm is at hand than a pilot? or that he will by conjecture make a more accurate diagnosis than a physician, or conduct a war with more skill than a general? 2.12. Then shall we believe that the souls of sleepers while dreaming are spontaneously moved? or, as Democritus thinks, that they are impelled to action by phantoms from without? Whether the one theory or the other be correct, the fact remains that men in sleep assume many false apparitions to be true. Likewise, to men who are sailing, stationary objects on shore seem to be moving; and also, sometimes in looking at a lamp, by some sort of optical illusion we see two flames instead of one. Why need I mention how many non-existent things are seen by men who are drunk or crazy? And if we are to put no trust in such apparitions of the waking man I do not understand why we should put any trust in dreams. of course you may argue, if you will, about these tricks of vision as you would about dreams, and say, for example, that when stationary objects appear to be in motion, it foretells an earthquake or a sudden flight; and when the lamps flame appears to be double it portends that insurrection and rebellion are afoot! [59] |
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6. Livy, History, 1.33.9, 2.16-2.17, 2.33-2.40, 4.11.4, 8.15, 10.21.8, 25.7.9, 27.11.6, 27.37.1-27.37.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 142, 144; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 165| 27.11.6. ea prodigia hostiis maioribus procurata, et supplicatio circa omnia pulvinaria et obsecratio in unum diem indicta; et decretum, ut C. Hostilius praetor ludos Apollini, sicut iis annis voti factique erant, voveret faceretque. per eos dies 27.37.1. priusquam consules proficiscerentur, novendiale sacrum fuit, quia Veis de caelo lapidaverat. 27.37.2. sub unius prodigii ut fit, mentionem alia quoque nuntiata, Menturnis aedem Iovis et lucum Maricae, item Atellae murum et portam de caelo tacta; 27.37.3. Menturnenses, terribilius quod esset, adiciebant sanguinis rivum in porta fluxisse; et Capuae lupus nocte portam ingressus vigilem laniaverat. 27.37.4. haec procurata hostiis maioribus prodigia, et supplicatio diem unum fuit ex decreto pontificum. inde iterum novendiale instauratum, quod in Armilustro lapidibus visum pluere. | 2.34. The new consuls were T. Geganius and P. Minucius. In this year, whilst all abroad was undisturbed by war and the civic dissensions at home were healed, the commonwealth was attacked by another much more serious evil: [2] first, dearness of food, owing to the fields remaining uncultivated during the secession, and following on this a famine such as visits a besieged city., It would have led to the perishing of the slaves in any case, and probably the plebeians would have died, had not the consuls provided for the emergency by sending men in various directions to buy corn. They penetrated not only along the coast to the right of Ostia into Etruria, but also along the sea to the left past the Volscian country as far as Cumae. Their search extended even as far as Sicily; to such an extent did the hostility of their neighbours compel them to seek distant help. [4] When corn had been bought at Cumae, the ships were detained by the tyrant Aristodemus, in lieu of the property of Tarquin, to whom he was heir. Amongst the Volscians and in the Pomptine district it was even impossible to purchase corn, the corn merchants were in danger of being attacked by the population. Some corn came from Etruria up the Tiber; this served for the support of the plebeians. [5] They would have been harassed by a war, doubly unwelcome when provisions were so scarce, if the Volscians, who were already on the march, had not been attacked by a frightful pestilence., This disaster cowed the enemy so effectually that even when it had abated its violence they remained to some extent in a state of terror; the Romans increased the number of colonists at Velitrae and sent a new colony to Norba, up in the mountains, to serve as a stronghold in the Pomptine district. [7] During the consulship of M. Minucius and A. Sempronius, a large quantity of corn was brought from Sicily, and the question was discussed in the senate at what price it should be given to the plebs. Many were of opinion that the moment had come for putting pressure on the plebeians, and recovering the rights which had been wrested from the senate through the secession and the violence which accompanied it. [8] Foremost among these was Marcius Coriolanus, a determined foe to the tribunitian power. ‘If,’ he argued, ‘they want their corn at the old price, let them restore to the senate its old powers., Why, then, do I, after being sent under the yoke, ransomed as it were from brigands, see plebeian magistrates, why do I see a Sicinius in power? Am I to endure these indignities a moment longer than I can help? [10] Am I, who could not put up with a Tarquin as king, to put up with a Sicinius? Let him secede now! let him call out his plebeians, the way lies open to the Sacred Hill and to other hills. Let them carry off the corn from our fields as they did two years ago; let them enjoy the scarcity which in their madness they have produced! [11] I will venture to say that after they have been tamed by these sufferings, they will rather work as labourers themselves in the fields than prevent their being cultivated by an armed secession.’, It is not so easy to say whether they ought to have done this as it is to express one's belief that it could have been done, and the senators might have made it a condition of lowering the price of the corn that they should abrogate the tribunitian power and all the legal restrictions imposed upon them against their will. 2.35. The senate considered these sentiments too bitter, the plebeians in their exasperation almost flew to arms. Famine, they said, was being used as a weapon against them, as though they were enemies; they were being cheated out of food and sustece; the foreign corn, which fortune had unexpectedly given them as their sole means of support, was to be snatched from their mouths unless their tribunes were given up in chains to Cn. Marcius, unless he could work his will on the backs of the Roman plebeians. [2] In him a new executioner had sprung up, who ordered them either to die or live as slaves. He would have been attacked on leaving the Senate-house had not the tribunes most opportunely fixed a day for his impeachment. This allayed the excitement, every man saw himself a judge with the power of life and death over his enemy., At first Marcius treated the threats of the tribunes with contempt; they had the right of protecting not of punishing, they were the tribunes of the plebs not of the patricians. But the anger of the plebeians was so thoroughly roused that the patricians could only save themselves by the punishment of one of their order. [4] They resisted, however, in spite of the odium they incurred, and exercised all the powers they possessed both collectively and individually. At first they attempted to thwart proceedings by posting pickets of their clients to deter individuals from frequenting meetings and conclaves. [5] Then they proceeded in a body — you might suppose that every patrician was impeached — and implored the plebeians, if they refused to acquit a man who was innocent, at least to give up to them, as guilty, one citizen, one senator., As he did not put in an appearance on the day of trial, their resentment remained unabated, and he was condemned in his absence. He went into exile amongst the Volscians, uttering threats against his country, and even then entertaining hostile designs against it. The Volscians welcomed his arrival, and he became more popular as his resentment against his countrymen became more bitter, and his complaints and threats were more frequently heard. [7] He enjoyed the hospitality of Attius Tullius, who was by far the most important man at that time amongst the Volscians and a lifelong enemy of the Romans. Impelled each by similar motives, the one by old-standing hatred, the other by newly-provoked resentment, they formed joint plans for war with Rome. [8] They were under the impression that the people could not easily be induced, after so many defeats, to take up arms again, and that after their losses in their numerous wars and recently through the pestilence, their spirits were broken. The hostility had now had time to die down; it was necessary, therefore, to adopt some artifice by which fresh irritation might be produced. 2.36. It so happened that preparations were being made for a repetition of the ‘Great Games.’34 The reason for their repetition was that early in the morning, prior to the commencement of the Games, a householder after flogging his slave had driven him through the middle of the Circus Maximus. Then the Games commenced, as though the incident had no religious significance. [2] Not long afterwards, Titus Latinius, a member of the plebs, had a dream. Jupiter appeared to him and said that the dancer who commenced the Games was displeasing to him, adding that unless those Games were repeated with due magnificence, disaster would overtake the City, and he was to go and report this to the consuls., Though he was by no means free from religious scruples, still his fears gave way before his awe of the magistrates, lest he should become an object of public ridicule. [4] This hesitation cost him dear, for within a few days he lost his son. That he might have no doubt as to the cause of this sudden calamity, the same form again appeared to the distressed father in his sleep, and demanded of him whether he had been sufficiently repaid for his neglect of the divine will, for a more terrible recompense was impending if he did not speedily go and inform the consuls. [5] Though the matter was becoming more urgent, he still delayed, and while thus procrastinating he was attacked by a serious illness in the form of sudden paralysis., Now the divine wrath thoroughly alarmed him, and wearied out by his past misfortune and the one from which he was suffering, he called his relations together and explained what he had seen and heard, the repeated appearance of Jupiter in his sleep, the threatening wrath of heaven brought home to him by his calamities. [7] On the strong advice of all present he was carried in a litter to the consuls in the Forum, and from there by the consuls' order into the Senate-house. After repeating the same story to the senators, to the intense surprise of all, another marvel occurred. [8] The tradition runs that he who had been carried into the Senate-house paralysed in every limb, returned home, after performing his duty, on his own feet. 2.37. The senate decreed that the Games should be celebrated on the most splendid scale. At the suggestion of Attius Tullius, a large number of Volscians came to them. [2] In accordance with a previous arrangement with Marcius, Tullius came to the consuls, before the proceedings commenced, and said that there were certain matters touching the State which he wished to discuss privately with them., When all the bystanders had been removed he began: ‘It is with great reluctance that I say anything to the disparagement of my people. I do not come however to charge them with having actually committed any offence but to take precautions against their committing one. [4] The character of our citizens is more fickle than I should wish; [5] we have experienced this in many defeats, for we owe our present security not to our own deserts but to your forbearance. Here at this moment are a great multitude of Volscians, the Games are going on, the whole City will be intent on the spectacle., I remember what an outrage was committed by the young Sabines on a similar occasion, I shudder lest any ill-advised and reckless incident should occur. For our sakes, and yours, consuls, I thought it right to give you this warning. [7] As far as I am concerned, it is my intention to start at once for home, lest, if I stay, I should be involved in some mischief either of speech or act.’ With these words he departed. [8] These vague hints, uttered apparently on good authority, were laid by the consuls before the senate. As generally happens, the authority rather than the facts of the case induced them to take even excessive precautions. A decree was passed that the Volscians should leave the City, criers were sent round ordering them all to depart before nightfall., Their first feeling was one of panic as they ran off to their respective lodgings to take away their effects, but when they had started a feeling of indignation arose at their being driven away from the Games, from a festival which was in a manner a meeting of gods and men, as though they were under the curse of heaven and unfit for human society. 2.39. By the uimous vote of the states, the conduct of the war was entrusted to Attius Tullius and Cn. Marcius, the Roman exile, on whom their hopes chiefly rested. [2] He fully justified their expectations, so that it became quite evident that the strength of Rome lay in her generals rather than in her army. He first marched against Cerceii, expelled the Roman colony and handed it over to the Volscians as a free city., Then he took: Satricum, Longula, Polusca, and Corioli, towns which the Romans had recently acquired. Marching across country into the Via Latina, he recovered Lavinium, and then, in succession, Corbio, Vetellia, Trebium Labici, and Pedum. [4] Finally, he advanced from Pedum against the City. [5] He entrenched his camp at the Cluilian Dykes, about five miles distant, and from there he ravaged the Roman territory. The raiding parties were accompanied by men whose business it was to see that the lands of the patricians were not touched;, a measure due either to his rage being especially directed against the plebeians, or to his hope that dissensions might arise between them and the patricians. [7] These certainly would have arisen — to such a pitch were the tribunes exciting the plebs by their attacks on the chief men of the State — had not the fear of the enemy outside — the strongest bond of union — brought men together in spite of their mutual suspicions and aversion. [8] On one point they disagreed; the senate and the consuls placed their hopes solely in arms, the plebeians preferred anything to war. Sp. Nautius and Sex., Furius were now consul. Whilst they were reviewing the legions and manning the walls and stationing troops in various places, an enormous crowd gathered together. At first they alarmed the consuls by seditious shouts, and at last they compelled them to convene the senate and submit a motion for sending ambassadors to Cn. Marcius. As the courage of the plebeians was evidently giving way, the senate accepted the motion, and a deputation was sent to Marcius with proposals for peace. [10] They brought back the stern reply: If the territory were restored to the Volscians, the question of peace could be discussed; [11] but if they wished to enjoy the spoils of war at their ease, he had not forgotten the wrongs inflicted by his countrymen nor the kindness shown by those who were now his hosts, and would strive to make it clear that his spirit had been roused, not broken, by his exile., The same envoys were sent on a second mission, but were not admitted into the camp. According to the tradition, the priests also in their robes went as suppliants to the enemies' camp, but they had no more influence with him than the previous deputation. 2.40. Then the matrons went in a body to Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, and Volumnia his wife. [2] Whether this was in consequence of a decree of the senate, or simply the prompting of womanly fear, I am unable to ascertain, but at all events they succeeded in inducing the aged Veturia to go with Volumnia and her two little sons to the enemies' camp. As men were powerless to protect the City by their arms, the women sought to do so by their tears and prayers., On their arrival at the camp a message was sent to Coriolanus that a large body of women were present. He had remained unmoved by the majesty of the State in the persons of its ambassadors, and by the appeal made to his eyes and mind in the persons of its priests; he was still more obdurate to the tears of the women. [4] Then one of his friends, who had recognised Veturia, standing between her daughter-in-law and her grandsons, and conspicuous amongst them all in the greatness of her grief, said to him. ‘Unless my eyes deceive me, your mother and wife and children are here.’ [5] Coriolanus, almost like one demented, sprung from his seat to embrace his mother. She, changing her tone from entreaty to anger, said, ‘Before I admit your embrace suffer me to know whether it is to an enemy or a son that I have come, whether it is as your prisoner or as your mother that I am in your camp., Has a long life and an unhappy old age brought me to this, that I have to see you an exile and from that an enemy? Had you the heart to ravage this land, which has borne and nourished you? [7] However hostile and menacing the spirit in which you came, did not your anger subside as you entered its borders? Did you not say to yourself when your eye rested on Rome, ‘Within those walls are my home, my household gods, my mother, my wife, my children’? [8] Must it then be that, had I remained childless, no attack would have been made on Rome; had I never had a son, I should have ended my days a free woman in a free country? But there is nothing which I can suffer now that will not bring more disgrace to you than wretchedness to me; whatever unhappiness awaits me it will not be for long., Look to these, whom, if you persist me your present course, an untimely death awaits, or a long life of bondage.’ When she ceased, his wife and children embraced him, and all the women wept and bewailed their own and their country's fate. At last his resolution gave way. He embraced his family and dismissed them, and moved his camp away from the City. [10] After withdrawing his legions from the Roman territory, he is said to have fallen a victim to the resentment which his action aroused, but as to the time and circumstances of his death the traditions vary. [11] I find in Fabius, who is by far the oldest authority, that he lived to be an old man; he relates a saying of his, which he often uttered in his later years, that it is not till a man is old that he feels the full misery of exile. The Roman husbands did not grudge their wives the glory they had won, so completely were their lives free from the spirit of detraction and envy., A temple was built and dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris, to serve as a memorial of their deed. Subsequently the combined forces of the Volscians and Aequi re-entered the Roman territory. [13] The Aequi, however, refused any longer to accept the generalship of Attius Tullius, a quarrel arose as to which nation should furnish the commander of the combined army, and this resulted in a bloody battle. Here the good fortune of Rome destroyed the two armies of her enemies in a conflict no less ruinous than obstinate. [14] The new consuls were T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius. To Sicinius was assigned the campaign against the Volscians, to Aquilius that against the Hernici, for they also were in arms. In that year the Hernici were subjugated, the campaign against the Volscians ended indecisively. |
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| 7. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.35.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 142 |
8. Sallust, Iugurtha, 85 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 188 | 85. "I know, fellow citizens, that it is by very different methods that most men ask for power at your hands and exercise it after it has been secured; that at first they are industrious, humble and modest, but afterwards they lead lives of indolence and arrogance. 2 But the right course, in my opinion, is just the opposite; for by as much as the whole commonwealth is of more value than a consulate or a praetorship, so much greater ought to be the care with which it is governed than that which is shown in seeking those offices. 3 Nor am I unaware how great a task I am taking upon myself in accepting this signal favour of yours. To prepare for war and at the same time to spare the treasury; to force into military service those whom one would not wish to offend; to have a care for everything at home and abroad — to do all this amid envy, enmity and intrigue, is a ruder task, fellow citizens, than you might suppose. 4 Furthermore, if others make mistakes, their ancient nobility, the brave deeds of their ancestors, the power of their kindred and relatives, their throng of clients, are all a very present help. My hopes are all vested in myself and must be maintained by my own worth and integrity; for all other supports are weak. 5 "This too I understand, fellow citizens, that the eyes of all are turned towards me, that the just and upright favour me because my services are a benefit to our country, while the nobles are looking for a chance to attack me. 6 Wherefore I must strive the more earnestly that you may not be deceived and that they may be disappointed. 7 From childhood to my present time of life I have so lived that I am familiar with every kind of hardship and danger. 8 As to the efforts, fellow citizens, which before your favours were conferred upon me I made without recompense, it is not my intention to relax them now that they have brought me their reward. 9 To make a moderate use of power is difficult for those who from interested motives have pretended to be virtuous; for me, who have spent my entire life in exemplary conduct, habit has made right living a second nature. 10 You have bidden me conduct the war against Jugurtha, a commission which has sorely vexed the nobles. I pray you, ponder well whether it would be better to change your minds and send on this or any similar errand one of that ring of nobles, a man of ancient lineage and many ancestral portraits — but no campaigns; in order, no doubt, that being wholly in ignorance of the duties of such an office, he might hurry and bustle about and select some one of the common people to act as his adviser. 11 In fact, it very often happens that the man whom you have selected as a commander looks about for someone else to command him. 12 I personally know of men, citizens, who after being elected consuls began for the first time to read the history of our forefathers and the military treatises of the Greeks, preposterous creatures! for though in order of time administration follows election, yet in actual practice it comes first. 13 "Compare me now, fellow citizens, a 'new man,' with those haughty nobles. What they know from hearsay and reading, I have either seen with my own eyes or done with my own hands. What they have learned from books I have learned by service in the field; 14 Think now for yourself whether words or deeds are worth more. They scorn my humble birth, I their worthlessness; I am taunted with my lot in life, they with their infamies. 15 For my part, I believe that all men have one and the same nature, but that the bravest is the best born; 16 and if the fathers of Albinus and Bestia could now be asked whether they would prefer to have me or those men for their descendants, what do you suppose they would reply, if not that they desired to have the best possible children? 17 "But if they rightly look down on me, let them also look down on their own forefathers, whose nobility began, as did my own, in manly deeds. 18 They begrudge me my office; then let them begrudge my toil, my honesty, even my dangers, since it was through those that I won the office. 19 In fact, these men, spoiled by pride, live as if they scorned your honours, but seek them as if their own lives were honourable. |
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9. Vergil, Georgics, 2.217-2.225 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 144| 2.217. Quae tenuem exhalat nebulam fumosque volucris 2.218. et bibit humorem et, cum volt, ex se ipsa remittit 2.219. quaeque suo semper viridi se gramine vestit 2.220. nec scabie et salsa laedit robigine ferrum: 2.221. illa tibi laetis intexet vitibus ulmos, 2.222. illa ferax oleo est, illam experiere colendo 2.223. et facilem pecori et patientem vomeris unci. 2.224. Talem dives arat Capua et vicina Vesevo 2.225. ora iugo et vacuis Clanius non aequus Acerris. | 2.217. To hardship, the Ligurian, and with these 2.218. The Volscian javelin-armed, the Decii too, 2.219. The Marii and Camilli, names of might, 2.220. The Scipios, stubborn warriors, ay, and thee, 2.221. Great Caesar, who in |
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10. Vergil, Aeneis, 7.410-7.413, 11.532-11.835 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 142| 7.410. Acrisioneis Danae fundasse colonis, 7.411. praecipiti delata noto. Locus Ardea quondam 7.412. dictus avis, et nunc magnum manet Ardea nomen, 7.413. sed fortuna fuit; tectis hic Turnus in altis 11.532. Velocem interea superis in sedibus Opim, 11.533. unam ex virginibus sociis sacraque caterva, 11.534. compellabat et has tristis Latonia voces 11.535. ore dabat: Graditur bellum ad crudele Camilla, 11.536. O virgo, et nostris nequiquam cingitur armis, 11.537. cara mihi ante alias. Neque enim novus iste Dianae 11.538. venit amor subitaque animum dulcedine movit. 11.539. Pulsus ob invidiam regno viresque superbas 11.540. Priverno antiqua Metabus cum excederet urbe, 11.541. infantem fugiens media inter proelia belli 11.542. sustulit exsilio comitem matrisque vocavit 11.543. nomine Casmillae mutata parte Camillam. 11.544. Ipse sinu prae se portans iuga longa petebat 11.545. solorum nemorum: tela undique saeva premebant 11.546. et circumfuso volitabant milite Volsci. 11.547. Ecce fugae medio summis Amasenus abundans 11.548. spumabat ripis: tantus se nubibus imber 11.549. ruperat. Ille, innare parans, infantis amore 11.550. tardatur caroque oneri timet. Omnia secum 11.551. versanti subito vix haec sententia sedit. 11.552. Telum immane manu valida quod forte gerebat 11.553. bellator, solidum nodis et robore cocto, 11.554. huic natam, libro et silvestri subere clausam, 11.555. implicat atque habilem mediae circumligat hastae; 11.556. quam dextra ingenti librans ita ad aethera fatur: 11.557. Alma, tibi hanc, nemorum cultrix, Latonia virgo, 11.558. ipse pater famulam voveo; tua prima per auras 11.559. tela tenens supplex hostem fugit. Accipe, testor, 11.560. diva tuam, quae nunc dubiis committitur auris. 11.561. Dixit et adducto contortum hastile lacerto 11.562. immittit: sonuere undae, rapidum super amnem 11.563. infelix fugit in iaculo stridente Camilla. 11.564. At Metabus, magna propius iam urgente caterva, 11.565. dat sese fluvio atque hastam cum virgine victor 11.566. gramineo donum Triviae de caespite vellit. 11.567. Non illum tectis ullae, non moenibus urbes 11.568. accepere neque ipse manus feritate dedisset: 11.569. pastorum et solis exegit montibus aevom. 11.570. Hic natam in dumis interque horrentia lustra 11.571. armentalis equae mammis et lacte ferino 11.572. nutribat, teneris immulgens ubera labris. 11.573. Utque pedum primis infans vestigia plantis 11.574. institerat, iaculo palmas armavit acuto 11.575. spiculaque ex umero parvae suspendit et arcum. 11.576. Pro crinali auro, pro longae tegmine pallae 11.577. tigridis exuviae per dorsum a vertice pendent. 11.578. Tela manu iam tum tenera puerilia torsit 11.579. et fundam tereti circum caput egit habena 11.580. Strymoniamque gruem aut album deiecit olorem. 11.581. Multae illam frustra Tyrrhena per oppida matres 11.582. optavere nurum: sola contenta Diana 11.583. aeternum telorum et virginitatis amorem 11.584. intemerata colit. Vellem haud correpta fuisset 11.585. militia tali, conata lacessere Teucros: 11.586. cara mihi comitumque foret nunc una mearum. 11.587. Verum age, quandoquidem fatis urgetur acerbis, 11.588. abere, nympha, polo finisque invise Latinos, 11.589. tristis ubi infausto committitur omine pugna. 11.590. Haec cape et ultricem pharetra deprome sagittam: 11.591. hac quicumque sacrum violarit volnere corpus, 11.592. Tros Italusque, mihi pariter det sanguine poenas. 11.593. Post ego nube cava miserandae corpus et arma 11.594. inspoliata feram tumulo patriaeque reponam. 11.595. Dixit; at illa levis caeli delapsa per auras 11.596. insonuit, nigro circumdata turbine corpus. 11.648. At medias inter caedes exsultat Amazon, 11.655. At circum lectae comites, Larinaque virgo 11.656. Tullaque et aeratam quatiens Tarpeia securem, 11.657. Italides, quas ipsa decus sibi dia Camilla 11.658. delegit pacisque bonas bellique ministras: 11.659. quales Threiciae cum flumina Thermodontis 11.660. pulsant et pictis bellantur Amazones armis 11.719. transit equum cursu frenisque adversa prehensis 11.720. congreditur poenasque inimico ex sanguine sumit: 11.725. At non haec nullis hominum sator atque deorum 11.727. Tyrrhenum genitor Tarchonem in proelia saeva 11.741. Haec effatus equum in medios, moriturus et ipse, 11.742. concitat et Venulo adversum se turbidus infert 11.743. dereptumque ab equo dextra complectitur hostem 11.744. et gremium ante suum multa vi concitus aufert. 11.751. Utque volans alte raptum cum fulva draconem 11.768. Forte sacer Cybelo Chloreus olimque sacerdos 11.769. insignis longe Phrygiis fulgebat in armis 11.770. spumantemque agitabat equum, quem pellis aënis 11.771. in plumam squamis auro conserta tegebat. 11.772. Ipse, peregrina ferrugine clarus et ostro, 11.773. spicula torquebat Lycio Gortynia cornu; 11.774. aureus ex umeris erat arcus et aurea vati 11.775. cassida; tum croceam chlamydemque sinusque crepantis 11.776. carbaseos fulvo in nodum collegerat auro 11.777. pictus acu tunicas et barbara tegmina crurum. 11.778. Hunc virgo, sive ut templis praefigeret arma 11.779. Troïa, captivo sive ut se ferret in auro 11.780. venatrix, unum ex omni certamine pugnae 11.781. caeca sequebatur totumque incauta per agmen 11.782. femineo praedae et spoliorum ardebat amore, 11.784. concitat et superos Arruns sic voce precatur: 11.785. Summe deum, sancti custos Soractis Apollo, 11.786. quem primi colimus, cui pineus ardor acervo 11.787. pascitur et medium freti pietate per ignem 11.788. cultores multa premimus vestigia pruna, 11.793. pulsa cadat, patrias remeabo inglorius urbes. 11.799. Ergo ut missa manu sonitum dedit hasta per auras, 11.800. convertere animos acris oculosque tulere 11.801. cuncti ad reginam Volsci. Nihil ipsa nec aurae 11.802. nec sonitus memor aut venientis ab aethere teli, 11.803. hasta sub exsertam donec perlata papillam 11.804. haesit virgineumque alte bibit acta cruorem. 11.816. Illa manu moriens telum trahit, ossa sed inter 11.817. ferreus ad costas alto stat vulnere mucro: 11.818. labitur exsanguis, labuntur frigida leto 11.819. lumina, purpureus quondam color ora reliquit. 11.831. vitaque cum gemitu fugit indignata sub umbras. | 7.410. the subjects of both kings. Let sire and son 7.411. buy with their people's blood this marriage-bond! 7.412. Let Teucrian and Rutulian slaughter be 7.413. thy virgin dower, and Bellona's blaze 11.532. thou madman! Aye, with thy vile, craven soul 11.533. disturb the general cause. Extol the power 11.534. of a twice-vanquished people, and decry 11.535. Latinus' rival arms. From this time forth 11.536. let all the Myrmidonian princes cower 11.537. before the might of Troy ; let Diomed 11.538. and let Achilles tremble; let the stream 11.539. of Aufidus in panic backward flow 11.540. from Hadria 's wave. But hear me when I say 11.541. that though his guilt and cunning feign to feel 11.542. fear of my vengeance, much embittering so 11.543. his taunts and insult—such a life as his 11.544. my sword disdains. O Drances, be at ease! 11.545. In thy vile bosom let thy breath abide! 11.546. But now of thy grave counsel and thy cause, 11.547. O royal sire, I speak. If from this hour 11.548. thou castest hope of armed success away, 11.549. if we be so unfriended that one rout 11.550. o'erwhelms us utterly, if Fortune's feet 11.551. never turn backward, let us, then, for peace 11.552. offer petition, lifting to the foe 11.553. our feeble, suppliant hands. Yet would I pray 11.554. ome spark of manhood such as once we knew 11.555. were ours once more! I count him fortunate, 11.556. and of illustrious soul beyond us all, 11.557. who, rather than behold such things, has fallen 11.558. face forward, dead, his teeth upon the dust. 11.559. But if we still have power, and men-at-arms 11.560. unwasted and unscathed, if there survive 11.561. Italian tribes and towns for help in war, 11.562. aye! if the Trojans have but won success 11.563. at bloody cost,—for they dig graves, I ween, 11.564. torm-smitten not less than we,—O, wherefore now 11.565. tand faint and shameful on the battle's edge? 11.566. Why quake our knees before the trumpet call? 11.567. Time and the toil of shifting, changeful days 11.568. restore lost causes; ebbing tides of chance 11.569. deceive us oft, which after at their flood 11.570. do lift us safe to shore. If aid come not 11.571. from Diomed in Arpi, our allies 11.572. hall be Mezentius and Tolumnius, 11.573. auspicious name, and many a chieftain sent 11.574. from many a tribe; not all inglorious 11.575. are Latium 's warriors from Laurentian land! 11.576. Hither the noble Volscian stem sends down 11.577. Camilla with her beauteous cavalry 11.578. in glittering brass arrayed. But if, forsooth, 11.579. the Trojans call me singly to the fight, 11.580. if this be what ye will, and I so much 11.581. the public weal impair—when from this sword 11.582. has victory seemed to fly away in scorn? 11.583. I should not hopeless tread in honor's way 11.584. whate'er the venture. Dauntless will I go 11.585. though equal match for great Achilles, he, 11.586. and though he clothe him in celestial arms 11.587. in Vulcan's smithy wrought. I, Turnus, now, 11.588. not less than equal with great warriors gone, 11.589. vow to Latinus, father of my bride, 11.590. and to ye all, each drop of blood I owe. 11.591. Me singly doth Aeneas call? I crave 11.592. that challenge. Drances is not called to pay 11.593. the debt of death, if wrath from Heaven impend; 11.595. Thus in their doubtful cause the chieftains strove. 11.596. Meanwhile Aeneas his assaulting line 11.648. Fierce Turnus girds him, emulous to slay: 11.655. boldly exulting, while impatient hope 11.656. fore-counts his fallen foes. He seemed as when, 11.657. from pinfold bursting, breaking his strong chain, 11.658. th' untrammelled stallion ranges the wide field, 11.659. or tries him to a herd of feeding mares, 11.660. or to some cooling river-bank he knows, 11.719. King Metabus, from old Privernum 's wall 11.720. was taking flight amidst opposing foes, 11.725. he fled to solitary upland groves. 11.727. the Volscian soldiery. Across his path, 11.741. ‘Latona's daughter, whose benigt grace 11.742. protects this grove, behold, her father now 11.743. gives thee this babe for handmaid! Lo, thy spear 11.744. her infant fingers hold, as from her foes 11.751. But Metabus, his foes in hot pursuit, 11.768. the whole skin of a tigress; with soft hands 11.769. he made her plaything of a whirling spear, 11.770. or, swinging round her head the polished thong 11.771. of her good sling, she fetched from distant sky 11.772. Strymonian cranes or swans of spotless wing. 11.773. From Tuscan towns proud matrons oft in vain 11.774. ought her in marriage for their sons; but she 11.775. to Dian only turned her stainless heart, 11.776. her virgin freedom and her huntress' arms 11.777. with faithful passion serving. Would that now 11.778. this Iove of war had ne'er seduced her mind 11.779. the Teucrians to provoke! So might she be 11.780. one of our wood-nymphs still. But haste, I pray, 11.781. for bitter is her now impending doom. 11.782. Descend, dear nymph, from heaven, and explore 11.784. with unpropitious omens now begins. 11.785. These weapons take, and from this quiver draw 11.786. a vengeful arrow, wherewith he who dares 11.787. to wound her sacred body, though he be 11.788. a Trojan or Italian, shall receive 11.793. the virgin to her native land.” Thus spake 11.799. in numbered troops arrayed. Loud-footed steeds 11.800. prance o'er the field, to manage of the rein 11.801. rebellious, but turned deftly here or there. 11.802. The iron harvest of keen spears spreads far, 11.803. and all the plain burns bright with lifted steel. 11.804. Messapus and swift Latin cavalry, 11.816. Now with contending spears and straining thews, 11.817. Tyrrhenus, and Aconteus, champion bold, 11.818. ride forward; with the onset terrible 11.819. loudly their armor rings; their chargers twain 11.831. took flight and hurried far with loose-flung rein. |
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11. Strabo, Geography, 2.5.20, 5.3.2, 5.3.4, 5.3.6, 5.4.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 142, 144 | 5.3.2. Beyond Sabina is Latium, wherein the city of Rome is situated. It comprises many places which formed no part of ancient Latium. For the Aequi, the Volsci, the Hernici, the aborigines around Rome, the Rutuli who possessed ancient Ardea, and many other nations, some larger, some smaller, formed so many separate states around Rome, when that city was first built. Some of these nations, who dwelt in villages, were governed by their own laws, and subjected to no common tribe. They say that Aeneas, with his father Anchises and his child Ascanius, arrived at Laurentum, near to Ostia and the bank of the Tiber, where he built a city about 24 stadia above the sea. That Latinus, the king of the aborigines who then dwelt on the site where Rome now stands, employed his forces to aid Aeneas against the neighbouring Rutuli who inhabited Ardea, (now from Ardea to Rome is a distance of 160 stadia,) and having gained a victory, he built near to the spot a city, to which he gave the name of his daughter Lavinia. However, in a second battle, commenced by the Rutuli, Latinus fell, and Aeneas, being conqueror, succeeded this prince on the throne, and conferred on his subjects the name of Latini. After the death both of himself and his father, Ascanius founded Alba, on Mount Albanus, situated about the same distance from Rome as Ardea. Here the Romans and Latini conjointly offer sacrifice to Jupiter. The magistracy all assemble, and during the period of the solemnity the government of the city is intrusted to some distinguished youth. The facts related of Amulius and his brother Numitor, some of which are fictitious, while others approach nearer the truth, occurred four hundred years later. These two brothers, who were descended from Ascanius, succeeded conjointly to the government of Alba, which extended as far as the Tiber. However, Amulius the younger, having expelled the elder, governed [alone]. Numitor had a son and a daughter; the former Amulius treacherously murdered in the chase; the latter, that she might remain childless, he made a priestess of Vesta, thus imposing virginity upon her. This [daughter] they name Rhea Silvia. Afterwards he discovered that she was pregt, and when she had given birth to twins, he, out of respect to his brother, placed her in confinement, instead of putting her to death, and exposed the boys by the Tiber according to a national usage. According to the mythology, Mars was the father of these children, and when they were exposed they were discovered and suckled by a she-wolf. Faustulus, one of the swine-herds of the place, took and reared them up, and named one Romulus, the other Remus. (We must understand that Faustulus, who took them up and nourished them, was an influential man, and a subject of Amulius.) Having arrived at man's estate, they waged war upon Amulius and his sons; and having slain them, restored the government to Numitor. They then returned home and founded Rome, in a locality selected rather through necessity than choice, as the site was neither fortified by nature, nor sufficiently large for a city of importance. In addition to this, the neighbourhood supplied no inhabitants; for those who dwelt around, even though touching the very walls of the newly founded city, kept to themselves, and would have nothing at all to do with the Albani. Collatia, Antemnae, Fidenae, Labicum, and similar places are here alluded to, which then were small cities, but are now villages possessed by private individuals; they are distant from Rome 30 or 40 stadia, or rather more. Between the fifth and sixth mile-stone which marks the distance from Rome there is a place named Festi; this they say was at that time the limit of the Roman territory, and at the present day, both here and in numerous other places which they consider to have been boundaries, the priests offer the sacrifice denominated Ambarvia. They say that, at the time of the foundation [of the city], a dispute arose in which Remus lost his life. The city being built, Romulus assembled men from every quarter, and instituted for an asylum a grove between the citadel and the Capitol, to which whoever fled from the neighbouring states, he proclaimed as Roman citizens. Not having wives for these men, he appointed a horse-race in honour of Neptune, which is celebrated to this day. Numbers [of spectators] having assembled, particularly of the Sabini, he commanded that each of those who were in want of a wife, should carry off one of the assembled maidens. Titus Tatius, king of the Quirites, took up arms to avenge the insult, but made peace with Romulus on condition that their kingdoms should be united, and that they should divide the sovereignty between them. Tatius, however, was treacherously assassinated in Lavinium, upon which Romulus, with the consent of the Quirites, reigned alone. After him Numa Pompilius, formerly a subject of Tatius, assumed the government, by the general desire of the people. Such is the most authentic account of the foundation of Rome. 5.3.6. At 290 stadia from Antium is Mount Circaion, insulated by the sea and marshes. They say that it contains numerous roots, but this perhaps is only to harmonize with the myth relating to Circe. It has a small city, together with a sanctuary to Circe and an altar to Minerva; they likewise say that a cup is shown which belonged to Ulysses. Between [Antium and Circaion] is the river Stura, which has a station for ships: the rest of the coast is exposed to the southwest wind, with the exception of this small harbour of Circaion. Above this, in the interior, is the Pomentine plain: the region next to this was formerly inhabited by the Ausonians, who likewise possessed Campania: next after these the Osci, who also held part of Campania; now, however, as we have remarked, the whole, as far as Sinuessa, belongs to the Latini. A peculiar fate has attended the Osci and Ausonians; for although the Osci have ceased to exist as a distinct tribe, their dialect is extant among the Romans, dramatic and burlesque pieces composed in it being still represented at certain games which were instituted in ancient times. And as for the Ausonians, although they never have dwelt by the sea of Sicily, it is named the Ausonian Sea. At 100 stadia from Circaion is Tarracina, formerly named Trachina, on account of its ruggedness; before it is a great marsh, formed by two rivers, the larger of which is called the Aufidus. This is the first place where the Via Appia approaches the sea. This road is paved from Rome to Brundusium, and has great traffic. of the maritime cities, these alone are situated on it; Tarracina, beyond it Formiae, Minturnae, Sinuessa, and towards its extremity Tarentum and Brundusium. Near to Tarracina, advancing in the direction of Rome, a canal runs by the side of the Via Appia, which is supplied at intervals by water from the marshes and rivers. Travellers generally sail up it by night, embarking in the evening, and landing in the morning to travel the rest of their journey by the way; however, during the day the passage boat is towed by mules. Beyond is Formiae, founded by the Lacedemonians, and formerly called Hormiae, on account of its excellent port. Between these [two cities], is a gulf which they have named Caiata, in fact all gulfs are called by the Lacedemonians Caietae: some, however, say that the gulf received this appellation from [Caieta], the nurse of Aeneas. From Tarracina to the promontory of Caiata is a length of 100 stadia. Here are opened vast caverns, which contain large and sumptuous mansions. From hence to Formiae is a distance of 40 stadia. Between this city and Sinuessa, at a distance of about 80 stadia from each, is Minturnae. The river Liris, formerly named the Clanis, flows through it. It descends from the Apennines, passes through the country of the Vescini, and by the village of Fregellae, (formerly a famous city,) and so into a sacred grove situated below the city, and held in great veneration by the people of Minturnae. There are two islands, named Pandataria and Pontia, lying in the high sea, and clearly discernible from the caverns. Although small, they are well inhabited, are not at any great distance from each other, and at 250 stadia from the mainland. Caecubum is situated on the gulf of Caiata, and next to it Fundi, a city on the Via Appia. All these places produce excellent wines; but those of Caecubum, Fundi, and Setia are most in repute, and so are the Falernian, Alban, and Statanian wines. Sinuessa is situated in a gulf from which it takes its name, sinus signifying [in Latin] a gulf. Near to it are some fine hot-baths, good for the cure of various maladies. Such are the maritime cities of Latium. 5.4.3. Next in order after Latium is Campania, which extends along the Tyrrhenian sea; above it is Samnium, in the interior, extending as far as the Frentani and Daunii; and beyond are the Daunii, and the other nations as far as the Strait of Sicily. We shall in the first place speak of Campania. From Sinuessa to Misenum the coast forms a vast gulf; beyond this is another gulf still larger, which they name the Crater. It is enclosed by the two promontories of Misenum and the Athenaion. It is along the shores of these [two gulfs] that the whole of Campania is situated. This plain is fertile above all others, and entirely surrounded by fruitful hills and the mountains of the Samnites and Osci. Antiochus says that this country was formerly inhabited by the Opici, and that these were called Ausones. Polybius appears to consider these as two people, for he says that the Opici and Ausones inhabit the country around the Crater. Others, however, state that it was originally inhabited by Opici and Ausones, but was afterwards seized on by a nation of the Osci, who were driven out by the Cumaei, and these again by the Tyrrheni. Thus the possession of the plain was much disputed on account of its great fertility. [They add that the Tyrrheni] built there twelve cities, and named the metropolis Capua. But luxury having made them effeminate, in the same way that they had formerly been driven from the banks of the Po, they were now forced to abandon this country to the Samnites; who in their turn fell before the Romans. One proof of the fertility of this country is, that it produces the finest corn. I allude to the grain from which a groat is made superior to all kinds of rice, and to almost all other farinacious food. They say that some of the plains are cropped all the year round; twice with rye, the third time with panic, and occasionally a fourth time with vegetables. It is likewise from hence that the Romans procure their finest wines, the Falernian, the Statanian, and the Calenian. That of Surrentum is now esteemed equal to these, it having been lately discovered that it can be kept to ripen. In addition to this, the whole country round Venafrum, bordering on the plains, is rich in olives. |
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| 12. Plutarch, Marius, 38.2-40.3, 45.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 188 |
| 13. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.5.5, 8.2.2-8.2.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Mueller, Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus (2002) 159; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 188 |
14. Ignatius, To Polycarp, 4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Vlassopoulos, Historicising Ancient Slavery (2021) 144 | 4. Let not widows be neglected. After the Lord be thou their protector. Let nothing be done without thy consent; neither do thou anything without the consent of God, as indeed thou doest not. Be stedfast. ,Let meetings be held more frequently. Seek out all men by name. ,Despise not slaves, whether men or women. Yet let not these again be puffed up, but let them serve the more faithfully to the glory of God, that they may obtain a better freedom from God. Let them not desire to be set free at the public cost, lest they be found slaves of lust. ,But these things I warn you, dearly beloved, knowing that ye yourselves are so minded. Howbeit I watch over you betimes to protect you from wild beasts in human form -- men whom not only should ye not receive, but, if it were possible, not so much as meet [them]; only pray ye for them, if haply they may repent. This indeed is difficult, but Jesus Christ, our true life, hath power over it. ,For if these things were done by our Lord in semblance, then am I also a prisoner in semblance. And why then have I delivered myself over to death, unto fire, unto sword, unto wild beasts? But near to the sword, near to God; in company with wild beasts, in company with God. Only let it be in the name of Jesus Christ, so that we may suffer together with Him. I endure all things, seeing that He Himself enableth me, who is perfect Man. |
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| 15. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 58 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 144 |
16. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 50.10.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Clark, Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome (2007) 201 | 50.10.3. and in the Circus at the very time of the horse-race a dog killed and devoured another dog. Fire also consumed a considerable portion of the Circus itself, along with the temple of Ceres, another shrine dedicated to Spes, and a large number of other structures. 50.10.3. and in the Circus at the very time of the horse-race a dog killed and devoured another dog. Fire also consumed a considerable portion of the Circus itself, along with the temple of Ceres, another shrine dedicated to Spes, and a large number of other structures. 4 The freedmen were thought to have caused this; for all of them who were in Italy and possessed property worth two hundred thousand sesterces or more had been ordered to contribute an eighth of it. This resulted in numerous riots, murders, and the burning of many buildings on their part, and they were not brought to order until they were subdued by armed force. |
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| 17. Justinian, Digest, 47.22.3.2 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Vlassopoulos, Historicising Ancient Slavery (2021) 144 |
| 18. Epigraphy, Cle, 15 Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae, Latium Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 166 |
| 19. Epigraphy, Illrp, 157, 225, 226, 228, 258, 730, 734, 740, 795, 913, 926, 928-930, 933, 936, 938, 940-941, 943, 951, 227 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark, Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome (2007) 201 |
| 20. Epigraphy, Id, 2531 Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Vlassopoulos, Historicising Ancient Slavery (2021) 144 |
| 21. Epigraphy, Ils, 7833, 7999, 8071, 8395, 8397, 8405, 8411 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 166 |
| 22. Granius Licinianus, Frg., Ed. Criniti, 35.3-35.5 Tagged with subjects: •Minturnae Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 188 |
| 23. Epigraphy, Cil I², 14.2112.3-14.2112.5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Vlassopoulos, Historicising Ancient Slavery (2021) 144 |
| 24. Epigraphy, Cil, 13.7645, 10.8249, i2.1236, i2.1349, i2.1358, i2.1571, i2.1596, i2.2088-91, i2 2527a, i2.3000, i2.1593 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 758 |
