| 1. Aristotle, On The Universe, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 43 |
2. Polybius, Histories, 22.7-22.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 44 | 22.7. 1. I have already stated that while Philopoemen was still strategus, the Achaean League sent an embassy to Rome on behalf of Sparta, and other envoys to King Ptolemy to renew their existing alliance;,2. and in the present year when Aristaenus was strategus the envoys came back from Ptolemy during the sessions of the Achaean Assembly at Megalopolis.,3. King Eumenes had also sent envoys promising to give the Achaeans a hundred and twenty talents, that they might lend it out and spend the interest in paying the members of the Achaean Parliament during its session.,4. Envoys also came from King Seleucus to renew the alliance with him, promising to give the Achaeans a flotilla of ten long ships.,5. The Assembly having set to work, Nicodemus of Elis first came forward, and after reporting the terms in which they had spoken before the senate on behalf of Sparta, read the answer of the senate, from which it was easy to infer that they were displeased at the completion of the walls and at the . . . of those executed at Compasium, but that they did not revoke their previous decisions.,7. As there was neither any opposition or support the matter was shelved.,8. The envoys of Eumenes were the next to appear. They renewed the ancient alliance, informed the Assembly of the promise of money,9. and withdrew after speaking at some length on both these subjects and expressing the great goodwill and friendly feelings of the king towards the League. 22.8. 1. After their withdrawal Apollonidas of Sicyon rose. He said that sum offered by Eumenes was a gift not unworthy of the Achaeans' acceptance,,2. but that the intention of the giver and the purpose to which it was to be applied were as disgraceful and illegal as could be.,3. For, as it was forbidden by law for any private person or magistrate to receive gifts, on no matter what pretext, from a king, that all should be openly bribed by accepting this money was the most illegal thing conceivable, besides being confessedly the most disgraceful.,4. For that the parliament should be in Eumenes' pay every year, and discuss public affairs after swallowing a bait, so to speak, would evidently involve disgrace and hurt.,5. Now it was Eumenes who was giving them money; next time it would be Prusias, and after that Seleucus.,6. "And," he said, "as the interests of democracies and kings are naturally opposed, and most debates and the most important deal with out differences with the kings,,7. it is evident that perforce one or the other thing will happen: either the interests of the kings will take precedence of our own; or, if this is not so, we shall appear to every one to be ungrateful in acting against our paymasters.",8. So he exhorted the Achaeans not only to refuse the gift, but to detest Eumenes for his purpose in offering it.,9. The next speaker was Cassander of Aegina, who reminded the Achaeans of the destitution which had overtaken the Aeginetans owing to their being members of the League at the time when Publius Sulpicius Galba had attacked Aegina with his fleet and sold into slavery all its unhappy inhabitants;,10. and how, as I have narrated in a previous book, the Aetolians gained possession of the town by their treaty with Rome, and handed it over to Attalus on receipt of thirty talents.,11. Laying this before the eyes of the Achaeans, he begged Eumenes not to fish for the good offices of the Achaeans by making advantageous offers, but by giving up the city of Aegina, to secure without a dissentient voice their complete devotion.,12. He exhorted the Achaeans at the same time not to accept a gift which would clearly involve their depriving the Aeginetans of all hope of deliverance in the future.,13. In consequence of these speeches the people were so deeply moved that not a soul ventured to take the part of the king, but all with loud shouts rejected the proffered gift, although owing to the greatness of the sum the temptation seemed almost irresistible. |
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| 3. Livy, Per., 11.12 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 43 |
| 4. Livy, History, 29.12.14 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 44 |
| 5. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.25-1.27, 2.2-2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 42 |
| 6. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 35.24, 43.18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 43 |
7. Tertullian, Apology, 24.3-24.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 42| 24.3. de aestimatione communi aliquem esse sublimiorem et potentiorem, velut principem mundi perfectae potentiae et maiestatis? Nam et sic plerique disponunt divinitatem, ut imperium summae dominationis esse penes unum, officia eius penes multos velint, ut Plato Iovem magnum in caelo comitatum exercitu describit deorum pariter et daemonum. Itaque oportere et procurantes et praefectos et praesides pariter suspici. 24.4. Caesarem et dicere et audire? | |
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| 8. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 4.5.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 42 |
| 9. Tertullian, Against Praxeas, 3.2-3.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 42 |
| 10. Apuleius, De Mundo, 26, 25 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 43 |
| 11. Athenagoras, Apology Or Embassy For The Christians, 18.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 42 |
12. Origen, Against Celsus, 8.35 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 43 | 8.35. Now let us consider another saying of Celsus, which is as follows: The satrap of a Persian or Roman monarch, or ruler or general or governor, yea, even those who fill lower offices of trust or service in the state, would be able to do great injury to those who despised them; and will the satraps and ministers of earth and air be insulted with impunity? Observe now how he introduces servants of the Most High - rulers, generals, governors, and those filling lower offices of trust and service - as, after the manner of men, inflicting injury upon those who insult them. For he does not consider that a wise man would not wish to do harm to any, but would strive to the utmost of his power to change and amend them; unless, indeed, it be that those whom Celsus makes servants and rulers appointed by the Most High are behind Lycurgus, the lawgiver of the Laced monians, or Zeno of Citium. For when Lycurgus had had his eye put out by a man, he got the offender into his power; but instead of taking revenge upon him, he ceased not to use all his arts of persuasion until he induced him to become a philosopher. And Zeno, on the occasion of some one saying, Let me perish rather than not have my revenge on you, answered him, But rather let me perish if I do not make a friend of you. And I am not yet speaking of those whose characters have been formed by the teaching of Jesus, and who have heard the words, Love your enemies, and pray for them which despitefully use you, that you may be the children of your Father which is in heaven; for He makes His sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and sends rain on the just and on the unjust. And in the prophetical writings the righteous man says, O Lord my God, if I have done this; if there be iniquity in my hands; if I have returned evil to those who have done evil to me, let me fall helpless under mine enemies: let my enemy persecute my soul, and take it; yea, let him tread down my life upon the earth. |
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| 13. Marcus Diaconus, Vita Porphyrii Episcopi Gazensis, 47 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 44 |
| 14. Methodius of Olympus, De Resurrectione, 2.24.1 (4th cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 43 |
| 15. Romanus Melodus, Cantica, 16 Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 44 |
| 16. Anon., Liturgy of Addai And Mari, a b c d\n0 9(12).2.4 9(12).2.4 9(12) 2\n1 9(12).2.5 9(12).2.5 9(12) 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 42 |
| 17. John Chrysostom, S. Iul. Mart., 2.131-2.136, 2.147-2.152, 3.9, 3.18-3.22, 3.61-3.66, 4.5, 5.198-5.203, 8.113, 10.32-10.33, 10.451-10.456 Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 44 |
| 18. Plautus, Faeneratrix, 188N. 63, 193, None Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 44 |
19. Strabo, Geography, 5.4.2 Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 42 | 5.4.2. After the cities of the Ombrici, which are comprised between Ariminum and Ancona, comes Picenum. The Picentini proceeded originally from the land of the Sabini. A woodpecker led the way for their chieftains, and from this bird they have taken their name, it being called in their language Picus, and is regarded as sacred to Mars. They inhabit the plains extending from the mountains to the sea; the length of their country considerably exceeds its breadth; the soil is every where good, but better fitted for the cultivation of fruits than grain. Its breadth, from the mountains to the sea varies in different parts. But its length; from the river Aesis to Castrum, sailing round the coast, is 800 stadia. of its cities, Ancona is of Grecian origin, having been founded by the Syracusans who fled from the tyranny of Dionysius. It is situated upon a cape, which bending round towards the north forms a harbour; and it abounds in wine and wheat. Near to it is the city of Auxumon, at a little distance from the sea. After it are Septempeda, Truentia, Potentia, and Firmum Picenum, with its port of Castellum. Beyond, is the sanctuary of Cupra, built and dedicated by the Tyrrheni to Juno, who is named by them Cupra; and after it the river Tronto, with a city of the same name. Beyond this is Castrum Novum, and the river Piomba, flowing from the city of Adria, and having [at its mouth] the naval station of Adria, which bears the same name as itself. In the interior is [the city of Adria] itself and Asculum Picenum, a very strong position, upon which is built a wall: the mountains which surround it are not accessible to armies. Above Picenum are the Vestini, the Marsi, the Peligni, the Marucini, and the Frentani, a Samnitic nation possessing the hill-country, and extending almost to the sea. All these nations are small, but extremely brave, and have frequently given the Romans proofs of their valour, first as enemies, afterwards as allies; and finally, having demanded the liberty and rights of citizens, and being denied, they revolted and kindled the Marsian war. They decreed that Corfinium, the metropolis of the Peligni, should be the capital for all the Italians instead of Rome: made it their place d'armes, and new-named it Italica. Then, having convoked deputies from all the people friendly to their design, they created consuls and pretors, and maintained the war for two years, until they had obtained the rights for which they struggled. The war was named the Marsian war, because that nation commenced the insurrection, and particularly on account of Pompaedius. These nations live generally in villages, nevertheless they are possessed of certain cities, some of which are at some little distance from the sea, as Corfinium, Sulmo, Maruvium, and Teatea the metropolis of the Marrucini. Others are on the coast, as Aternum on the Picentine boundary, so named from the river [Aternus], which separates the Vestini from the Marrucini. This river flows from the territory of Amiternum and through the Vestini, leaving on its right the Marrucini, who lie above the Peligni, [at the place where the river] is crossed by a bridge. The city, which bears the same name, (viz. Aternum,) belongs to the Vestini, but its port is used in common both by the Peligni and the Marrucini. The bridge I have mentioned is about 24 stadia from Corfinium. After Aternum is Orton, a naval arsenal of the Frentani, and Buca, which belongs to the same people, and is conterminous with the Apulian Teanum. † Ortonium is situated in the territory of the Frentani. It is rocky, and inhabited by banditti, who construct their dwellings of the wrecks of ships, and lead otherwise a savage life. † Between Orton and Aternum is the river Sagrus, which separates the Frentani from the Peligni. From Picenum to the Apuli, named by the Greeks the Daunii, sailing round the coast, is a distance of about 490 stadia. |
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| 20. Anon., Greek Apocalypse of Ezra, 19 Tagged with subjects: •mescinius rufus, lucius, metaphor, theology and Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 44 |
