1. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 4.7.13-4.7.14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136| 4.7.13. ἐνταῦθα δὴ δεινὸν ἦν θέαμα. αἱ γὰρ γυναῖκες ῥίπτουσαι τὰ παιδία εἶτα ἑαυτὰς ἐπικατερρίπτουν, καὶ οἱ ἄνδρες ὡσαύτως. ἐνταῦθα δὴ καὶ Αἰνείας Στυμφάλιος λοχαγὸς ἰδών τινα θέοντα ὡς ῥίψοντα ἑαυτὸν στολὴν ἔχοντα καλὴν ἐπιλαμβάνεται ὡς κωλύσων· 4.7.14. ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπισπᾶται, καὶ ἀμφότεροι ᾤχοντο κατὰ τῶν πετρῶν φερόμενοι καὶ ἀπέθανον. ἐντεῦθεν ἄνθρωποι μὲν πάνυ ὀλίγοι ἐλήφθησαν, βόες δὲ καὶ ὄνοι πολλοὶ καὶ πρόβατα. | 4.7.13. Then came a dreadful spectacle: the women threw their little children down from the rocks and then threw themselves down after them, and the men did likewise. In the midst of this scene Aeneas of Stymphalus, a captain, catching sight of a man, who was wearing a fine robe, running to cast himself down, seized hold of him in order to stop him; 4.7.14. but the man dragged Aeneas along after him, and both went flying down the cliffs and were killed. In this stronghold only a very few human beings were captured, but they secured cattle and asses in large numbers and sheep. |
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| 2. Cicero, In Catilinam, 1.4, 3.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus •tremulus, q. marcius, positioning of monument Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 192; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 71 |
3. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 130, 137, 23, 25, 40, 124 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58| 124. venio nunc ad illud nomen aureum Chrysogoni sub quo nomine tota societas latuit latuit Madvig : statuit codd. ; de quo, iudices, neque quo modo dicam neque quo modo taceam reperire possum. si enim taceo, vel maximam partem partem causae Kraffert relinquo; sin autem dico, vereor ne non ille solus, id quod ad me nihil attinet, sed alii quoque plures laesos se laesos se scripsi : laesos se esse codd. ( cf. Zielinski p. 192) putent. tametsi ita se res habet ut mihi in communem causam sectorum dicendum nihil magno opere videatur; haec enim causa nova profecto et singularis est. bonorum Sex. Rosci emptor est Chrysogonus emptor est Chrysogonus w : emptorẽ Chrysogonus ς : emptorem Chrysogonum cett. . | |
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| 4. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.1.1-5.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tremulus, q. marcius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 27 |
| 5. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 71 |
| 6. Cicero, On Laws, 2.31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
7. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.10-2.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius figulus, c., abdicates consulship •marcius figulus, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 284, 286 | 2.10. But among our ancestors religion was so powerful that some commanders actually offered themselves as victims to the immortal gods on behalf of the state, veiling their heads and formally vowing themselves to death. I could quote numerous passages from the Sibylline prophecies and from the oracles of soothsayers in confirmation of facts that no one really ought to question. Why, in the consulship of Publius Scipio and Gaius Figulus both our Roman augural lore and that of the Etruscan soothsayers were confirmed by the evidence of actual fact. Tiberius Gracchus, then consul for the second time, was holding the election of his successors. The first returning officer in the very act of reporting the persons named as elected suddenly fell dead. Gracchus nevertheless proceeded with the election. Perceiving that the scruples of the public had been aroused by the occurrence, he referred the matter to the Senate. The Senate voted that it be referred 'to the customary officials.' Soothsayers were sent for, and pronounced that the returning officer for the elections had not been in order. 2.11. Thereupon Gracchus, so my father used to tell me, burst into a rage. 'How now?' he cried, 'was I not in order? I put the names to the vote as consul, as augur, and with auspices taken. Who are you, Tuscan barbarians, to know the Roman constitution, and to be able to lay down the law as to our elections?' And accordingly he then sent them about their business. Afterwards however he sent a dispatch from his province to the College of Augurs to say that while reading the sacred books it had come to his mind that there had been an irregularity when he took Scipio's park as the site for his augural tent, for he had subsequently entered the city bounds to hold a meeting of the Senate and when crossing the bounds again on his return had forgotten to take the auspices; and that therefore the consuls had not been duly elected. The College of Augurs referred the matter to the senate; the Senate decided that the consuls must resign; they did so. What more striking instances can we demand? A man of the greatest wisdom and I may say unrivalled distinction of character preferred to make public confession of an offence that he might have concealed rather than that the stain of impiety should cling to the commonwealth; the consuls preferred to retire on the spot from the highest office of the state rather than hold it for one moment of time in violation of religion. |
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| 8. Varro, On Agriculture, 3.3.9-3.3.10, 3.9.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, (lucius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 127 |
9. Cicero, On Duties, 3.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58| 3.2. Sed nec hoc otium cum Africani otio nec haec solitudo cum illa comparanda est. Ille enim requiescens a rei publicae pulcherrimis muneribus otium sibi sumebat aliquando et e coetu hominum frequentiaque interdum tamquam in portum se in solitudinem recipiebat, nostrum autem otium negotii inopia, non requiescendi studio constitutum est. Exstincto enim senatu deletisque iudiciis quid est quod dignum nobis aut in curia aut in foro agere possimus? | 3.2. But I should not compare this leisure of mine with that of Africanus, nor this solitude with his. For he, to find leisure from his splendid services to his country, used to take a vacation now and then and to retreat from the assemblies and the throngs of men into solitude, as, into a haven of rest. But my leisure is forced upon me by want of public business, not prompted by any desire for repose. For now that the senate has been abolished and the courts have been closed, what is there, in keeping with my self-respect, that I can do either in the senate chamber or in the forum? |
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10. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.24, 1.223, 2.124-2.125, 2.164, 2.167, 2.197-2.203, 3.4, 3.56, 3.121, 3.206 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58, 71| 1.24. Cum igitur vehementius inveheretur in causam principum consul Philippus Drusique tribunatus pro senatus auctoritate susceptus infringi iam debilitarique videretur, dici mihi memini ludorum Romanorum diebus L. Crassum quasi conligendi sui causa se in Tusculanum contulisse; venisse eodem, socer eius qui fuerat, Q. Mucius dicebatur et M. Antonius, homo et consiliorum in re publica socius et summa cum Crasso familiaritate coniunctus. 1.223. Sed aliud quiddam, longe aliud, Crasse, quaerimus: acuto homine nobis opus est et natura usuque callido, qui sagaciter pervestiget, quid sui cives eique homines, quibus aliquid dicendo persuadere velit, cogitent, sentiant, opinentur, exspectent; teneat oportet venas cuiusque generis, aetatis, ordinis, et eorum, apud quos aliquid aget aut erit acturus, mentis sensusque degustet; 2.124. Tum Crassus, 'tu vero,' inquit 'Antoni, perge, ut instituisti; neque enim est boni neque liberalis parentis, quem procrearis et eduxeris, eum non et vestire et ornare, praesertim cum te locupletem esse negare non possis. Quod enim ornamentum, quae vis, qui animus, quae dignitas illi oratori defuit, qui in causa peroranda non dubitavit excitare reum consularem et eius diloricare tunicam et iudicibus cicatrices adversas senis imperatoris ostendere? qui idem, hoc accusante Sulpicio, cum hominem seditiosum furiosumque defenderet, non dubitavit seditiones ipsas ornare ac demonstrare gravissimis verbis multos saepe impetus populi non iniustos esse, quos praestare nemo posset; multas etiam e re publica seditiones saepe esse factas, ut cum reges essent exacti, ut cum tribunicia potestas esset constituta; illam Norbani seditionem ex luctu civium et ex Caepionis odio, qui exercitum amiserat, neque reprimi potuisse et iure esse conflatam? 2.125. Potuit hic locus tam anceps, tam inauditus, tam lubricus, tam novus sine quadam incredibili vi ac facultate dicendi tractari? Quid ego de Cn. Manli, quid de Q. Regis commiseratione dicam? Quid de aliis innumerabilibus? In quibus hoc non maxime enituit quod tibi omnes dant, acumen quoddam singulare, sed haec ipsa, quae nunc ad me delegare vis, ea semper in te eximia et praestantia fuerunt.' 2.164. Si res tota quaeritur, definitione universa vis explicanda est, sic: "si maiestas est amplitudo ac dignitas civitatis, is eam minuit, qui exercitum hostibus populi Romani tradidit, non qui eum, qui id 2.167. Ex coniunctis sic argumenta ducuntur: "si pietati summa tribuenda laus est, debetis moveri, cum Q. Metellum tam pie lugere videatis." Ex genere autem: "si magistratus in populi Romani esse potestate debent, quid Norbanum accusas, cuius tribunatus 2.197. Quamquam te quidem quid hoc doceam, qui in accusando sodali meo tantum incendium non oratione solum, sed etiam multo magis vi et dolore et ardore animi concitaras, ut ego ad id restinguendum vix conarer accedere? Habueras enim tu omnia in causa superiora: vim, fugam, lapidationem, crudelitatem tribuniciam in Caepionis gravi miserabilique casu in iudicium vocabas; deinde principem et senatus et civitatis, M. Aemilium, lapide percussum esse constabat; vi pulsum e templo L. Cottam et T. Didium, cum intercedere vellent rogationi, nemo poterat negare. 2.198. Accedebat ut haec tu adulescens pro re publica queri summa cum dignitate existimarere; ego, homo censorius, vix satis honeste viderer seditiosum civem et in hominis consularis calamitate crudelem posse defendere. Erant optimi cives iudices, bonorum virorum plenum forum, vix ut mihi tenuis quaedam venia daretur excusationis, quod tamen eum defenderem, qui mihi quaestor fuisset. Hic ego quid dicam me artem aliquam adhibuisse? Quid fecerim, narrabo; si placuerit, vos meam defensionem in aliquo artis loco reponetis. 2.199. Omnium seditionum genera, vitia, pericula conlegi eamque orationem ex omni rei publicae nostrae temporum varietate repetivi conclusique ita, ut dicerem, etsi omnes semper molestae seditiones fuissent, iustas tamen fuisse non nullas et prope necessarias. Tum illa, quae modo Crassus commemorabat, egi: neque reges ex hac civitate exigi neque tribunos plebis creari neque plebiscitis totiens consularem potestatem minui neque provocationem, patronam illam civitatis ac vindicem libertatis, populo Romano dari sine nobilium dissensione potuisse; ac, si illae seditiones saluti huic civitati fuissent, non continuo, si quis motus populi factus esset, id C. Norbano in nefario crimine atque in fraude capitali esse ponendum. Quod si umquam populo Romano concessum esset ut iure incitatus videretur, id quod docebam saepe esse concessum, nullam illa causa iustiorem fuisse. Tum omnem orationem traduxi et converti in increpandam Caepionis fugam, in deplorandum interitum exercitus: sic et eorum dolorem, qui lugebant suos, oratione refricabam et animos equitum Romanorum, apud quos tum iudices causa agebatur, ad Q. Caepionis odium, a quo erant ipsi propter iudicia abalienati, renovabam. 2.200. Quod ubi sensi me in possessionem iudici ac defensionis meae constitisse, quod et populi benevolentiam mihi conciliaram, cuius ius etiam cum seditionis coniunctione defenderam, et iudicum animos totos vel calamitate civitatis vel luctu ac desiderio propinquorum vel odio proprio in Caepionem ad causam nostram converteram, tum admiscere huic generi orationis vehementi atque atroci genus illud alterum, de quo ante disputavi, lenitatis et mansuetudinis coepi: me pro meo sodali, qui mihi in liberum loco more maiorum esse deberet, et pro mea omni fama prope fortunisque decernere; nihil mihi ad existimationem turpius, nihil ad dolorem acerbius accidere posse, quam si is, qui saepe alienissimis a me, sed meis tamen civibus saluti existimarer fuisse, sodali meo auxilium ferre non potuissem. 2.201. Petebam a iudicibus ut illud aetati meae, ut honoribus, ut rebus gestis, si iusto, si pio dolore me esse adfectum viderent, concederent; praesertim si in aliis causis intellexissent omnia me semper pro amicorum periculis, nihil umquam pro me ipso deprecatum. Sic in illa omni defensione atque causa, quod esse in arte positum videbatur, ut de lege Appuleia dicerem, ut quid esset minuere maiestatem explicarem, perquam breviter perstrinxi atque attigi; his duabus partibus orationis, quarum altera commendationem habet, altera concitationem, quae minime praeceptis artium sunt perpolitae, omnis est a me illa causa tractata, ut et acerrimus in Caepionis invidia renovanda et in meis moribus erga meos necessarios declarandis mansuetissimus viderer: ita magis adfectis animis iudicum quam doctis, tua, Sulpici, est a nobis tum accusatio victa.' 2.202. Hic Sulpicius, 'vere hercle,' inquit 'Antoni, ista commemoras; nam ego nihil umquam vidi, quod tam e manibus elaberetur, quam mihi tum est elapsa illa ipsa causa. Cum enim, quem ad modum dixisti, tibi ego non iudicium, sed incendium tradidissem, quod tuum principium, di immortales, fuit! qui timor! quae dubitatio, quanta haesitatio tractusque verborum! Ut tu illud initio, quod tibi unum ad ignoscendum homines dabant, tenuisti, te pro homine pernecessario, quaestore tuo, dicere! Quam tibi primum munisti ad te audiendum viam. 2.203. Ecce autem, cum te nihil aliud profecisse arbitrarer, nisi ut homines tibi civem improbum defendenti ignoscendum propter necessitudinem arbitrarentur, serpere occulte coepisti, nihil dum aliis suspicantibus, me vero iam pertimescente, ut illam non Norbani seditionem, sed populi Romani iracundiam neque eam iniustam, sed meritam ac debitam fuisse defenderes. Deinde qui locus a te praetermissus est in Caepionem? Ut tu illa omnia odio, invidia, misericordia miscuisti! Neque haec solum in defensione, sed etiam in Scauro ceterisque meis testibus, quorum testimonia non refellendo, sed ad eundem impetum populi confugiendo refutasti; 3.4. Hic cum homini et vehementi et diserto et in primis forti ad resistendum Philippo quasi quasdam verborum faces admovisset, non tulit ille et graviter exarsit pigneribusque ablatis Crassum instituit coercere. Quo quidem ipso in loco multa a Crasso divinitus dicta esse ferebantur, cum sibi illum consulem esse negaret, cui senator ipse non esset. 'An tu, cum omnem auctoritatem universi ordinis pro pignere putaris eamque in conspectu populi Romani concideris, me his existimas pigneribus terreri? Non tibi illa sunt caedenda, si L. Crassum vis coercere: haec tibi est incidenda lingua, qua vel evulsa spiritu ipso libidinem tuam libertas mea refutabit.' 3.56. Hanc, inquam, cogitandi pronuntiandique rationem vimque dicendi veteres Graeci sapientiam nominabant; hinc illi Lycurgi, hinc Pittaci, hinc Solones atque ab hac similitudine Coruncanii nostri, Fabricii, Catones, Scipiones fuerunt, non tam fortasse docti, sed impetu mentis simili et voluntate. Eadem autem alii prudentia, sed consilio ad vitae studia dispari quietem atque otium secuti, ut Pythagoras, Democritus, Anaxagoras, a regendis civitatibus totos se ad cognitionem rerum transtulerunt; quae vita propter tranquillitatem et propter ipsius scientiae suavitatem, qua nihil est hominibus iucundius, pluris, quam utile fuit rebus publicis, delectavit. 3.121. Hanc ad consuetudinem exercitationis vos, adulescentes, est cohortatus Antonius atque a minutis angustisque concertationibus ad omnem vim varietatemque vos disserendi traducendos putavit; qua re non est paucorum libellorum hoc munus, ut ei, qui scripserunt de dicendi ratione, arbitrantur, neque Tusculani atque huius ambulationis antemeridianae aut nostrae posmeridianae sessionis; non enim solum acuenda nobis neque procudenda lingua est, sed onerandum complendumque pectus maximarum rerum et plurimarum suavitate, copia, varietate. 3.206. Orationis autem ipsius tamquam armorum est vel ad usum comminatio et quasi petitio vel ad venustatem ipsa m tractatio. Nam et geminatio verborum habet interdum vim, leporem alias, et paulum immutatum verbum atque deflexum et eiusdem verbi crebra tum a primo repetitio, tum in extremum conversio et in eadem verba impetus et concursio et adiunctio et progressio et eiusdem verbi crebrius positi quaedam distinctio et revocatio verbi et illa, quae similiter desinunt aut quae cadunt similiter aut quae paribus paria referuntur aut quae sunt inter se similia. | |
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| 11. Cicero, Letters, 1.16.7, 6.1.17, 9.9.3, 9.15.2, 11.22.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus •marcius, l. •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 138; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58 |
| 12. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 8.4.1, 10.12.3, 13.11.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. •marcius philippus, q. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 138, 288; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 291 |
| 13. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 2.2.1, 2.4.1, 3.1.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius figulus, c., abdicates consulship •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus •marcius philippus, q. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 284, 285; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 291; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 71 |
14. Cicero, On Divination, 1.29-1.30, 1.33, 1.89, 2.74, 2.84 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. •marcius figulus, c., abdicates consulship •ancus marcius (legendary king) •marcius censorinus, l. •philippus, l. marcius •tremulus, q. marcius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 188, 189; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 284, 288| 1.29. Ut P. Claudius, Appii Caeci filius, eiusque collega L. Iunius classis maxumas perdiderunt, cum vitio navigassent. Quod eodem modo evenit Agamemnoni; qui, cum Achivi coepissent . inter se strépere aperteque ártem obterere extíspicum, Sólvere imperát secundo rúmore adversáque avi. Sed quid vetera? M. Crasso quid acciderit, videmus, dirarum obnuntiatione neglecta. In quo Appius, collega tuus, bonus augur, ut ex te audire soleo, non satis scienter virum bonum et civem egregium censor C. Ateium notavit, quod ementitum auspicia subscriberet. Esto; fuerit hoc censoris, si iudicabat ementitum; at illud minime auguris, quod adscripsit ob eam causam populum Romanum calamitatem maximam cepisse. Si enim ea causa calamitatis fuit, non in eo est culpa, qui obnuntiavit, sed in eo, qui non paruit. Veram enim fuisse obnuntiationem, ut ait idem augur et censor, exitus adprobavit; quae si falsa fuisset, nullam adferre potuisset causam calamitatis. Etenim dirae, sicut cetera auspicia, ut omina, ut signa, non causas adferunt, cur quid eveniat, sed nuntiant eventura, nisi provideris. 1.30. Non igitur obnuntiatio Ateii causam finxit calamitatis, sed signo obiecto monuit Crassum, quid eventurum esset, nisi cavisset. Ita aut illa obnuntiatio nihil valuit aut, si, ut Appius iudicat, valuit, id valuit, ut peccatum haereat non in eo, qui monuerit, sed in eo, qui non obtemperarit. Quid? lituus iste vester, quod clarissumum est insigne auguratus, unde vobis est traditus? Nempe eo Romulus regiones direxit tum, cum urbem condidit. Qui quidem Romuli lituus, id est incurvum et leviter a summo inflexum bacillum, quod ab eius litui, quo canitur, similitudine nomen invenit, cum situs esset in curia Saliorum, quae est in Palatio, eaque deflagravisset, inventus est integer. 1.33. Cotem autem illam et novaculam defossam in comitio supraque inpositum puteal accepimus. Negemus omnia, comburamus annales, ficta haec esse dicamus, quidvis denique potius quam deos res humanas curare fateamur; quid? quod scriptum apud te est de Ti. Graccho, nonne et augurum et haruspicum conprobat disciplinam? qui cum tabernaculum vitio cepisset inprudens, quod inauspicato pomerium transgressus esset, comitia consulibus rogandis habuit. Nota res est et a te ipso mandata monumentis. Sed et ipse augur Ti. Gracchus auspiciorum auctoritatem confessione errati sui conprobavit, et haruspicum disciplinae magna accessit auctoritas, qui recentibus comitiis in senatum introducti negaverunt iustum comitiorum rogatorem fuisse. 1.89. Quid? Asiae rex Priamus nonne et Helenum filium et Cassandram filiam divites habebat, alterum auguriis, alteram mentis incitatione et permotione divina? Quo in genere Marcios quosdam fratres, nobili loco natos, apud maiores nostros fuisse scriptum videmus. Quid? Polyidum Corinthium nonne Homerus et aliis multa et filio ad Troiam proficiscenti mortem praedixisse commemorat? Omnino apud veteres, qui rerum potiebantur, iidem auguria tenebant; ut enim sapere, sic divinare regale ducebant. Testis est nostra civitas, in qua et reges augures et postea privati eodem sacerdotio praediti rem publicam religionum auctoritate rexerunt. 2.74. Iam de caelo servare non ipsos censes solitos, qui auspicabantur? Nunc imperant pullario; ille renuntiat. Fulmen sinistrum auspicium optumum habemus ad omnis res praeterquam ad comitia; quod quidem institutum rei publicae causa est, ut comitiorum vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes civitatis essent interpretes. At Ti. Gracchi litteris Scipio et Figulus consules, cum augures iudicassent eos vitio creatos esse, magistratu se abdicaverunt. Quis negat augurum disciplinam esse? divinationem nego. At haruspices divini; quos cum Ti. Gracchus propter mortem repentinam eius, qui in praerogativa referenda subito concidisset, in senatum introduxisset, non iustum rogatorem fuisse dixerunt. 2.84. Cum M. Crassus exercitum Brundisii inponeret, quidam in portu caricas Cauno advectas vendens Cauneas clamitabat. Dicamus, si placet, monitum ab eo Crassum, caveret ne iret; non fuisse periturum, si omini paruisset. Quae si suscipiamus, pedis offensio nobis et abruptio corrigiae et sternumenta erunt observanda. | 1.29. For example, Publius Claudius, son of Appius Caecus, and his colleague Lucius Junius, lost very large fleets by going to sea when the auguries were adverse. The same fate befell Agamemnon; for, after the Greeks had begun toRaise aloft their frequent clamours, showing scorn of augurs art,Noise prevailed and not the omen: he then bade the ships depart.But why cite such ancient instances? We see what happened to Marcus Crassus when he ignored the announcement of unfavourable omens. It was on the charge of having on this occasion falsified the auspices that Gaius Ateius, an honourable man and a distinguished citizen, was, on insufficient evidence, stigmatized by the then censor Appius, who was your associate in the augural college, and an able one too, as I have often heard you say. I grant you that in pursuing the course he did Appius was within his rights as a censor, if, in his judgement, Ateius had announced a fraudulent augury. But he showed no capacity whatever as an augur in holding Ateius responsible for that awful disaster which befell the Roman people. Had this been the cause then the fault would not have been in Ateius, who made the announcement that the augury was unfavourable, but in Crassus, who disobeyed it; for the issue proved that the announcement was true, as this same augur and censor admits. But even if the augury had been false it could not have been the cause of the disaster; for unfavourable auguries — and the same may be said of auspices, omens, and all other signs — are not the causes of what follows: they merely foretell what will occur unless precautions are taken. 1.30. Therefore Ateius, by his announcement, did not create the cause of the disaster; but having observed the sign he simply advised Crassus what the result would be if the warning was ignored. It follows, then, that the announcement by Ateius of the unfavourable augury had no effect; or if it did, as Appius thinks, then the sin is not in him who gave the warning, but in him who disregarded it.[17] And whence, pray, did you augurs derive that staff, which is the most conspicuous mark of your priestly office? It is the very one, indeed with which Romulus marked out the quarter for taking observations when he founded the city. Now this staffe is a crooked wand, slightly curved at the top, and, because of its resemblance to a trumpet, derives its name from the Latin word meaning the trumpet with which the battle-charge is sounded. It was placed in the temple of the Salii on the Palatine hill and, though the temple was burned, the staff was found uninjured. 1.33. Moreover, according to tradition, the whetstone and razor were buried in the comitium and a stone curbing placed over them.Let us declare this story wholly false; let us burn the chronicles that contain it; let us call it a myth and admit almost anything you please rather than the fact that the gods have any concern in human affairs. But look at this: does not the story about Tiberius Gracchus found in your own writings acknowledge that augury and soothsaying are arts? He, having placed his tabernaculum, unwittingly violated augural law by crossing the pomerium before completing the auspices; nevertheless he held the consular election. The fact is well known to you since you have recorded it. Besides, Tiberius Gracchus, who was himself an augur, confirmed the authority of auspices by confessing his error; and the soothsayers, too, greatly enhanced the reputation of their calling, when brought into the Senate immediately after the election, by declaring that the election supervisor had acted without authority. [18] 1.89. Furthermore, did not Priam, the Asiatic king, have a son, Helenus, and a daughter, Cassandra, who prophesied, the first by means of auguries and the other when under a heaven-inspired excitement and exaltation of soul? In the same class, as we read in the records of our forefathers, were those famous Marcian brothers, men of noble birth. And does not Homer relate that Polyidus of Corinth not only made many predictions to others, but that he also foretold the death of his own son, who was setting out for Troy? As a general rule among the ancients the men who ruled the state had control likewise of augury, for they considered divining, as well as wisdom, becoming to a king. Proof of this is afforded by our State wherein the kings were augurs; and, later, private citizens endowed with the same priestly office ruled the republic by the authority of religion. [41] 2.74. Again, do you not think that formerly it was the habit of the celebrants themselves to make observation of the heavens? Now they order the poulterer, and he gives responses! We regard lightning on the left as a most favourable omen for everything except for an election, and this exception was made, no doubt, from reasons of political expediency so that the rulers of the State would be the judges of the regularity of an election, whether held to pass judgements in criminal cases, or to enact laws, or to elect magistrates.The consuls, Scipio and Figulus, you say, resigned their office when the augurs rendered a decision based on a letter written by Tiberius Gracchus, to the effect that those consuls had not been elected according to augural law. Who denies that augury is an art? What I deny is the existence of divination. But you say: Soothsayers have the power of divination; and you mention the fact that, on account of the unexpected death of the person who had suddenly fallen while bringing in the report of the vote of the prerogative century, Tiberius Gracchus introduced the soothsayers into the Senate and they declared that the president had violated augural law. 2.84. When Marcus Crassus was embarking his army at Brundisium a man who was selling Caunian figs at the harbour, repeatedly cried out Cauneas, Cauneas. Let us say, if you will, that this was a warning to Crassus to bid him Beware of going, and that if he had obeyed the omen he would not have perished. But if we are going to accept chance utterances of this kind as omens, we had better look out when we stumble, or break a shoe-string, or sneeze![41] Lots and the Chaldean astrologers remain to be discussed before we come to prophets and to dreams. |
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15. Cicero, Brutus, 135 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288| 135. Q. Metellus Numidicus et eius conlega M. Silanus dicebant de re publica quod esset illis viris et consulari dignitati satis. M. Aurelius Scaurus non saepe dicebat sed polite; Latine vero in primis est eleganter locutus. Quae laus eadem in A. Albino bene loquendi bene loquendi secl. Kayser fuit; nam flamen Albinus etiam in numero est habitus disertorum. Q. etiam Caepio, vir acer et fortis, cui fortuna cui fortuna O2B : qui fortuna L belli crimini, invidia populi calamitati fuit. | |
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| 16. Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, 41 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 71 |
17. Cicero, Post Reditum In Senatu, 6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58| 6. quo quidem mense quid inter me et meos inimicos interesset existimare potuistis. ego meam salutem deserui, ne propter me civium vulneribus res publica cruentaretur: illi meum reditum non populi Romani suffragiis sed flumine sanguinis intercludendum putaverunt. itaque postea nihil vos civibus, nihil sociis, nihil regibus respondistis; nihil iudices sententiis, nihil populus suffragiis, nihil hic ordo auctoritate declaravit; mutum forum, elinguem curiam, tacitam et fractam civitatem videbatis. | |
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| 18. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 28, 53 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 198 |
| 19. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 68 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 71 |
| 20. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 132, 24, 17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 69 |
21. Polybius, Histories, 3.17, 16.31-16.34, 16.32.1-16.32.5, 31.15.9-31.15.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius •marcius figulus, c., abdicates consulship Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136, 137; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 285| 16.32.1. ἐξ ὧν εἴποι τις ἂν καὶ τὴν λεγομένην Φωκικὴν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ τὴν Ἀκαρνάνων εὐψυχίαν ὑπερηρκέναι τὴν τῶν Ἀβυδηνῶν τόλμαν. 16.32.2. Φωκεῖς τε γὰρ δοκοῦσι τὰ παραπλήσια βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων, οὐκ εἰς τέλος ἀπηλπισμένας ἔχοντες τὰς τοῦ νικᾶν ἐλπίδας διὰ τὸ μέλλειν ποιεῖσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον πρὸς τοὺς Θετταλοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις ἐκ παρατάξεως· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὸ τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων ἔθνος, 16.32.3. ὅτε προιδόμενοι τὴν Αἰτωλῶν ἔφοδον, ἐβουλεύσαντο παραπλήσια περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων· ὑπὲρ ὧν τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἡμεῖς ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων ἱστορήκαμεν. 16.32.4. Ἀβυδηνοὶ δέ, συγκεκλεισμένοι καὶ σχεδὸν ἀπηλπικότες τὴν σωτηρίαν, πανδημεὶ προείλοντο τῆς εἱμαρμένης τυχεῖν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν μᾶλλον ἢ ζῶντες ἔτι πρόληψιν ἔχειν τοῦ πεσεῖσθαι τὰ σφέτερα τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ὑπὸ τὴν τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐξουσίαν. 16.32.5. διὸ καὶ μάλιστʼ ἄν τις ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀβυδηνῶν περιπετείας μέμψαιτο τῇ τύχῃ, διότι τὰς μὲν τῶν προειρημένων συμφορὰς οἷον ἐλεήσασα παραυτίκα διωρθώσατο, περιθεῖσα τὴν νίκην ἅμα καὶ τὴν σωτηρίαν τοῖς ἀπηλπισμένοις, περὶ δʼ Ἀβυδηνῶν τὴν ἐναντίαν εἶχε διάληψιν. 31.15.9. πρεσβευτὰς δὲ κατέστησαν μετά τινας ἡμέρας τοὺς περὶ Τεβέριον Γράκχον καὶ Λεύκιον Λέντλον καὶ Σερουίλιον Γλαυκίαν, 31.15.10. οἵτινες ἔμελλον πρῶτον μὲν ἐποπτεύσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, εἶτʼ ἐπιβαλόντες ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν τά τε κατὰ τὸν Δημήτριον καραδοκήσειν καὶ τὰς τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων προαιρέσεις ἐξετάσειν καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Γαλάτας ἀντιλεγόμενα τοῖς προειρημένοις διευκρινήσειν. 31.15.11. διὸ τὸν Τεβέριον κατεστήσαντο πάντων αὐτόπτην γεγονέναι. | 3.17. 1. Hannibal at the same time quitted New Carthage with his army and advanced towards Saguntum.,2. This city lies on the seaward foot of the range of hills connecting Iberia and Celtiberia, at a distance of about seven stades from the sea.,3. The territory of the Saguntines yields every kind of crop and is the most fertile in the whole of Iberia.,4. Hannibal, now encamping before the town, set himself to besiege it vigorously, foreseeing that many advantages would result from its capture.,5. First of all he thought that he would thus deprive the Romans of any prospect of a campaign in Iberia, and secondly he was convinced that by this blow he would inspire universal terror, and render the Iberian tribes who had already submitted more orderly and those who were still independent more cautious,,6. while above all he would be enabled to advance safely with no enemy left in his rear.,7. Besides, he would then have abundant funds and supplies for his projected expedition, he would raise the spirit of his troops by the booty distributed among them and would conciliate the Carthaginians at home by the spoils he would send them.,8. From all these considerations he actively pursued the siege, now setting an example to the soldiers by sharing personally the fatigue of the battering operations, now cheering on the troops and exposing recklessly to danger.,9. At length after eight months of hardship and anxiety he took the city by storm.,10. A great booty of money, slaves, and property fell into his hands. The money, as he had determined, he set aside for his own purposes, the slaves he distributed among his men according to rank, and the miscellaneous property he sent off at once to Carthage.,11. The result did not deceive his expectations, nor did he fail to accomplish his original purpose; but he both made his troops more eager to face danger and the Carthaginians more ready to accede to his demands on them, while he himself, by setting aside these funds, was able to accomplish many things of much service to him. While this was taking place Demetrius, getting wind of the Romans' purpose, at once sent a considerable garrison to Dimale with the supplies requisite for such a force. In the other cities he made away with those who opposed his policy and placed the government in the hands of his friend 16.31. 1. and the people of Abydus, when they heard the answer, summoned a public assembly and discussed the situation in a despairing mood.,2. They decided first of all to liberate the slaves, that they might have no pretext for refusing to assist them in the defence, in the next place to assemble all the women in the temple of Artemis and the children with their nurses in the gymnasium, and finally to collect all their gold and silver in the market-place and place all valuable articles of dress in the Rhodian quadrireme and the trireme of the Cyzicenians.,4. Having resolved on this they uimously put their decree into execution, and then calling another assembly they nominated fifty of the older and most trusted citizens, men who possessed sufficient bodily strength to carry out their decision,,5. and made them swear in the presence of all the citizens that whenever they saw the inner wall in the possession of the enemy they would kill all the women and children, set fire to the ships I mentioned, and throw the gold and silver into the sea with curses.,6. After this, calling the priests before them they all swore either to conquer the foe or die fighting for their country. ,7. Last of all they slew some victims and obliged the priests and priestesses to pronounce over the burning entrails curses on those who neglected to perform what they had sworn.,8. Having thus made sure of everything they stopped countermining against the enemy and came to the decision that as soon as the cross wall fell they would fight on its ruins and resist the assailants to the death. 16.32. 1. All this would induce one to say that the daring courage of the Abydenes surpassed even the famous desperation of the Phocians and the courageous resolve of the Acarians.,2. For the Phocians are said to have decided on the same course regarding their families at a time when they had by no means entirely given up the hope of victory, as they were about to engage the Thessalians in a set battle in the open,,3. and very similar measures were resolved on by the Acarian nation when they foresaw that they were to be attacked by the Aetolians. I have told both the stories in a previous part of this work.,4. But the people of Abydus, when thus completely surrounded and with no hope of safety left, resolved to meet their fate and perish to a man together with their wives and children rather than to live under the apprehension that their families would fall into the power of their enemies.,5. Therefore one feels strongly inclined in the case of the Abydenes to find fault with Fortune for having, as if in pity, set right at once the misfortunes of those other peoples by granting them the victory and safety they despaired of, but for choosing to do the opposite to the Abydenes.,6. For the men perished, the city was taken and the children and their mothers fell into the hands of the enemy. 16.32.1. All this would induce one to say that the daring courage of the Abydenes surpassed even the famous desperation of the Phocians and the courageous resolve of the Acarians. 16.32.2. For the Phocians are said to have decided on the same course regarding their families at a time when they had by no means entirely given up the hope of victory, as they were about to engage the Thessalians in a set battle in the open, 16.32.3. and very similar measures were resolved on by the Acarian nation when they foresaw that they were to be attacked by the Aetolians. I have told both the stories in a previous part of this work. 16.32.4. But the people of Abydus, when thus completely surrounded and with no hope of safety left, resolved to meet their fate and perish to a man together with their wives and children rather than to live under the apprehension that their families would fall into the power of their enemies. 16.32.5. Therefore one feels strongly inclined in the case of the Abydenes to find fault with Fortune for having, as if in pity, set right at once the misfortunes of those other peoples by granting them the victory and safety they despaired of, but for choosing to do the opposite to the Abydenes. 16.33. 1. For after the fall of the cross wall, its defenders, mounting the ruins as they had sworn, continued to fight with such courage that Philip, though he had thrown his Macedonians on them corps after corps until nightfall, finally abandoned the struggle, having even almost given up hope of success in the siege as a whole.,2. For the foremost of the Abydenes not only mounted the bodies of their dead enemies and kept up the struggle thence with the utmost desperation, not only did they fight most fiercely with sword and spear alone, but whenever any of these weapons became unserviceable and powerless to inflict injury, or when they were forced to drop it, they took hold of the Macedonians with their hands and threw them down in their armour, or breaking their pikes, stabbed them repeatedly on the face or the exposed parts of the body with the points and threw them into utter confusion.,4. When night came on and the battle was suspended, as most of the defenders were lying dead on the ruins and the remainder were exhausted by wounds and toil, Glaucides and Theognetus, calling a meeting of a few of the elder citizens, sacrificed in hope of personal advantage all that was splendid and admirable in the resolution of the citizens by deciding to save the women and children alive and to send out as soon as it was light the priests and priestesses with supplicatory boughs to Philip to beg for mercy and surrender the city to him. 16.34. 1. At this time King Attalus, on hearing that Abydus was being besieged, sailed through the Aegean to Tenedos, and on the part of the Romans the younger Marcus Aemilius came likewise by sea to Abydus itself.,2. For the Romans had heard the truth in Rhodes about the siege of Abydus, and wishing to address Philip personally, as they had been instructed, deferred their project of going to see the other kings and sent off the above Marcus Aemilius on this mission. Meeting the king near Abydus he informed him that the Senate had passed a decree, begging him neither to make war on any other Greeks, nor to lay hands on any of Ptolemy's possessions. He was also to submit to a tribunal the question of compensation for the damage he had done to Attalus and the Rhodians.,4. If he acted so he would be allowed to remain at peace, but if he did not at once accept these terms he would find himself at war with Rome.,5. When Philip wished to prove that the Rhodians were the aggressors, Marcus interrupted him and asked, "And what about the Athenians? What about the Cianians, and what about the Abydenes now? Did any of these attack you first?",6. The king was much taken aback and said that he pardoned him for speaking so haughtily for three reasons, first because he was young and inexperienced in affairs, next because he was the handsomest man of his time â and this was a fact â and chiefly because he was a Roman.,7. "My principal request," he said, "to the Romans is not to violate our treaty or to make war on me; but if nevertheless they do so, we will defend ourselves bravely, supplicating the gods to help us." After exchanging these words they separated, and Philip on gaining possession of the city found all their valuables collected in a heap by the Abydenes ready for him to seize.,9. But when he saw the number and the fury of those who destroyed themselves and their women and children, either by cutting their throats, or by burning or by hanging or by throwing themselves into wells or off the roofs, he was amazed, and grieving much thereat announced that he granted a respite of three days to those who wished to hang themselves and cut their throats.,11. The Abydenes, maintaining the resolve they had originally formed concerning themselves, and regarding themselves as almost traitors to those who had fought and died for their country, by no means consented to live except those of them whose hands had been stayed by fetters or such forcible means,,12. all the rest of them rushing without hesitation in whole families to their death. 31.15.9. After a few days they appointed three commissioners, Tiberius Gracchus, Lucius Lentulus, and Servilius Glaucia to examine first of all into the state of Greece, and then, crossing to Asia, to await the result of Demetrius's action, and to inquire into the sentiments of the other kings, and decide the differences between the latter and the Galatians. 31.15.11. The reason why they appointed Tiberius Gracchus was that he had personal knowledge of all these subjects. |
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| 22. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.129, 6.12-6.13, 9.4-9.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tremulus, q. marcius •tremulus, q. marcius, positioning of monument •tremulus, q. marcius, historical facts Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 170, 176, 194, 195 |
| 23. Horace, Odes, 2.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 224 |
24. Livy, History, 1.39.1-1.39.4, 4.16.3-4.16.4, 8.40.4, 9.40.16, 9.42.11, 9.43.1-9.43.23, 9.46.7, 21.3, 21.10, 21.12-21.14, 22.58.8, 22.61.4, 23.23.6, 25.39.12-25.39.17, 28.22-28.23, 31.17-31.18, 38.56.12, 40.51-40.52, 40.51.6, 44.1.10, 45.12.10, 45.12.12, 45.37-45.39 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136, 137; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 176, 177, 180, 195; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 273; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 284, 286; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127, 137, 291; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 89; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 215, 233| 44.1.10. orsus a parricidio Persei perpetrato in fratrem, cogitato in parentem, adiecit post scelere partum regnum veneficia, caedes, latrocinio nefando petitum Eumenen, iniurias in populum Romanum, direptiones sociarum urbium contra foedus; ea omnia quam diis quoque invisa essent, sensurum in exitu rerum suarum: 45.12.10. iam primum cum legionibus ad conveniendum diem edixit, non auspicato templum intravit. vitio diem dictam esse augures, cum ad eos relatum esset, decreverunt. 45.12.12. legiones Romanae, quod vitio dies exercitui ad conveniendum dicta erat, Romae manserant. | |
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| 25. Livy, Per., 55, 67, 51 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 275 |
26. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 3.1016-3.1017 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 69| 3.1016. carcer et horribilis de saxo iactus deorsum, 3.1017. verbera carnifices robur pix lammina taedae; | |
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27. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 3.101-3.290 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. marcius philippus Found in books: Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 112| 3.101. Ordior a cultu; cultis bene Liber ab uvis 3.102. rend= 3.103. Forma dei munus: forma quota quaeque superbit? 3.104. rend= 3.105. Cura dabit faciem; facies neglecta peribit, 3.106. rend= 3.107. Corpora si veteres non sic coluere puellae, 3.108. rend= 3.109. Si fuit Andromache tunicas induta valentes, 3.110. rend= 3.111. Scilicet Aiaci coniunx ornata venires, 3.112. rend= 3.113. Simplicitas rudis ante fuit: nunc aurea Roma est, 3.114. rend= 3.115. Aspice quae nunc sunt Capitolia, quaeque fuerunt: 3.116. rend= 3.117. Curia, concilio quae nunc dignissima tanto, 3.118. rend= 3.119. Quae nunc sub Phoebo ducibusque Palatia fulgent, 3.120. rend= 3.121. Prisca iuvent alios: ego me nunc denique natum 3.122. rend= 3.123. Non quia nunc terrae lentum subducitur aurum, 3.124. rend= 3.125. Nec quia decrescunt effosso marmore montes, 3.126. rend= 3.127. Sed quia cultus adest, nec nostros mansit in annos 3.128. rend= 3.129. Vos quoque nec caris aures onerate lapillis, 3.130. rend= 3.131. Nec prodite graves insuto vestibus auro, 3.132. rend= 3.133. Munditiis capimur: non sint sine lege capilli: 3.134. rend= 3.135. Nec genus ornatus unum est: quod quamque decebit 3.136. rend= 3.137. Longa probat facies capitis discrimina puri: 3.138. rend= 3.139. Exiguum summa nodum sibi fronte relinqui, 3.140. rend= 3.141. Alterius crines umero iactentur utroque: 3.142. rend= 3.143. Altera succinctae religetur more Dianae, 3.144. rend= 3.145. Huic decet inflatos laxe iacuisse capillos: 3.146. rend= 3.147. Hanc placet ornari testudine Cyllenea: 3.148. rend= 3.149. Sed neque ramosa numerabis in ilice glandes, 3.150. rend= 3.151. Nec mihi tot positus numero conprendere fas est: 3.152. rend= 3.153. Et neglecta decet multas coma; saepe iacere 3.154. rend= 3.155. Ars casum simulat; sic capta vidit ut urbe 3.156. rend= 3.157. Talem te Bacchus Satyris clamantibus euhoe 3.158. rend= 3.159. O quantum indulget vestro natura decori, 3.160. rend= 3.161. Nos male detegimur, raptique aetate capilli, 3.162. rend= 3.163. Femina canitiem Germanis inficit herbis, 3.164. rend= 3.165. Femina procedit densissima crinibus emptis, 3.166. rend= 3.167. Nec rubor est emisse; palam venire videmus 3.168. rend= 3.169. Quid de veste loquar? Nec vos, segmenta, requiro 3.170. rend= 3.171. Cum tot prodierint pretio leviore colores, 3.172. rend= 3.173. Aëris, ecce, color, tum cum sine nubibus aër, 3.174. rend= 3.175. Ecce, tibi similis, quae quondam Phrixon et Hellen 3.176. rend= 3.177. Hic undas imitatur, habet quoque nomen ab undis: 3.178. rend= 3.179. Ille crocum simulat: croceo velatur amictu, 3.180. rend= 3.181. Hic Paphias myrtos, hic purpureas amethystos, 3.182. rend= 3.183. Nec glandes, Amarylli, tuae, nec amygdala desunt; 3.184. rend= 3.185. Quot nova terra parit flores, cum vere tepenti 3.186. rend= 3.187. Lana tot aut plures sucos bibit; elige certos: 3.188. rend= 3.189. Pulla decent niveas: Briseïda pulla decebant: 3.190. rend= 3.191. Alba decent fuscas: albis, Cepheï, placebas: 3.192. rend= 3.193. Quam paene admonui, ne trux caper iret in alas, 3.194. rend= 3.195. Sed non Caucasea doceo de rupe puellas, 3.196. rend= 3.197. Quid si praecipiam ne fuscet inertia dentes, 3.198. rend= 3.199. Scitis et inducta candorem quaerere creta: 3.200. rend= 3.201. Arte supercilii confinia nuda repletis, 3.202. rend= 3.203. Nec pudor est oculos tenui signare favilla, 3.204. rend= 3.205. Est mihi, quo dixi vestrae medicamina formae, 3.206. rend= 3.207. Hinc quoque praesidium laesae petitote figurae; 3.208. rend= 3.209. Non tamen expositas mensa deprendat amator 3.210. rend= 3.211. Quem non offendat toto faex inlita vultu, 3.212. rend= 3.213. Oesypa quid redolent? quamvis mittatur Athenis 3.214. rend= 3.215. Nec coram mixtas cervae sumpsisse medullas, 3.216. rend= 3.217. Ista dabunt formam, sed erunt deformia visu: 3.218. rend= 3.219. Quae nunc nomen habent operosi signa Myronis 3.220. rend= 3.221. Anulus ut fiat, primo conliditur aurum; 3.222. rend= 3.223. Cum fieret, lapis asper erat: nunc, nobile signum, 3.224. rend= 3.225. Tu quoque dum coleris, nos te dormire putemus; 3.226. rend= 3.227. Cur mihi nota tuo causa est candoris in ore? 3.228. rend= 3.229. Multa viros nescire decet; pars maxima rerum 3.230. rend= 3.231. Aurea quae splendent ornato signa theatro, 3.232. rend= 3.233. Sed neque ad illa licet populo, nisi facta, venire, 3.234. rend= 3.235. At non pectendos coram praebere capillos, 3.236. rend= 3.237. Illo praecipue ne sis morosa caveto 3.238. rend= 3.239. Tuta sit ornatrix; odi, quae sauciat ora 3.240. rend= 3.241. Devovet, ut tangit, dominae caput illa, simulque 3.242. rend= 3.243. Quae male crinita est, custodem in limine ponat, 3.244. rend= 3.245. Dictus eram subito cuidam venisse puellae: 3.246. rend= 3.247. Hostibus eveniat tam foedi causa pudoris, 3.248. rend= 3.249. Turpe pecus mutilum, turpis sine gramine campus, 3.250. rend= 3.251. Non mihi venistis, Semele Ledeve, docendae, 3.252. rend= 3.253. Aut Helene, quam non stulte, Menelaë, reposcis, 3.254. rend= 3.255. Turba docenda venit, pulchrae turpesque puellae: 3.256. rend= 3.257. Formosae non artis opem praeceptaque quaerunt: 3.258. rend= 3.259. Cum mare compositum est, securus navita cessat: 3.260. rend= 3.261. Rara tamen mendo facies caret: occule mendas, 3.262. rend= 3.263. Si brevis es, sedeas, ne stans videare sedere: 3.264. rend= 3.265. Hic quoque, ne possit fieri mensura cubantis, 3.266. rend= 3.267. Quae nimium gracilis, pleno velamina filo 3.268. rend= 3.269. Pallida purpureis spargat sua corpora virgis, 3.270. rend= 3.271. Pes malus in nivea semper celetur aluta: 3.272. rend= 3.273. Conveniunt tenues scapulis analemptrides altis: 3.274. rend= 3.275. Exiguo signet gestu, quodcumque loquetur, 3.276. rend= 3.277. Cui gravis oris odor numquam ieiuna loquatur, 3.278. rend= 3.279. Si niger aut ingens aut non erit ordine natus 3.280. rend= 3.281. Quis credat? discunt etiam ridere puellae, 3.282. rend= 3.283. Sint modici rictus, parvaeque utrimque lacunae, 3.284. rend= 3.285. Nec sua perpetuo contendant ilia risu, 3.286. rend= 3.287. Est, quae perverso distorqueat ora cachinno: 3.288. rend= 3.289. Illa sonat raucum quiddam atque inamabile ridet, 3.290. rend= | |
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28. Ovid, Fasti, 6.799-6.802, 6.811-6.812 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. marcius philippus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 89; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 112| 6.799. dicite, Pierides, quis vos adiunxerit isti, 6.800. cui dedit invitas victa noverca manus. 6.801. sic ego. sic Clio: ‘clari monumenta Philippi 6.802. aspicis, unde trahit Marcia casta genus, 6.811. sic cecinit Clio, doctae assensere sorores; 6.812. annuit Alcides increpuitque lyram. | 6.799. Tomorrow the Kalends of July return: 6.800. Muses put the final touch to my work. 6.801. Pierides, tell me, who placed you with Hercule 6.802. Whose stepmother Juno unwillingly conceded it? 6.811. Caesar’s aunt was once married to that Philip: 6.812. O ornament, O lady worthy of that sacred house!’ |
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29. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.24, 4.26, 4.38, 4.51 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 71 | 4.26. This figure ought to be brief, and completed in an unbroken period. Furthermore, it is not only agreeable to the ear on account of its brief and complete rounding-off, but by means of the contrary statement it also forcibly proves what the speaker needs to prove; and from a statement which is not open to question it draws a thought which is in question, in such a way that the inference cannot be refuted, or can be refuted only with much the greatest difficulty. Colon or Clause is the name given to a sentence member, brief and complete, which does not express the entire thought, but is in turn supplemented by another colon, as follows: "On the one hand you were helping your enemy." That is one soâcalled colon; it ought then to be supplemented by a second: "And on the other you were hurting your friend." This figure can consist of two cola, but it is neatest and most complete when composed of three, as follows: "You were helping your enemy, you were hurting your friend, and you were not consulting your own best interests." Again: "You have not consulted the welfare of the republic, nor have you helped your friends, nor have you resisted your enemies." It is called a Comma or Phrase when single words are set apart by pauses in staccato speech, as follows: "By your vigour, voice, looks you have terrified your adversaries." Again: "You have destroyed your enemies by jealousy, injuries, influence, perfidy." There is this difference in onset between the last figure and the one preceding: the former moves upon its object more slowly and less often, the latter strikes more quickly and frequently. Accordingly in the first figure it seems that the arm draws back and the hand whirls about to bring the sword to the adversary's body, while in the second his body is as it were pierced with quick and repeated thrusts. 4.38. Conjunction occurs when both the previous and the succeeding phrases are held together by place and the verb between them, as follows: "Either with disease physical beauty fades, or with age." It is Adjunction when the verb holding the sentence together is placed not in the middle, but at the beginning or the end. At the beginning, as follows: "Fades physical beauty with disease or age." At the end, as follows: "Either with disease or age physical beauty fades." Disjunction is suited to elegant display, and so we shall use it moderately, that it may not cloy; Conjunction is suited to brevity, and hence is to be used more frequently. These three figures spring from a single type. Reduplication is the repetition of one or more words for the purpose of Amplification or Appeal to Pity, as follows: "You are promoting riots, Gaius Gracchus, yes, civil and internal riots." Again: "You were not moved when his mother embraced your knees? You were not moved?" Again: "You now even dare to come into the sight of these citizens, traitor to the fatherland? Traitor, I say, to the fatherland, you dare come into the sight of these citizens?" The reiteration of the same word makes a deep impression upon the hearer and inflicts a major wound upon the opposition â as if a weapon should repeatedly pierce the same part of the body. Synonymy or Interpretation is the figure which does not duplicate the same word by repeating it, but replaces the word that has been used by another of the same meaning, as follows: "You have overturned the republic from its roots; you have demolished the state from its foundations." Again: "You have impiously beaten your father; you have cruelly laid hands upon your parent." The hearer cannot but be impressed when the force of the first expression is renewed by the explanatory synonym. 4.51. Vivid Description is the name for the figure which contains a clear, lucid, and impressive exposition of the consequences of an act, as follows: "But, men of the jury, if by your votes you free this defendant, immediately, like a lion released from his cage, or some foul beast loosed from his chains, he will slink and prowl about in the forum, sharpening his teeth to attack every one's property, assaulting every man, friend and enemy, known to him or unknown, now despoiling a good name, now attacking a life, now bringing ruin upon a house and its entire household, shaking the republic from its foundations. Therefore, men of the jury, cast him out from the state, free every one from fear, and finally, think of yourselves. For if you release this creature without punishment, believe me, gentlemen, it is against yourselves that you will have let loose a wild and savage beast." Again: "For if you inflict a heavy penalty upon the defendant, men of the jury, you will at once by a single judgement have taken many lives. His aged father, who has set the entire hope of his last years on this young man, will have no reason for wishing to stay alive. His small children, deprived of their father's aid, will be exposed as objects of scorn and contempt to their father's enemies. His entire household will collapse under this undeserved calamity. But his enemies, when once they have won the bloody palm by the most cruel of victories, will exult over the miseries of these unfortunates, and will be found insolent on the score of deeds as well as of words." Again: "For none of you, fellow citizens, fails to see what miseries usually follow upon the capture of a city. Those who have borne arms against the victors are forthwith slain with extreme cruelty. of the rest, those who by reason of youth and strength can endure hard labour are carried off into slavery, and those who cannot are deprived of life. In short, at one and the same time a house blazes up by the enemy's torch, and they whom nature or free choice has joined in the bonds of kinship or of sympathy are dragged apart. of the children, some are torn from their parents' arms, others murdered on their parents' bosom, still others violated at their parents' feet. No one, men of the jury, can, by words, do justice to the deed, nor reproduce in language the magnitude of the disaster." With this kind of figure either indignation or pity can be aroused, when the consequences of an act, taken together as a whole, are concisely set forth in a clear style. |
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30. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 16.45.4-16.45.5, 18.22.2-18.22.6, 25.15 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136 | 16.45.4. So Sidon by this base betrayal was delivered into the power of the Persians; and the King, believing that Tennes was of no further use to him, put him to death. But the people of Sidon before the arrival of the King burned all their ships so that none of the townspeople should be able by sailing out secretly to gain safety for himself. But when they saw the city and the walls captured and swarming with many myriads of soldiers, they shut themselves, their children, and their women up in their houses and consumed them all in flames. 16.45.5. They say that those who were then destroyed in the fire, including the domestics, amounted to more than forty thousand. After this disaster had befallen the Sidonians and the whole city together with its inhabitants had been obliterated by the fire, the King sold that funeral pyre for many talents, 18.22.2. Now the city of the Larandians they took by assault, and after killing the men of fighting age and enslaving the rest of the population, razed it to the ground. The city of the Isaurians, however, was strongly fortified and large and moreover was filled with stout warriors; so when they had besieged it vigorously for two days and had lost many of their own men, they withdrew; 18.22.3. for the inhabitants, who were well provided with missiles and other things needed for withstanding a siege and were enduring the dreadful ordeal with desperate courage in their hearts, were readily giving their lives to preserve their freedom. 18.22.4. On the third day, when many had been slain and the walls had few defenders because of the lack of men, the citizens performed a heroic and memorable deed. Seeing that the punishment that hung over them could not be averted, and not having a force that would be adequate to stave the enemy off, they determined not to surrender the city and place their fate in the hands of the enemy, since in that way their punishment combined with outrage was certain; but at night all with one accord, seeking the noble kind of death, shut up their children, wives, and parents in their houses, and set the houses on fire, choosing by means of the fire a common death and burial. 18.22.5. As the blaze suddenly flared aloft, the Isaurians cast into the fire their goods and everything that could be of use to the victors; Perdiccas and his officers, astounded at what was taking place, stationed their troops about the city and made a strong effort to break into the city on all sides. 18.22.6. When now the inhabitants defended themselves from the walls and struck down many of the Macedonians, Perdiccas was even more astonished and sought the reason why men who had given their homes and all else to the flames should be so intent upon defending the walls. 25.15. 1. Since after the assassination of Hasdrubal the Carthaginian there was no one in command, they chose as general Hannibal, the elder son of Hamilcar. The people of Zacantha, whose city was under siege by Hannibal, collected their sacred objects, the gold and silver that was in their houses, and the ornaments, earrings, and silver pieces of their women, and melting them down put copper and lead into the mixture; having thus rendered their gold useless they sallied forth and after an heroic struggle were all cut down, having themselves inflicted many casualties. The women of the city put their children to death and hanged themselves. The occupation of the city, therefore, brought Hannibal no gain. The Romans requested the surrender of Hannibal to be tried for his lawless acts, and when this was refused embarked on the "Hannibalic" War. |
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| 31. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 2.21.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 143 |
| 32. Seneca The Younger, Quaestiones Naturales, 3.18.2-3.18.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, (lucius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 127 |
| 33. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14, 224 |
| 34. Sallust, Iugurtha, 41.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., complains that republic is torn apart Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 63 |
| 35. Sallust, Historiae, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., complains that republic is torn apart Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 63 |
36. Columella, De Re Rustica, 8.16.3-8.16.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, (lucius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 127| 8.16.3. Mox istam curam sequens aetas abolevit, et lautitiae locupletum maria ipsa Neptunumque clauserunt, ut note target=" 8.16.4. Hoc igitur periurium multorum subtiliorem fecit gulam, doctaque et erudita palata fastidire docuit fiuvialem lupum, nisi quem Tiberis adverso torrente defatigasset. Itaque Terentius Varro: Nullus est, inquit, hoc saeculo nebulo, note target=" | |
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| 37. Suetonius, Augustus, 29.5, 38.3, 43.2, 94.5, 94.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. marcius philippus •tremulus, q. marcius •tremulus, q. marcius, positioning of monument •marcius philippus, l. •marcius, l. •marcius, publius Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 103; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 177; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 224; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 89; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 233; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 112 |
| 38. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 3.18.2-3.18.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, (lucius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 127 |
39. Plutarch, Crassus, 16.4-16.8, 18.5, 19.4-19.8, 23.1-23.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288| 16.4. μέγα γὰρ ἦν ἐκείνου τὸ πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον ἀξίωμα· καὶ τότε παρεσκευασμένους πολλοὺς ἐνίστασθαι καὶ καταβοᾶν ὁρώμενος πρὸ αὐτοῦ φαιδρῷ βλέμματι καὶ προσώπῳ κατεπράυνεν ὁ Πομπήιος, ὥσθʼ ὑπείκειν σιωπῇ διʼ αὐτῶν προϊοῦσιν. ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος ἀπαντήσας πρῶτον μὲν ἀπὸ φωνῆς ἐκώλυε καὶ διεμαρτύρετο μὴ βαδίζειν, ἔπειτα τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἐκέλευεν ἁψάμενον τοῦ σώματος κατέχειν. 16.5. ἄλλων δὲ δημάρχων οὐκ ἐώντων, ὁ μὲν ὑπηρέτης ἀφῆκε τὸν Κράσσον, ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος προδραμὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἔθηκεν ἐσχαρίδα καιομένην, καὶ τοῦ Κράσσου γενομένου κατʼ αὐτήν ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ κατασπένδων ἀρὰς ἐπηρᾶτο δεινὰς μὲν αὐτὰς καὶ φρικώδεις, δεινοὺς δέ τινας θεοὺς καὶ ἀλλοκότους ἐπʼ αὐταῖς καλῶν καὶ ὀνομάζων· 16.6. ταύτας φασὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς ἀρὰς ἀποθέτους καὶ παλαιὰς τοιαύτην ἔχειν δύναμιν ὡς περιφυγεῖν μηδένα τῶν ἐνσχεθέντων αὐταῖς, κακῶς δὲ πράσσειν καὶ τὸν χρησάμενον, ὅθεν οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν αὐτὰς οὐδʼ ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀρᾶσθαι. καὶ τότʼ οὖν ἐμέμφοντο τὸν Ἀτήιον, εἰ διʼ ἣν ἐχαλέπαινε τῷ Κράσσῳ πόλιν, εἰς αὐτήν ἀρὰς ἀφῆκε καὶ δεισιδαιμονίαν τοσαύτην. 18.5. ἡσυχῇ δὲ παρεδήλουν καί οἱ μάντεις ὡς ἀεὶ πονηρὰ σημεῖα καί δυσέκθυτα προφαίνοιτο τῷ Κράσσῳ διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν, ἀλλʼ οὔτε τούτοις προσεῖχεν οὔτε τοῖς ἕτερόν τι πλὴν ἐπείγεσθαι παραινοῦσιν. 19.4. ἐβλήθη δὲ καὶ κεραυνοῖς δυσὶν ὁ χῶρος οὗ στρατοπεδεύειν ἔμελλεν. ἵππος δὲ τῶν στρατηγικῶν ἐπιφανῶς κεκοσμημένος βίᾳ συνεπισπάσας τὸν ἡνίοχον εἰς τὸ ῥεῖθρον ὑποβρύχιος ἠφανίσθη. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀετῶν ὁ πρῶτος ἀρθεὶς ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου μεταστραφῆναι. 19.5. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις συνέπεσε μετὰ τὴν διάβασιν μετρουμένοις τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τοῖς στρατιώταις πρῶτα πάντων δοθῆναι φακοὺς καὶ ἃλας, ἃ νομίζουσι Ῥωμαῖοι πένθιμα καὶ προτίθενται τοῖς νέκυσιν, αὐτοῦ τε Κράσσου δημηγοροῦντος ἐξέπεσε φωνή δεινῶς συγχέασα τὸν στρατόν. ἔφη γὰρ τὸ ζεῦγμα τοῦ ποταμοῦ διαλύειν ὅπως μηδεὶς αὐτῶν ἐπανέλθῃ. καὶ δέον, ὡς ᾔσθετο τοῦ ῥήματος τὴν ἀτοπίαν, ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ διασαφῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς ἀποδειλιῶντας τὸ εἰρημένον, ἠμέλησεν ὑπὸ αὐθαδείας. 19.6. τέλος δὲ τὸν εἰθισμένον καθαρμὸν ἐσφαγιάζετο, καὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ μάντεως αὐτῷ προσδόντος ἐξέβαλε τῶν χειρῶν ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα δυσχεραίνοντας ἰδὼν τοὺς παρόντας ἐμειδίασε καὶ τοιοῦτον, ἔφη, τὸ γῆρας· ἀλλὰ τῶν γε ὅπλων οὐδὲν ἂν ἐκφύγοι τὰς χεῖρας. 23.1. λέγεται δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης τὸν Κράσσον οὐχ ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῖς ἐν φοινικίδι προελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἱματίῳ μέλανι, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἀλλάξαι προνήσαντα, τῶν δὲ σημαιῶν ἐνίας μόλις ὥσπερ πεπηγυίας πολλὰ παθόντας ἀνελέσθαι τοὺς φέροντας. 23.2. ὧν ὁ Κράσσος καταγελῶν ἐπετάχυνε τὴν πορείαν, προσβιαζόμενος ἀκολουθεῖν τὴν φάλαγγα τοῖς ἱππεῦσι, πρίν γε δὴ τῶν ἐπὶ κατασκοπὴν ἀποσταλέντων ὀλίγοι προσπελάσαντες ἀπήγγειλαν ἀπολωλέναι τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, αὐτοὺς δὲ μόλις ἐκφυγεῖν, ἐπιέναι δὲ μαχουμένους πλήθει πολλῷ καὶ θάρσει τοὺς ἄνδρας. | 16.4. 16.5. 16.6. 18.5. 19.4. 19.5. 19.6. 23.1. 23.2. |
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| 40. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 39.1-39.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, (lucius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 147 |
| 41. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.241, 18.15-18.16, 22.13, 34.23-34.24, 35.6-35.7, 35.9-35.10, 35.14, 36.33 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius, l. •marcius tremulus, q. •tremulus, q. marcius •tremulus, q. marcius, historical facts •tremulus, q. marcius, positioning of monument •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 176, 177, 181, 195; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127, 137, 224; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 233 |
| 42. Suetonius, Galba, 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius figulus, c. •marcius tremulus, q. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 287; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 137 |
| 43. Philippus Thessalonicensis, Epigrams, 2.86, 13.38 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58, 71 |
| 44. Silius Italicus, Punica, 13.36-13.78 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14 |
45. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 6.387-6.391 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius tremulus, q. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 137 | 6.387. 3. But now at this time it was that one of the priests, the son of Thebuthus, whose name was Jesus, upon his having security given him, by the oath of Caesar, that he should be preserved, upon condition that he should deliver to him certain of the precious things that had been reposited in the temple, 6.388. came out of it, and delivered him from the wall of the holy house two candlesticks, like to those that lay in the holy house, with tables, and cisterns, and vials, all made of solid gold, and very heavy. 6.389. He also delivered to him the veils and the garments, with the precious stones, and a great number of other precious vessels that belonged to their sacred worship. 6.390. The treasurer of the temple also, whose name was Phineas, was seized on, and showed Titus the coats and girdles of the priests, with a great quantity of purple and scarlet, which were there reposited for the uses of the veil, as also a great deal of cinnamon and cassia, with a large quantity of other sweet spices, which used to be mixed together, and offered as incense to God every day. 6.391. A great many other treasures were also delivered to him, with sacred ornaments of the temple not a few; which things thus delivered to Titus obtained of him for this man the same pardon that he had allowed to such as deserted of their own accord. |
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| 46. Plutarch, Brutus, 31 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137 |
| 47. Suetonius, Iulius, 75.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tremulus, q. marcius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 175 |
48. Plutarch, Lucullus, 42.1-42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127| 42.1. σπουδῆς δʼ ἄξια καὶ λόγου τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν βιβλίων κατασκευήν, καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ γεγραμμένα καλῶς συνῆγεν, ἥ τε χρῆσις ἦν φιλοτιμοτέρα τῆς κτήσεως, ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας καὶ συνδιημερεύοντας ἀλλήλοις, ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ἀσμένως ἀποτρέχοντας. 42.2. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ συνεσχόλαζεν αὐτὸς ἐμβάλλων εἰς τοὺς περιπάτους τοῖς φιλολόγοις καὶ τοῖς πολιτικοῖς συνέπραττεν ὅτου δέοιντο· καὶ ὅλως ἑστία καὶ πρυτανεῖον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ οἶκος ἦν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς Ῥώμην. φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πᾶσαν μὲν ἠσπάζετο καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν εὐμενὴς ἦν καὶ οἰκεῖος, ἴδιον δὲ τῆς Ἀκαδημείας ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔρωτα καὶ ζῆλον ἔσχεν, οὐ τῆς νέας λεγομένης, 42.3. καίπερ ἀνθούσης τότε τοῖς Καρνεάδου λόγοις διὰ Φίλωνος, ἀλλὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς, πιθανὸν ἄνδρα καὶ δεινὸν εἰπεῖν τότε προστάτην ἐχούσης τὸν Ἀσκαλωνίτην Ἀντίοχον, ὃν πάσῃ σπουδῇ ποιησάμενος φίλον ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ συμβιωτὴν ἀντέταττε τοῖς Φίλωνος ἀκροαταῖς, ὧν καὶ Κικέρων ἦν. 42.4. καὶ σύγγραμμά γε πάγκαλον ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν, ἐν ᾧ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς καταλήψεως λόγον Λουκούλλῳ περιτέθεικεν, αὑτῷ δὲ τὸν ἐναντίον. Λούκουλλος δʼ ἀναγέγραπται τὸ βιβλίον. ἦσαν δʼ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, φίλοι σφόδρα καὶ κοινωνοὶ τῆς ἐν πολιτείᾳ προαιρέσεως· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὖ πάμπαν ἀπηλλάχει τῆς πολιτείας ἑαυτὸν ὁ Λούκουλλος, | 42.1. 42.2. 42.3. 42.4. |
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| 49. Suetonius, Vitellius, 1.2, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius tremulus, q. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 137 |
50. Tacitus, Annals, 2.27-2.32, 3.72 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius, publius •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 103; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14, 224| 2.27. Sub idem tempus e familia Scriboniorum Libo Drusus defertur moliri res novas. eius negotii initium, ordinem, finem curatius disseram, quia tum primum reperta sunt quae per tot annos rem publicam exedere. Firmius Catus senator, ex intima Libonis amicitia, iuvenem inprovi- dum et facilem iibus ad Chaldaeorum promissa, magorum sacra, somniorum etiam interpretes impulit, dum proavum Pompeium, amitam Scriboniam, quae quondam Augusti coniunx fuerat, consobrinos Caesares, plenam imaginibus domum ostentat, hortaturque ad luxum et aes alienum, socius libidinum et necessitatum, quo pluribus indiciis inligaret. 2.28. Vt satis testium et qui servi eadem noscerent repperit, aditum ad principem postulat, demonstrato crimine et reo per Flaccum Vescularium equitem Romanum, cui propior cum Tiberio usus erat. Caesar indicium haud aspernatus congressus abnuit: posse enim eodem Flacco internuntio sermones commeare. atque interim Libonem ornat praetura, convictibus adhibet, non vultu alienatus, non verbis commotior (adeo iram condiderat); cunctaque eius dicta factaque, cum prohibere posset, scire malebat, donec Iunius quidam, temptatus ut infernas umbras carminibus eliceret, ad Fulcinium Trionem indicium detulit. celebre inter accusatores Trionis ingenium erat avidumque famae malae. statim corripit reum, adit consules, cognitionem senatus poscit. et vocantur patres, addito consultandum super re magna et atroci. 2.29. Libo interim veste mutata cum primoribus feminis circumire domos, orare adfinis, vocem adversum pericula poscere, abnuentibus cunctis, cum diversa praetenderent, eadem formidine. die senatus metu et aegritudine fessus, sive, ut tradidere quidam, simulato morbo, lectica delatus ad foris curiae innisusque fratri et manus ac supplices voces ad Tiberium tendens immoto eius vultu excipitur. mox libellos et auctores recitat Caesar ita moderans ne lenire neve asperare crimina videretur. 2.31. Responsum est ut senatum rogaret. cingebatur interim milite domus, strepebant etiam in vestibulo ut audiri, ut aspici possent, cum Libo ipsis quas in novissimam voluptatem adhibuerat epulis excruciatus vocare percussorem, prensare servorum dextras, inserere gladium. atque illis, dum trepidant, dum refugiunt, evertentibus adpositum cum mensa lumen, feralibus iam sibi tenebris duos ictus in viscera derexit. ad gemitum conlabentis adcurrere liberti, et caede visa miles abstitit. accusatio tamen apud patres adseveratione eadem peracta, iuravitque Tiberius petiturum se vitam quamvis nocenti, nisi voluntariam mortem properavisset. 2.32. Bona inter accusatores dividuntur, et praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. tunc Cotta Messalinus, ne imago Libonis exequias posterorum comitaretur, censuit, Cn. Lentulus, ne quis Scribonius cognomentum Drusi adsumeret. supplicationum dies Pomponii Flacci sententia constituti, dona Iovi, Marti, Concordiae, utque iduum Septembrium dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. Piso et Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decrevere; quorum auctoritates adulationesque rettuli ut sciretur vetus id in re publica malum. facta et de mathematicis magisque Italia pellendis senatus consulta; quorum e numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco advertere. 3.72. Isdem diebus Lepidus ab senatu petivit ut basilicam Pauli, Aemilia monimenta, propria pecunia firmaret ornaretque. erat etiam tum in more publica munificentia; nec Augustus arcuerat Taurum, Philippum, Balbum hostilis exuvias aut exundantis opes ornatum ad urbis et posterum gloriam conferre. quo tum exemplo Lepidus, quamquam pecuniae modicus, avitum decus recoluit. at Pompei theatrum igne fortuito haustum Caesar extructurum pollicitus est eo quod nemo e familia restaurando sufficeret, manente tamen nomine Pompei. simul laudibus Seianum extulit tamquam labore vigilantiaque eius tanta vis unum intra damnum stetisset; et censuere patres effigiem Seiano quae apud theatrum Pompei locaretur. neque multo post Caesar, cum Iunium Blaesum pro consule Africae triumphi insignibus attolleret, dare id se dixit honori Seiani, cuius ille avunculus erat. ac tamen res Blaesi dignae decore tali fuere. | 2.27. Nearly at the same time, a charge of revolutionary activities was laid against Libo Drusus, a member of the Scribonian family. I shall describe in some detail the origin, the progress, and the end of this affair, as it marked the discovery of the system destined for so many years to prey upon the vitals of the commonwealth. Firmius Catus, a senator, and one of Libo's closest friends, had urged that short-sighted youth, who had a foible for absurdities, to resort to the forecasts of astrologers, the ritual of magicians, and the society of interpreters of dreams; pointing to his great-grandfather Pompey, to his great-aunt Scribonia (at one time the consort of Augustus), to his cousinship with the Caesars, and to his mansion crowded with ancestral portraits; encouraging him in his luxuries and loans; and, to bind him in a yet stronger chain of evidence, sharing his debaucheries and his embarrassments. 2.28. When he had found witnesses enough, and slaves to testify in the same tenor, he asked for an interview with the sovereign, to whom the charge and the person implicated had been notified by Vescularius Flaccus, a Roman knight on familiar terms with Tiberius. The Caesar, without rejecting the information, declined a meeting, as "their conversations might be carried on through the same intermediate, Flaccus." In the interval, he distinguished Libo with a praetorship and several invitations to dinner. There was no estrangement on his brow, no hint of asperity in his speech: he had buried his anger far too deep. He could have checked every word and action of Libo: he preferred, however, to know them. At length, a certain Junius, solicited by Libo to raise departed spirits by incantations, carried his tale to Fulcinius Trio. Trio's genius, which was famous among the professional informers, hungered after notoriety. He swooped immediately on the accused, approached the consuls, and demanded a senatorial inquiry. The Fathers were summoned, to deliberate (it was added) on a case of equal importance and atrocity. 2.29. Meanwhile, Libo changed into mourning, and with an escort of ladies of quality made a circuit from house to house, pleading with his wife's relatives, and conjuring them to speak in mitigation of his danger, â only to be everywhere refused on different pretexts and identical grounds of alarm. On the day the senate met, he was so exhausted by fear and distress â unless, as some accounts have it, he counterfeited illness â that he was borne to the doors of the Curia in a litter, and, leaning on his brother, extended his hands and his appeals to Tiberius, by whom he was received without the least change of countece. The emperor then read over the indictment and the names of the sponsors, with a self-restraint that avoided the appearance of either palliating or aggravating the charges. 2.30. Besides Trio and Catus, Fonteius Agrippa and Gaius Vibius had associated themselves with the prosecution, and it was disputed which of the four should have the right of stating the case against the defendant. Finally, Vibius announced that, as no one would give way and Libo was appearing without legal representation, he would take the counts one by one. He produced Libo's papers, so fatuous that, according to one, he had inquired of his prophets if he would be rich enough to cover the Appian Road as far as Brundisium with money. There was more in the same vein, stolid, vacuous, or, if indulgently read, pitiable. In one paper, however, the accuser argued, a set of marks, sinister or at least mysterious, had been appended by Libo's hand to the names of the imperial family and a number of senators. As the defendant denied the allegation, it was resolved to question the slaves, who recognized the handwriting, under torture; and, since an old decree prohibited their examination in a charge affecting the life of their master, Tiberius, applying his talents to the discovery of a new jurisprudence, ordered them to be sold individually to the treasury agent: all to procure servile evidence against a Libo, without overriding a senatorial decree! In view of this, the accused asked for an adjournment till the next day, and left for home, after commissioning his relative, Publius Quirinius, to make a final appeal to the emperor. 2.31. The reply ran, that he must address his petitions to the senate. Meanwhile, his house was picketed by soldiers; they were tramping in the portico itself, within eyeshot and earshot, when Libo, thus tortured at the very feast which he had arranged to be his last delight on earth, called out for a slayer, clutched at the hands of his slaves, strove to force his sword upon them. They, as they shrank back in confusion, overturned lamp and table together; and he, in what was now for him the darkness of death, struck two blows into his vitals. He collapsed with a moan, and his freedmen ran up: the soldiers had witnessed the bloody scene, and retired. In the senate, however, the prosecution was carried through with unaltered gravity, and Tiberius declared on oath that, guilty as the defendant might have been, he would have interceded for his life, had he not laid an over-hasty hand upon himself. 2.32. His estate was parcelled out among the accusers, and extraordinary praetorships were conferred on those of senatorial status. Cotta Messalinus then moved that the effigy of Libo should not accompany the funeral processions of his descendants; Gnaeus Lentulus, that no member of the Scribonian house should adopt the surname of Drusus. Days of public thanksgiving were fixed at the instance of Pomponius Flaccus. Lucius Piso, Asinius Gallus, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius procured a decree that votive offerings should be made to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord; and that the thirteenth of September, the anniversary of Libo's suicide, should rank as a festival. This union of sounding names and sycophancy I have recorded as showing how long that evil has been rooted in the State. â Other resolutions of the senate ordered the expulsion of the astrologers and magic-mongers from Italy. One of their number, Lucius Pituanius, was flung from the Rock; another â Publius Marcius â was executed by the consuls outside the Esquiline Gate according to ancient usage and at sound of trumpet. 3.72. Nearly at the same time, Marcus Lepidus asked permission from the senate to strengthen and decorate the Basilica of Paulus, a monument of the Aemilian house, at his own expense. Public munificence was a custom still; nor had Augustus debarred a Taurus, a Philippus, or a Balbus from devoting the trophies of his arms or the overflow of his wealth to the greater splendour of the capital and the glory of posterity: and now Lepidus, a man of but moderate fortune, followed in their steps by renovating the famous edifice of his fathers. On the other hand, the rebuilding of the Theatre of Pompey, destroyed by a casual fire, was undertaken by Caesar, on the ground that no member of the family was equal to the task of restoration: the name of Pompey was, however, to remain. At the same time, he gave high praise to Sejanus, "through whose energy and watchfulness so grave an outbreak had stopped at one catastrophe." The Fathers voted a statue to Sejanus, to be placed in the Theatre of Pompey. Again, a short time afterwards, when he was honouring Junius Blaesus, proconsul of Africa, with the triumphal insignia, he explained that he did so as a compliment to Sejanus, of whom Blaesus was uncle. â None the less the exploits of Blaesus deserved such a distinction. |
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| 51. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 37.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 52. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.94, 1.98.459, 1.99.461, 4.80 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136, 137; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 143 |
| 53. Appian, The Spanish Wars, 12, 96-97, 33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137 |
| 54. Appian, The Illyrian Wars, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137 |
| 55. Appian, The Punic Wars, 131, 81, 92, 89 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 275 |
56. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.24.4 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136| 1.24.4. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐν παρόδῳ Ὕπαρνα, χωρίον ὀχυρόν, φυλακὴν ἔχον ξένους μισθοφόρους, ἐξ ἐφόδου ἔλαβεν· οἱ δʼ ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας ξένοι ὑπόσπονδοι ἐξῆλθον. ἔπειτα εἰσβαλὼν εἰς Λυκίαν Τελμισσέας μὲν ὁμολογίᾳ προσηγάγετο, περάσας δὲ τὸν Ξάνθον ποταμὸν Πίναρα καὶ Ξάνθον τὴν πόλιν καὶ Πάταρα ἐνδοθέντα ἔλαβε καὶ ἄλλα ἐλάττω πολίσματα ἐς τριάκοντα. | |
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| 57. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58 |
| 58. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136 |
| 59. Appian, The Syrian Wars, 284 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 233 |
| 60. Suetonius, Tiberius, 36 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius, publius Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 103 |
61. Plutarch, Marcellus, 5.1-5.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius figulus, c., abdicates consulship Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 284| 5.1. Τιβέριος οὖν Σεμπρώνιος, ἀνὴρ διʼ ἀνδρείαν καὶ καλοκαγαθίαν οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἀγαπηθεὶς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, ἀπέδειξε μὲν ὑπατεύων διαδόχους Σκηπίωνα Νασικᾶν καὶ Γάϊον Μάρκιον, ἤδη δὲ ἐχόντων αὐτῶν ἐπαρχίας καὶ στρατεύματα, ἱερατικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἐντυχὼν εὗρεν ἠγνοημένον ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ τι τῶν πατρίων. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον· 5.2. ὅταν ἄρχων ἐπʼ ὄρνισι καθεζόμενος ἔξω πόλεως οἶκον ἢ σκηνὴν μεμισθωμένος ὑπʼ αἰτίας τινὸς ἀναγκασθῇ μήπω γεγονότων σημείων βεβαίων ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς πόλιν, ἀφεῖναι χρῆν τὸ προμεμισθωμένον οἴκημα καὶ λαβεῖν ἕτερον, ἐξ οὗ ποιήσεται τὴν θέαν αὖθις ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς, τοῦτο ἔλαθεν, ὡς ἔοικε, τὸν Τιβέριον, καὶ δὶς τῷ αὐτῷ χρησάμενος ἀπέδειξε τοὺς εἰρημένους ἄνδρας ὑπάτους. ὕστερον δὲ γνοὺς τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἀνήνεγκε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον. 5.3. ἡ δὲ οὐ κατεφρόνησε τοῦ κατὰ μικρὸν οὕτως ἐλλείμματος, ἀλλʼ ἔγραψε τοῖς ἀνδράσι· καὶ ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ἐπαρχίας ἀπολιπόντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς Ῥώμην ταχὺ καὶ κατέθεντο τὴν ἀρχήν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἐπράχθη· περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους χρόνους καὶ δύο ἱερεῖς ἐπιφανέστατοι τὰς ἱερωσύνας ἀφῃρέθησαν, Κορνήλιος μὲν Κέθηγος ὅτι τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ ἱερείου παρὰ τάξιν ἐπέδωκε, 5.4. Κούϊντος δὲ Σουλπίκιος ἐπὶ τῷ θύοντος αὐτοῦ τὸν κορυφαῖον ἀπορρυῆναι τῆς κεφαλῆς πῖλον, ὃν οἱ καλούμενοι φλαμίνιοι φοροῦσι. Μινουκίου δὲ δικτάτορος ἵππαρχον ἀποδείξαντος Γάϊον Φλαμίνιον, ἐπεὶ τρισμὸς ἠκούσθη μυὸς ὃν σόρικα καλοῦσιν, ἀποψηφισάμενοι τούτους αὖθις ἑτέρους κατέστησαν, καὶ τὴν ἐν οὕτω μικροῖς ἀκρίβειαν φυλάττοντες οὐδεμιᾷ προσεμίγνυσαν δεισιδαιμονίᾳ, τῷ μηδὲν ἀλλάττειν μηδὲ παρεκβαίνειν τῶν πατρίων. | 5.1. For example, Tiberius Sempronius, a man most highly esteemed by the Romans for his valour and probity, proclaimed Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius his successors in the consulship, but when they had already taken command in their provinces, he came upon a book of religious observances wherein he found a certain ancient prescript of which he had been ignorant. 5.2. It was this. Whenever a magistrate, sitting in a hired house or tent outside the city to take auspices from the flight of birds, is compelled for any reason to return to the city before sure signs have appeared, he must give up the house first hired and take another, and from this he must take his observations anew. of this, it would seem, Tiberius was not aware, and had twice used the same house before proclaiming the men I have mentioned as consuls. But afterwards, discovering his error, he referred the matter to the senate. 5.3. This body did not make light of so trifling an omission, but wrote to the consuls about it; and they, leaving their provinces, came back to Rome with speed, and laid down their offices. This, however, took place at a later time. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, father of the two famous tribunes, was consul for the second time in 163 B.C. But at about the time of which I am speaking, two most illustrious priests were deposed from their priesthoods, Cornelius Cethegus, because he presented the entrails of his victim improperly, 5.4. and Quintus Sulpicius, because, while he was sacrificing, the peaked cap which the priests called flamens Cf. the Numa , vii. 5. wear had fallen from his head. Moreover, because the squeak of a shrew-mouse (they call it sorex ) was heard just as Minucius the dictator appointed Caius Flaminius his master of horse, the people deposed these officials and put others in their places. And although they were punctilious in such trifling matters, they did not fall into any superstition, because they made no change or deviation in their ancient rites. |
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62. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 39.39.5-39.39.7, 40.18.1-40.18.5, 40.19.1-40.19.3, 42.18.2, 42.20.4, 42.21.1, 42.55.4, 43.45.3, 43.49.1, 47.34.3, 49.35.4, 56.25.5, 91.1-91.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 175 | 42.18.2. But when at last they gave the story credence, they removed the images of Pompey and of Sulla that stood upon the rostra, but did nothing further at the time. Many, indeed, did not wish to do even this, |
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| 63. Gellius, Attic Nights, 13.15.4. (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 138 |
64. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.6, 9.39, 10.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, q. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 291 | 3.6. To Annius Severus, Out of a legacy which I have come in for I have just bought a Corinthian bronze, small it is true, but a charming and sharply-cut piece of work, so far as I have any knowledge of art, and that, as in everything else perhaps, is very slight. But as for the statue in question even I can appreciate its merits. For it is a nude, and neither conceals its faults, if there are any, nor hides at all its strong points. It represents an old man in a standing posture; the bones, muscles, nerves, veins, and even the wrinkles appear quite life-like; the hair is thin and scanty on the forehead; the brow is broad; the face wizened; the neck thin; the shoulders are bowed; the breast is flat, and the belly hollow. The back too gives the same impression of age, as far as a back view can. The bronze itself, judging by the genuine colour, is old and of great antiquity. In fact, in every respect it is a work calculated to catch the eye of a connoisseur and to delight the eye of an amateur, and this is what tempted me to purchase it, although I am the merest novice. But I bought it not to keep it at home - for as yet I have no Corinthian art work in my house - but that I might put it up in my native country in some frequented place, and I specially had in mind the Temple of Jupiter. For the statue seems to me to be worthy of the temple, and the gift to be worthy of the god. So I hope that you will show me your usual kindness when I give you a commission, and that you will undertake the following for me. Will you order a pedestal to be made, of any marble you like, to be inscribed with my name and titles, if you think the latter ought to be mentioned? I will send you the statue as soon as I can find anyone who is not overburdened with luggage, or I will bring myself along with it, as I dare say you would prefer me to do. For, if only my duties allow me, I am intending to run down thither. You are glad that I promise to come, but you will frown when I add that I can only stay a few days. For the business which hitherto has kept me from getting away will not allow of my being absent any longer. Farewell. 9.39. To Mustius. I have been warned by the haruspices to put into better repair and enlarge the temple of Ceres, which stands on my estate, as it is very old and cramped for room, and on one day in the year attracts great crowds of people. For on the Ides of September all the population of the country-side flocks thither; much business is transacted, many vows are registered and paid, but there is no place near where people can take refuge either from storm or heat. I think, therefore, that I shall be showing my generosity, and at the same time display my piety, if I rebuild the temple as handsomely as possible and add to it a portico, the former for the use of the goddess, the latter for the people who attend there. So I should like you to buy me four columns of any kind of marble you think fit, as well as sufficient marble for the pavement and walls. I shall also have to get made or buy a statue of the goddess, for the old one, which was made of wood, has lost some of its limbs through age. As for the portico, I don't think there is anything that I need ask you for at present, unless it be that you should sketch me a plan to suit the situation of the place. The portico cannot be carried all round the temple, inasmuch as on one side of the floor of the building there is a river with very steep banks, and on the other there runs a road. Beyond the road, there is a spacious meadow which would be a very suitable place to build the portico, as it is right opposite the temple, unless you can think of a better plan - you who make a practice of overcoming natural difficulties by your professional skill. Farewell. 10.8. To Trajan. When, Sir, your late father, * both by a very fine speech and by setting them a most honourable example himself, urged every citizen to deeds of liberality, I sought permission from him to transfer to a neighbouring township all the statues of the emperors which had come into my possession by various bequests and were kept just as I had received them ill my distant estates, and to add thereto a statue of himself. He granted the request and made most flattering references to myself, and I immediately wrote to the decurions asking them to assign me a plot of ground upon which I might erect a temple ** at my own cost, and they offered to let me choose the site myself as a mark of appreciation of the task I had undertaken. But first my own ill-health, then your father's illness, and subsequently the anxieties of the office you bestowed upon me, have prevented my proceeding with the work. However, I think the present is a convenient opportunity for getting on with it, for my month of duty ends on the Kalends of September and the following month contains a number of holidays. I ask, therefore, as a special favour, that you will allow me to adorn with your statue the work which I am about to begin ; and secondly, that in order to complete it as soon as possible, you will grant me leave of absence. It would be alien to my frank disposition if I were to conceal from your goodness the fact that you will, if you grant me leave, be incidentally aiding very materially my private fices. The rent of my estates in that district exceeds 400,000 sesterces, and if the new tets are to be settled in time for the next pruning, the letting of the farms must not be any further delayed. Besides, the succession of bad vintages we have had forces me to consider the question of making certain abatements, and I cannot enter into that question unless I am on the spot. So, Sir, if for these reasons you grant me leave for thirty days, I shall owe to your kindness the speedy fulfilment of a work of loyalty and the settlement of my private fices. I cannot reduce the length of leave I ask for to narrower limits, inasmuch as the township and the estates I have spoken of are more than a hundred and fifty miles from Rome. 0 |
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| 65. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, 374.7-374.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. marcius philippus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 99 |
66. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.6, 9.39, 10.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, q. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 291 | 3.6. To Annius Severus, Out of a legacy which I have come in for I have just bought a Corinthian bronze, small it is true, but a charming and sharply-cut piece of work, so far as I have any knowledge of art, and that, as in everything else perhaps, is very slight. But as for the statue in question even I can appreciate its merits. For it is a nude, and neither conceals its faults, if there are any, nor hides at all its strong points. It represents an old man in a standing posture; the bones, muscles, nerves, veins, and even the wrinkles appear quite life-like; the hair is thin and scanty on the forehead; the brow is broad; the face wizened; the neck thin; the shoulders are bowed; the breast is flat, and the belly hollow. The back too gives the same impression of age, as far as a back view can. The bronze itself, judging by the genuine colour, is old and of great antiquity. In fact, in every respect it is a work calculated to catch the eye of a connoisseur and to delight the eye of an amateur, and this is what tempted me to purchase it, although I am the merest novice. But I bought it not to keep it at home - for as yet I have no Corinthian art work in my house - but that I might put it up in my native country in some frequented place, and I specially had in mind the Temple of Jupiter. For the statue seems to me to be worthy of the temple, and the gift to be worthy of the god. So I hope that you will show me your usual kindness when I give you a commission, and that you will undertake the following for me. Will you order a pedestal to be made, of any marble you like, to be inscribed with my name and titles, if you think the latter ought to be mentioned? I will send you the statue as soon as I can find anyone who is not overburdened with luggage, or I will bring myself along with it, as I dare say you would prefer me to do. For, if only my duties allow me, I am intending to run down thither. You are glad that I promise to come, but you will frown when I add that I can only stay a few days. For the business which hitherto has kept me from getting away will not allow of my being absent any longer. Farewell. 9.39. To Mustius. I have been warned by the haruspices to put into better repair and enlarge the temple of Ceres, which stands on my estate, as it is very old and cramped for room, and on one day in the year attracts great crowds of people. For on the Ides of September all the population of the country-side flocks thither; much business is transacted, many vows are registered and paid, but there is no place near where people can take refuge either from storm or heat. I think, therefore, that I shall be showing my generosity, and at the same time display my piety, if I rebuild the temple as handsomely as possible and add to it a portico, the former for the use of the goddess, the latter for the people who attend there. So I should like you to buy me four columns of any kind of marble you think fit, as well as sufficient marble for the pavement and walls. I shall also have to get made or buy a statue of the goddess, for the old one, which was made of wood, has lost some of its limbs through age. As for the portico, I don't think there is anything that I need ask you for at present, unless it be that you should sketch me a plan to suit the situation of the place. The portico cannot be carried all round the temple, inasmuch as on one side of the floor of the building there is a river with very steep banks, and on the other there runs a road. Beyond the road, there is a spacious meadow which would be a very suitable place to build the portico, as it is right opposite the temple, unless you can think of a better plan - you who make a practice of overcoming natural difficulties by your professional skill. Farewell. 10.8. To Trajan. When, Sir, your late father, * both by a very fine speech and by setting them a most honourable example himself, urged every citizen to deeds of liberality, I sought permission from him to transfer to a neighbouring township all the statues of the emperors which had come into my possession by various bequests and were kept just as I had received them ill my distant estates, and to add thereto a statue of himself. He granted the request and made most flattering references to myself, and I immediately wrote to the decurions asking them to assign me a plot of ground upon which I might erect a temple ** at my own cost, and they offered to let me choose the site myself as a mark of appreciation of the task I had undertaken. But first my own ill-health, then your father's illness, and subsequently the anxieties of the office you bestowed upon me, have prevented my proceeding with the work. However, I think the present is a convenient opportunity for getting on with it, for my month of duty ends on the Kalends of September and the following month contains a number of holidays. I ask, therefore, as a special favour, that you will allow me to adorn with your statue the work which I am about to begin ; and secondly, that in order to complete it as soon as possible, you will grant me leave of absence. It would be alien to my frank disposition if I were to conceal from your goodness the fact that you will, if you grant me leave, be incidentally aiding very materially my private fices. The rent of my estates in that district exceeds 400,000 sesterces, and if the new tets are to be settled in time for the next pruning, the letting of the farms must not be any further delayed. Besides, the succession of bad vintages we have had forces me to consider the question of making certain abatements, and I cannot enter into that question unless I am on the spot. So, Sir, if for these reasons you grant me leave for thirty days, I shall owe to your kindness the speedy fulfilment of a work of loyalty and the settlement of my private fices. I cannot reduce the length of leave I ask for to narrower limits, inasmuch as the township and the estates I have spoken of are more than a hundred and fifty miles from Rome. 0 |
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67. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.15.4, 10.1.6-10.1.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius, l. •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127| 1.15.4. ἐνταῦθα ἀσπίδες κεῖνται χαλκαῖ, καὶ ταῖς μέν ἐστιν ἐπίγραμμα ἀπὸ Σ κιωναίων καὶ τῶν ἐπικούρων εἶναι, τὰς δὲ ἐπαληλιμμένας πίσσῃ, μὴ σφᾶς ὅ τε χρόνος λυμήνηται καὶ ὁ ἰός, Λακεδαιμονίων εἶναι λέγεται τῶν ἁλόντων ἐν τῇ Σφακτηρίᾳ νήσῳ. 10.1.6. καὶ ἡ συμφορὰ σφῶν κατάπληξιν τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τῶν Φωκέων τηλικαύτην ἐνεποίησεν, ὥστε καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας καὶ ὅσα τῶν κτημάτων ἄγειν ἦν σφίσιν ἢ φέρειν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἐσθῆτα καὶ χρυσόν τε καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα τῶν θεῶν ἐς ταὐτὸ συλλέξαντες πυρὰν ὡς μεγίστην ἐποίησαν, καὶ ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς ἀριθμὸν τριάκοντα ἄνδρας ἀπολείπουσι· 10.1.7. προσετέτακτο δὲ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, εἰ ἡττᾶσθαι τοὺς Φωκέας συμβαίνοι τῇ μάχῃ, τότε δὴ προαποσφάξαι μὲν τὰς γυναῖκάς τε καὶ παῖδας καὶ ὡς ἱερεῖα ἀναθέντας ταῦτά τε καὶ τὰ χρήματα ἐπὶ τὴν πυρὰν καὶ ἐνέντας πῦρ οὕτως ἤδη διαφθαρῆναι καὶ αὐτοὺς ἤτοι ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων ἢ ἐς τὴν ἵππον τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ἐσπίπτοντας. ἀντὶ τούτου μὲν ἅπαντα τὰ ἀνάλγητα βουλεύματα ἀπόνοια ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων ὀνομάζεται Φωκική, τότε δὲ οἱ Φωκεῖς ἐποιοῦντο αὐτίκα ἐπὶ τοὺς Θεσσαλοὺς ἔξοδον· 10.1.8. στρατηγοὶ δὲ ἦσάν σφισι Ῥοῖός τε Ἀμβροσσεὺς καὶ Ὑαμπολίτης Δαϊφάντης, οὗτος μὲν δὴ ἐπὶ τῇ ἵππῳ, δυνάμεως δὲ τῆς πεζῆς ὁ Ἀμβροσσεύς. ὁ δὲ χώραν ἐν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἔχων τὴν μεγίστην μάντις ἦν Τελλίας ὁ Ἠλεῖος, καὶ ἐς τὸν Τελλίαν τοῖς Φωκεῦσι τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπέκειντο αἱ ἐλπίδες. 10.1.9. ὡς δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνῄεσαν, ἐνταῦθα τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν ἐγίνετο ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς τὰ ἐς τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ ἐς τὰ τέκνα δόξαντα, τήν τε σωτηρίαν οὐκ ἐν βεβαίῳ σφίσιν ἑώρων σαλεύουσαν καὶ τούτων ἕνεκα ἐς παντοῖα ἀφικνοῦντο τολμήματα· προσγενομένου δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἐκ θεῶν εὐμενοῦς νίκην τῶν τότε ἀνείλοντο ἐπιφανεστάτην. | 1.15.4. Here are dedicated brazen shields, and some have an inscription that they are taken from the Scioneans and their allies 421 B.C. , while others, smeared with pitch lest they should be worn by age and rust, are said to be those of the Lacedaemonians who were taken prisoners in the island of Sphacteria . 425 B.C. 10.1.6. Their disaster created such panic among the Phocians in the camp that they actually gathered together in one spot their women, children, movable property, and also their clothes, gold, silver and images of the gods, and making a vast pyre they left in charge a force of thirty men. 10.1.7. These were under orders that, should the Phocians chance to be worsted in the battle, they were first to put to death the women and the children, then to lay them like victims with the valuables on the pyre, and finally to set it alight and perish themselves, either by each other's hands or by charging the cavalry of the Thessalians. Hence all forlorn hopes are called by the Greeks “Phocian despair.” On this occasion the Phocians forthwith proceeded to attack the Thessalians. 10.1.8. The commander of their cavalry was Daiphantes of Hyampolis , of their infantry Rhoeus of Ambrossus. But the office of commander-in-chief was held by Tellias, a seer of Elis , upon whom rested all the Phocians' hopes of salvation. 10.1.9. When the battle joined, the Phocians had before their eyes what they had resolved to do to their women and children, and seeing that their own salvation trembled in the balance, they dared the most desperate deeds, and, with the favour of heaven, achieved the most famous victory of that time. |
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| 68. Eutropius, Breviarium Ab Urbe Condita (Paeanii Translatio), 6.18.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 69. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 5.16.1-5.16.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 70. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Gallieni Duo, 19.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius tremulus, q. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 137 |
| 71. Ambrosiaster, Commentarius In Epistolam Ad Romanes, 1.34, 2.18.15-2.18.17 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137 |
| 72. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 1.8, 2.166, 7.606, 11.19 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •l. marcius philippus •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 89 |
| 73. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 2.4.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 224 |
| 74. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 2.4.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 224 |
| 75. Procopius, De Bellis, 8.21.11-8.21.14 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcius, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127 |
| 76. Iulius Obsequens, Prodigiorum Liber, 54, 24 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 287 |
77. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.254-1.296, 4.473, 4.610, 4.625-4.627, 7.81-7.101 Tagged with subjects: •marcius, l. •censorinus, lucius marcius Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 275; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 233 | 1.254. His first shafts brought to earth the lordly heads 1.255. of the high-antlered chiefs; his next assailed 1.256. the general herd, and drove them one and all 1.257. in panic through the leafy wood, nor ceased 1.258. the victory of his bow, till on the ground 1.259. lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. 1.260. Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends 1.261. distributed the spoil, with that rare wine 1.262. which good Acestes while in Sicily 1.263. had stored in jars, and prince-like sent away 1.264. with his Ioved guest;—this too Aeneas gave; 1.266. “Companions mine, we have not failed to feel 1.267. calamity till now. O, ye have borne 1.268. far heavier sorrow: Jove will make an end 1.269. also of this. Ye sailed a course hard by 1.270. infuriate Scylla's howling cliffs and caves. 1.271. Ye knew the Cyclops' crags. Lift up your hearts! 1.272. No more complaint and fear! It well may be 1.273. ome happier hour will find this memory fair. 1.274. Through chance and change and hazard without end, 1.275. our goal is Latium ; where our destinies 1.276. beckon to blest abodes, and have ordained 1.277. that Troy shall rise new-born! Have patience all! 1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care, 1.280. feigned hopes upon his forehead firm he wore, 1.281. and locked within his heart a hero's pain. 1.282. Now round the welcome trophies of his chase 1.283. they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 1.284. and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, 1.285. and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, 1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.291. in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.294. or heed no more whatever voice may call? 1.295. Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, 1.296. Orontes brave and fallen Amycus, 4.473. or breath of life is mine. Hear my brief plea! 4.610. and more room to this fever, till my fate 4.625. teadfast it ever clings; far as toward heaven 4.626. its giant crest uprears, so deep below 4.627. its roots reach down to Tartarus:—not less 7.81. Laurentian, which his realm and people bear. 7.82. Unto this tree-top, wonderful to tell, 7.83. came hosts of bees, with audible acclaim 7.84. voyaging the stream of air, and seized a place 7.85. on the proud, pointing crest, where the swift swarm, 7.86. with interlacement of close-clinging feet, 7.87. wung from the leafy bough. “Behold, there comes,” 7.88. the prophet cried, “a husband from afar! 7.89. To the same region by the self-same path 7.90. behold an arm'd host taking lordly sway 7.91. upon our city's crown!” Soon after this, 7.92. when, coming to the shrine with torches pure, 7.93. Lavinia kindled at her father's side 7.94. the sacrifice, swift seemed the flame to burn 7.95. along her flowing hair—O sight of woe! 7.96. Over her broidered snood it sparkling flew, 7.97. lighting her queenly tresses and her crown 7.98. of jewels rare: then, wrapt in flaming cloud, 7.99. from hall to hall the fire-god's gift she flung. 7.100. This omen dread and wonder terrible 7.101. was rumored far: for prophet-voices told |
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| 78. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.12.2, 2.45.5, 2.46.3 Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. •marcius philippus, (lucius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 147; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 79. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.3, 1.6.2, 1.6.7, 1.6.11, 3.1.1, 3.4.3, 4.7.3, 9.12.3 Tagged with subjects: •marcius figulus, c., abdicates consulship •marcius, l. •marcius figulus, c. •marcius philippus, l. •marcius tremulus, q. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 284, 285, 287, 288; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127, 137; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 233 |
| 80. Dem., Dem., 43497 Tagged with subjects: •tremulus, q. marcius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 180 |
| 81. John Chrysostom, Hom., 13.6.1-13.6.3 Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136 |
| 82. Naevius, Clastidium, 5.14.5-5.14.6 Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137 |
| 83. Philo of Alexandria, Leggai, 8.65 Tagged with subjects: •attack from l. marcius septimius Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136 |
| 84. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 6.18.1 Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 85. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.34.8, 1.46.3-1.46.4 Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 86. Pausanias, Phaedrus, 1.16.1 Tagged with subjects: •marcius, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 233 |
| 87. Granius Licinianus., Annales, 28.25-28.26, 33.1-33.17, 33.24 Tagged with subjects: •marcius figulus, c., abdicates consulship •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 284, 288 |
| 88. Cato The Elder, M. Aemilius Scaurus, 66.24, 66.41 Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58, 71 |
| 90. Marc., Mil., 25, 94 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58 |
| 91. Pseudo-Sallustinv. In Cic., Inv. In Cic., 6, 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 69 |
| 92. Anon., Tabula Triumphalis Barberiniana, None Tagged with subjects: •marcius censorinus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 190 |
| 93. Anon., De Viris Illustribus, 44.2 Tagged with subjects: •marcius figulus, c., abdicates consulship Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 284 |
| 94. Priscianus, Gramm., 2.368.1-2.368.3 Tagged with subjects: •l. marcius philippus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 89 |
| 95. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 13.2.16 Tagged with subjects: •l. marcius philippus Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 99 |
| 96. Anon., Scholia Bernensia Ad Georg., 4.108 Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 97. Plutarch, Synkr., a b c d\n0 5(38).3 5(38).3 5(38) 3 Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288 |
| 98. Caesar, B.Alex., 48.1 Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 143 |
| 99. Caesar, B.Afr., 28.2 Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 138 |
| 100. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, None Tagged with subjects: •marcius figulus, c., abdicates consulship Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 284 |
| 101. Cato The Elder, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, 34.16 Tagged with subjects: •marcius philippus, l., attacks against by crassus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58, 71 |
