The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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26 results for "menahem"

1. Septuagint, Amos, 9.11 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128

2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 49.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 124, 125, 126, 128, 130, 200

49.10. The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, As long as men come to Shiloh; And unto him shall the obedience of the peoples be.

3. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 24.7 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 126

24.7. וַיֹּאמֶר לַאֲנָשָׁיו חָלִילָה לִּי מֵיהוָה אִם־אֶעֱשֶׂה אֶת־הַדָּבָר הַזֶּה לַאדֹנִי לִמְשִׁיחַ יְהוָה לִשְׁלֹחַ יָדִי בּוֹ כִּי־מְשִׁיחַ יְהוָה הוּא׃

24.7. And he said to his men, The Lord forbid that I should do this thing to my master, the Lord’s anointed, to stretch forth my hand against him, seeing he is the anointed of the Lord.

4. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 7.12-7.14 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128

7.12. כִּי יִמְלְאוּ יָמֶיךָ וְשָׁכַבְתָּ אֶת־אֲבֹתֶיךָ וַהֲקִימֹתִי אֶת־זַרְעֲךָ אַחֲרֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר יֵצֵא מִמֵּעֶיךָ וַהֲכִינֹתִי אֶת־מַמְלַכְתּוֹ׃ 7.13. הוּא יִבְנֶה־בַּיִת לִשְׁמִי וְכֹנַנְתִּי אֶת־כִּסֵּא מַמְלַכְתּוֹ עַד־עוֹלָם׃ 7.14. אֲנִי אֶהְיֶה־לּוֹ לְאָב וְהוּא יִהְיֶה־לִּי לְבֵן אֲשֶׁר בְּהַעֲוֺתוֹ וְהֹכַחְתִּיו בְּשֵׁבֶט אֲנָשִׁים וּבְנִגְעֵי בְּנֵי אָדָם׃

7.12. And when the days are fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers, I will set up thy seed after thee, who shall issue from thy bowels, and I will establish his kingdom. 7.13. He shall build a house for my name, and I will make firm the throne of his kingdom for ever. 7.14. I will be his father, and he will be my son. If he commit iniquity, I will chasten him with the rod of men, and with such plagues as befall the sons of Adam:

5. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 3.36 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 92

6. Philo of Alexandria, Hypothetica, 11.18 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 94, 200

7. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 89-91, 82 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 200

82. Then one, indeed, takes up the holy volume and reads it, and another of the men of the greatest experience comes forward and explains what is not very intelligible, for a great many precepts are delivered in enigmatical modes of expression, and allegorically, as the old fashion was;

8. New Testament, Mark, 2.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 55

2.18. Καὶ ἦσαν οἱ μαθηταὶ Ἰωάνου καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι νηστεύοντες. καὶ ἔρχονται καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Διὰ τί οἱ μαθηταὶ Ἰωάνου καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ τῶν Φαρισαίων νηστεύουσιν, οἱ δὲ σοὶ [μαθηταὶ] οὐ νηστεύουσιν;

2.18. John's disciples and the Pharisees were fasting, and they came and asked him, "Why do John's disciples and the disciples of the Pharisees fast, but your disciples don't fast?"

9. New Testament, Acts, 5.37, 11.26, 26.28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 55, 130

5.37. μετὰ τοῦτον ἀνέστη Ἰούδας ὁ Γαλιλαῖος ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῆς ἀπογραφῆς καὶ ἀπέστησε λαὸν ὀπίσω αὐτοῦ· κἀκεῖνος ἀπώλετο, καὶ πάντες ὅσοι ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ διεσκορπίσθησαν. 11.26. καὶ εὑρὼν ἤγαγεν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν. ἐγένετο δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ὅλον συναχθῆναι ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ διδάξαι ὄχλον ἱκανόν, χρηματίσαὶ τε πρώτως ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ τοὺς μαθητὰς Χριστιανούς. 26.28. ὁ δὲ Ἀγρίππας πρὸς τὸν Παῦλον Ἐν ὀλίγῳ με πείθεις Χριστιανὸν ποιῆσαι.

5.37. After this man, Judas of Galilee rose up in the days of the enrollment, and drew away some people after him. He also perished, and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered abroad. 11.26. When he had found him, he brought him to Antioch. It happened, that even for a whole year they were gathered together with the assembly, and taught many people. The disciples were first called Christians in Antioch. 26.28. Agrippa said to Paul, "With a little persuasion are you trying to make me a Christian?"

10. Mishnah, Hagigah, 2.2a (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, in the mishnah •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 192

11. Josephus Flavius, Life, 10, 12, 5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 94

5. τούτου γίνεται ̓Ιώσηπος ἐνάτῳ ἔτει τῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρας ἀρχῆς, καὶ ̓Ιωσήπου Ματθίας βασιλεύοντος ̓Αρχελάου τὸ δέκατον, Ματθία δὲ ἐγὼ τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος ἡγεμονίας. ἐμοὶ δὲ παῖδές εἰσιν τρεῖς, ̔Υρκανὸς μὲν ὁ πρεσβύτατος ἔτει τετάρτῳ τῆς Οὐεσπασιανοῦ Καίσαρος ἡγεμονίας, ἑβδόμῳ δὲ ̓Ιοῦστος, ἐνάτῳ δὲ ̓Αγρίππας.

12. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.165, 2.29, 2.108, 2.168, 2.294 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 55, 92, 99

1.165. καὶ πάσης ἀπέχειν βλασφημίας. εἶτα προστίθησι μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τάδε: “ταῦτα δὲ ἔπραττεν καὶ ἔλεγε τὰς ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ Θρᾳκῶν δόξας μιμούμενος καὶ μεταφέρων εἰς ἑαυτόν. λέγεται γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐκεῖνος πολλὰ τῶν παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις νομίμων εἰς τὴν 2.29. αὐτὸς γὰρ περὶ αὐτοῦ τοὐναντίον ἐψεύδετο καὶ γεγενημένος ἐν ̓Οάσει τῆς Αἰγύπτου πάντων Αἰγυπτίων πρῶτος ὤν, ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις, τὴν μὲν ἀληθῆ πατρίδα καὶ τὸ γένος ἐξωμόσατο, ̓Αλεξανδρεὺς δὲ εἶναι καταψευδόμενος ὁμολογεῖ τὴν μοχθηρίαν τοῦ γένους. 2.29. οἱ μὲν ὡς φαυλότατον ἡμῶν τὸν νομοθέτην ἐλοιδόρησαν: τῷ δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς πάλαι μὲν ὁ θεός, μετ' ἐκεῖνον δὲ μάρτυς ὁ χρόνος εὕρηται γεγενημένος. 2.108. λιξετ ενιμ σιντ τριβυς θυαττυορ σαξερδοτυμ ετ ηαρυμ τριβυυμ σινγυλαε ηαβεαντ ηομινυμ πλυς θυαμ θυινθυε μιλια, φιτ ταμεν οβσερυατιο παρτιξυλαριτερ περ διες ξερτος, ετ ηις τρανσαξτις αλιι συξξεδεντες αδ σαξριφιξια υενιυντ ετ ξονγρεγατι ιν τεμπλυμ μεδιαντε διε α πραεξεδεντιβυς ξλαυες τεμπλι ετ αδ νυμερυμ ομνια υασα περξιπιυντ, νυλλα ρε, θυαε αδ ξιβυμ αυτ ποτυμ αδτινεατ, ιν τεμπλο δελατα. 2.168. ὁποῖος δὲ κατ' οὐσίαν [ἐστὶν] ἄγνωστον. ταῦτα περὶ θεοῦ φρονεῖν οἱ σοφώτατοι παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ὅτι μὲν ἐδιδάχθησαν ἐκείνου τὰς ἀρχὰς παρασχόντος, ἐῶ νῦν λέγειν, ὅτι δ' ἐστὶ καλὰ καὶ πρέποντα τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ φύσει καὶ μεγαλειότητι, σφόδρα μεμαρτυρήκασι: καὶ γὰρ Πυθαγόρας καὶ ̓Αναξαγόρας καὶ Πλάτων οἵ τε μετ' ἐκεῖνον ἀπὸ τῆς στοᾶς φιλόσοφοι καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν ἅπαντες οὕτως 2.294. ἢ τί συμφορώτερον τοῦ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμονοεῖν καὶ μήτ' ἐν συμφοραῖς διίστασθαι μήτ' ἐν εὐτυχίαις στασιάζειν ἐξυβρίζοντας, ἀλλ' ἐν πολέμῳ μὲν θανάτου καταφρονεῖν, ἐν εἰρήνῃ δὲ τέχναις ἢ γεωργίαις προσανέχειν, πάντα δὲ καὶ πανταχοῦ πεπεῖσθαι τὸν θεὸν ἐποπτεύοντα διέπειν;

1.165. After which he adds thus:—“This he did and said in imitation of the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, which he transferred into his own philosophy.” For it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras, that he took a great many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy. 2.29. for although he was born at Oasis in Egypt, he pretends to be, as a man may say, the top man of all the Egyptians; yet does he forswear his real country and progenitors, and by falsely pretending to be born at Alexandria, cannot deny the pravity of his family; 2.108. for although there be four courses of the priests, and every one of them have above five thousand men in them, yet do they officiate on certain days only; and when those days are over, other priests succeed in the performance of their sacrifices, and assemble together at mid-day, and receive the keys of the temple, and the vessels by tale, without any thing relating to food or drink being carried into the temple; 2.168. I do not now explain how these notions of God are the sentiments of the wisest among the Grecians, and how they were taught them upon the principles that he afforded them. However, they testify, with great assurance, that these notions are just, and agreeable to the nature of God, and to his majesty; for Pythagoras, and Anaxagoras, and Plato, and the Stoic philosophers that succeeded them, and almost all the rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the same notions of the nature of God; 2.294. and what is more advantageous than mutual love and concord? and this so far that we are to be neither divided by calamities, nor to become injurious and seditious in prosperity; but to condemn death when we are in war, and in peace to apply ourselves to our mechanical occupations, or to our tillage of the ground; while we in all things and all ways are satisfied that God is the inspector and governor of our actions.

13. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.78-1.80, 1.120-1.158, 2.69, 2.112-2.113, 2.115, 2.118-2.119, 2.129, 2.136, 2.140, 2.145, 2.154-2.157, 2.159, 2.433, 2.445, 7.262-7.270, 7.433 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of •menahem (manaemos) the essene, herods patronage of •menahem (manaemos) the essene, in the mishnah Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 55, 92, 93, 94, 99, 126, 193, 200, 270

1.78. Θαυμάσαι δ' ἄν τις ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ̓Ιούδαν, ̓Εσσαῖος ἦν γένος οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτε πταίσας ἢ ψευσθεὶς ἐν τοῖς προαπαγγέλμασιν, ὃς ἐπειδὴ καὶ τότε τὸν ̓Αντίγονον ἐθεάσατο παριόντα διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνέκραγεν, ἦσαν δ' οὐκ ὀλίγοι παρεδρεύοντες αὐτῷ τῶν μανθανόντων, 1.79. “παπαί, νῦν ἐμοὶ καλόν, ἔφη, τὸ θανεῖν, ὅτε μου προτέθνηκεν ἡ ἀλήθεια καί τι τῶν ὑπ' ἐμοῦ προρρηθέντων διέψευσται: ζῇ γὰρ ̓Αντίγονος οὑτοσὶ σήμερον ὀφείλων ἀνῃρῆσθαι. χωρίον δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς σφαγὴν Στράτωνος πύργος εἵμαρτο: καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀπὸ ἑξακοσίων ἐντεῦθεν σταδίων ἐστίν, ὧραι δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἤδη τέσσαρες: 1.121. ὁ δὲ μετὰ τῶν συμμεινάντων φθάνει συμφυγὼν ἐπὶ τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν καὶ κυριεύσας τῶν πρὸς σωτηρίαν ὁμήρων: ταῦτα δ' ἦν ἡ ̓Αριστοβούλου γυνὴ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων. ἀμέλει πρὶν ἀνηκέστου πάθους διελύθησαν, ὥστε βασιλεύειν μὲν ̓Αριστόβουλον, ̔Υρκανὸν δὲ ἐκστάντα τῆς ἄλλης ἀπολαύειν τιμῆς ὥσπερ ἀδελφὸν βασιλέως. 1.122. ἐπὶ τούτοις διαλλαγέντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ τοῦ λαοῦ περιεστῶτος φιλοφρόνως ἀλλήλους ἀσπασάμενοι διήμειψαν τὰς οἰκίας: ̓Αριστόβουλος μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὰ βασίλεια, ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αριστοβούλου οἰκίαν. 1.123. Δέος δὲ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις τῶν ̓Αριστοβούλου διαφόρων ἐμπίπτει παρ' ἐλπίδα κρατήσαντος καὶ μάλιστα ̓Αντιπάτρῳ πάλαι διαμισουμένῳ. γένος δ' ἦν ̓Ιδουμαῖος προγόνων τε ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἰσχύος πρωτεύων τοῦ ἔθνους. 1.124. οὗτος ἅμα καὶ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αρέτᾳ προσφυγόντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἀνακτήσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἔπειθεν καὶ τὸν ̓Αρέταν δέξασθαί τε τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ καταγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, πολλὰ μὲν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον εἰς τὸ ἦθος διαβάλλων, πολλὰ δ' ἐπαινῶν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν [παρῄνει δέξασθαι], καὶ ὡς πρέπον εἴη τὸν οὕτω λαμπρᾶς προεστῶτα βασιλείας ὑπερέχειν χεῖρα τῷ ἀδικουμένῳ: ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν στερηθέντα τῆς κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον αὐτῷ προσηκούσης ἀρχῆς. 1.125. προκατασκευάσας δὲ ἀμφοτέρους, νύκτωρ ἀναλαβὼν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀποδιδράσκει καὶ συντόνῳ φυγῇ χρώμενος εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Πέτραν διασώζεται: βασίλειον αὕτη τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἐστίν. 1.126. ἔνθα τῷ ̓Αρέτᾳ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἐγχειρίσας καὶ πολλὰ μὲν καθομιλήσας, πολλοῖς δὲ δώροις ὑπελθὼν δοῦναι δύναμιν αὐτῷ πείθει τὴν κατάξουσαν αὐτόν: ἦν δ' αὕτη πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων πέντε μυριάδες, πρὸς ἣν οὐκ ἀντέσχεν ̓Αριστόβουλος, ἀλλ' ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ συμβολῇ λειφθεὶς εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συνελαύνεται. 1.127. κἂν ἔφθη κατὰ κράτος ληφθείς, εἰ μὴ Σκαῦρος ὁ ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγὸς ἐπαναστὰς αὐτῶν τοῖς καιροῖς ἔλυσε τὴν πολιορκίαν: ὃς ἐπέμφθη μὲν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπὸ ̓Αρμενίας ὑπὸ Πομπηίου Μάγνου πολεμοῦντος πρὸς Τιγράνην, παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἑαλωκυῖαν προσφάτως ὑπὸ Μετέλλου καὶ Λολλίου καὶ τούτους μεταστήσας, ἐπειδὴ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπύθετο, καθάπερ ἐφ' ἕρμαιον ἠπείχθη. 1.128. Παρελθόντος γοῦν εἰς τὴν χώραν πρέσβεις εὐθέως ἧκον παρὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἑκατέρου δεομένου βοηθεῖν αὐτῷ. γίνεται δ' ἐπίπροσθεν τοῦ δικαίου τὰ παρὰ ̓Αριστοβούλου τριακόσια τάλαντα: τοσοῦτον γὰρ λαβὼν Σκαῦρος ἐπικηρυκεύεται πρός τε ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ τοὺς ̓́Αραβας ἀπειλῶν ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ Πομπήιον, εἰ μὴ λύσειαν τὴν πολιορκίαν. 1.129. ἀνεχώρει δὲ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας εἰς Φιλαδέλφειαν ̓Αρέτας καταπλαγείς, καὶ πάλιν εἰς Δαμασκὸν Σκαῦρος. 1.131. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίπατρος τῶν ̓Αράβων ἀφαιρεθέντες μετέφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους τὴν ἐλπίδα, καὶ ἐπειδὴ Πομπήιος ἐπιὼν τὴν Συρίαν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἧκεν, ἐπ' αὐτὸν καταφεύγουσιν καὶ δίχα δωρεῶν αἷς καὶ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αρέταν δικαιολογίαις χρώμενοι κατηντιβόλουν μισῆσαι μὲν τὴν ̓Αριστοβούλου βίαν, κατάγειν δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν τὸν καὶ τρόπῳ καὶ καθ' ἡλικίαν προσήκοντα. 1.132. οὐ μὴν οὐδ' ̓Αριστόβουλος ὑστέρει πεποιθὼς τῇ Σκαύρου δωροδοκίᾳ παρῆν τε καὶ αὐτὸς ὡς οἷόν τε βασιλικώτατα κεκοσμηκὼς ἑαυτόν. ἀδοξήσας δὲ πρὸς τὰς θεραπείας καὶ μὴ φέρων δουλεύειν ταῖς χρείαις ταπεινότερον τοῦ σχήματος ἀπὸ διὸς ἡλίου πόλεως χωρίζεται. 1.133. Πρὸς ταῦτ' ἀγανακτήσας Πομπήιος πολλὰ καὶ τῶν περὶ ̔Υρκανὸν ἱκετευόντων ὥρμησεν ἐπ' ̓Αριστόβουλον, ἀναλαβὼν τήν τε ̔Ρωμαϊκὴν δύναμιν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐκ τῆς Συρίας συμμάχους. 1.134. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρελαύνων Πέλλαν καὶ Σκυθόπολιν ἧκεν εἰς Κορέας. ὅθεν ἡ ̓Ιουδαίων ἄρχεται χώρα κατὰ τὴν μεσόγειον ἀνιόντων, ἀκούσας συμπεφευγέναι τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειον, τοῦτο δ' ἐστὶν φρούριον τῶν πάνυ φιλοτίμως ἐξησκημένων ὑπὲρ ὄρους ὑψηλοῦ κείμενον, πέμψας καταβαίνειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν. 1.135. τῷ δ' ἦν μὲν ὁρμὴ καλουμένῳ δεσποτικώτερον διακινδυνεύειν μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπακοῦσαι, καθεώρα δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὀρρωδοῦν, καὶ παρῄνουν οἱ φίλοι σκέπτεσθαι τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἰσχὺν οὖσαν ἀνυπόστατον. οἷς πεισθεὶς κάτεισιν πρὸς Πομπήιον καὶ πολλὰ περὶ τοῦ δικαίως ἄρχειν ἀπολογηθεὶς ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα. 1.136. πάλιν τε τἀδελφοῦ προκαλουμένου καταβὰς καὶ διαλεχθεὶς περὶ τῶν δικαίων ἄπεισιν μὴ κωλύοντος τοῦ Πομπηί̈ου. μέσος δ' ἦν ἐλπίδος καὶ δέους, καὶ κατῄει μὲν ὡς δυσωπήσων Πομπήιον πάντ' ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ, πάλιν δὲ ἀνέβαινεν εἰς τὴν ἄκραν, ὡς μὴ προκαταλύειν δόξειεν αὑτόν. 1.137. ἐπεὶ μέντοι Πομπήιος ἐξίστασθαί τε τῶν φρουρίων ἐκέλευεν αὐτῷ καὶ παράγγελμα τῶν φρουράρχων ἐχόντων μόναις πειθαρχεῖν ταῖς αὐτογράφοις ἐπιστολαῖς, ἠνάγκαζεν αὐτὸν ἑκάστοις γράφειν ἐκχωρεῖν, ποιεῖ μὲν τὰ προσταχθέντα, ἀγανακτήσας δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ παρεσκευάζετο πολεμεῖν πρὸς Πομπήιον. 1.138. ̔Ο δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐδίδου χρόνον ταῖς παρασκευαῖς, εὐθέως εἵπετο, καὶ προσεπέρρωσεν τὴν ὁρμὴν ὁ Μιθριδάτου θάνατος ἀγγελθεὶς αὐτῷ περὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα, ἔνθα τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας τὸ πιότατον φοίνικά τε πάμπολυν καὶ βάλσαμον τρέφει. τοῦτο λίθοις ὀξέσιν ἐπιτέμνοντες τὰ πρέμνα συνάγουσιν κατὰ τὰς τομὰς ἐκδακρῦον. 1.139. καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενος ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ μίαν ἑσπέραν ἕωθεν ἠπείγετο πρὸς τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα. καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τὴν ἔφοδον ̓Αριστόβουλος ἱκέτης ἀπαντᾷ χρημάτων τε ὑποσχέσει καὶ τῷ μετὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐπιτρέπειν καὶ ἑαυτὸν χαλεπαίνοντα καταστέλλει τὸν Πομπήιον. 1.141. Πρὸς ταῦτα ἀγανακτήσας Πομπήιος ̓Αριστόβουλον μὲν ἐφρούρει, πρὸς δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἐλθὼν περιεσκόπει ὅπως δεῖ προσβαλεῖν, τήν τε ὀχυρότητα τῶν τειχῶν δυσμεταχείριστον ὁρῶν καὶ τὴν πρὸ τούτων φάραγγα φοβερὰν τό τε ἱερὸν ἐντὸς τῆς φάραγγος ὀχυρώτατα τετειχισμένον, ὥστε τοῦ ἄστεος ἁλισκομένου δευτέραν εἶναι καταφυγὴν τοῦτο τοῖς πολεμίοις. 1.142. Διαποροῦντος δ' ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον στάσις τοῖς ἔνδον ἐμπίπτει, τῶν μὲν ̓Αριστοβούλου πολεμεῖν ἀξιούντων καὶ ῥύεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα, τῶν δὲ τὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ φρονούντων ἀνοίγειν Πομπηίῳ τὰς πύλας: πολλοὺς δὲ τούτους ἐποίει τὸ δέος ἀφορῶντας εἰς τὴν τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων εὐταξίαν. 1.143. ἡττώμενον δὲ τὸ ̓Αριστοβούλου μέρος εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεχώρησεν καὶ τὴν συνάπτουσαν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ τῇ πόλει γέφυραν ἀποκόψαντες ἀντισχεῖν εἰς ἔσχατον παρεσκευάζοντο. τῶν δὲ ἑτέρων δεχομένων ̔Ρωμαίους τῇ πόλει καὶ τὰ βασίλεια παραδιδόντων ἐπὶ μὲν ταῦτα Πομπήιος ἕνα τῶν ὑφ' ἑαυτῷ στρατηγῶν Πείσωνα εἰσπέμπει μετὰ στρατιᾶς: 1.144. ὃς διαλαβὼν φρουραῖς τὴν πόλιν, ἐπειδὴ τῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καταφυγόντων οὐδένα λόγοις ἔπειθεν συμβῆναι, τὰ πέριξ εἰς προσβολὰς εὐτρέπιζεν ἔχων τοὺς περὶ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εἴς τε τὰς ἐπινοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπηρεσίας προθύμους. 1.145. Αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ τὸ προσάρκτιον κλίμα τήν τε τάφρον ἔχου καὶ τὴν φάραγγα πᾶσαν ὕλην συμφορούσης τῆς δυνάμεως. χαλεπὸν δ' ἦν τὸ ἀναπληροῦν διὰ βάθος ἄπειρον καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πάντα τρόπον εἰργόντων ἄνωθεν, 1.146. κἂν ἀτέλεστος ἔμεινεν τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ὁ πόνος, εἰ μὴ τὰς ἑβδομάδας ἐπιτηρῶν ὁ Πομπήιος, ἐν αἷς παντὸς ἔργου διὰ τὴν θρησκείαν χεῖρας ἀπίσχουσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι, τὸ χῶμα ὕψου τῆς κατὰ χεῖρα συμβολῆς εἴργων τοὺς στρατιώτας: ὑπὲρ μόνου γὰρ τοῦ σώματος ἀμύνονται τοῖς σαββάτοις. 1.147. ἤδη δὲ ἀναπεπληρωμένης τῆς φάραγγος πύργους ὑψηλοὺς ἐπιστήσας τῷ χώματι καὶ προσαγαγὼν τὰς ἐκ Τύρου κομισθείσας μηχανὰς ἐπειρᾶτο τοῦ τείχους: ἀνέστελλον δὲ αἱ πετροβόλοι τοὺς καθύπερθεν κωλύοντας. ἀντεῖχον δ' ἐπὶ πλεῖον οἱ κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος πύργοι μεγέθει τε καὶ κάλλει διαφέροντες. 1.148. ̓́Ενθα δὴ πολλὰ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων κακοπαθούντων ὁ Πομπήιος τά τε ἄλλα τῆς καρτερίας τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀπεθαύμαζεν καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ μηδὲν παραλῦσαι: τῆς θρησκείας ἐν μέσοις τοῖς βέλεσιν ἀνειλημένους: ὥσπερ γὰρ εἰρήνης βαθείας κατεχούσης τὴν πόλιν αἵ τε θυσίαι καθ' ἡμέραν καὶ οἱ ἐναγισμοὶ καὶ πᾶσα θεραπεία κατὰ τἀκριβὲς ἐξετελεῖτο τῷ θεῷ, καὶ οὐδὲ κατ' αὐτὴν τὴν ἅλωσιν περὶ τῷ βωμῷ φονευόμενοι τῶν καθ' ἡμέραν νομίμων εἰς τὴν θρησκείαν ἀπέστησαν. 1.149. τρίτῳ γὰρ μηνὶ τῆς πολιορκίας μόλις ἕνα τῶν πύργων καταρρίψαντες εἰσέπιπτον εἰς τὸ ἱερόν. ὁ δὲ πρῶτος ὑπερβῆναι τολμήσας τὸ τεῖχος Σύλλα παῖς ἦν Φαῦστος Κορνήλιος καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν ἑκατοντάρχαι δύο Φούριος καὶ Φάβιος. εἵπετο δὲ ἑκάστῳ τὸ ἴδιον στῖφος, καὶ περισχόντες πανταχοῦ τὸ ἱερὸν ἔκτεινον οὓς μὲν τῷ ναῷ προσφεύγοντας, οὓς δὲ ἀμυνομένους πρὸς ὀλίγον. 1.151. ̓Ιουδαίων μὲν οὖν ἀνῃρέθησαν μύριοι καὶ δισχίλιοι, ̔Ρωμαίων δὲ ὀλίγοι μὲν πάνυ νεκροί, τραυματίαι δ' ἐγένοντο πλείους. 1.152. Οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως ἐν ταῖς τότε συμφοραῖς καθήψατο τοῦ ἔθνους ὡς τὸ τέως ἀόρατον ἅγιον ἐκκαλυφθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων: παρελθὼν γοῦν σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Πομπήιος εἰς τὸν ναόν, ἔνθα μόνῳ θεμιτὸν ἦν παριέναι τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, τὰ ἔνδον ἐθεάσατο, λυχνίαν τε καὶ λύχνους καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ θυμιατήρια, ὁλόχρυσα πάντα, πλῆθός τε ἀρωμάτων σεσωρευμένον καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς τάλαντα δισχίλια. 1.153. οὔτε δὲ τούτων οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἁλώσεως ἡμέραν καθᾶραι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς νεωκόροις προσέταξεν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτελεῖν θυσίας. αὖθις δ' ἀποδείξας ̔Υρκανὸν ἀρχιερέα τά τε ἄλλα προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ παρασχόντα καὶ διότι τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πλῆθος ἀπέστησεν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ὡρμημένον, ἐκ τούτων, ὅπερ ἦν προσῆκον ἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ, τὸν λαὸν εὐνοίᾳ πλέον ἢ δέει προσηγάγετο. 1.154. ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἐλήφθη καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πενθερός, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς ἦν καὶ θεῖος αὐτῷ. καὶ τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους μὲν τοῦ πολέμου πελέκει κολάζει, Φαῦστον δὲ καὶ τοὺς μετ' αὐτοῦ γενναίως ἀγωνισαμένους λαμπροῖς ἀριστείοις δωρησάμενος τῇ τε χώρᾳ καὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπιτάσσει φόρον. 1.155. ̓Αφελόμενος δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὰς ἐν κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πόλεις, ἃς εἷλον, ὑπέταξεν τῷ κατ' ἐκεῖνο ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγῷ κατατεταγμένῳ καὶ μόνοις αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὅροις περιέκλεισεν. ἀνακτίζει δὲ καὶ Γάδαρα ὑπὸ ̓Ιουδαίων κατεστραμμένην Γαδαρεῖ τινὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀπελευθέρων Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος. 1.156. ἠλευθέρωσεν δὲ ἀπ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ μεσογείᾳ πόλεις, ὅσας μὴ φθάσαντες κατέσκαψαν, ̔́Ιππον Σκυθόπολίν τε καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Σαμάρειαν καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ Μάρισαν ̓́Αζωτόν τε καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς παραλίους Γάζαν ̓Ιόππην Δῶρα καὶ τὴν πάλαι μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον καλουμένην, ὕστερον δὲ μετακτισθεῖσάν τε ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου βασιλέως λαμπροτάτοις κατασκευάσμασιν καὶ μετονομασθεῖσαν Καισάρειαν. 1.157. ἃς πάσας τοῖς γνησίοις ἀποδοὺς πολίταις κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν Συριακὴν ἐπαρχίαν. παραδοὺς δὲ ταύτην τε καὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ μέχρις Αἰγύπτου καὶ Εὐφράτου Σκαύρῳ διέπειν καὶ δύο τῶν ταγμάτων, αὐτὸς διὰ Κιλικίας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἠπείγετο τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἄγων μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς αἰχμάλωτον. 1.158. δύο δ' ἦσαν αὐτῷ θυγατέρες καὶ δύο υἱεῖς, ὧν ὁ ἕτερος μὲν ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ διαδιδράσκει, σὺν δὲ ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς ὁ νεώτερος ̓Αντίγονος εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἐκομίζετο. 2.69. μετὰ δὲ τῆς ὅλης δυνάμεως αὐτὸς Οὔαρος εἰς Σαμάρειαν ἐλάσας τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετο μηδὲν ἐν τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων θορύβοις παρακεκινηκυῖαν εὑρών, αὐλίζεται δὲ περί τινα κώμην ̓Αροῦν καλουμένην: κτῆμα δὲ ἦν Πτολεμαίου καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Αράβων διηρπάσθη μηνιόντων καὶ τοῖς ̔Ηρώδου φίλοις. 2.112. πρὶν κληθῆναι δ' αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὄναρ ἰδεῖν φασιν τοιόνδε: ἔδοξεν ὁρᾶν στάχυς ἐννέα πλήρεις καὶ μεγάλους ὑπὸ βοῶν καταβιβρωσκομένους. μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ τοὺς μάντεις καὶ τῶν Χαλδαίων τινὰς ἐπυνθάνετο, τί σημαίνειν δοκοῖεν. 2.113. ἄλλων δ' ἄλλως ἐξηγουμένων Σίμων τις ̓Εσσαῖος τὸ γένος ἔφη τοὺς μὲν στάχυς ἐνιαυτοὺς νομίζειν, βόας δὲ μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ τὴν χώραν ἀροτριῶντας ἀλλάσσειν: ὥστε βασιλεύσειν μὲν αὐτὸν τὸν τῶν ἀσταχύων ἀριθμόν, ἐν ποικίλαις δὲ πραγμάτων μεταβολαῖς γενόμενον τελευτήσειν. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ̓Αρχέλαος μετὰ πέντε ἡμέρας ἐπὶ τὴν δίκην ἐκλήθη. 2.115. μετὰ δὲ τὸν ἐκείνου θάνατον συνῴκησεν ̓Ιόβᾳ τῷ βασιλεύοντι Λιβύης, οὗ τελευτήσαντος ἐπανελθοῦσαν αὐτὴν καὶ χηρεύουσαν παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ θεασάμενος ὁ ἐθνάρχης ̓Αρχέλαος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἔρωτος ἦλθεν, ὥστε παραχρῆμα τὴν συνοικοῦσαν αὐτῷ Μαριάμμην ἀποπεμψάμενος ἐκείνην ἀγαγέσθαι. 2.118. ἐπὶ τούτου τις ἀνὴρ Γαλιλαῖος ̓Ιούδας ὄνομα εἰς ἀπόστασιν ἐνῆγε τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους κακίζων, εἰ φόρον τε ̔Ρωμαίοις τελεῖν ὑπομενοῦσιν καὶ μετὰ τὸν θεὸν οἴσουσι θνητοὺς δεσπότας. ἦν δ' οὗτος σοφιστὴς ἰδίας αἱρέσεως οὐδὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις προσεοικώς. 2.119. Τρία γὰρ παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις εἴδη φιλοσοφεῖται, καὶ τοῦ μὲν αἱρετισταὶ Φαρισαῖοι, τοῦ δὲ Σαδδουκαῖοι, τρίτον δέ, ὃ δὴ καὶ δοκεῖ σεμνότητα ἀσκεῖν, ̓Εσσηνοὶ καλοῦνται, ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν γένος ὄντες, φιλάλληλοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλέον. 2.129. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς ἃς ἕκαστοι τέχνας ἴσασιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν διαφίενται, καὶ μέχρι πέμπτης ὥρας ἐργασάμενοι συντόνως πάλιν εἰς ἓν συναθροίζονται χωρίον, ζωσάμενοί τε σκεπάσμασιν λινοῖς οὕτως ἀπολούονται τὸ σῶμα ψυχροῖς ὕδασιν, καὶ μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἁγνείαν εἰς ἴδιον οἴκημα συνίασιν, ἔνθα μηδενὶ τῶν ἑτεροδόξων ἐπιτέτραπται παρελθεῖν: αὐτοί τε καθαροὶ καθάπερ εἰς ἅγιόν τι τέμενος παραγίνονται τὸ δειπνητήριον. 2.136. σπουδάζουσι δ' ἐκτόπως περὶ τὰ τῶν παλαιῶν συντάγματα μάλιστα τὰ πρὸς ὠφέλειαν ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος ἐκλέγοντες: ἔνθεν αὐτοῖς πρὸς θεραπείαν παθῶν ῥίζαι τε ἀλεξητήριον καὶ λίθων ἰδιότητες ἀνερευνῶνται. 2.145. Περὶ δὲ τὰς κρίσεις ἀκριβέστατοι καὶ δίκαιοι, καὶ δικάζουσι μὲν οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν ἑκατὸν συνελθόντες, τὸ δ' ὁρισθὲν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἀκίνητον. σέβας δὲ μέγα παρ' αὐτοῖς μετὰ τὸν θεὸν τοὔνομα τοῦ νομοθέτου, κἂν βλασφημήσῃ τις εἰς τοῦτον κολάζεται θανάτῳ. 2.154. Καὶ γὰρ ἔρρωται παρ' αὐτοῖς ἥδε ἡ δόξα, φθαρτὰ μὲν εἶναι τὰ σώματα καὶ τὴν ὕλην οὐ μόνιμον αὐτῶν, τὰς δὲ ψυχὰς ἀθανάτους ἀεὶ διαμένειν, καὶ συμπλέκεσθαι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ λεπτοτάτου φοιτώσας αἰθέρος ὥσπερ εἱρκταῖς τοῖς σώμασιν ἴυγγί τινι φυσικῇ κατασπωμένας, 2.155. ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀνεθῶσι τῶν κατὰ σάρκα δεσμῶν, οἷα δὴ μακρᾶς δουλείας ἀπηλλαγμένας τότε χαίρειν καὶ μετεώρους φέρεσθαι. καὶ ταῖς μὲν ἀγαθαῖς ὁμοδοξοῦντες παισὶν ̔Ελλήνων ἀποφαίνονται τὴν ὑπὲρ ὠκεανὸν δίαιταν ἀποκεῖσθαι καὶ χῶρον οὔτε ὄμβροις οὔτε νιφετοῖς οὔτε καύμασι βαρυνόμενον, ἀλλ' ὃν ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ πραὺ̈ς ἀεὶ ζέφυρος ἐπιπνέων ἀναψύχει: ταῖς δὲ φαύλαις ζοφώδη καὶ χειμέριον ἀφορίζονται μυχὸν γέμοντα τιμωριῶν ἀδιαλείπτων. 2.156. δοκοῦσι δέ μοι κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔννοιαν ̔́Ελληνες τοῖς τε ἀνδρείοις αὐτῶν, οὓς ἥρωας καὶ ἡμιθέους καλοῦσιν, τὰς μακάρων νήσους ἀνατεθεικέναι, ταῖς δὲ τῶν πονηρῶν ψυχαῖς καθ' ᾅδου τὸν ἀσεβῶν χῶρον, ἔνθα καὶ κολαζομένους τινὰς μυθολογοῦσιν, Σισύφους καὶ Ταντάλους ̓Ιξίονάς τε καὶ Τιτυούς, πρῶτον μὲν ἀιδίους ὑφιστάμενοι τὰς ψυχάς, ἔπειτα εἰς προτροπὴν ἀρετῆς καὶ κακίας ἀποτροπήν. 2.157. τούς τε γὰρ ἀγαθοὺς γίνεσθαι κατὰ τὸν βίον ἀμείνους ἐλπίδι τιμῆς καὶ μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν, τῶν τε κακῶν ἐμποδίζεσθαι τὰς ὁρμὰς δέει προσδοκώντων, εἰ καὶ λάθοιεν ἐν τῷ ζῆν, μετὰ τὴν διάλυσιν ἀθάνατον τιμωρίαν ὑφέξειν. 2.159. Εἰσὶν δ' ἐν αὐτοῖς οἳ καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προγινώσκειν ὑπισχνοῦνται, βίβλοις ἱεραῖς καὶ διαφόροις ἁγνείαις καὶ προφητῶν ἀποφθέγμασιν ἐμπαιδοτριβούμενοι: σπάνιον δ' εἴ ποτε ἐν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσιν ἀστοχοῦσιν. 2.433. Κἀν τούτῳ Μανάημός τις, υἱὸς ̓Ιούδα τοῦ καλουμένου Γαλιλαίου, σοφιστὴς δεινότατος, ὁ καὶ ἐπὶ Κυρινίου ποτὲ ̓Ιουδαίους ὀνειδίσας ὅτι ̔Ρωμαίοις ὑπετάσσοντο μετὰ τὸν θεόν, ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Μασάδαν, 2.445. ὡς δ' οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὥρμησαν, ὅ τε λοιπὸς δῆμος ἐπὶ τὰς ὀργὰς λίθους ἁρπάσαντες τὸν σοφιστὴν ἔβαλλον, οἰόμενοι τούτου καταλυθέντος διατρέψειν ὅλην τὴν στάσιν, 7.262. πρῶτον οὖν οἱ σικάριοι τῆς παρανομίας καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς συγγενεῖς ἤρξαντο ὠμότητος, μήτε λόγον ἄρρητον εἰς ὕβριν μήτ' ἔργον ἀπείρατον εἰς ὄλεθρον τῶν ἐπιβουλευθέντων παραλιπόντες. 7.263. ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτους ̓Ιωάννης ἀπέδειξεν αὐτοῦ μετριωτέρους: οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἀνῄρει πάντας ὅσοι τὰ δίκαια καὶ συμφέροντα συνεβούλευον, καθάπερ ἐχθίστοις μάλιστα δὴ τῶν πολιτῶν τοῖς τοιούτοις προσφερόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ κοινῇ τὴν πατρίδα μυρίων ἐνέπλησε κακῶν, οἷα πράξειν ἔμελλεν ἄνθρωπος ἤδη καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἀσεβεῖν τετολμηκώς: 7.264. τράπεζάν τε γὰρ ἄθεσμον παρετίθετο καὶ τὴν νενομισμένην καὶ πάτριον ἐξεδιῄτησεν ἁγνείαν, ἵν' ᾖ μηκέτι θαυμαστόν, εἰ τὴν πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἡμερότητα καὶ κοινωνίαν οὐκ ἐτήρησεν ὁ τῆς πρὸς θεὸν εὐσεβείας οὕτω καταμανείς. 7.265. πάλιν τοίνυν ὁ Γιώρα Σίμων τί κακὸν οὐκ ἔδρασεν; ἢ ποίας ὕβρεως ἐλευθέρων ἀπέσχοντο σωμάτων οἳ τοῦτον ἀνέδειξαν τύραννον; 7.266. ποία δὲ αὐτοὺς φιλία, ποία δὲ συγγένεια πρὸς τοὺς ἐφ' ἑκάστης ἡμέρας φόνους οὐχὶ θρασυτέρους ἐποίησε; τὸ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους κακῶς ποιεῖν ἀγεννοῦς ἔργον πονηρίας [εἶναι] ὑπελάμβανον, λαμπρὰν δὲ φέρειν ἐπίδειξιν ἡγοῦντο τὴν ἐν τοῖς οἰκειοτάτοις ὠμότητα. 7.267. παρημιλλήσατο δὲ καὶ τὴν τούτων ἀπόνοιαν ἡ τῶν ̓Ιδουμαίων μανία: ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ οἱ μιαρώτατοι τοὺς ἀρχιερέας κατασφάξαντες, ὅπως μηδὲ μέρος τι τῆς πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείας διαφυλάττηται, πᾶν ὅσον ἦν λείψανον ἔτι πολιτικοῦ σχήματος ἐξέκοψαν, 7.268. καὶ τὴν τελεωτάτην εἰσήγαγον διὰ πάντων ἀνομίαν, ἐν ᾗ τὸ τῶν ζηλωτῶν κληθέντων γένος ἤκμασεν, οἳ τὴν προσηγορίαν τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπηλήθευσαν: 7.269. πᾶν γὰρ κακίας ἔργον ἐξεμιμήσαντο, μηδ' εἴ τι πρότερον προϋπάρχον ἡ μνήμη παραδέδωκεν αὐτοὶ παραλιπόντες ἀζήλωτον. 7.433. Λοῦππος δ' ὁ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρείας ἡγεμὼν τὰ παρὰ Καίσαρος λαβὼν γράμματα καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καί τινα τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἐκφορήσας τὸν ναὸν ἀπέκλεισε.

1.78. 5. And truly anyone would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essenes, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars), 1.79. “O strange!” said he, “it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato’s Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.” 1.80. And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But, in a little time, news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato’s Tower, by the same name with that Caesarea which lay by the seaside; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet’s disorder. 1.120. 1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power and magimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; 1.121. but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preservation (which were Aristobulus’s wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king’s brother. 1.122. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus. 1.123. 2. Now, those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: 1.124. he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a thing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. 1.125. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, 1.126. where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; 1.127. he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty. 1.128. 3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus’s three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. 1.129. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; 1.130. nor was Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of his brother’s hands,] but gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them, and, together with them Antipater’s brother Phalion. 1.131. 4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age. 1.132. However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis. 1.133. 5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. 1.134. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a stronghold, fortified with the utmost magnificence and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. 1.135. Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. 1.136. And when his brother invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. 1.137. However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own handwriting. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey. 1.138. 6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. 1.139. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so affrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. 1.140. Yet did not he perform any of the conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobulus’s party would not so much as admit Gabinius into the city, who was sent to receive the money that he had promised. 1.141. 1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, the temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to. 1.142. 2. Now, as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus’s party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. 1.143. So Aristobulus’s party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army, 1.144. who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade anyone of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus’s party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance. 1.145. 3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior station; 1.146. nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on Sabbath days. 1.147. But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence. 1.148. 4. Now, here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; 1.149. for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense. 1.150. 5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. 1.151. Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded. 1.152. 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.155. 7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, 1.156. and was one of his own freedmen. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,—such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod. 1.157. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. 1.158. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome. 2.69. but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Arus. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod’s friends also. 2.112. But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it portended; 2.113. and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essenes, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial. 2.115. This Glaphyra was married, after his death, to Juba, king of Libya; and, after his death, was returned home, and lived a widow with her father. Then it was that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who was then his wife, and married her. 2.118. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders. 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.129. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, 2.136. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers. 2.140. that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; 2.145. 9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom, if anyone blaspheme, he is punished capitally. 2.154. 11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue forever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; 2.155. but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. 2.156. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demigods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue, and dehortations from wickedness collected; 2.157. whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. 2.159. 12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions. 2.433. 8. In the meantime, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans) took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada, 2.445. But Eleazar and his party fell violently upon him, as did also the rest of the people; and taking up stones to attack him withal, they threw them at the sophister, and thought, that if he were once ruined, the entire sedition would fall to the ground. 7.262. They were the Sicarii who first began these transgressions, and first became barbarous towards those allied to them, and left no words of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition untried, in order to destroy those whom their contrivances affected. 7.263. Yet did John demonstrate by his actions that these Sicarii were more moderate than he was himself, for he not only slew all such as gave him good counsel to do what was right, but treated them worst of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had among all the Citizens; nay, he filled his entire country with ten thousand instances of wickedness, such as a man who was already hardened sufficiently in his impiety towards God would naturally do; 7.264. for the food was unlawful that was set upon his table, and he rejected those purifications that the law of his country had ordained; so that it was no longer a wonder if he, who was so mad in his impiety towards God, did not observe any rules of gentleness and common affection towards men. 7.265. Again, therefore, what mischief was there which Simon the son of Gioras did not do? or what kind of abuses did he abstain from as to those very free-men who had set him up for a tyrant? 7.266. What friendship or kindred were there that did not make him more bold in his daily murders? for they looked upon the doing of mischief to strangers only as a work beneath their courage, but thought their barbarity towards their nearest relations would be a glorious demonstration thereof. 7.267. The Idumeans also strove with these men who should be guilty of the greatest madness! for they [all], vile wretches as they were, cut the throats of the high priests, that so no part of a religious regard to God might be preserved; they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of a political government, 7.268. and introduced the most complete scene of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which scene that sort of people that were called zealots grew up, and who indeed corresponded to the name; 7.269. for they imitated every wicked work; nor, if their memory suggested any evil thing that had formerly been done, did they avoid zealously to pursue the same; 7.270. and although they gave themselves that name from their zeal for what was good, yet did it agree to them only by way of irony, on account of those they had unjustly treated by their wild and brutish disposition, or as thinking the greatest mischiefs to be the greatest good. 7.433. 4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar’s letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself.

14. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 8.417-8.419, 9.276, 10.35, 10.141-10.142, 10.269, 13.298, 13.310-13.313, 13.371, 13.377-13.378, 14.58, 15.22, 15.31-15.41, 15.368-15.379, 17.271-17.276, 17.278-17.284, 17.289, 17.339-17.348, 18.8-18.11, 18.18-18.20, 18.22-18.23, 18.25, 20.102, 20.247-20.249 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 55, 92, 93, 94, 99, 124, 126, 128, 192, 193, 200, 270

8.418. συμβάντων οὖν ̓Αχάβῳ τῶν ὑπὸ τῶν δύο προφητῶν εἰρημένων μέγα τὸ θεῖον ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ σέβειν καὶ τιμᾶν αὐτὸ πανταχοῦ, καὶ τῆς ἀληθείας μὴ τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν καὶ βούλησιν πιθανώτερα δοκεῖν, ὑπολαμβάνειν δ' ὅτι προφητείας καὶ τῆς διὰ τῶν τοιούτων προγνώσεως οὐδέν ἐστι συμφορώτερον παρέχοντος οὕτω τοῦ θεοῦ τί δεῖ φυλάξασθαι, 8.419. λογίζεσθαί τε πάλιν ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν βασιλέα γεγενημένων στοχαζομένους προσῆκε τὴν τοῦ χρεὼν ἰσχύν, ὅτι μηδὲ προγινωσκόμενον αὐτὸ διαφυγεῖν ἔστιν, ἀλλ' ὑπέρχεται τὰς ἀνθρωπίνας ψυχὰς ἐλπίσι κολακεῦον χρησταῖς, αἷς εἰς τὸ πόθεν αὐτῶν κρατήσει περιάγει. 10.35. ὢν δ' οὗτος ὁ προφήτης θεῖος ὁμολογουμένως καὶ θαυμάσιος τὴν ἀλήθειαν, πεποιθὼς τῷ μηδὲν ὅλως ψευδὲς εἰπεῖν ἅπανθ' ὅσα προεφήτευσεν ἐγγράψας βίβλοις κατέλιπεν ἐκ τοῦ τέλους γνωρισθησόμενα τοῖς αὖθις ἀνθρώποις. καὶ οὐχ οὗτος μόνος ὁ προφήτης, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλοι δώδεκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν τὸ αὐτὸ ἐποίησαν, καὶ πᾶν εἴ τι φαῦλον γίνεται παρ' ἡμῖν κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ἀποβαίνει προφητείαν. ἀλλὰ τούτων μὲν αὖθις ἐξαγγελοῦμεν ἕκαστον. 10.141. καὶ ταῦτ' αὐτῷ συνέβη, ἃ ̔Ιερεμίας τε καὶ ̓Ιεζεκίηλος προεφήτευσαν αὐτῷ, ὅτι συλληφθεὶς ἀχθήσεται πρὸς τὸν Βαβυλώνιον καὶ λαλήσει αὐτῷ κατὰ στόμα καὶ ὄψεται τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ̔Ιερεμίας εἶπε, τυφλωθεὶς δὲ καὶ ἀχθεὶς εἰς Βαβυλῶνα ταύτην οὐκ εἶδε καθὼς ̓Ιεζεκίηλος προεῖπε. 10.142. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἱκανῶς ἐμφανίσαι δυνάμενα τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσιν εἰρήκαμεν, ὅτι ποικίλη τέ ἐστι καὶ πολύτροπος καὶ καθ' ὥραν ἀπαντᾷ τεταγμένως, ἅ τε δεῖ γενέσθαι προλέγει, τήν τε τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἄγνοιαν καὶ ἀπιστίαν, ὑφ' ἧς οὐδὲν προϊδεῖν εἰάθησαν τῶν ἀποβησομένων, ἀφύλακτοι δὲ ταῖς συμφοραῖς παρεδόθησαν, ὡς ἀμήχανον αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὴν ἐξ αὐτῶν πεῖραν διαφυγεῖν. 10.269. κατέλιπε δὲ γράψας, ὅθεν ἡμῖν ἀληθὲς τὸ τῆς προφητείας αὐτοῦ ἀκριβὲς καὶ ἀπαράλλακτον ἐποίησε δῆλον: φησὶ γὰρ αὐτὸν γενόμενον ἐν Σούσοις ἐν τῇ μητροπόλει τῆς Περσίδος, ὡς ἐξῆλθεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον μετὰ ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ, σεισμοῦ καὶ κλόνου τῆς γῆς ἐξαίφνης γενομένου καταλειφθείη μόνος φευγόντων τῶν φίλων καὶ πέσοι μὲν ἐπὶ στόμα ταραχθεὶς ἐπὶ τὰς δύο χεῖρας, τινὸς δ' ἁψαμένου αὐτοῦ καὶ μεταξὺ κελεύοντος ἀναστῆναι καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα συμβήσεσθαι τοῖς πολίταις ἰδεῖν μετὰ πολλὰς γενεάς. 13.298. καὶ περὶ τούτων ζητήσεις αὐτοῖς καὶ διαφορὰς γίνεσθαι συνέβαινεν μεγάλας, τῶν μὲν Σαδδουκαίων τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων τὸ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ Φαρισαίων τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν δύο καὶ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μου τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀκριβῶς δεδήλωται. 13.311. μάλιστα δ' ἄν τις θαυμάσειεν καὶ ̓Ιούδαν τινά, ̓Εσσηνὸν μὲν τὸ γένος, οὐδέποτε δ' ἐν οἷς προεῖπεν διαψευσάμενον τἀληθές: οὗτος γὰρ ἰδὼν τὸν ̓Αντίγονον παριόντα τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεβόησεν ἐν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ καὶ γνωρίμοις, οἳ διδασκαλίας ἕνεκα τοῦ προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα παρέμενον, 13.312. ὡς ἀποθανεῖν αὐτῷ καλὸν διεψευσμένῳ ζῶντος ̓Αντιγόνου, ὃν σήμερον τεθνήξεσθαι προειπὼν ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ Στράτωνος πύργῳ περιόντα ὁρᾷ, καὶ τοῦ μὲν χωρίου περὶ σταδίους ἀπέχοντος νῦν ἑξακοσίους, ὅπου φονευθήσεσθαι προεῖπεν αὐτόν, τῆς δ' ἡμέρας ἤδη τὸ πλεῖστον ἠνυσμένον, ὥστ' αὐτῷ κινδυνεύειν τὸ μάντευμα ψεῦδος εἶναι. 13.313. ταῦτ' οὖν λέγοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κατηφοῦντος ἀγγέλλεται τεθνεὼς ̓Αντίγονος ἐν τῷ ὑπογείῳ, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, ὁμώνυμον τῇ παραλίῳ Καισαρείᾳ. τὸν μὲν οὖν μάντιν τοῦτο διετάραξεν. 13.371. τούτοις δὲ τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς καρτερῶς ἀνθιστάμενος ̓Αντίοχος ταχέως ἀπέθανεν: Λαοδίκῃ γὰρ ἐλθὼν σύμμαχος τῇ τῶν Σαμηνῶν βασιλίσσῃ Πάρθους πολεμούσῃ μαχόμενος ἀνδρείως ἔπεσεν. τὴν δὲ Συρίαν οἱ δύο κατεῖχον ἀδελφοὶ Δημήτριος καὶ Φίλιππος, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται. 13.377. ̔Ο δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐλθὼν καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς ἐπικαλεσαμένους περὶ Σίκιμα πόλιν ἐστρατοπέδευσεν. ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ μετὰ μισθοφόρων ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ διακοσίων ̓Ιουδαίων τε περὶ δισμυρίους οἳ ἐφρόνουν τὰ ἐκείνου παραλαβὼν ἀντεπῄει τῷ Δημητρίῳ: τούτῳ δ' ἦσαν ἱππεῖς μὲν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ τέσσαρες μυριάδες. 13.378. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἑκατέροις ἐπράχθη, τοῦ μὲν ἀποστῆσαι τοὺς μισθοφόρους ὡς ὄντας ̔́Ελληνας πειρωμένου, τοῦ δὲ τοὺς σὺν Δημητρίῳ ̓Ιουδαίους. μηδετέρου δὲ πεῖσαι δυνηθέντος, ἀλλ' εἰς μάχην συμβαλόντων, νικᾷ Δημήτριος, καὶ ἀποθνήσκουσι μὲν οἱ ̓Αλεξάνδρου μισθοφόροι πάντες πίστεως ἅμα καὶ ἀνδρείας ἐπίδειξιν ποιησάμενοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν Δημητρίου στρατιωτῶν. 14.58. ̓͂Ην δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔνδον στάσις οὐχ ὁμονοούντων περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ἐδόκει παραδιδόναι Πομπηίῳ τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δὲ τὰ ̓Αριστοβούλου φρονοῦντες ἀποκλείειν τε καὶ πολεμεῖν παρῄνουν τῷ κἀκεῖνον ἔχεσθαι δεδεμένον. φθάσαντες δὲ οὗτοι τὸ ἱερὸν καταλαμβάνουσι καὶ τὴν τείνουσαν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ γέφυραν εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰς πολιορκίαν εὐτρεπιζόμενοι. 15.22. ὑποκαθίστατο δὲ καὶ τἆλλα πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐξ ὧν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐστασιάσθη: φυλαττόμενος γάρ τινα τῶν ἐπισήμων ἀποδεικνύειν ἀρχιερέα τοῦ θεοῦ, μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκ τῆς Βαβυλῶνος ἱερέα τῶν ἀσημοτέρων ̓Ανάνηλον ὀνόματι τούτῳ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην δίδωσιν. 15.22. ἀναφανδὸν δὲ τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἐπὶ δυσγενείᾳ διεχλεύαζεν καὶ κακῶς ἔλεγεν, ὥστ' ἤδη στάσιν ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν εἶναι καὶ μῖσος ἄσπονδον, ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε καὶ διαβολὰς μείζονας. 15.31. Τούτοις δὲ παραιτησάμενος τὸν ̓Αντώνιον ἔγνω μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀτιμάζειν τὸν παῖδα καὶ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς Μαριάμμης ἐγκειμένης λιπαρῶς ἀποδοῦναι τἀδελφῷ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, καὶ συμφέρειν αὐτῷ κρίνων, ἵνα μηδ' ἀποδημῆσαι δυνατὸν ᾖ τετιμημένῳ, σύλλογον ποιήσας τῶν φίλων ᾐτιᾶτο πολλὰ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν, 15.31. ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ καὶ τοῦ μὴ διαχειμάσαι μετὰ κινδύνων αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συγκατειληφυίας καὶ τῆς περὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀπορίας, ἐφθαρμένων καὶ παντάπασιν ἐξαναλωθέντων τῶν βοσκημάτων, ὡς οὔτε ἐρίων εἶναι χρῆσιν οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων σκεπασμάτων. 15.32. κρύφα τε ἐπιβουλεῦσαι λέγων τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας πράττειν, ὅπως αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφαιρεθῇ τὴν ἀρχήν, τὸ δὲ μειράκιον ἀντ' αὐτοῦ παραλάβῃ τὰ πράγματα δι' ̓Αντωνίου. 15.32. Σίμων ἦν ̔Ιεροσολυμίτης υἱὸς Βοηθοῦ τινος ̓Αλεξανδρέως, ἱερεὺς ἐν τοῖς γνωρίμοις, εἶχεν δὲ θυγατέρα καλλίστην τῶν τότε νομιζομένην. 15.33. καὶ ταῦτα βούλεσθαι μὲν ἐκείνην οὐ δικαίως, ὁπότε καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα συναποστεροίη τῆς οὔσης αὐτῇ τιμῆς καὶ ταραχὰς ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ πραγματεύοιτο, πολλὰ πονήσαντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κτησαμένου κινδύνοις οὐ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν. 15.33. ̓Ιουδαίοις μὲν ἀπολογούμενος μὴ καθ' αὑτὸν, ἀλλ' ἐξ ἐντολῆς καὶ προσταγμάτων αὐτὰ ποιεῖν, Καίσαρι δὲ καὶ ̔Ρωμαίοις τὸ μηδὲ τῶν οἰκείων ἐθῶν ὅσον τῆς ἐκείνων τιμῆς ἐστοχάσθαι χαριζόμενος, αὐτὸς μέντοι τὸ σύμπαν αὐτοῦ στοχαζόμενος ἢ καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος μείζω τὰ μνημεῖα τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς αὖθις ὑπολιπέσθαι. ὅθεν καὶ περὶ τὰς ἐπισκευὰς τῶν πόλεων ἐκεκίνητο καὶ πλείστας εἰς τοῦτο τὰς δαπάνας ἐποιεῖτο. 15.34. οὐ μὴν ἀπομνημονεύσας αὐτὸς ὧν οὐ καλῶς ἐκείνη πράξειεν ἀποστήσεσθαι τοῦ δίκαιος εἶναι περὶ αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν ἔφη διδόναι τῷ παιδὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην καὶ πάλαι προκαταστήσασθαι τὸν ̓Ανάνηλον παιδίου παντάπασιν ὄντος ̓Αριστοβούλου. 15.34. τὰ δ' ὑπ' αὐτὴν ὑπόνομοί τε καὶ λαῦραι πραγματείαν οὐκ ἐλάττω τῶν ὑπερῳκοδομημένων ἔχουσαι. τούτων αἱ μὲν κατὰ σύμμετρα διαστήματα φέρουσιν εἰς τὸν λιμένα καὶ τὴν θάλατταν, μία δ' ἐγκαρσία πάσας ὑπέζωκεν, ὡς τούς τε ὄμβρους εὐμαρῶς καὶ τὰ λύματα τῶν οἰκητόρων συνεκδίδοσθαι τήν τε θάλατταν, ὅταν ἔξωθεν ἐπείγηται, διαρρεῖν καὶ τὴν σύμπασαν ὑποκλύζειν πόλιν. 15.35. τοιαῦτα δὲ λέγοντος οὐκ ἀσκέπτως, ἀλλ' ὅπερ ἠξίου μάλιστα πεφροντισμένως εἰς ἀπάτην γυναικῶν καὶ τῶν συμπαραληφθέντων φίλων, περιπαθὴς ἅμα καὶ χαρᾷ τῶν οὐ προσδοκηθέντων καὶ δέει τῆς ὑποψίας ̓Αλεξάνδρα μετὰ δακρύων ἀπελογεῖτο, 15.35. πέμπεται δ' ̓Αγρίππας τῶν πέραν ̓Ιονίου διάδοχος Καίσαρι: καὶ τούτῳ περὶ Μιτυλήνην χειμάζοντι συντυχὼν ̔Ηρώδης, ἦν γὰρ εἰς τὰ μάλιστα φίλος καὶ συνήθης, πάλιν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀνέστρεφεν. 15.36. περὶ μὲν τῆς ἱερωσύνης φαμένη πᾶν ὁτιοῦν ὑπ' ἀδοξίας σπουδάσαι, βασιλείᾳ δὲ μήτε ἐπιτίθεσθαι μήτ' ἄν, εἰ καὶ προσίοι, βούλεσθαι λαβεῖν, καὶ νῦν ἀποχρώντως τιμῆς ἔχουσα διὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ἐκείνου καὶ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ δύνασθαι μᾶλλον ἑτέρων ἄρχειν αὐτὸν ἅπαντι τῷ γένει περιοῦσαν. 15.36. Καῖσαρ δὲ καὶ τὴν τούτου μοῖραν οὐκ ὀλίγην οὖσαν ̔Ηρώδῃ δίδωσιν, ἣ μεταξὺ τοῦ Τράχωνος ἦν καὶ τῆς Γαλιλαίας, Οὐλάθαν καὶ Πανιάδα καὶ τὴν πέριξ χώραν. ἐγκαταμίγνυσιν δ' αὐτὴν τοῖς ἐπιτροπεύουσιν τῆς Συρίας ἐντειλάμενος μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης τὰ πάντα ποιεῖν. 15.37. νῦν τε νενικημένη ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις δέχεσθαι μὲν εἰς τὸν υἱὸν τὴν τιμήν, ἔσεσθαι δὲ πρὸς πᾶν ὑπήκοος, παραιτεῖσθαι δὲ κἂν εἴ τι διὰ γένος καὶ τὴν οὖσαν αὐτῇ παρρησίαν προπετέστερον ὑπ' ἀναξιοπαθείας δράσειεν. 15.37. συνέπειθεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ Πολλίωνα τὸν Φαρισαῖον καὶ Σαμαίαν καὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις συνδιατριβόντων τοὺς πλείστους ὀμνύειν: οἱ δ' οὔτε συνεχώρησαν οὔθ' ὁμοίως τοῖς ἀρνησαμένοις ἐκολάσθησαν ἐντροπῆς διὰ τὸν Πολλίωνα τυχόντες. 15.38. οὕτως ἀλλήλοις ὁμιλήσαντες καὶ σπουδαιότερον ἢ θᾶττον ἐν δεξιαῖς διελύοντο πάσης ὑποψίας, ὡς ἐδόκουν, ἐξῃρημένης. 15.38. Τότε δ' οὖν ὀκτωκαιδεκάτου τῆς ̔Ηρώδου βασιλείας γεγονότος ἐνιαυτοῦ μετὰ τὰς προειρημένας πράξεις ἔργον οὐ τὸ τυχὸν ἐπεβάλετο, τὸν νεὼν τοῦ θεοῦ δι' αὐτοῦ κατασκευάσασθαι μείζω τε τὸν περίβολον καὶ πρὸς ὕψος ἀξιοπρεπέστερον ἐγείρειν, ἡγούμενος ἁπάντων αὐτῷ τῶν πεπραγμένων περισημότερον, ὥσπερ ἦν, ἐκτελεσθήσεσθαι τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς αἰώνιον μνήμην ἀρκέσειν. 15.39. ̔Ο δὲ βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης εὐθὺς μὲν ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Ανάνηλον ὄντα μέν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴπομεν, οὐκ ἐπιχώριον, ἀλλὰ τῶν ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἀπῳκισμένων ̓Ιουδαίων: οὐ γὰρ ὀλίγαι μυριάδες τοῦδε τοῦ λαοῦ περὶ τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν ἀπῳκίσθησαν. 15.39. χιλίας γὰρ εὐτρεπίσας ἁμάξας, αἳ βαστάσουσι τοὺς λίθους, ἐργάτας δὲ μυρίους τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους ἐπιλεξάμενος καὶ ἱερεῦσιν τὸν ἀριθμὸν χιλίοις ἱερατικὰς ὠνησάμενος στολάς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν διδάξας οἰκοδόμους, ἑτέρους δὲ τέκτονας, ἥπτετο τῆς κατασκευῆς ἁπάντων αὐτῷ προθύμως προευτρεπισμένων. 15.41. ἀλλὰ πρῶτος μὲν ̓Αντίοχος ὁ ̓Επιφανὴς ἔλυσε τὸν νόμον ἀφελόμενος μὲν ̓Ιησοῦν, καταστήσας δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ̓Ονίαν, δεύτερος δὲ ̓Αριστόβουλος ̔Υρκανὸν ἀφείλετο τὸν ἀδελφόν, ̔Ηρώδης δὲ τρίτος ἀντιπαρέδωκεν τὴν ἀρχὴν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ τῷ παιδί. 15.41. ̓Εν δὲ τοῖς ἑσπερίοις μέρεσιν τοῦ περιβόλου πύλαι τέτταρες ἐφέστασαν, ἡ μὲν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια τείνουσα τῆς ἐν μέσῳ φάραγγος εἰς δίοδον ἀπειλημμένης, αἱ δύο δὲ εἰς τὸ προάστειον, ἡ λοιπὴ δ' εἰς τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν βαθμίσιν πολλαῖς κάτω τε εἰς τὴν φάραγγα διειλημμένη καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης ἄνω πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν πρόσβασιν: ἄντικρυς γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἔκειτο τοῦ ἱεροῦ θεατροειδὴς οὖσα περιεχομένη βαθείᾳ φάραγγι κατὰ πᾶν τὸ νότιον κλίμα. 15.368. τοὺς μὲν οὖν παντάπασιν ἐξαυθαδιζομένους πρὸς τὸ μὴ συμπεριφέρεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν πάντας ἐπεξῄει τοὺς τρόπους, τὸ δ' ἄλλο πλῆθος ὅρκοις ἠξίου πρὸς τὴν πίστιν ὑπάγεσθαι καὶ συνηνάγκαζεν ἐνώμοτον αὐτῷ τὴν εὔνοιαν ἦ μὴν διαφυλάξειν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμολογεῖν. 15.369. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ κατὰ θεραπείαν καὶ δέος εἶκον οἷς ἠξίου, τοὺς δὲ φρονήματος μεταποιουμένους καὶ δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ καταναγκάζεσθαι πάντα τρόπον ἐκποδὼν ἐποιεῖτο. 15.371. ἀφείθησαν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης καὶ οἱ παρ' ἡμῖν ̓Εσσαῖοι καλούμενοι: γένος δὲ τοῦτ' ἔστιν διαίτῃ χρώμενον τῇ παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ὑπὸ Πυθαγόρου καταδεδειγμένῃ. 15.372. περὶ τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐν ἄλλοις σαφέστερον διέξειμι. τοὺς δὲ ̓Εσσηνοὺς ἀφ' οἵας αἰτίας ἐτίμα μεῖζόν τι φρονῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἢ κατὰ τὴν θνητὴν φύσιν, εἰπεῖν ἄξιον: οὐ γὰρ ἀπρεπὴς ὁ λόγος φανεῖται τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας γένει παραδηλῶν καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑπόληψιν. 15.373. ̓͂Ην τις τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν Μανάημος ὄνομα καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν τοῦ βίου καλοκαγαθίαν μαρτυρούμενος καὶ πρόγνωσιν ἐκ θεοῦ τῶν μελλόντων ἔχων. οὗτος ἔτι παῖδα τὸν ̔Ηρώδην εἰς διδασκάλου φοιτῶντα κατιδὼν βασιλέα ̓Ιουδαίων προσηγόρευσεν. 15.374. ὁ δ' ἀγνοεῖν ἢ κατειρωνεύεσθαι νομίζων αὐτὸν ἀνεμίμνησκεν ἰδιώτης ὤν. Μανάημος δὲ μειδιάσας ἠρέμα καὶ τύπτων τῇ χειρὶ κατὰ τῶν γλουτῶν “ἀλλά τοι καὶ βασιλεύσεις, ἔφη, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐδαιμόνως ἀπάξεις: ἠξίωσαι γὰρ ἐκ θεοῦ. καὶ μέμνησο τῶν Μαναήμου πληγῶν, ὥστε σοι καὶ τοῦτο σύμβολον εἶναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν τύχην μεταπτώσεων. 15.375. ἄριστος γὰρ ὁ τοιοῦτος λογισμός, εἰ καὶ δικαιοσύνην ἀγαπήσειας καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ἐπιείκειαν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας: ἀλλ' οὐ γὰρ οἶδά σε τοιοῦτον ἔσεσθαι τὸ πᾶν ἐπιστάμενος. 15.376. εὐτυχίᾳ μὲν γὰρ ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλος διοίσεις καὶ τεύξῃ δόξης αἰωνίου, λήθην δ' εὐσεβείας ἕξεις καὶ τοῦ δικαίου. ταῦτα δ' οὐκ ἂν λάθοι τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τῇ καταστροφῇ τοῦ βίου τῆς ἀντ' αὐτῶν ὀργῆς ἀπομνημονευομένης.” 15.377. τούτοις αὐτίκα μὲν ἥκιστα τὸν νοῦν προσεῖχεν ἐλπίδι λειπόμενος αὐτῶν ̔Ηρώδης, κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ ἀρθεὶς ἕως καὶ τοῦ βασιλεύειν καὶ εὐτυχεῖν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἀρχῆς μεταπέμπεται τὸν Μανάημον καὶ περὶ τοῦ χρόνου πόσον ἄρξει διεπυνθάνετο. 15.378. Μανάημος δὲ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν οὐκ εἶπεν: ὡς δὲ σιωπῶντος αὐτοῦ, μόνον εἰ δέκα γενήσονται βασιλείας ἐνιαυτοὶ προσεπύθετο καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ τριάκοντα εἰπὼν τὸν ὅρον οὐκ ἐπέθηκε τῷ τέλει τῆς προθεσμίας, ̔Ηρώδης δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἀρκεσθεὶς τόν τε Μανάημον ἀφῆκεν δεξιωσάμενος καὶ πάντας ἀπ' ἐκείνου τοὺς ̓Εσσηνοὺς τιμῶν διετέλει. 15.379. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰ καὶ παράδοξα δηλῶσαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ περὶ τῶν παρ' ἡμῖν ἐμφῆναι, διότι πολλοὶ διὰ τοιούτων ὑπὸ καλοκαγαθίας καὶ τῆς τῶν θείων ἐμπειρίας ἀξιοῦνται. 17.271. ̓Ιούδας δὲ ἦν ̓Εζεκίου τοῦ ἀρχιλῃστοῦ υἱὸς ἐπὶ μέγα δυνηθέντος ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου δὲ μεγάλοις ληφθέντος πόνοις. οὗτος οὖν ὁ ̓Ιούδας περὶ Σέπφωριν τῆς Γαλιλαίας συστησάμενος πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν ἀπονενοημένων ἐπιδρομὴν τῷ βασιλείῳ ποιεῖται καὶ ὅπλων κρατήσας ὁπόσα αὐτόθι ἀπέκειτο ὥπλιζε τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ ἀποφέρεται χρήματα ὁπόσα κατελήφθη αὐτόθι, 17.272. φοβερός τε ἅπασιν ἦν ἄγων καὶ φέρων τοὺς προστυγχάνοντας ἐπιθυμίᾳ μειζόνων πραγμάτων καὶ ζηλώσει βασιλείου τιμῆς, οὐκ ἀρετῆς ἐμπειρίᾳ τοῦ δὲ ὑβρίζειν περιουσίᾳ κτήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν τὸ ἐντεῦθεν γέρας. 17.273. ̓͂Ην δὲ καὶ Σίμων δοῦλος μὲν ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως, ἄλλως δὲ ἀνὴρ εὐπρεπὴς καὶ μεγέθει καὶ ῥώμῃ σώματος ἐπὶ μέγα προύχων τε καὶ πεπιστευμένος. οὗτος ἀρθεὶς τῇ ἀκρισίᾳ τῶν πραγμάτων διάδημά τε ἐτόλμησε περιθέσθαι, 17.274. καί τινος πλήθους συστάντος καὶ αὐτὸς βασιλεὺς ἀναγγελθεὶς μανίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων καὶ εἶναι ἄξιος ἐλπίσας παρ' ὁντινοῦν τό τε ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι βασίλειον πίμπρησιν δι' ἁρπαγῆς ἄγων τὰ ἐγκατειλημμένα, πολλάς τε καὶ ἄλλας τῶν βασιλικῶν οἰκήσεων πολλαχοῦ τῆς χώρας πῦρ ἐνιεὶς ἠφάνιζεν, τοῖς συνεστηκόσιν λείαν ἄγειν τὰ ἐγκαταλελειμμένα ἐπιτρέπων. 17.275. ἐπέπρακτο δ' ἄν τι μεῖζον ὑπ' αὐτοῦ μὴ ταχείας ἐπιστροφῆς γενομένης: ὁ γὰρ Γρᾶτος ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν στρατιωτῶν ̔Ρωμαίοις προστεθειμένος μεθ' ἧς εἶχεν δυνάμεως ὑπαντιάζει τὸν Σίμωνα, 17.276. καὶ μάχης αὐτοῖς μεγάλης ἐπὶ πολὺ γενομένης τό τε πολὺ τῶν Περαίων ἀσύντακτοι ὄντες καὶ τόλμῃ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπιστήμῃ μαχόμενοι ἐφθάρησαν, καὶ αὐτοῦ Σίμωνος διά τινος φάραγγος σώζοντος αὑτὸν Γρᾶτος ἐντυχὼν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτέμνει. 17.278. ̓Επεὶ καὶ ̓Αθρόγγης ἀνὴρ οὔτε προγόνων ἐπιφανὴς ἀξιώματι οὔτε ἀρετῆς περιουσίᾳ ἤ τινων πλήθει χρημάτων, ποιμὴν δὲ καὶ ἀνεπιφανὴς τοῖς πᾶσιν εἰς τὰ πάντα ὤν, ἄλλως δὲ μεγέθει σώματος καὶ τῇ κατὰ χεῖρας ἀλκῇ διαπρέπων, ἐτόλμησεν ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ φρονῆσαι τῷ κτώμενόν τε αὐτὴν ἡδονῆς πλέον ὑβρίσαι καὶ θνήσκων οὐκ ἐν μεγάλοις τίθεσθαι τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἀνάλωμα γενησόμενον. 17.279. ἦσαν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἀδελφοὶ τέσσαρες μεγάλοι τε καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ἐπὶ μέγα προύχειν τῇ κατὰ χεῖρας ἀρετῇ πεπιστευμένοι, πρόεχμα εἶναι τῆς καθέξεως τῆς βασιλείας δοκοῦντες, λόχου τε αὐτῶν ἦρχεν ἕκαστος: συλλέγεται γὰρ μεγάλη πληθὺς πρὸς αὐτούς. 17.281. διέμενέ τε ἐπὶ πολὺ τῷδε τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἡ ἰσχὺς βασιλεῖ τε κεκλημένῳ καὶ ἃ πράσσειν ἐθέλοι μὴ ἀποστερουμένῳ, φόνῳ τε καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν ἐπὶ μέγα προσκείμενοι ̔Ρωμαίων τε καὶ βασιλικῶν μίσει πολιτεύοντες ὁμοίως πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τοῦτο μὲν ὕβρει ᾗ χρήσαιντο ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ηρώδου ἀρχῆς, ̔Ρωμαίους δὲ ὧν τὸ παρὸν ἔδοξαν ἀδικεῖν. 17.282. προϊόντος δὲ χρόνου καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον ὁμοίως ἐξηγριώθησαν διάφευξίς τε οὐκ ἦν τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐμπεσεῖν, τὰ μὲν κέρδους ἐλπίδι, τὰ δὲ καὶ συνηθείᾳ τοῦ φονεύειν. ἐπιτίθενται δέ ποτε καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων λόχῳ κατὰ ̓Εμμαοῦντα, οἳ σῖτόν τε καὶ ὅπλα τῆς στρατιᾶς ἔφερον. καὶ περιστάντες ̓́Αρειον μὲν τὸν ἑκατόνταρχον, ὃς ἡγεῖτο τοῦ παντὸς καὶ τεσσαράκοντα τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν πεζῶν τοὺς κρατίστους κατηκόντισαν. 17.283. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ δείσαντες πρὸς τὸ πάθος αὐτῶν Γράτου σὺν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς, οἳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν, σκέπης αὐτοῖς γενομένης σώζονται τοὺς νεκροὺς καταλιπόντες. καὶ πολὺν μὲν τοιουτοτρόποις χρώμενοι χρόνον μάχαις ̔Ρωμαίους τε παρελύπησαν οὐκ εἰς ὀλίγα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἐκάκωσαν ἐπὶ μέγα. 17.284. χειροῦται δὲ αὐτῶν χρόνῳ ὕστερον ὁ μὲν Γράτῳ συμβαλὼν ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαίῳ, καὶ τὸν πρεσβύτατον ̓Αρχελάου λαβόντος ὁ τελευταῖος πάθει τε τῷ ἐκείνου λελυπημένος καὶ ἄπορον ἐπὶ πλέον ὁρῶν τὴν σωτηρίαν ὑπὸ μονώσεως καὶ καμάτου πολλοῦ ψιλωθεὶς τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ δεξιαῖς καὶ πίστει τοῦ θείου ̓Αρχελάῳ παραδίδωσιν αὑτόν. καὶ τάδε μὲν ὕστερον γίνεται. 17.289. ὃς ἐμβαλὼν τούς τε ἀντικαταστάντας εἰς μάχην τρέπεται καὶ Σέπφωριν ἑλὼν τοὺς μὲν οἰκήτορας ἠνδραποδίσατο, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐνέπρησεν. αὐτὸς δὲ Οὔαρος ἐπὶ Σαμαρείας τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ προιὼν τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετο διὰ τὸ ἀνέγκλητον ἐπὶ τοῖς νεωτερισμοῖς εἶναι, στρατοπεδεύεται δὲ ἔν τινι κώμῃ Πτολεμαίου κτήματι, ̓Αροὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ. 17.339. ̓Αρχέλαος δὲ τὴν ἐθναρχίαν παραλαβὼν ἐπεὶ εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφικνεῖται, ̓Ιωάζαρον τὸν Βοηθοῦ ἀφελόμενος τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐπικαλῶν αὐτῷ συστάντι τοῖς στασιώταις ̓Ελεάζαρον τὸν ἐκείνου ἐπικαθίσταται ἀδελφόν. 17.341. καὶ τοῦ πατρίου παράβασιν ποιησάμενος Γλαφύραν τὴν ̓Αρχελάου μὲν θυγατέρα, ̓Αλεξάνδρου δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ γαμετὴν γενομένην, ἐξ οὗ καὶ τέκνα ἦν αὐτῇ, ἀπώμοτον ὂν ̓Ιουδαίοις γαμετὰς ἀδελφῶν ἄγεσθαι, γαμεῖ. διατρίβει δὲ οὐδὲ ὁ ̔Ελεάζαρος ἐν τῇ ἱερωσύνῃ ἐπικατασταθέντος αὐτῷ ζῶντι ̓Ιησοῦ τοῦ Σεὲ παιδός. 17.342. Δεκάτῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς ἀρχῆς ̓Αρχελάου οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔν τε ̓Ιουδαίοις καὶ Σαμαρεῦσι μὴ φέροντες τὴν ὠμότητα αὐτοῦ καὶ τυραννίδα κατηγοροῦσιν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Καίσαρος, καὶ μάλιστα ἐπεὶ ἔγνωσαν αὐτὸν παραβεβηκότα τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ, ἵνα ἐπιεικῶς ἀναστραφῇ τὰ πρὸς αὐτούς. 17.343. ὁ τοίνυν Καῖσαρ ὡς ἤκουσεν, ὀργῇ φέρων τὸν ἐπίτροπον τὸν ̓Αρχελάου τῶν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ πραγμάτων, ̓Αρχέλαος δὲ καὶ τούτῳ ὄνομα ἦν, μετακαλέσας γράφειν μὲν ̓Αρχελάῳ ταπεινὸν ἡγεῖται, “σὺ δὲ παραχρῆμα, φησίν, πλέων μηδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἐπαναγαγεῖν αὐτὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς.” 17.344. καὶ ὃς ἔκπλουν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ποιησάμενος καὶ ἀφικόμενος εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν λαμβάνει τὸν ̓Αρχέλαον ἐν εὐωχίαις ὄντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων, τήν τε διάνοιαν ἀποσημαίνει τὴν Καίσαρος καὶ ὥρμησεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἔξοδον. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀφικομένου ἐπί τινων κατηγόρων ἀκροᾶται καὶ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ἐκεῖνον μὲν φυγάδα ἐλαύνει δοὺς οἰκητήριον αὐτῷ Βίενναν πόλιν τῆς Γαλατίας, τὰ δὲ χρήματα ἀπηνέγκατο. 17.345. Πρότερον δὲ ἢ κληθεὶς ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης ἀνελθεῖν ̓Αρχέλαος ὄναρ τοιόνδε ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῖς φίλοις θεασάμενος: ἀστάχυας δέκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν πλέους πυροῦ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀκμὴν ἀπειληφότας δόξα ἦν αὐτῷ βιβρωσκομένους ὑπὸ βοῶν θεωρεῖν. καὶ περιεγρόμενος φέρειν εἰς μέγα δόξαν τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῷ μεταστέλλεται τοὺς μάντεις, οἷς περὶ ὀνειράτων ἦσαν αἱ ἀναστροφαί. 17.346. σκιδναμένων δὲ ἑτέρων ἐφ' ἑτέροις, οὐ γὰρ εἰς ἕνα ἔκειτο πᾶσιν ἀφήγησις, Σίμων ἀνὴρ γένος ̓Εσσαῖος ἀσφάλειαν αἰτησάμενος, μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων ἔλεγεν ̓Αρχελάῳ φέρειν τὴν ὄψιν οὐκ ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν: 17.347. βόας μὲν γὰρ κακοπαθείας τε ἀποσαφεῖν διὰ τὸ ἔργοις ἐπιταλαιπωρεῖν τὸ ζῷον, μεταβολὰς δὲ αὖ πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ τὴν γῆν πόνῳ τῷ ἐκείνων ἀρουμένην ἐν ταὐτῷ μένειν οὐ δύνασθαι: τοὺς δὲ ἀστάχυας δέκα ὄντας τοσῶνδε ἀριθμὸν ἐνιαυτῶν ὁρίζειν, περιόδῳ γὰρ ἑνὸς παραγίνεσθαι θέρος, καὶ τὸν χρόνον ἐξήκειν ̓Αρχελάῳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας. 17.348. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταύτῃ ἐξηγήσατο τὸν ὄνειρον. πέμπτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μεθ' ὃ τὸ πρῶτον αὐτοῦ ἡ ὄψις ̓Αρχελάῳ συνῆλθεν ὁ ἀνακαλούμενος ̓Αρχέλαος πεμπτὸς εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφίκετο. 18.8. ἐξ ὧν στάσεις τε ἐφύησαν δι' αὐτὰς καὶ φόνος πολιτικός, ὁ μὲν ἐμφυλίοις σφαγαῖς μανίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἴς τε ἀλλήλους καὶ αὑτοὺς χρωμένων ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ μὴ λείπεσθαι τῶν ἀντικαθεστηκότων, ὁ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων, λιμός τε εἰς ὑστάτην ἀνακείμενος ἀναισχυντίαν, καὶ πόλεων ἁλώσεις καὶ κατασκαφαί, μέχρι δὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνείματο πυρὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἥδε ἡ στάσις. 18.8. κώλυμα τοῦ μὴ μειζόνως κολάζειν τὸ μετὰ ἔρωτος αὐτῷ ἡμαρτῆσθαι τὰ ἡμαρτημένα ἡγησάμενος. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ̓́Ισιδος τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὑβρισμένα τοιαῦτα ἦν. ἐπάνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀφήγησιν τῶν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ ̓Ιουδαίοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον συντυχόντων, ὥς μοι καὶ προαπεσήμηνεν ὁ λόγος. 18.9. οὕτως ἄρα ἡ τῶν πατρίων καίνισις καὶ μεταβολὴ μεγάλας ἔχει ῥοπὰς τοῦ ἀπολουμένου τοῖς συνελθοῦσιν, εἴ γε καὶ ̓Ιούδας καὶ Σάδδωκος τετάρτην φιλοσοφίαν ἐπείσακτον ἡμῖν ἐγείραντες καὶ ταύτης ἐραστῶν εὐπορηθέντες πρός τε τὸ παρὸν θορύβων τὴν πολιτείαν ἐνέπλησαν καὶ τῶν αὖθις κακῶν κατειληφότων ῥίζας ἐφυτεύσαντο τῷ ἀσυνήθει πρότερον φιλοσοφίας τοιᾶσδε: 18.9. Οὐιτέλλιος δὲ εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἀνῄει, καὶ ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἑορτὴ πάτριος, πάσχα δὲ καλεῖται, δεχθεὶς μεγαλοπρεπῶς Οὐιτέλλιος τὰ τέλη τῶν ὠνουμένων καρπῶν ἀνίησιν εἰς τὸ πᾶν τοῖς ταύτῃ κατοικοῦσιν καὶ τὴν στολὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τὸν πάντα αὐτοῦ κόσμον συνεχώρησεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ κειμένην ὑπὸ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔχειν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν, καθότι καὶ πρότερον ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσία. 18.11. ̓Ιουδαίοις φιλοσοφίαι τρεῖς ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ πάνυ ἀρχαίου τῶν πατρίων, ἥ τε τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν καὶ ἡ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων, τρίτην δὲ ἐφιλοσόφουν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι λεγόμενοι. καὶ τυγχάνει μέντοι περὶ αὐτῶν ἡμῖν εἰρημένα ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαϊκοῦ πολέμου, μνησθήσομαι δ' ὅμως καὶ νῦν αὐτῶν ἐπ' ὀλίγον. 18.11. ἐρασθεὶς δὲ ̔Ηρωδιάδος τῆς τούτου γυναικός, θυγάτηρ δὲ ἦν ̓Αριστοβούλου καὶ οὗτος ἀδελφὸς αὐτῶν, ̓Αγρίππου δὲ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ μεγάλου, τολμᾷ λόγων ἅπτεσθαι περὶ γάμου. καὶ δεξαμένης συνθῆκαι γίνονται μετοικίσασθαι παρ' αὐτόν, ὁπότε ἀπὸ ̔Ρώμης παραγένοιτο. ἦν δὲ ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ὥστε καὶ τοῦ ̓Αρέτα τὴν θυγατέρα ἐκβαλεῖν. 18.18. ̓Εσσηνοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν θεῷ καταλείπειν φιλεῖ τὰ πάντα ὁ λόγος, ἀθανατίζουσιν δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δικαίου τὴν πρόσοδον. 18.18. τιμία δὲ ἦν ̓Αντωνία Τιβερίῳ εἰς τὰ πάντα συγγενείας τε ἀξιώματι, Δρούσου γὰρ ἦν ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ γυνή, καὶ ἀρετῇ τοῦ σώφρονος: νέα γὰρ χηρεύειν παρέμεινεν γάμῳ τε ἀπεῖπεν τῷ πρὸς ἕτερον καίπερ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ κελεύοντός τινι γαμεῖσθαι, καὶ λοιδοριῶν ἀπηλλαγμένον διεσώσατο αὐτῆς τὸν βίον. 18.19. εἰς δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναθήματα στέλλοντες θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν διαφορότητι ἁγνειῶν, ἃς νομίζοιεν, καὶ δι' αὐτὸ εἰργόμενοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τεμενίσματος ἐφ' αὑτῶν τὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν. βέλτιστοι δὲ ἄλλως ἄνδρες τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ πᾶν πονεῖν ἐπὶ γεωργίᾳ τετραμμένοι. 18.19. ἐπεὶ δ' ὁ Καῖσαρ περιοδεύσας τὸν ἱππόδρομον λαμβάνει τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἑστηκότα, “καὶ μὴν δή, φησίν, Μάκρων, τοῦτον εἶπον δεθῆναι”. τοῦ δὲ ἐπανερομένου ὅντινα, “̓Αγρίππαν γε” εἶπεν. 18.22. ἀποδέκτας δὲ τῶν προσόδων χειροτονοῦντες καὶ ὁπόσα ἡ γῆ φέροι ἄνδρας ἀγαθούς, ἱερεῖς δὲ ἐπὶ ποιήσει σίτου τε καὶ βρωμάτων. ζῶσι δὲ οὐδὲν παρηλλαγμένως, ἀλλ' ὅτι μάλιστα ἐμφέροντες Δακῶν τοῖς πλείστοις λεγομένοις. 18.22. ἀξιῶ δέ σε μηδὲν ἀμνημονεῖν ὁμιλήσαντα αὐτῇ μήτ' εὐνοίας τῆς ἐμῆς, ὃς εἰς τοσόνδε ἀξιώματος καθίστημι μέγεθος, 18.23. Τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ τῶν φιλοσοφιῶν ὁ Γαλιλαῖος ̓Ιούδας ἡγεμὼν κατέστη, τὰ μὲν λοιπὰ πάντα γνώμῃ τῶν Φαρισαίων ὁμολογούσῃ, δυσνίκητος δὲ τοῦ ἐλευθέρου ἔρως ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς μόνον ἡγεμόνα καὶ δεσπότην τὸν θεὸν ὑπειληφόσιν. θανάτων τε ἰδέας ὑπομένειν παρηλλαγμένας ἐν ὀλίγῳ τίθενται καὶ συγγενῶν τιμωρίας καὶ φίλων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδένα ἄνθρωπον προσαγορεύειν δεσπότην. 18.23. ὅσπερ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐφειστήκει τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου, θεώμενος τήν τε σπουδὴν μεθ' οἵας ὁ Μαρσύας ἀφίκετο καὶ τὸ ἐκ τῶν λόγων χάρμα τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ συνελθόν, ὑποτοπήσας καίνωσίν τινα γεγονέναι τῶν λόγων ἤρετό σφας περὶ τοῦ λόγου τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος. 18.25. ἀνοίᾳ τε τῇ ἐντεῦθεν ἤρξατο νοσεῖν τὸ ἔθνος Γεσσίου Φλώρου, ὃς ἡγεμὼν ἦν, τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τοῦ ὑβρίζειν ἀπονοήσαντος αὐτοὺς ἀποστῆναι ̔Ρωμαίων. καὶ φιλοσοφεῖται μὲν ̓Ιουδαίοις τοσάδε. 18.25. Γάιος δὲ ἅμα τε προσαγορεύων τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, πρῶτον δὲ αὐτῷ ἐνετύγχανεν, ἅμα τε τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπιὼν ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου συγκειμένας, κατηγόρει δὲ αὐτοῦ ὁμολογίαν πρὸς Σηιανὸν κατὰ τῆς Τιβερίου ἀρχῆς καὶ πρὸς ̓Αρτάβανον τὸν Πάρθον ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος κατὰ τῆς Γαί̈ου ἀρχῆς, 20.102. πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ οἱ παῖδες ̓Ιούδα τοῦ Γαλιλαίου ἀνήχθησαν τοῦ τὸν λαὸν ἀπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων ἀποστήσαντος Κυρινίου τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας τιμητεύοντος, ὡς ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων δεδηλώκαμεν, ̓Ιάκωβος καὶ Σίμων, οὓς ἀνασταυρῶσαι προσέταξεν ̓Αλέξανδρος. 20.247. Τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν ̔Ηρώδης παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐγχειρισθεὶς οὐκέτι τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ̓Ασαμωναίου γένους καθίστησιν ἀρχιερεῖς, ἀλλά τισιν ἀσήμοις καὶ μόνον ἐξ ἱερέων οὖσιν πλὴν ἑνὸς ̓Αριστοβούλου τὴν τιμὴν ἀπένεμεν. 20.248. τὸν δ' ̓Αριστόβουλον ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ὑπὸ Πάρθων ληφθέντος υἱωνὸν ὄντα καταστήσας ἀρχιερέα τῇ ἀδελφῇ αὐτοῦ συνῴκησεν Μαριάμμῃ, τὴν τοῦ πλήθους πρὸς ἑαυτὸν θηρώμενος εὔνοιαν διὰ τὴν ̔Υρκανοῦ μνήμην. εἶτα φοβηθείς, μὴ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον πάντες ἀποκλίνωσιν, ἀνεῖλεν αὐτὸν ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῖ πνιγῆναι μηχανησάμενος κολυμβῶντα, καθὼς ἤδη δεδηλώκαμεν. 20.249. μετὰ τοῦτον οὐκέτι τοῖς ἐγγόνοις τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐπίστευσεν. ἔπραξεν δὲ ὅμοια τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ περὶ τῆς καταστάσεως τῶν ἱερέων ̓Αρχέλαός τε ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον τὴν ἀρχὴν ̔Ρωμαῖοι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων παραλαβόντες.

8.418. And as what things were foretold should happen to Ahab by the two prophets came to pass, we ought thence to have high notions of God, and every where to honor and worship him, and never to suppose that what is pleasant and agreeable is worthy of belief before what is true, and to esteem nothing more advantageous than the gift of prophecy and that foreknowledge of future events which is derived from it, since God shows men thereby what we ought to avoid. 8.419. We may also guess, from what happened to this king, and have reason to consider the power of fate; that there is no way of avoiding it, even when we know it. It creeps upon human souls, and flatters them with pleasing hopes, till it leads them about to the place where it will be too hard for them. 10.35. Now as to this prophet [Isaiah], he was by the confession of all, a divine and wonderful man in speaking truth; and out of the assurance that he had never written what was false, he wrote down all his prophecies, and left them behind him in books, that their accomplishment might be judged of from the events by posterity: nor did this prophet do so alone, but the others, which were twelve in number, did the same. And whatsoever is done among us, Whether it be good, or whether it be bad, comes to pass according to their prophecies; but of every one of these we shall speak hereafter. 10.141. And these things happened to him, as Jeremiah and Ezekiel had foretold to him, that he should be caught, and brought before the king of Babylon, and should speak to him face to face, and should see his eyes with his own eyes; and thus far did Jeremiah prophesy. But he was also made blind, and brought to Babylon, but did not see it, according to the prediction of Ezekiel. 10.142. 3. We have said thus much, because it was sufficient to show the nature of God to such as are ignorant of it, that it is various, and acts many different ways, and that all events happen after a regular manner, in their proper season, and that it foretells what must come to pass. It is also sufficient to show the ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby they are not permitted to foresee any thing that is future, and are, without any guard, exposed to calamities, so that it is impossible for them to avoid the experience of those calamities. 10.269. He also wrote and left behind him what made manifest the accuracy and undeniable veracity of his predictions; for he saith, that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went out into the field with his companions, there was, on the sudden, a motion and concussion of the earth, and that he was left alone by himself, his friends fleeing away from him, and that he was disturbed, and fell on his face, and on his two hands, and that a certain person touched him, and, at the same time, bid him rise, and see what would befall his countrymen after many generations. 13.298. And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs. 13.311. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes, and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come? 13.312. “That it was good for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had foretold that he should die at the place called Strato’s Tower that very day, while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold he should be slain; and still this day is a great part of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet.” 13.313. As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also Strato’s Tower, or of the same name with that Caesarea which is seated at the sea. This event put the prophet into a great disorder. 13.371. Both these brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, when she was making war against the Parthians, and he was fighting courageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere related. 13.377. 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. 13.378. Now there were great endeavors used on both sides,—Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were slain also. 14.58. 2. Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city, who did not agree what was to be done in their present circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus’s party exhorted them to shut the gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a siege; 15.22. He also did other things, in order to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition in his own family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious person the high priest of God, he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name was Aelus, and bestowed the high priesthood upon him. 15.22. She would also expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch that there was before this a disagreement and unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to greater reproaches of one another than formerly, 15.31. 7. When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage so to do, because if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called his friends together, and told them that Alexandra 15.31. He also took care that they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal. 15.32. privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony’s means this youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead; 15.32. There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time; 15.33. and that this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and would bring disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards; 15.33. The apology which he made to the Jews for these things was this: That all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the commands and injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he had not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had the honor of those Romans, while yet he had himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was very ambitious to leave great monuments of his government to posterity; whence it was that he was so zealous in building such fine cities, and spent such vast sums of money upon them. 15.34. that yet, while he well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what was right himself, but would even now give the youth the high priesthood; and that he formerly set up Aelus, because Aristobulus was then so very young a child. 15.34. nay, the very subterranean vaults and cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them than had the buildings above ground. Some of these vaults carried things at even distances to the haven and to the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all the rest together, that both the rain and the filth of the citizens were together carried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all clean. 15.35. Now when he had said this, not at random, but as he thought with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a weeping; and made the following apology for herself; 15.35. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. 15.36. and said, that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors to procure it for him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son], she would not accept it; and that now she would be satisfied with her son’s dignity, while he himself held the civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose from his peculiar ability in governing to all the remainder of her family; 15.36. o Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation; 15.37. that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter. 15.37. He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio. 15.38. So when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away. 15.38. 1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after the acts already mentioned, undertook a very great work, that is, to build of himself the temple of God, and make it larger in compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it really was, to bring it to perfection; and that this would be sufficient for an everlasting memorial of him; 15.39. but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work. 15.39. 1. So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Aelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia, 15.41. 5. Now in the western quarters of the enclosure of the temple there were four gates; the first led to the king’s palace, and went to a passage over the intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs of the city; and the last led to the other city, where the road descended down into the valley by a great number of steps, and thence up again by the ascent for the city lay over against the temple in the manner of a theater, and was encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter; 15.41. It was Antiochus Epiphanes who first brake that law, and deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his stead. Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third, who took that high office away [from Arianflus], and gave it to this young man, Aristobulus, in his stead. 15.368. and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and continue certainly so to do, in his management of the government; 15.369. and indeed a great part of them, either to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such as were of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away, with them. 15.371. The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. 15.372. However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essenes in such honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essenes. 15.373. 5. Now there was one of these Essenes, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews; 15.374. but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said, “However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune. 15.375. And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, 15.376. for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them.” 15.377. Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. 15.378. Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, “Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;” but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essenes. 15.379. We have thought it proper to relate these facts to our readers, how strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among us, because many of these Essenes have, by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of divine revelations. 17.271. 5. There was also Judas, the son of that Ezekias who had been head of the robbers; which Ezekias was a very strong man, and had with great difficulty been caught by Herod. This Judas, having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate character about Sepphoris in Galilee, made an assault upon the palace [there,] and seized upon all the weapons that were laid up in it, and with them armed every one of those that were with him, and carried away what money was left there; 17.272. and he became terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near him; and all this in order to raise himself, and out of an ambitious desire of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the reward not of his virtuous skill in war, but of his extravagance in doing injuries. 17.273. 6. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, 17.274. while a certain number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it. He also set fire to many other of the king’s houses in several places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were with him to take what was left in them for a prey; 17.275. and he would have done greater things, unless care had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers, took the forces he had with him, and met Simon, 17.276. and after a great and a long fight, no small part of those that came from Perea, who were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skillful manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head. 17.278. 7. But because Athronges, a person neither eminent by the dignity of his progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of, but one that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known by any body; yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength of his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although he should be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great a design. 17.279. He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves, and were believed to be superior to others in the strength of their hands, and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things, and thought that strength of theirs would support them in retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled over a band of men of their own; for those that got together to them were very numerous. 17.281. And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king’s forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king’s forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod’s government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately received from them. 17.282. But in process of time they grew more cruel to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape from one or other of these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of gain, and others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once attacked a company of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and shot forty of the best of his foot soldiers; 17.283. but the rest of them were affrighted at their slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but saved themselves by the means of Gratus, who came with the king’s troops that were about him to their assistance. Now these four brethren continued the war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much grieved the Romans; but did their own nation also a great deal of mischief. 17.284. Yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the eldest of them prisoner; while the last of them was so dejected at the other’s misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way now left to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness and continual labors, that he also delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his promise and oath to God [to preserve his life.] But these things came to pass a good while afterward. 17.289. who made an attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus himself pursued his march for Samaria with his whole army; yet did not he meddle with the city of that name, because it had not at all joined with the seditious; but pitched his camp at a certain village that belonged to Ptolemy, whose name was Arus, 17.339. 1. When Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea, he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and took away the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in his place. 17.341. Moreover, he transgressed the law of our fathers and married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his brother Alexander, which Alexander had three children by her, while it was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother’s wife. Nor did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood, Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room while he was still living. 17.342. 2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus’s government, both his brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Caesar, which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them. 17.343. Whereupon Caesar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for Archelaus’s steward, who took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus also; and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he bid him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to us: 17.344. o the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come [to Rome], Caesar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what reply he could make, both banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from him. 17.345. 3. Now, before Archelaus was gone up to Rome upon this message, he related this dream to his friends: That he saw ears of corn, in number ten, full of wheat, perfectly ripe, which ears, as it seemed to him, were devoured by oxen. 17.346. And when he was awake and gotten up, because the vision appeared to be of great importance to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study was employed about dreams. And while some were of one opinion, and some of another, (for all their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man of the sect of the Essenes, desired leave to speak his mind freely, and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and that not for the better; 17.347. that oxen, because that animal takes uneasy pains in his labors, denoted afflictions, and indeed denoted, further, a change of affairs, because that land which is ploughed by oxen cannot remain in its former state; and that the ears of corn being ten, determined the like number of years, because an ear of corn grows in one year; and that the time of Archelaus’s government was over. And thus did this man expound the dream. 17.348. Now on the fifth day after this dream came first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that was sent to Judea by Caesar to call him away, came hither also. 18.8. whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies’ fire. 18.9. Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal, 18.10. concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction. 18.11. 2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essenes, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now. 18.11. However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter. 18.18. 5. The doctrine of the Essenes is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; 18.18. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife, and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach. 18.19. and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. 18.19. But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: “For certain,” said he, “Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;” and when he still asked, “Which of these is to be bound?” he said “Agrippa.” 18.20. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way, 18.22. They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essenes in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae [dwellers in cities]. 18.22. and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity, 18.23. 6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord. 18.23. Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said. 18.25. And it was in Gessius Florus’s time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy. 18.25. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius’s and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius; 20.102. And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified. 20.247. Herod was then made king by the Romans, but did no longer appoint high priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but made certain men to be so that were of no eminent families, but barely of those that were priests, excepting that he gave that dignity to Aristobulus; 20.248. for when he had made this Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the Parthians, and had taken his sister Mariarmne to wife, he thereby aimed to win the good-will of the people, who had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his grandfather]. Yet did he afterward, out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclinations to Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have him suffocated as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have already related that matter; 20.249. but after this man he never intrusted the priesthood to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus. Archelaus also, Herod’s son, did like his father in the appointment of the high priests, as did the Romans also, who took the government over the Jews into their hands afterward.

15. Tacitus, Annals, 15.44.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 130

16. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 2.1, 3.1-3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 99

17. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 9.22, 9.25 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 200

9.22. Now the doctrine of the resurrection has also derived support among these; for they acknowledge both that the flesh will rise again, and that it will be immortal, in the same manner as the soul is already imperishable. And they maintain that the soul, when separated in the present life, (departs) into one place, which is well ventilated and lightsome, where, they say, it rests until judgment. And this locality the Greeks were acquainted with by hearsay, and called it Isles of the Blessed. And there are other tenets of these which many of the Greeks have appropriated, and thus have from time to time formed their own opinions. For the disciplinary system in regard of the Divinity, according to these (Jewish sects), is of greater antiquity than that of all nations. And so it is that the proof is at hand, that all those (Greeks) who ventured to make assertions concerning God, or concerning the creation of existing things, derived their principles from no other source than from Jewish legislation. And among these may be particularized Pythagoras especially, and the Stoics, who derived (their systems) while resident among the Egyptians, by having become disciples of these Jews. Now they affirm that there will be both a judgment and a conflagration of the universe, and that the wicked will be eternally punished. And among them is cultivated the practice of prophecy, and the prediction of future events. 9.25. Since, therefore, we have explained even the diversities among the Jews, it seems expedient likewise not to pass over in silence the system of their religion. The doctrine, therefore, among all Jews on the subject of religion is fourfold-theological, natural, moral, and ceremonial. And they affirm that there is one God, and that He is Creator and Lord of the universe: that He has formed all these glorious works which had no previous existence; and this, too, not out of any coeval substance that lay ready at hand, but His Will - the efficient cause- was to create, and He did create. And (they maintain) that there are angels, and that these have been brought into being for ministering unto the creation; but also that there is a sovereign Spirit that always continues beside God, for glory and praise. And that all things in the creation are endued with sensation, and that there is nothing iimate. And they earnestly aim at serious habits and a temperate life, as one may ascertain from their laws. Now these matters have long ago been strictly defined by those who in ancient times have received the divinely-appointed law; so that the reader will find himself astonished at the amount of temperance, and of diligence, lavished on customs legally enacted in reference to man. The ceremonial service, however, which has been adapted to divine worship in a manner befitting the dignity of religion, has been practised among them with the highest degree of elaboration. The superiority of their ritualism it is easy for those who wish it to ascertain, provided they read the book which furnishes information on these points. They will thus perceive how that with solemnity and sanctity the Jewish priests offer unto God the first-fruits of the gifts bestowed by Him for the rise and enjoyment of men; how they fulfil their ministrations with regularity and steadfastness, in obedience to His commandments. There are, however, some (liturgical usages adopted) by these, which the Sadducees refuse to recognise, for they are not disposed to acquiesce in the existence of angels or spirits. Still all parties alike expect Messiah, inasmuch as the Law certainly, and the prophets, preached beforehand that He was about to be present on earth. Inasmuch, however, as the Jews were not cognizant of the period of His advent, there remains the supposition that the declarations (of Scripture) concerning His coming have not been fulfilled. And so it is, that up to this day they continue in anticipation of the future coming of the Christ, - from the fact of their not discerning Him when He was present in the world. And (yet there can be little doubt but) that, on beholding the signs of the times of His having been already among us, the Jews are troubled; and that they are ashamed to confess that He has come, since they have with their own hands put Him to death, because they were stung with indignation in being convicted by Himself of not having obeyed the laws. And they affirm that He who was thus sent forth by God is not this Christ (whom they are looking for); but they confess that another Messiah will come, who as yet has no existence; and that he will usher in some of the signs which the law and the prophets have shown beforehand, whereas, regarding the rest (of these indications), they suppose that they have fallen into error. For they say that his generation will be from the stock of David, but not from a virgin and the Holy Spirit, but from a woman and a man, according as it is a rule for all to be procreated from seed. And they allege that this Messiah will be King over them - a warlike and powerful individual, who, after having gathered together the entire people of the Jews, and having done battle with all the nations, will restore for them Jerusalem the royal city. And into this city He will collect together the entire Hebrew race, and bring it back once more into the ancient customs, that it may fulfil the regal and sacerdotal functions, and dwell in confidence for periods of time of sufficient duration. After this repose, it is their opinion that war would next be waged against them after being thus congregated; that in this conflict Christ would fall by the edge of the sword; and that, after no long time, would next succeed the termination and conflagration of the universe; and that in this way their opinions concerning the resurrection would receive completion, and a recompense be rendered to each man according to his works.

18. Palestinian Talmud, Hagigah, 2.2, 77d (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 192

19. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 92

20. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 1.6.1-2, 1.6, 1.6.5, 1.6.4, 1.6.3, 1.7, 4-6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 124, 125

21. Babylonian Talmud, Kiddushin, 31a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, in the mishnah •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 192

31a. she persuades him with many statements of encouragement and does not treat him harshly. Therefore, in the mitzva of: “Honor your father and your mother” (Exodus 20:11), the Holy One, Blessed be He, preceded the mention of the honor due one’s father before mentioning the honor due one’s mother. The verse emphasizes the duty that does not come naturally. Similarly, it is revealed and known before the One Who spoke and the world came into being that a son fears his father more than his mother, because his father teaches him Torah, and consequently he is strict with him. Therefore, in the verse: “A man shall fear his mother and his father” (Leviticus 19:3), the Holy One, Blessed be He, preceded the mention of fear of the mother before the mention of fear of the father.,A tanna taught a baraita before Rav Naḥman: When a person causes his father and mother suffering, the Holy One, Blessed be He, says: I did well in not dwelling among them, for if I had dwelled among them they would have caused Me suffering as well, as it were. Rabbi Yitzḥak says: Anyone who transgresses in private, it is considered as though he is pushing away the feet of the Divine Presence, i.e., he distances God from him, so to speak. As it is stated: “So says the Lord: The heaven is My throne and the earth is My footstool” (Isaiah 66:1). When someone sins in secret, he demonstrates that he thinks God is absent from that place, and it is as though he pushes His feet away from the earth.,With regard to the same issue, Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: It is prohibited for a person to walk even four cubits with an upright posture, which is considered an arrogant manner, as it is stated: “The entire world is full of His glory” (Isaiah 6:3). One who walks in an arrogant manner indicates a lack of regard for the glory and honor of God that is surrounding him, and thereby chases God from that place, as it were. The Gemara relates: Rav Huna, son of Rav Yehoshua, would not walk four cubits with an uncovered head. He said: The Divine Presence is above my head, and I must act respectfully.,The son of one widow asked Rabbi Eliezer: If my father says to me: Give me water to drink, and my mother also says to me: Give me water to drink, which of them should I honor first? Rabbi Eliezer said to him: Set aside the honor of your mother, and perform the honor of your father, as you and your mother are both obligated in the honor of your father. He came before Rabbi Yehoshua and asked him the same question, and Rabbi Yehoshua said this same answer to him.,The man said to him: My teacher, if one’s mother is divorced, what is the halakha? Rabbi Yehoshua said to him: From your eyelashes, which are filled with tears, it is evident that you are the son of a widow, and you have no father. Why, then, are you asking this question as though it were relevant for you? Consequently, Rabbi Yehoshua answered him sarcastically: Pour water for them into a pitcher and squawk at them as one does to summon chickens. In other words, if one’s mother is divorced, the same honor is due to both parents, and neither takes precedence.,§ Ulla the Great interpreted a verse homiletically at the entrance to the house of the Nasi. What is the meaning of that which is written: “All the kings of the earth shall give You thanks, O Lord, for they have heard the words of Your mouth” (Psalms 138:4)? It is not stated: The word of Your mouth, in the singular. Rather, the verse uses the expression: “The words of Your mouth,” in the plural. To what is this phrase referring? When the Holy One, Blessed be He, said: “I am the Lord your God” (Exodus 20:2), and, in the same verse: “You shall have no other gods before Me,” the nations of the world said: He teaches this for His own honor, as both statements entail respect for God.,Once He said: “Honor your father and your mother” (Exodus 20:11), they returned and conceded the truth of the first statements, which is why the verse uses the plural expression: “Words of Your mouth,” i.e., all the words of God’s mouth. Rava said: This can be derived from here: “The beginning of Your word is truth” (Psalms 119:160). Is the beginning of Your word truth but not the end of Your word? Rather, from the end of Your word it is apparent to everyone that the beginning of Your word is truth.,The Sages raised a dilemma before Rav Ulla: How far must one go to fulfill the mitzva of honoring one’s father and mother? Rav Ulla said to them: Go and see what one gentile did in Ashkelon, and his name was Dama ben Netina. Once the Sages sought to purchase merchandise [perakmatya] from him for six hundred thousand gold dinars’ profit, but the key for the container in which the merchandise was kept was placed under his father’s head, and he was sleeping at the time. And Dama ben Netina would not disturb his father by waking him, although he could have made a substantial profit.,Rav Yehuda says that Shmuel says: They asked Rabbi Eliezer: How far must one go to fulfill the mitzva of honoring one’s father and mother? Rabbi Eliezer said to them: Go and see what one gentile did for his father in Ashkelon, and the name of the son was Dama ben Netina. Once the Sages wished to purchase precious stones from him for the ephod of the High Priest for six hundred thousand gold dinars’ profit, and Rav Kahana taught that it was eight hundred thousand gold dinars’ profit. And the key to the chest holding the jewels was placed under his father’s head, and he would not disturb him.,The next year the Holy One, Blessed be He, gave Dama ben Netina his reward, as a red heifer was born in his herd, and the Jews needed it. When the Sages of Israel came to him he said to them: I know, concerning you, that if I were to ask for all the money in the world you would give it to me. But I ask only that money that I lost due to the honor of Father.,And Rabbi Ḥanina says: And if this is related about one who is not commanded by the Torah to honor his father, as Dama was a gentile, and nevertheless when he performs the mitzva he is given this great reward, all the more so is one rewarded who is commanded to fulfill a mitzva and performs it. As Rabbi Ḥanina says: Greater is one who is commanded to do a mitzva and performs it than one who is not commanded to do a mitzva and performs it.,Rav Yosef, who was blind, said: At first I would say: If someone would tell me that the halakha is in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda, who says: A blind person is exempt from fulfilling the mitzvot, I would make a festive day for the rabbis, as I am not commanded and yet I perform the mitzvot. This means my reward is very great. Now that I have heard that which Rabbi Ḥanina says: Greater is one who is commanded to do a mitzva and performs it than one who is not commanded to do a mitzva and performs it, on the contrary: If someone would tell me that the halakha is not in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda, and a blind person is obligated in mitzvot, I would make a festive day for the rabbis.,When Rav Dimi came from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said: Once Dama ben Netina was wearing a fine cloak [sirkon] of gold, and was sitting among the nobles of Rome. And his mother came to him and tore his garment from him and smacked him on the head and spat in his face, and yet he did not embarrass her.,Avimi, son of Rabbi Abbahu, taught: There is a type of son who feeds his father pheasant [pasyonei] and yet this behavior causes him to be removed from the World, i.e., the World-to-Come; and there is one who makes him grind with a millstone, which is difficult work,

22. Babylonian Talmud, Hagigah, 16b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, herods patronage of •menahem (manaemos) the essene, in the mishnah •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 192, 193

16b. הראשונים היו נשיאים ושניים להם אב ב"ד:,

16b. The first members of each pair served as Nasi, and their counterparts served as deputy Nasi.,The Sages taught: Three of the first pairs who say not to place hands and two of the last pairs who say to place hands served as Nasi, and their counterparts served as deputy Nasi; this is the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say the opposite: Yehuda ben Tabbai was deputy Nasi and Shimon ben Shataḥ was the Nasi.,The Gemara asks: Who is the tanna who taught that which the Sages taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yehuda ben Tabbai said: I swear that I will not see the consolation of Israel if I did not kill a conspiring witness. This means that Rabbi Yehuda ben Tabbai sentenced a conspiring witness to death, in order to counter the views of the Sadducees, who would say: Conspiring witnesses are not executed unless the sentenced one has been executed. Their views opposed the traditional view, which maintains that conspiring witnesses are executed only if the one sentenced by their testimony has not yet been executed.,Shimon ben Shataḥ said to him: I swear that I will not see the consolation of Israel if you did not shed innocent blood, as the Sages said: Conspiring witnesses are not executed unless they are both found to be conspirators; if only one is found to be a conspirator, he is not executed. And they are not flogged if they are liable to such a penalty, unless they are both found to be conspirators. And if they testified falsely that someone owed money, they do not pay money unless they are both found to be conspirators.,Hearing this, Yehuda ben Tabbai immediately accepted upon himself not to rule on any matter of law unless he was in the presence of Shimon ben Shataḥ, as he realized he could not rely on his own judgment.,The baraita further relates: All of Yehuda ben Tabbai’s days, he would prostrate himself on the grave of that executed individual, to request forgiveness, and his voice was heard weeping. The people thought that it was the voice of that executed person, rising from his grave. Yehuda ben Tabbai said to them: It is my voice, and you shall know that it is so, for tomorrow, i.e., sometime in the future, he will die, and his voice will no longer be heard. Yehuda ben Tabbai was referring to himself, but he did not want to mention something negative about himself in direct terms.,Rav Aḥa, son of Rava, said to Rav Ashi: This provides no conclusive proof that the voice was not that of the executed man, as perhaps ben Tabbai appeased the executed individual in the World-to-Come. Or, alternatively, the latter may have prosecuted him by the law of Heaven, and that is why his voice can no longer be heard.,The Gemara returns to its original question: Whose opinion does this baraita follow? Granted, if you say it is in accordance with that of Rabbi Meir, who said that Shimon ben Shataḥ was deputy Nasi while Rabbi Yehuda ben Tabbai was Nasi, that explains why he had previously issued a halakhic ruling in the presence of Shimon ben Shataḥ to execute the conspiring witness, and only after that unfortunate incident did he undertake to issue rulings only in the presence of his colleague. But if you say that the baraita is in accordance with the Sages, who said: Yehuda ben Tabbai was deputy Nasi and Shimon ben Shataḥ the Nasi, why did he need to make such a commitment? May the deputy Nasi issue a halakhic ruling in the presence of the Nasi?,The Gemara refutes this: No; what did he mean by accepting upon himself not to rule on his own? He spoke with regard to joining the ruling of others: Even with regard to joining the ruling of others, I will also not join until I have first heard the view of Shimon ben Shataḥ.,§ It is taught in the mishna: Menaḥem departed and Shammai entered. The Gemara asks: To where did Menaḥem depart? Abaye said: He departed and went astray. Therefore, the mishna did not wish to delve into the details of his case. Rava said: He departed for the king’s service. He received a post from the king and had to leave the court. This is also taught in a baraita: Menaḥem departed for the king’s service, and eighty pairs of students dressed in silk robes left with him to work for the king, and that they no longer studied Torah.,§ Rav Shemen bar Abba said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: A rabbinic decree [shevut] should never be taken lightly in your eyes, since placing hands on the head of an offering on a Festival is prohibited only as a rabbinic decree because it is considered making use of an animal, which is not considered a prohibited labor but merely resembles one, and yet the greatest scholars of each generation disputed it.,The Gemara is puzzled by this statement: This is obvious. Since it is an accepted rabbinic decree, why should people take it lightly? The Gemara answers: It was necessary for him to state it because it is a rabbinic decree related to a mitzva. In other words, although this rabbinic decree of placing the hands on an animal is not performed for one’s own sake but for the purpose of a mitzva, it was nevertheless a serious matter in the eyes of the Sages.,The Gemara remains puzzled: This too is obvious. In that case as well, the act is prohibited by the Sages. The Gemara responds: Rabbi Yoḥa’s statement comes to exclude the opinion of the one who said that they disagree with regard to the actual obligation of placing hands, i.e., whether or not obligatory peace-offerings require placing the hands. He therefore teaches us that it is a rabbinic decree that is the subject of their dispute, not the requirement itself.,Rami bar Ḥama said: You can learn from here, from this dispute, that the mitzva of placing hands requires not only placing one’s hands on the animal’s head, but we also require that one places his hands with all his strength. For if it enters your mind that we do not require all his strength, what prohibition does one violate by placing his hands? Let him place them on a Festival as well, as this does not resemble a prohibited action at all.,The Gemara raises an objection to this from a baraita: “Speak to the children of [benei] Israel” (Leviticus 1:2). The word benei literally means: Sons of. And it states nearby: “And he shall place his hand on the head of the burnt-offering” (Leviticus 1:4), from which we learn that the sons of Israel place their hands, but the daughters of Israel do not place them. Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Yishmael say: It is optional for the daughters of Israel to place their hands. They may place their hands if they so choose, although they are not obligated to do so.,Rabbi Yosei said: The Sage Abba Elazar related to me the following incident: On one occasion, we had a calf for a peace-offering, and we brought it to the Women’s Courtyard, and women placed their hands on it. We did this not because there is an obligation of placing hands in the case of women, but in order to please the women, by allowing them to sacrifice an offering, in all of its particulars, as men do. Now, if it enters your mind that we require placing hands with all one’s strength, would we perform work with consecrated offerings in order to please the women? Placing one’s hands forcefully on an animal is considered performing work with it, and if one does it without being obligated to do so, he has thereby performed work with an offering. Rather, isn’t it correct to conclude from this that we do not require placing hands with all one’s strength?,The Gemara rejects this: Actually, I could say to you that we do require placing hands with all one’s strength, but here they allowed women to place their hands by saying to them: Ease your hands and do not press forcefully, so that their hand placing should not constitute work. The Gemara retorts: If so, then the reason formulated as: Not because there is an obligation to place hands in the case of women, is irrelevant to this law. Let him derive the permission for women to do so from the reason that it is not considered placing hands at all. If placing hands must be performed with all one’s strength, this action the women are performing does not constitute placing hands.,Rabbi Ami said: He stated one reason and another. One reason is that it is not considered placing hands at all, as it is not performed with all of one’s strength; and another reason is that they allowed it in order to please the women.,Rav Pappa said: Learn from this that anything upon which one may not place objects or upon which one may not sit on Shabbat, its sides are likewise prohibited, for if it enters your mind to say that the sides are permitted, they could have told the women to place their hands on the sides, i.e., on the head of the animal rather than on its back, as the head of the animal is considered as if it were one of its sides. Rather, must one not conclude from this that the sides are prohibited?

23. Epiphanius, Panarion, 1.20.1-1.20.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 125

24. Jerome, Altercatio Luciferiani Et Orthodoxi (Dialogus Contra Luciferianos.), 23 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 125

25. Dead Sea Scrolls, '4Q174=4Qlorilegium, 0 Tagged with subjects: •menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128

26. Dead Sea Scrolls, '4Q252=4Qcommgena, col. 5, rag.6. Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 126, 128

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database