1. Homer, Iliad, 6.123-6.132 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater/cybele Found in books: Gorain, Language in the Confessions of Augustine (2019) 10| 6.123. τίς δὲ σύ ἐσσι φέριστε καταθνητῶν ἀνθρώπων; 6.124. οὐ μὲν γάρ ποτʼ ὄπωπα μάχῃ ἔνι κυδιανείρῃ 6.125. τὸ πρίν· ἀτὰρ μὲν νῦν γε πολὺ προβέβηκας ἁπάντων 6.126. σῷ θάρσει, ὅ τʼ ἐμὸν δολιχόσκιον ἔγχος ἔμεινας· 6.127. δυστήνων δέ τε παῖδες ἐμῷ μένει ἀντιόωσιν. 6.128. εἰ δέ τις ἀθανάτων γε κατʼ οὐρανοῦ εἰλήλουθας, 6.129. οὐκ ἂν ἔγωγε θεοῖσιν ἐπουρανίοισι μαχοίμην. 6.130. οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδὲ Δρύαντος υἱὸς κρατερὸς Λυκόοργος 6.131. δὴν ἦν, ὅς ῥα θεοῖσιν ἐπουρανίοισιν ἔριζεν· 6.132. ὅς ποτε μαινομένοιο Διωνύσοιο τιθήνας | 6.123. came together in the space between the two hosts, eager to do battle. And when the twain were now come near as they advanced one against the other, Diomedes, good at the war-cry, was first to speak, saying:Who art thou, mighty one, among mortal men? For never have I seen thee in battle where men win glory 6.124. came together in the space between the two hosts, eager to do battle. And when the twain were now come near as they advanced one against the other, Diomedes, good at the war-cry, was first to speak, saying:Who art thou, mighty one, among mortal men? For never have I seen thee in battle where men win glory 6.125. until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.126. until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.127. until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.128. until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.129. until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.130. Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.131. Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.132. Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. |
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2. Homer, Odyssey, 6.42-6.46 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 222| 6.42. Οὔλυμπόνδʼ, ὅθι φασὶ θεῶν ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ 6.43. ἔμμεναι. οὔτʼ ἀνέμοισι τινάσσεται οὔτε ποτʼ ὄμβρῳ 6.44. δεύεται οὔτε χιὼν ἐπιπίλναται, ἀλλὰ μάλʼ αἴθρη 6.45. πέπταται ἀνέφελος, λευκὴ δʼ ἐπιδέδρομεν αἴγλη· 6.46. τῷ ἔνι τέρπονται μάκαρες θεοὶ ἤματα πάντα. | 6.45. preads, and white sunlight plays, upon it. In it the blessed gods take pleasure every day. There the bright-eyed one departed, after she talked to the girl. Straightaway came fair-throned Dawn, who woke fair-robed Nausicaa. She marveled much at once about the dream, |
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3. Euripides, Bacchae, 221, 78-80, 82, 81 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorain, Language in the Confessions of Augustine (2019) 16| 81. κισσῷ τε στεφανωθεὶς | 81. brandishing the thyrsos, garlanded with ivy, serves Dionysus.Go, Bacchae, go, Bacchae, escorting the god Bromius, child of a god, |
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| 4. Plato, Phaedrus, 249d-250c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cybele / magna mater Found in books: Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach, Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond (2021) 89 |
5. Plato, Euthydemus, 277e, 277d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach, Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond (2021) 90 | 277d. perceiving the lad was going under, and wishing to give him some breathing-space lest he should shame us by losing heart, encouraged him with these words: Cleinias, do not be surprised that these arguments seem strange to you; for perhaps you do not discern what our two visitors are doing to you. They are acting just like the celebrants of the Corybantic rites, when they perform the enthronement of the person whom they are about to initiate. There, as you know, if you have been through it, they have dancing and merrymaking: so here these two |
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6. Demosthenes, Orations, 39 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 264 | 39. It was not from any love of litigation I protest by the gods, men of the jury, that I brought this suit against Boeotus, nor was I unaware that it will seem strange to many people that I should bring suit because somebody thought right to have the same name as myself; but it was necessary to have the matter decided in your court, in view of the consequences that must result if I do not get this matter righted.,If the defendant declared himself the son of another father and not of my own, I should naturally have seemed meddlesome in caring by what name he chose to call himself; but, as it is, he brought suit against my father, and having got up a gang of blackmailers This strong phrase occurs also in Dem. 40.9 . to support him—Mnesicles, whom you all probably know, and that Menecles who secured the conviction of Ninus, Ninus was a priestess who was put to death, as the scholiast on Dem. 19.281 tells us, for supplying love-potions to young men. The case seems to have been a notorious one, and reflected little credit on Menecles. and others of the same sort—he went into court, alleging that he was my father’s son by the daughter of Pamphilus, and that he was being outrageously treated, and robbed of his civic rights.,My father (for the whole truth shall be told you, men of the jury) feared to come into court lest someone, on the ground of having elsewhere received some injury from him in his public life, should confront him here; and at the same time he was deceived by this man’s mother. For she had sworn that if he should tender her an oath in this matter, she would refuse it, and that, when this had been done, all relations between them would be at an end; and she had also had money deposited in the hands of a third party on her behalf This money was evidently to be paid to her for fulfilling her promise to refuse the oath. ;—on these conditions, then, my father tendered her the oath.,But she accepted it, and swore that not only the defendant, but his brother too, her other son, was my father’s child. When she had done this it was necessary to enter them among the clansmen, Admission to the clan was necessary, if full family rights were to be secured. and there was no excuse left. My father did enter them; he adopted them as his children and (to cut short the intervening matters) he enrolled the defendant at the Apaturia The Apaturia was a family festival occurring in the month Pyanepsion (October-November), and was the time when children were regularly registered in the list of clan-members. as Boeotus on the list of the clansmen, and the other as Pamphilus. But I had already been enrolled as Mantitheus.,My father’s death happened before the entries were made on the register of the demesmen, Enrollment on the register of the deme marked the beginning of a young man’s political life. It took place when he reached the age of eighteen. but the defendant went and enrolled himself on the register as Mantitheus, instead of Boeotus. How great a wrong he did in this—to me, in the first place, but also to you—I shall show, as soon as I have brought forward witnesses to prove my assertions. The Witnesses ,You have heard from the witnesses the manner in which our father enrolled us; I shall now show to you that, as the defendant did not choose to abide by this enrollment, it was both just and necessary for me to bring suit. For I am surely not so stupid nor unreasonable a person as to have agreed to take only a third of my father’s estate (though the whole of it was coming to me), seeing that my father had adopted these men, and to be content with that, and then to engage in a quarrel with my kin Literally, to strive with one under the same yoke. Such metaphors were very common in Greek antiquity, when horses as well as oxen were driven under the same yoke. about a name, were it not that for me to change mine would bring great dishonor and a reputation for cowardice, while for my opponent to have the same name as myself was on many accounts impossible.,To begin with (assuming that it is best to mention public matters before private), in what way will the state give its command to us, if any duty is to be performed? The members of the tribe will, of course The appointment of citizens to undertake the various liturgies (such as, e.g., the trierarchy) was made from the tax-groups chosen by the several tribes., nominate us in the same way as they nominate other people. Well then; they will bring forward the name of Mantitheus, son of Mantias, of Thoricus Thoricus was a deme of the tribe Acamantis. if they are nominating one for choregus The choregus had for his duties the equipment and training of a chorus for the dramatic contests at one of the great festivals. For this purpose the tribe chose one of its richest members. or gymnasiarch The gymnasiarch was appointed by the tribe to maintain a team to represent it in the torch-races, which formed a feature of certain Athenian festivals. or feaster of the tribe This third form of public service entailed the duty of giving the annual dinner (in the Prytaneum (?)) to the members of the tribe. or for any other office. By what, then, will it be made clear whether they are nominating you or me?,You will say it is I; I shall say it is you. That is, each of them would seek to shift the burden of the required service, so that the other would have to bear it. Well, suppose that after this the Archon summons us, or any other magistrate, before whom the case is called. We do not obey the summons; we do not undertake the service. Which of us is liable to the penalties provided by law? And in what manner will the generals enter our names, if they are listing names for a tax-company? or if they are appointing a trierarch? Or, if there be a military expedition, how will it be made clear which of us is on the muster-roll?,Or again, if any other magistrate, the Archon, the King-Archon, the Stewards of the Games, makes an appointment for some public service, what sign will there be to indicate which one of us they are appointing? Are they in heaven’s name to add the designation son of Plangon, if they are entering your name, or add the name of my mother if they are entering mine? But who ever heard of such a thing? or by what law could this special designation be appended, or anything else, except the name of the father and the deme? And seeing that both of these are the same great confusion must result.,Again, suppose Mantitheus, son of Mantias, of Thoricus should be summoned as judge, The word krith/s does not signify a judge in a court of law, but apparently a judge in some festival contest. what should we do? Should we go, both of us? For how is it to be clear whether he has summoned you or me? Or, by Zeus, suppose the state is appointing to any office by lot, for example that of Senator, In Athens the members of the senate ( boulh/ ) of five hundred— fifty from each of the ten tribes—were chosen by lot. that of Thesmothet, The six minor archons bore this name; see note on Dem. 33.1 or any of the rest; how will it be clear which one of us has been appointed?—unless some mark shall be attached to the tablet, Every candidate had an identification tablet inscribed with his full name (that is, his given name, the name of his father, and the name of his deme), and this was placed in the urn for drawing. as there might be to anything else; and even then people will not know to which of us two it belongs. Well then, he will say that he has been appointed, and I shall say that I have.,The only course left is for us to go into court. So the city will order a court to be set up for each of the cases; and we shall be cheated of the fair and equal right, that the one chosen by lot shall hold office. Then we shall berate each other, and he who shall prevail by his words will hold office. And in which case should we be better off—by trying to rid ourselves of our existing resentments, or by arousing fresh animosities and recriminations? For these must of necessity result, when we wrangle with one another about an office or anything else.,But suppose again (for we must examine every phase of the matter), one or the other of us persuades the other, in case he is chosen, to yield the office to him, and so obtains the appointment? What is this but one man drawing lots with two tablets? Shall it, then, be permitted us to do with impunity a thing for which the law appoints the penalty of death? Why, certainly, for we should not do it, you may say. I know that, at least so far as I am concerned; but it is not right that some persons should even be liable to this penalty, when they need not be.,Very well; but in these cases it is the state that is injured: what harm does it do me individually? Observe in what serious ways I am harmed, and consider if there be anything in what I say. Indeed the wrong done to me is far more grievous than what you have heard. You all know, for instance, that he was intimate with Menecles during his lifetime, and with his crowd, and that he now associates with others no better than Menecles, and that he has cherished the same ambitions, and desires to be thought a clever fellow Possibly, an eloquent speaker. ; and, by Zeus, I dare say he is.,Now, if, as time goes on, he undertakes to set on foot any of the same practices as these men (these are indictments, presentments for contraband, informations, arrests) and on the basis of one of these he is condemned to pay a fine to the state (for there are many vicissitudes in mortal affairs, and you know well how to keep in due bounds even the most clever people on any occasion when they overreach themselves), why will his name be entered on the record any more than mine?,Because, it may be said, everybody will know which of us two was fined. Very good; but suppose (what might very well happen) that time passes and the debt is not paid; why is there any greater likelihood that the defendant’s children will be entered on the list of state debtors any more than my own when the name of the father and the tribe, and all else are identical? Suppose, now, somebody should bring a suit for ejectment against him, and should state that he had nothing to do with me, but, having had the writ registered, should enter the name, why will the name he has entered be that of my opponent any more than my own? What if he fails to pay any of the property-taxes?,What if the name be involved in the filing of any other suit, or, in general, in any unpleasant scandal? Who, among people at large, will know which of the two it is, when there are two Mantitheuses having the same father? Suppose, again, that he should be prosecuted for evasion of military service, and should be serving as chorister when he ought to be abroad with the army—as, a while ago, when the rest went over to Tamynae, A town in Euboea. he was left behind here keeping the feast of Pitchers, This name was given to the second day of the festival Anthesteria, held in February-March. and remained here and served in the chorus at the Dionysia, Service in the chorus at the Dionysiac festival would entitle the individual to exemption from the military for the time being—an easy way out for the slacker. as all of you who were at home saw; ,then, after the soldiers had come back from Euboea, he was summoned on a charge of desertion, and I, as taxiarch of our tribe, The taxiarchs were military officers, each in command of his tribe’s contingent of hoplites. was compelled to receive the summons, since it was against my name, that of my father being added; and if pay had been available for the juries, Evidently shortage of funds might prevent the courts from sitting; and the Euboean campaign had depleted the treasury. I should certainly have had to bring the case into court. If this had not occurred after the boxes The e)xi=noi were receptacles in which the documents, etc., pertaining to the case were put under seal, to be opened only when the case was called. See note on Dem. 34.46 had already been sealed, I should have brought you witnesses to prove it.,Well then; suppose he were summoned on the charge of being an alien. And he does make himself obnoxious to many, and the way in which my father was compelled to adopt him is no secret. You, on your part, while my father was refusing to acknowledge him, believed that his mother was telling the truth; but when, with his parentage thus established, he makes himself odious, you will some day on the contrary conclude that my father’s story was true. Again, what if my opponent, in the expectation of being convicted of perjury for the services The service at which the speaker hints is presumably the bearing of false testimony. which he freely grants his associates, should allow the suit to go by default? Do you think it would be a slight injury that I should be my whole life long a sharer of his reputation and his doings?,Pray observe that my fear regarding the things I have set forth to you is not a vain one. He has already, men of Athens, been defendant in certain suits, in which, although I have been wholly innocent, odium has attached to my name as well as his; and he has laid claim to the office to which you had elected me; and many unpleasant things have happened to me because of the name; regarding each one of which I will produce witnesses to inform you fully. The Witnesses ,You see, men of Athens, what keeps happening and the annoyance resulting from the matter. But even if there were no annoying results, and if it were not absolutely impossible for us both to have the same name, it surely is not fair for him to have his share of my property by virtue of the adoption which my father made under compulsion, and for me to be robbed of the name which that father gave me of his own free will and under constraint from no one. I, certainly, think it is not. Now, to show you that my father not only made the entry in the list of the clansmen in the manner which has been testified to you, but that he gave me this name when he kept the tenth day after my birth, The child was formally named at a ceremony held on the tenth day after birth, and attended by members of the family and close friends. please take this deposition. The Deposition ,You hear then, men of Athens, that I have always been in possession of the name Mantitheus; but that my father, when he was compelled to enter him, entered the defendant in the list of clansmen as Boeotus. I should be glad, then, to ask him in your presence, If my father had not died, what would you have done in the presence of your demesman? Would you not have allowed yourself to be registered as Boeotus? But it would have been absurd to bring suit to force this and then afterwards to seek to prevent it. And yet, if you had allowed him, my father would have enrolled you in the register of demesmen by the same name as he did in that of the clansmen. Then, O Earth and the Gods, it is monstrous for him to claim that Mantias is his father, and yet to have the audacity to try to make of none effect what Mantias did in his lifetime.,He had the effrontery, moreover, to make before the arbitrator the most audacious assertions, that my father kept the tenth day after birth for him, just as for me, and gave him the name Mantitheus; and he brought forward as witnesses persons with whom my father was never known to be intimate. But I think that not one of you is unaware that no man would have kept the tenth day for a child which he did not believe was rightly his own; nor, if he had kept the day and shown the affection one would feel for a son, would afterward have dared to deny him.,For even if he might have got into some quarrel with the mother of these children, he would not have hated them, if he believed them to be his own. This passage is repeated with slight changes in the following oration, Dem. 40.29 . For man and wife are much more apt, in cases where they are at variance with one another, to become reconciled for the sake of their children, than, on the ground of the injuries which they have done one to the other, to hate their common children also. However, it is not from these facts alone that you may see that he will be lying, if he makes these statements; but, before he claimed to be a kinsman of ours, he used to go to the tribe Hippothontis to dance in the chorus of boys. That is, to the tribe to which his mother belonged, not to that of Mantias, which was the Acamantis. The speaker would have this indicate that the mother was conscious that the boy was not the son of Mantias. ,And yet, who among you imagines that his mother would have sent him to this tribe, if, as she alleges, she had been cruelly treated by my father, and knew that he had kept the tenth day, and afterward denied it? Not one, I am sure. For it would have been just as much your right to go to school to the tribe Acamantis, and then the tribe would have been in manifest agreement with the giving of the name. To prove that I am speaking the truth in this, I shall bring before you as witnesses those who went to school with him, and know the facts. The Witnesses ,Nevertheless, although it is so plain that by his mother’s oath and the simplicity of him who tendered the oath to her, he has obtained a father and established his birth in the tribe Acamantis, instead of Hippothontis, the defendant Boeotus is not content with this, but has actually entered two or three suits against me for money, in addition to the malicious and baseless actions which he brought against me before. And yet I think you all know what sort of a man of business my father was. He was so poor a man of business that after his death his heirs had to pay off indebtedness incurred by him. ,I will say nothing about this; but if the mother of these men has sworn truly, it absolutely proves that the fellow is acting as a malicious pettyfogger in these suits. For if my father was so extravagant that after having married my mother in lawful wedlock, he kept another woman, whose children you are, and maintained two establishments, how pray if he were a man of this sort, could he have left any money?,I am well aware, men of Athens, that the defendant, Boeotus, will have no valid argument to advance, but will have recourse to the statements he is always making, that my father was induced by me to treat him with despite; and he claims the right, alleging that he is older than I, to bear the name of his paternal grandfather. As to this, it is better for you to listen to a few statements. I remember seeing him, before he became a relative of mine, casually, as one might see anyone else, and thought him younger than I, and to judge by appearances, much younger; but I will not insist upon this, for it would be silly to do so.,However, suppose one should ask this Boeotus the following questions: When you thought it right to join the chorus in the tribe Hippothontis before you claimed to be the son of my father, what name would you have set down as rightly belonging to you? For if you should say, Mantitheus, you could not do so on the plea that you are older than I, for since at that time you did not suppose you had any connection even with my tribe, how could you claim to be related to my grandfather? ,Besides, men of Athens, not one of you knows the number of the years, for I shall say that I am the elder, and he will say that he is, but you all understand the just way of reckoning. And what is this? That these men should be considered children of my father from the date when he adopted them. Well then, he entered me on the register of the demesmen as Mantitheus, before he introduced this man to the clansmen. Therefore not by virtue of time only, but also by virtue of justice I have the right to bear this name as a mark of seniority. ,Very well. Now, suppose one should ask you this question? Tell me, Boeotus, how is it that you have now become a member of the tribe Acamantis, and of the deme Thoricus, and a son of Mantias, and have your share in the property left by him? You could give no other answer than, Mantias while living acknowledged me, too, as his son. If one should ask you what proof you had of this or what evidence, you would say, He introduced me to the clansmen. But if one asked under what name he enrolled you, you would say, Boeotus, for that is the name by which you were introduced.,It is, then, an outrage that whereas thanks to that name you have a share in the right of citizenship and in the estate left by my father, you should see fit to fling it aside and take another name. Come; suppose my father were to rise from the grave and demand of you either to abide by the name under which he adopted you, or to declare yourself the son of some other father, would his demand not be thought a reasonable one? Well then, I make this same demand of you, either to add to your name that of another father, or to keep the name which Mantias gave you.,Ah, you may say, but that name was given you by way of derision or insult. No; very often, during the time when my father refused to acknowledge them, these men used to say that the kinsfolk of the defendant’s mother were quite as good as those of my father. Boeotus is the name of his mother’s brother; and when my father was compelled to bring them into the clan, when I had already been introduced as Mantitheus, he introduced the defendant as Boeotus, and his brother as Pamphilus. For I challenge you to show me any Athenian who ever gave the same name to two of his sons. If you can, I will grant that my father gave you this name by way of insult.,And yet, if your character was such that you could force him to adopt you, but not study how you might please him, you were not what a true son ought to be toward his parents; and, if you were not, you would have deserved, not only to be treated with indignity, but even to be put to death. It would indeed be an outrageous thing, if the laws concerning parents are to be binding upon children whom the father recognizes as his own, but are to be of no effect against those who have forced themselves in The word chosen is the one properly used of aliens who seek to arrogate to themselves the rights of citizenship. and compelled an unwilling adoption.,You unconscionable Boeotus, do, pray, give up your present ways; but, if indeed you are unwilling to, do, in Heaven’s name, accept advice in this at least; cease to make trouble for yourself, and cease bringing malicious and baseless charges against me; and be content that you have gained citizenship, an estate, a father. No one is trying to dispossess you of these things; certainly not I. Nay, if, as you claim to be a brother, you also act as a brother, people will believe that you are of our blood; but if you go on plotting against me, suing me, evincing malice toward me, slandering me, you will be thought to have intruded yourself into what belonged to others, and then to be treating it as though it were not rightly yours.,I certainly am doing you no wrong, even if it were never so true that my father refused to recognize you, though you were really his son. It was not my part to know who were his sons, but it was his to show me whom I must regard as a brother. Therefore, during the time in which he refused to recognize you, I also counted you as no relative; but ever since he, adopted you, I too regard you as a kinsman. What is the proof of this? You possess your portion of my father’s estate after his death; you share in the religious rites, and civic privileges. No one seeks to exclude you from these. What is it that you would have? But if he says that he is being outrageously treated, if he weeps and wails, and makes charges against me, do not believe what he says. It is not right that you should, since our argument is not now about these matters. But take this attitude—that he can just as well get satisfaction under the name of Boeotus.,Why are you, then, so fond of wrangling? Desist, I beg you; do not be so ready to cherish enmity against me. I am not so minded toward you. For even now—lest the fact escape your notice—I am speaking rather in your interest than in my own, in insisting that we should not have the same name. If there were no other reason, at least anyone hearing it must ask which of us is meant if there are two Mantitheuses, sons of Mantias. Then he will say, The one whom he was compelled to adopt, if he means you. How can you desire this? Now take, please, and read these two depositions, proving that my father gave me the name Mantitheus, and him the name Boeotus. The Depositions ,It remains, I think, to show you, men of Athens, that not only will you be fulfilling your oaths, if you give the verdict for which I ask, but also that the defendant has given judgement against himself, that he should rightly bear the name of Boeotus, and not Mantitheus. For when I had entered this suit against Boeotus, son of Mantias, of Thoricus, at the first he accepted service of the suit, and put in an oath for delay, as being Boeotus; but finally, when there was no longer room for evasion, he allowed the arbitrators to give judgement against him by default, and then, in Heaven’s name, see what he did— ,he got this judgement for non-appearance set aside, entitling himself Boeotus. And yet he ought in the first place to have allowed me to get my suit finished as against Boeotus, if that name did not, in fact, pertain to him at all, and not subsequently be found getting the judgement for non-appearance set aside under this name. When, a man has thus given judgement against himself that he is properly Boeotus, what verdict can he demand that you sworn jurors shall give? To prove that I am speaking the truth in this, take the decision setting aside the judgement for non-appearance and this complaint. The Decision The Complaint ,If, now, my opponent can point out a law which gives children the right to choose their own names, you would rightly give the verdict for which he asks. But if the law, which you all know as well as I, gives parents the right not only to give the name in the first place, but also to cancel it and renounce it by public declaration, if they please; and if I have shown that my father, who had this authority under the law, gave to the defendant the name Boeotus, and to me the name Mantitheus, how can you render any other verdict than that for which I ask?,Nay, more, in cases which are not covered by the laws, you have sworn that you will decide as in your judgement is most just, so that even if there were no law concerning these matters, you would have been bound to cast your votes in my favor. For who is there among you who has given the same name to two of his children? Who, that is as yet childless, will do so?,No one, assuredly. Well then, what in your minds you have decided to be right for your own children, it is your sacred duty to decide also in our case. Therefore on the basis of what you deem most just, on the basis of the laws, your oaths, and the admissions this man has made, my request of you, men of Athens, is reasonable, and my claims just; while my opponent asks what is not only unreasonable, but contrary to established usage. |
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7. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 143, 103 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 133| 103. Africanus qui suo cognomine declarat tertiam partem orbis terrarum se subegisse tamen, si sua res ageretur, testimonium non diceret; nam illud in talem virum non audeo dicere: si diceret, non crederetur. videte nunc quam versa et mutata in peiorem partem sint omnia. cum de bonis et de caede agatur, testimonium dicturus est is qui et sector est et sicarius, hoc est qui et illorum ipsorum bonorum de quibus agitur emptor atque possessor est et eum hominem occidendum curavit de cuius morte quaeritur. | |
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| 8. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 70 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28 |
9. Cicero, Philippicae, 9.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 266 | 9.14. And it is certain that this my opinion, O conscript fathers, will be approved of by the opinion of Publius Servilius, who has given his vote that a sepulcher be publicly decreed to Servius Sulpicius, but has voted against the statue. For if the death of an ambassador happening without bloodshed and violence requires no honor, why does he vote for the honor of a public funeral, which is the greatest honor that can be paid to a dead man? If he grants that to Servius Sulpicius which was not given to Gnaeus. Octavius, why does he think that we ought not to give to the former what was given to the latter? Our ancestors, indeed, decreed statues to many men; public sepulchers to few. But statues perish by weather, by violence, by lapse of time; but the sanctity of the sepulchers is in the soil itself, which can neither be moved nor destroyed by any violence; and while other things are extinguished, so sepulchers become holier by age. |
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| 10. Cicero, Oratio Post Reditum Ad Populum, 4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 133 |
11. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.5.127 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 133 | 2.5.127. In our most beautiful and highly decorated city what statue, or what painting is there, which has not been taken and brought away from conquered enemies? But the villas of those men are adorned and filled with numerous and most beautiful spoils of our most faithful allies. Where do you think is the wealth of foreign nations, which they are all now deprived of, when you see Athens, Pergamos, Cyzicus, Miletus, Chios, Samos, all Asia in short, and Achaia, and Greece, and Sicily, now all contained in a few villas? But all these things, as I was saying, your allies abandon and are indifferent to now. They took care by their own services and loyalty not to be deprived of their property by the public authority of the Roman people; though they were unable to resist the covetousness of a few individuals, yet they could in some degree satiate it; but now not only as all their power of resisting taken away, but also all their means also of supplying such demands. Therefore they do not care about their property; they do not seek to recover their money, though that is nominally the subject of this prosecution; that they abandon and are indifferent to; — in this dress in which you see them they now fly to you. [49] |
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12. Cicero, Republic, 5.1-5.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 266| 5.1. August. C.D. 2.21,Non. 417M Ennius Moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque, quem quidem ille versum vel brevitate vel veritate tamquam ex oraculo mihi quodam esse effatus videtur. Nam neque viri, nisi ita morata civitas fuisset, neque mores, nisi hi viri praefuissent, aut fundare aut tam diu tenere potuissent tantam et tam fuse lateque imperantem rem publicam. Itaque ante nostram memoriam et mos ipse patrius praestantes viros adhibebat, et veterem morem ac maiorum instituta retinebant excellentes viri. Nostra vero aetas cum rem publicam sicut picturam accepisset egregiam, sed iam evanescentem vetustate, non modo eam coloribus eisdem, quibus fuerat, renovare neglexit, sed August. C.D. 2.21, Non. 417M ne id quidem curavit, ut formam saltem eius et extrema tamquam liniamenta servaret. Quid enim manet ex antiquis moribus, quibus ille dixit rem stare Romanam? quos ita oblivione obsoletos videmus, ut non modo non colantur, sed iam ignorentur. Nam de viris quid dicam? Mores enim ipsi interierunt virorum penuria, cuius tanti mali non modo reddenda ratio nobis, sed etiam tamquam reis capitis quodam modo dicenda causa est. Nostris enim vitiis, non casu aliquo, rem publicam verbo retinemus, re ipsa vero iam pridem amisimus. | 5.1. "The commonwealth of Rome is founded firm | On ancient customs and on men of might." ** Our poet seems to have obtained these words, so brief and true, from an oracle. For neither men alone, unless a State is supplied with customs too, nor customs alone, unless there have also been men to defend them, could ever have been sufficient to found or to preserve so long a commonwealth whose dominion extends so far and wide. Thus, before our own time, the customs of our ancestors produced excellent men, and eminent men preserved our ancient customs and the institutions of their forefathers. 5.2. But though the republic, when it came to us, was like a beautiful painting, whose colours, however, were already fading with age, our own time not only has neglected to freshen it by renewing the original colours, but has not even taken the trouble to preserve its configuration and, so to speak, its general outlines. For what is now left of the "ancient customs" on which he said "the commonwealth of Rome" was "founded firm" ? They have been, as we see, so completely buried in oblivion that they are not only no longer practised, but are already unknown. And what shall I say of the men ? For the loss of our customs is due to our lack of men, and for, this great evil we must not only give an account, but must even defend ourselves in every way possible, as if we were accused of capital crime. For it is through our own faults, not by any accident, that we retain only the form of the commonwealth, but have long since lost its substance. |
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13. Cicero, On Duties, 1.130 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 133| 1.130. Cum autem pulchritudinis duo genera sint, quorum in altero venustas sit, in altero dignitas, venustatem muliebrem ducere debemus, dignitatem virilem. Ergo et a forma removeatur omnis viro non dignus ornatus, et huic simile vitium in gestu motuque caveatur. Nam et palaestrici motus sunt saepe odiosiores, et histrionum non nulli gestus ineptiis non vacant, et in utroque genere quae sunt recta et simplicia, laudantur. Formae autem dignitas coloris bonitate tuenda est, color exercitationibus corporis. Adhibenda praeterea munditia est non odiosa neque exquisita nimis, tantum quae fugiat agrestem et inhumanam neglegentiam. Eadem ratio est habenda vestitus, in quo, sicut in plerisque rebus, mediocritas optima est. | 1.130. Again, there are two orders of beauty: in the one, loveliness predominates; in the other, dignity; of these, we ought to regard loveliness as the attribute of woman, and dignity as the attribute of man. Therefore, let all finery not suitable to a man's dignity be kept off his person, and let him guard against the like fault in gesture and action. The manners taught in the palaestra, for example, are often rather objectionable, and the gestures of actors on the stage are not always free from affectation; but simple, unaffected manners are commendable in both instances. Now dignity of mien is also to be enhanced by a good complexion; the complexion is the result of physical exercise. We must besides present an appearance of neatness â not too punctilious or exquisite, but just enough to avoid boorish and ill-bred slovenliness. We must follow the same principle in regard to dress. In this, as in most things, the best rule is the golden mean. < |
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| 14. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 3.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 133 |
15. Cicero, On Laws, 2.15, 2.35-2.36 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28, 251 | 2.15. QUINTUS: What, do you venture to cite Zaleucus, when Timaeus denies that he ever existed? MARCUS: But Theophrastus, an author quite as respectable, and many think more so, corroborates my opinion. His fellow-citizens too, my clients, the Locrians, commemorate him; but whether he was or was not, is of no great consequence to our argument: we only speak from tradition. Let this, therefore, be a fundamental principle in all societies, that the gods are the supreme lords and governors of all things, -- that all events are directed by their influence and wisdom, and that they are loving and benevolent to mankind. They likewise know what every person really is; they observe his actions, whether good or bad; they discern whether our religious professions are sincere and heart-felt, and are sure to make a difference between good men and the wicked. |
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16. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28 | 24. [50] You see, then, that this fellow, when, as far as his own efforts went, he had been long since overthrown and crushed, was aroused again by the mischievous discords of the nobles; and the first beginnings of his fury were upheld by those who at that time appeared alienated from you. It is by these detractors and enemies that the remainder of the acts of his tribuneship have been defended, even since that tribuneship was over. They are the men who resisted that pest being removed from the republic; they prevented his being prosecuted; they resisted his being reduced to the condition of a private citizen. Is it possible that any virtuous men could have cherished in their bosom and have taken pleasure in, that poisonous and deadly viper? By what bribe were they cajoled? I wish, say they, that there should be some one in the assembly to disparage Pompeius. Can he disparage him by his abuse? I wish that that great man, who has contributed so greatly to my safety, may receive what I say in the same spirit as I say it. At all events, I will say what I feel. I declare to God, that there was no time that fellow appeared to be detracting so much from his exceeding dignity as when he was extolling him with the most extravagant praises. [51] Was Caius Marius, I pray you, more illustrious when Caius Glaucia was praising him, or when he became angry afterwards and abused him? Or, was this madman, who has been so long rushing headlong on punishment and destruction, more foul-mouthed and shameless when accusing Pompeius than he had been when reviling the whole senate? But I do marvel that though the former conduct may have been pleasing to angry men, the other course should not have been odious to such good citizens. But, lest this should any longer please excellent men, let them just read this harangue of his, of which I speak: in which, shall I say, he extols, or rather debases Pompeius? Undoubtedly he extols him, and says, that he is the only man in the city worthy of the glory of this empire; and hints that he is an exceedingly great friend of his, and that they are entirely reconciled. [52] And although I do not exactly know what he means yet I am sure that, if he were a friend to Pompeius, he would not praise him. For, if he were his greatest enemy, what could he do more to diminish his credit? Let those, who were glad that he was an enemy to Cnaeus Pompeius, and who, on that account winked at his numerous and enormous crimes, and who sometimes even accompanied his unbridled and furious acts of frenzy with their applause, observe how quickly he has turned round. For now he is praising him; he is inveighing against those men to whom he previously sold himself. What do you suppose he will do if a door to reconciliation with him should become really open to him, when he is so eager to spread a belief in such a reconciliation? |
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| 17. Horace, Letters, 1.11.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 134 |
| 18. Horace, Odes, 4.2.5-4.2.8, 4.2.27-4.2.32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 264 |
19. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.38, 1.730, 1.737-1.738, 1.1014-1.1015, 1.1064, 2.600-2.643, 2.645, 2.1001, 2.1039, 3.18-3.22, 3.28-3.29, 3.371, 5.111-5.112, 5.328-5.329, 5.490-5.491, 5.521, 5.622, 5.1204, 6.76, 6.286, 6.388, 6.644, 6.670, 6.1228 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •mater magna, mater deum, cybele •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 199; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 222, 248, 251, 264| 1.38. hunc tu, diva, tuo recubantem corpore sancto 1.730. nec sanctum magis et mirum carumque videtur. 1.737. ex adyto tam quam cordis responsa dedere 1.738. sanctius et multo certa ratione magis quam 1.1014. nec mare nec tellus neque caeli lucida templa 1.1015. nec mortale genus nec divum corpora sancta 1.1064. sponte sua possint in caeli templa volare; 2.600. Hanc veteres Graium docti cecinere poetae 2.601. sedibus in curru biiugos agitare leones, 2.602. aeris in spatio magnam pendere docentes 2.603. tellurem neque posse in terra sistere terram. 2.604. adiunxere feras, quia quamvis effera proles 2.605. officiis debet molliri victa parentum. 2.606. muralique caput summum cinxere corona, 2.607. eximiis munita locis quia sustinet urbes. 2.608. quo nunc insigni per magnas praedita terras 2.609. horrifice fertur divinae matris imago. 2.610. hanc variae gentes antiquo more sacrorum 2.611. Idaeam vocitant matrem Phrygiasque catervas 2.612. dant comites, quia primum ex illis finibus edunt 2.613. per terrarum orbes fruges coepisse creari. 2.614. Gallos attribuunt, quia, numen qui violarint 2.615. Matris et ingrati genitoribus inventi sint, 2.616. significare volunt indignos esse putandos, 2.617. vivam progeniem qui in oras luminis edant. 2.618. tympana tenta tot palmis et cymbala circum 2.619. concava, raucisonoque mitur cornua cantu, 2.620. et Phrygio stimulat numero cava tibia mentis, 2.621. telaque praeportant, violenti signa furoris, 2.622. ingratos animos atque impia pectora volgi 2.623. conterrere metu quae possint numine divae. 2.624. ergo cum primum magnas invecta per urbis 2.625. munificat tacita mortalis muta salute, 2.626. aere atque argento sternunt iter omne viarum 2.627. largifica stipe ditantes ninguntque rosarum 2.628. floribus umbrantes matrem comitumque catervam. 2.629. hic armata manus, Curetas nomine Grai 2.630. quos memorant, Phrygias inter si forte catervas 2.631. ludunt in numerumque exultant sanguine laeti 2.632. terrificas capitum quatientes numine cristas, 2.633. Dictaeos referunt Curetas, qui Iovis illum 2.634. vagitum in Creta quondam occultasse feruntur, 2.635. cum pueri circum puerum pernice chorea 2.636. armat et in numerum pernice chorea 2.637. armati in numerum pulsarent aeribus aera, 2.638. ne Saturnus eum malis mandaret adeptus 2.639. aeternumque daret matri sub pectore volnus. 2.640. propterea magnam armati matrem comitantur, 2.641. aut quia significant divam praedicere ut armis 2.642. ac virtute velint patriam defendere terram 2.643. praesidioque parent decorique parentibus esse. 2.645. longe sunt tamen a vera ratione repulsa. 2.1001. id rursum caeli rellatum templa receptant. 2.1039. suspicere in caeli dignatur lucida templa. 3.18. apparet divum numen sedesque quietae, 3.19. quas neque concutiunt venti nec nubila nimbis 3.20. aspergunt neque nix acri concreta pruina 3.21. cana cadens violat semper que innubilus aether 3.22. integit et large diffuso lumine ridet: 3.28. his ibi me rebus quaedam divina voluptas 3.29. percipit atque horror, quod sic natura tua vi 3.371. Democriti quod sancta viri sententia ponit, 5.111. sanctius et multo certa ratione magis quam 5.112. Pythia quae tripode a Phoebi lauroque profatur, 5.328. quo tot facta virum totiens cecidere neque usquam 5.329. aeternis famae monimentis insita florent? 5.490. corpora multa vaporis et aeris aëris altaque caeli 5.491. densabant procul a terris fulgentia templa. 5.622. Democriti quod sancta viri sententia ponit, 5.1204. nam cum suspicimus magni caelestia mundi 6.76. possit, ut ex ira poenas petere inbibat acris, 6.286. opprimere ut caeli videantur templa superne. 6.388. terrifico quatiunt sonitu caelestia templa 6.644. fumida cum caeli scintillare omnia templa 6.670. id quoque enim fit et ardescunt caelestia templa 6.1228. volvere in ore licere et caeli templa tueri, | |
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| 20. Ovid, Fasti, 1.223, 1.224, 1.225, 1.226, 2.61, 4.185-186, 4.340-342 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 207 |
21. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.19 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 208 | 2.19. Indeed, there is no tradition among the Romans either of Caelus being castrated by his own sons or of Saturn destroying his own offspring to secure himself from their attempts or of Jupiter dethroning Saturn and confining his own father in the dungeon of Tartarus, or, indeed, of wars, wounds, or bonds of the gods, or of their servitude among men. <, And no festival is observed among them as a day of mourning or by the wearing of black garments and the beating of breasts and the lamentations of women because of the disappearance of deities, such as the Greeks perform in commemorating the rape of Persephonê and the adventures of Dionysus and all the other things of like nature. And one will see among them, even though their manners are now corrupted, no ecstatic transports, no Corybantic frenzies, no begging under the colour of religion, no bacchanals or secret mysteries, no all-night vigils of men and women together in the temples, nor any other mummery of this kind; but alike in all their words and actions with respect to the gods a reverence is shown such as is seen among neither Greeks nor barbarians. <, And, â the thing which I myself have marvelled at most, â notwithstanding the influx into Rome of innumerable nations which are under every necessity of worshipping their ancestral gods according to the customs of their respective countries, yet the city has never officially adopted any of those foreign practices, as has been the experience of many cities in the past; but, even though she has, in pursuance of oracles, introduced certain rites from abroad, she celebrates them in accordance with her own traditions, after banishing all fabulous clap-trap. The rites of the Idaean goddess are a case in point; <, for the praetors perform sacrifices and celebrated games in her honour every year according to the Roman customs, but the priest and priestess of the goddess are Phrygians, and it is they who carry her image in procession through the city, begging alms in her name according to their custom, and wearing figures upon their breasts and striking their timbrels while their followers play tunes upon their flutes in honour of the Mother of the Gods. <, But by a law and decree of the senate no native Roman walks in procession through the city arrayed in a parti-coloured robe, begging alms or escorted by flute-players, or worships the god with the Phrygian ceremonies. So cautious are they about admitting any foreign religious customs and so great is their aversion to all pompous display that is wanting in decorum. < 2.19. 1. Indeed, there is no tradition among the Romans either of Caelus being castrated by his own sons or of Saturn destroying his own offspring to secure himself from their attempts or of Jupiter dethroning Saturn and confining his own father in the dungeon of Tartarus, or, indeed, of wars, wounds, or bonds of the gods, or of their servitude among men.,2. And no festival is observed among them as a day of mourning or by the wearing of black garments and the beating of breasts and the lamentations of women because of the disappearance of deities, such as the Greeks perform in commemorating the rape of Persephonê and the adventures of Dionysus and all the other things of like nature. And one will see among them, even though their manners are now corrupted, no ecstatic transports, no Corybantic frenzies, no begging under the colour of religion, no bacchanals or secret mysteries, no all-night vigils of men and women together in the temples, nor any other mummery of this kind; but alike in all their words and actions with respect to the gods a reverence is shown such as is seen among neither Greeks nor barbarians.,3. And, â the thing which I myself have marvelled at most, â notwithstanding the influx into Rome of innumerable nations which are under every necessity of worshipping their ancestral gods according to the customs of their respective countries, yet the city has never officially adopted any of those foreign practices, as has been the experience of many cities in the past; but, even though she has, in pursuance of oracles, introduced certain rites from abroad, she celebrates them in accordance with her own traditions, after banishing all fabulous clap-trap. The rites of the Idaean goddess are a case in point;,4. for the praetors perform sacrifices and celebrated games in her honour every year according to the Roman customs, but the priest and priestess of the goddess are Phrygians, and it is they who carry her image in procession through the city, begging alms in her name according to their custom, and wearing figures upon their breasts and striking their timbrels while their followers play tunes upon their flutes in honour of the Mother of the Gods.,5. But by a law and decree of the senate no native Roman walks in procession through the city arrayed in a parti-coloured robe, begging alms or escorted by flute-players, or worships the god with the Phrygian ceremonies. So cautious are they about admitting any foreign religious customs and so great is their aversion to all pompous display that is wanting in decorum. |
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22. Livy, History, 30.26.5, 35.40.8, 44.29.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 251, 266| 30.26.5. annus insignis incendio ingenti quo clivus Publicius ad solum exustus est, et aquarum magnitudine et annonae vilitate fuit, praeterquam quod pace omnis Italia erat aperta, 35.40.8. ille non pavor vanus, sed vera multorum clades fuit: incendio a foro Bovario orto diem noctemque aedificia in Tiberim versa arsere, tabernaeque omnes cum magni pretii mercibus conflagraverunt. | |
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23. Strabo, Geography, 10.3.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cybele / magna mater Found in books: Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach, Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond (2021) 90 | 10.3.10. And on this account Plato, and even before his time the Pythagoreians, called philosophy music; and they say that the universe is constituted in accordance with harmony, assuming that every form of music is the work of the gods. And in this sense, also, the Muses are goddesses, and Apollo is leader of the Muses, and poetry as a whole is laudatory of the gods. And by the same course of reasoning they also attribute to music the upbuilding of morals, believing that everything which tends to correct the mind is close to the gods. Now most of the Greeks assigned to Dionysus, Apollo, Hecate, the Muses, and above all to Demeter, everything of an orgiastic or Bacchic or choral nature, as well as the mystic element in initiations; and they give the name Iacchus not only to Dionysus but also to the leader-in-chief of the mysteries, who is the genius of Demeter. And branch-bearing, choral dancing, and initiations are common elements in the worship of these gods. As for the Muses and Apollo, the Muses preside over the choruses, whereas Apollo presides both over these and the rites of divination. But all educated men, and especially the musicians, are ministers of the Muses; and both these and those who have to do with divination are ministers of Apollo; and the initiated and torch-bearers and hierophants, of Demeter; and the Sileni and Satyri and Bacchae, and also the Lenae and Thyiae and Mimallones and Naides and Nymphae and the beings called Tityri, of Dionysus. |
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24. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 6.13-6.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 248 | 6.13. Throughout Gaul there are two classes of persons of definite account and dignity. As for the common folk, they are treated almost as slaves, venturing naught of themselves, never taken into counsel. The more part of them, oppressed as they are either by debt, or by the heavy weight of tribute, or by the wrongdoing of the more powerful men, commit themselves in slavery to the nobles, who have, in fact, the same rights over them as masters over slaves. of the two classes above mentioned one consists of Druids, the other of knights. The former are concerned with divine worship, the due performance of sacrifices, public and private, and the interpretation of ritual questions: a great number of young men gather about them for the sake of instruction and hold them in great honour. In fact, it is they who decide in almost all disputes, public and private; and if any crime has been committed, or murder done, or there is any disposes about succession or boundaries, they also decide it, determining rewards and penalties: if any person or people does not abide by their decision, they ban such from sacrifice, which is their heaviest penalty. Those that are so banned are reckoned as impious and criminal; all men move out of their path and shun their approach and conversation, for fear they may get some harm from their contact, and no justice is done if they seek it, no distinction falls to their share. of all these Druids one is chief, who has the highest authority among them. At his death, either any other that is preëminent in position succeeds, or, if there be several of equal standing, they strive for the primacy by the vote of the Druids, or sometimes even with armed force. These Druids, at a certain time of the year, meet within the borders of the Carnutes, whose territory is reckoned as the centre of all Gaul, and sit in conclave in a consecrated spot. Thither assemble from every side all that have disputes, and they obey the decisions and judgments of the Druids. It is believed that their rule of life was discovered in Britain and transferred thence to Gaul; and to-day those who would study the subject more accurately journey, as a rule, to Britain to learn it. 6.14. The Druids usually hold aloof from war, and do not pay war-taxes with the rest; they are excused from military service and exempt from all liabilities. Tempted by these great rewards, many young men assemble of their own motion to receive their training; many are sent by parents and relatives. Report says that in the schools of the Druids they learn by heart a great number of verses, and therefore some persons remain twenty years under training. And they do not think it proper to commit these utterances to writing, although in almost all other matters, and in their public and private accounts, they make use of Greek letters. I believe that they have adopted the practice for two reasons — that they do not wish the rule to become common property, nor those who learn the rule to rely on writing and so neglect the cultivation of the memory; and, in fact, it does usually happen that the assistance of writing tends to relax the diligence of the student and the action of the memory. The cardinal doctrine which they seek to teach is that souls do not die, but after death pass from one to another; and this belief, as the fear of death is thereby cast aside, they hold to be the greatest incentive to valour. Besides this, they have many discussions as touching the stars and their movement, the size of the universe and of the earth, the order of nature, the strength and the powers of the immortal gods, and hand down their lore to the young men. 6.15. The other class are the knights. These, when there is occasion, upon the incidence of a war — and before Caesar's coming this would happen well-nigh every year, in the sense that they would either be making wanton attacks themselves or repelling such — are all engaged therein; and according to the importance of each of them in birth and resources, so is the number of liegemen and dependents that he has about him. This is the one form of influence and power known to them. 6.16. The whole nation of the Gauls is greatly devoted to ritual observances, and for that reason those who are smitten with the more grievous maladies and who are engaged in the perils of battle either sacrifice human victims or vow to do so, employing the Druids as ministers for such sacrifices. They believe, in effect, that, unless for a man's life a man's life be paid, the majesty of the immortal gods may not be appeased; and in public, as in private, life they observe an ordice of sacrifices of the same kind. Others use figures of immense size, whose limbs, woven out of twigs, they fill with living men and set on fire, and the men perish in a sheet of flame. They believe that the execution of those who have been caught in the act of theft or robbery or some crime is more pleasing to the immortal gods; but when the supply of such fails they resort to the execution even of the innocent. 6.17. Among the gods, they most worship Mercury. There are numerous images of him; they declare him the inventor of all arts, the guide for every road and journey, and they deem him to have the greatest influence for all money-making and traffic. After him they set Apollo, Mars, Jupiter, and Minerva. of these deities they have almost the same idea as all other nations: Apollo drives away diseases, Minerva supplies the first principles of arts and crafts, Jupiter holds the empire of heaven, Mars controls wars. To Mars, when they have determined on a decisive battle, they dedicate as a rule whatever spoil they may take. After a victory they sacrifice such living things as they have taken, and all the other effects they gather into one place. In many states heaps of such objects are to be seen piled up in hallowed spots, and it has and often happened that a man, in defiance of religious scruple, has dared to conceal such spoils in his house or to remove them from their place, and the most grievous punishment, with torture, is ordained for such an offence. 6.18. The Gauls affirm that they are all descended from a common Father, Dis, and say that this is the tradition of the Druids. For that reason they determine all periods of time by the number, not of days, but of nights, and in their observance of birthdays and the beginnings of months and years day follows night. In the other ordices of life the main difference between them and the rest of mankind is that they do not allow their own sons to approach them openly until they have grown to an age when they can bear the burden of military service, and they count it a disgrace for a son who is still in his boy to take his place publicly in the presence of his father.3 6.19. The men, after making due reckoning, take from their own goods a sum of money equal to the dowry they have received from their wives and place it with the dowry. of each such sum account is kept between them not profits saved; whichever of the two survives receives the portion of both together with the profits of past years. Men have the power of life and death over their wives, as over their children; and when the father of a house, who is of distinguished birth, has died, his relatives assemble, and if there be anything suspicious about his death they make inquisition of his wives as they would of slaves, and if discovery is made they put them to death with fire and all manner of excruciating tortures. Their funerals, considering the civilization of Gaul, are magnificent and expensive. They cast into the fire everything, even living creatures, which they believe to have been dear to the departed during life, and but a short time before the present age, only a generation since, slaves and dependents known to have been beloved by their lords used to be burnt with them at the conclusion of the funeral formalities. 6.20. Those states which are supposed to conduct their public administration to greater advantage have it prescribed by law that anyone who has learnt anything of public concern from his neighbours by rumour or report must bring the information to a magistrate and not impart it to anyone else; for it is recognised that oftentimes hasty and inexperienced men are terrified by false rumours, and so are driven to crime or to decide supreme issues. Magistrates conceal what they choose, and make known what they think proper for the public. Speech on state questions, except by means of an assembly, is not allowed. 6.21. The Germans differ much from this manner of living. They have no Druids to regulate divine worship, no zeal for sacrifices. They reckon among the gods those only whom they see and by whose offices they are openly assisted — to wit, the Sun, the Fire-god, and the Moon; of the rest they have learnt not even by report. Their whole life is composed of hunting expeditions and military pursuits; from early boyhood they are zealous for toil and hardship. Those who remain longest in chastity win greatest praise among their kindred; some think that stature, some that strength and sinew are fortified thereby. Further, they deem it a most disgraceful thing to have had knowledge of a woman before the twentieth year; and there is no secrecy in the matter, for both sexes bathe in the rivers and wear skins or small cloaks of reindeer hide, leaving great part of the body bare. |
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25. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 3.105 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28 | 3.105. On Caesar's arrival in Asia he found that T. Ampius had attempted to remove sums of money from Ephesus from the temple of Diana, and that with this object he had summoned all the senators from the province, that he might employ them as witnesses in reference to the amount of the sum, but that he had fled when interrupted by Caesar's arrival. So on two occasions Caesar saved the Ephesian funds. Also it was established, by going back and calculating the dates, that at Elis in the temple of Minerva, on the very day on which Caesar had fought his successful battle, the image of Victory, which had been placed in front of Minerva herself and had previously looked towards the image of Minerva, had turned itself towards the folding-doors and threshold of the temple. And on the same day at Antioch in Syria so great a clamour of a host and a noise of trumpetings had twice been heard that the body of citizens rushed about in arms on the walls. The same thing happened at Ptolomais. At Pergamum in the secret and concealed parts of the temple, whither no one but the priests is allowed to approach, which the Greeks call ἄδυτα, there was a sound of drums. Also at Tralles in the temple of Victory, where they had dedicated a statue of Caesar, a palm was pointed out as having grown up during those days from the pavement between the joints of the stones. |
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26. Vergil, Georgics, 2.73-2.82, 2.157, 2.534 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 133, 216, 264| 2.73. Nec modus inserere atque oculos inponere simplex. 2.74. Nam qua se medio trudunt de cortice gemmae 2.75. et tenuis rumpunt tunicas, angustus in ipso 2.76. fit nodo sinus: huc aliena ex arbore germen 2.77. includunt udoque docent inolescere libro. 2.78. Aut rursum enodes trunci resecantur et alte 2.79. finditur in solidum cuneis via, deinde feraces 2.80. plantae inmittuntur: nec longum tempus, et ingens 2.81. exsilit ad caelum ramis felicibus arbos 2.82. miraturque novas frondes et non sua poma. 2.157. fluminaque antiquos subter labentia muros. 2.534. scilicet et rerum facta est pulcherrima Roma, | 2.73. To follow. So likewise will the barren shaft 2.74. That from the stock-root issueth, if it be 2.75. Set out with clear space amid open fields: 2.76. Now the tree-mother's towering leaves and bough 2.77. Darken, despoil of increase as it grows, 2.78. And blast it in the bearing. Lastly, that 2.79. Which from shed seed ariseth, upward win 2.80. But slowly, yielding promise of its shade 2.81. To late-born generations; apples wane 2.82. Forgetful of their former juice, the grape 2.157. of Aethiop forests hoar with downy wool, 2.534. To heaven climb swiftly, self-impelled, nor crave |
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27. Vergil, Eclogues, 2.28 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 65 | 2.28. on Attic Aracynthus. Nor am I |
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28. Vergil, Aeneis, 4.165-4.168, 6.783-6.787, 7.81-7.95, 7.137, 7.170-7.191, 8.337-8.361, 8.714-8.723, 9.77-9.122 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 115, 216| 4.165. Speluncam Dido dux et Troianus eandem 4.166. deveniunt: prima et Tellus et pronuba Iuno 4.167. dant signum; fulsere ignes et conscius aether 4.168. conubiis, summoque ulularunt vertice nymphae. 6.783. septemque una sibi muro circumdabit arces, 6.784. felix prole virum: qualis Berecyntia mater 6.785. invehitur curru Phrygias turrita per urbes, 6.786. laeta deum partu, centum complexa nepotes, 6.787. omnes caelicolas, omnes supera alta tenentes. 7.81. At rex sollicitus monstris oracula Fauni, 7.82. fatidici genitoris, adit lucosque sub alta 7.83. consulit Albunea, nemorum quae maxima sacro 7.84. fonte sonat saevamque exhalat opaca mephitim. 7.85. Hinc Italae gentes omnisque Oenotria tellus 7.86. in dubiis responsa petunt; huc dona sacerdos 7.87. cum tulit et caesarum ovium sub nocte silenti 7.88. pellibus incubuit stratis somnosque petivit, 7.89. multa modis simulacra videt volitantia miris 7.90. et varias audit voces fruiturque deorum 7.91. conloquio atque imis Acheronta adfatur Avernis. 7.92. Hic et tum pater ipse petens responsa Latinus 7.93. centum lanigeras mactabat rite bidentis 7.94. atque harum effultus tergo stratisque iacebat 7.95. velleribus: subita ex alto vox reddita luco est: 7.137. Tellurem nymphasque et adhuc ignota precatur 7.170. Tectum augustum ingens. centum sublime columnis, 7.171. urbe fuit summa, Laurentis regia Pici, 7.172. horrendum silvis et religione parentum. 7.173. Hic sceptra accipere et primos attollere fasces 7.174. regibus omen erat, hoc illis curia templum, 7.175. hae sacris sedes epulis, hic ariete caeso 7.176. perpetuis soliti patres considere mensis. 7.177. Quin etiam veterum effigies ex ordine avorum 7.178. antiqua e cedro, Italusque paterque Sabinus 7.179. vitisator, curvam servans sub imagine falcem, 7.180. Saturnusque senex Ianique bifrontis imago 7.181. vestibulo astabant, aliique ab origine reges 7.182. Martiaque ob patriam pugdo volnera passi. 7.183. Multaque praeterea sacris in postibus arma, 7.184. captivi pendent currus curvaeque secures 7.185. et cristae capitum et portarum ingentia claustra 7.186. spiculaque clipeique ereptaque rostra carinis. 7.187. Ipse Quirinali lituo parvaque sedebat 7.188. succinctus trabea laevaque ancile gerebat 7.189. Picus, equum domitor; quem capta cupidine coniunx 7.190. aurea percussum virga versumque venenis 7.191. fecit avem Circe sparsitque coloribus alas. 8.337. Vix ea dicta: dehinc progressus monstrat et aram 8.338. et Carmentalem Romani nomine portam 8.339. quam memorant, nymphae priscum Carmentis honorem, 8.340. vatis fatidicae, cecinit quae prima futuros 8.341. Aeneadas magnos et nobile Pallanteum. 8.342. Hinc lucum ingentem quem Romulus acer Asylum 8.343. rettulit et gelida monstrat sub rupe Lupercal, 8.344. Parrhasio dictum Panos de more Lycaei. 8.345. Nec non et sacri monstrat nemus Argileti 8.346. testaturque locum et letum docet hospitis Argi. 8.347. Hinc ad Tarpeiam sedem et Capitolia ducit, 8.348. aurea nunc, olim silvestribus horrida dumis. 8.349. Iam tum religio pavidos terrebat agrestis 8.350. dira loci, iam tum silvam saxumque tremebant. 8.351. Hoc nemus, hunc, inquit, frondoso vertice collem 8.352. (quis deus incertum est) habitat deus: Arcades ipsum 8.353. credunt se vidisse Iovem, cum saepe nigrantem 8.354. aegida concuteret dextra nimbosque cieret. 8.355. Haec duo praeterea disiectis oppida muris, 8.356. reliquias veterumque vides monimenta virorum. 8.357. Hanc Ianus pater, hanc Saturnus condidit arcem: 8.358. Ianiculum huic, illi fuerat Saturnia nomen. 8.359. Talibus inter se dictis ad tecta subibant 8.360. pauperis Euandri passimque armenta videbant 8.361. Romanoque foro et lautis mugire Carinis. 8.714. At Caesar, triplici invectus Romana triumpho 8.715. moenia, dis Italis votum inmortale sacrabat, 8.716. maxuma tercentum totam delubra per urbem. 8.717. Laetitia ludisque viae plausuque fremebant; 8.718. omnibus in templis matrum chorus, omnibus arae; 8.719. ante aras terram caesi stravere iuvenci. 8.720. Ipse, sedens niveo candentis limine Phoebi, 8.721. dona recognoscit populorum aptatque superbis 8.722. postibus; incedunt victae longo ordine gentes, 8.723. quam variae linguis, habitu tam vestis et armis. 9.77. Quis deus, o musae, tam saeva incendia Teucris 9.78. avertit? Tantos ratibus quis depulit ignes? 9.79. Dicite. Prisca fides facto, sed fama perennis. 9.80. Tempore quo primum Phrygia formabat in Ida 9.81. Aeneas classem et pelagi petere alta parabat, 9.82. ipsa deum fertur genetrix Berecyntia magnum 9.83. vocibus his adfata Iovem: Da, nate, petenti, 9.93. Filius huic contra, torquet qui sidera mundi: 9.94. O genetrix, quo fata vocas, aut quid petis istis? 9.95. Mortaline manu factae immortale carinae 9.96. fas habeant certusque incerta pericula lustret 9.97. Aeneas? Cui tanta deo permissa potestas? 9.98. Immo ubi defunctae finem portusque tenebunt 9.99. Ausonios olim, quaecumque evaserit undis 9.100. Dardaniumque ducem Laurentia vexerit arva, 9.101. mortalem eripiam formam magnique iubebo 9.102. aequoris esse deas, qualis Nereia Doto 9.103. et Galatea secant spumantem pectore pontum. 9.104. Dixerat idque ratum Stygii per flumina fratris, 9.105. per pice torrentis atraque voragine ripas 9.106. adnuit et totum nutu tremefecit Olympum. 9.107. Ergo aderat promissa dies et tempora Parcae 9.108. debita complerant, cum Turni iniuria Matrem 9.109. admonuit ratibus sacris depellere taedas. 9.110. Hic primum nova lux oculis offulsit et ingens 9.111. visus ab Aurora caelum transcurrere nimbus 9.112. Idaeique chori; tum vox horrenda per auras 9.113. excidit et Troum Rutulorumque agmina complet: 9.114. Ne trepidate meas, Teucri, defendere navis 9.115. neve armate manus: maria ante exurere Turno 9.116. quam sacras dabitur pinus. Vos ite solutae, 9.117. ite deae pelagi: genetrix iubet. Et sua quaeque 9.118. continuo puppes abrumpunt vincula ripis 9.119. delphinumque modo demersis aequora rostris 9.120. ima petunt. Hinc virgineae (mirabile monstrum) 9.121. quot prius aeratae steterant ad litora prorae 9.122. reddunt se totidem facies pontoque feruntur. | 4.165. Juno the Queen replied: “Leave that to me! 4.166. But in what wise our urgent task and grave 4.167. may soon be sped, I will in brief unfold 4.168. to thine attending ear. A royal hunt 6.783. Are men who hated, long as life endured, 6.784. Their brothers, or maltreated their gray sires, 6.785. Or tricked a humble friend; the men who grasped 6.786. At hoarded riches, with their kith and kin 6.787. Not sharing ever—an unnumbered throng; 7.81. Laurentian, which his realm and people bear. 7.82. Unto this tree-top, wonderful to tell, 7.83. came hosts of bees, with audible acclaim 7.84. voyaging the stream of air, and seized a place 7.85. on the proud, pointing crest, where the swift swarm, 7.86. with interlacement of close-clinging feet, 7.87. wung from the leafy bough. “Behold, there comes,” 7.88. the prophet cried, “a husband from afar! 7.89. To the same region by the self-same path 7.90. behold an arm'd host taking lordly sway 7.91. upon our city's crown!” Soon after this, 7.92. when, coming to the shrine with torches pure, 7.93. Lavinia kindled at her father's side 7.94. the sacrifice, swift seemed the flame to burn 7.95. along her flowing hair—O sight of woe! 7.137. of one great tree made resting-place, and set 7.170. eldest of names divine; the Nymphs he called, 7.171. and river-gods unknown; his voice invoked 7.172. the night, the omen-stars through night that roll. 7.173. Jove, Ida's child, and Phrygia 's fertile Queen: 7.174. he called his mother from Olympian skies, 7.175. and sire from Erebus. Lo, o'er his head 7.176. three times unclouded Jove omnipotent 7.177. in thunder spoke, and, with effulgent ray 7.178. from his ethereal tract outreaching far, 7.179. hook visibly the golden-gleaming air. 7.180. Swift, through the concourse of the Trojans, spread 7.181. news of the day at hand when they should build 7.182. their destined walls. So, with rejoicing heart 7.183. at such vast omen, they set forth a feast 7.184. with zealous emulation, ranging well 7.186. Soon as the morrow with the lamp of dawn 7.187. looked o'er the world, they took their separate ways, 7.188. exploring shore and towns; here spread the pools 7.189. and fountain of Numicius; here they see 7.190. the river Tiber, where bold Latins dwell. 7.191. Anchises' son chose out from his brave band 8.337. a storm of smoke—incredible to tell — 8.338. and with thick darkness blinding every eye, 8.339. concealed his cave, uprolling from below 8.340. one pitch-black night of mingled gloom and fire. 8.341. This would Alcides not endure, but leaped 8.342. headlong across the flames, where densest hung 8.343. the rolling smoke, and through the cavern surged 8.344. a drifting and impenetrable cloud. 8.345. With Cacus, who breathed unavailing flame, 8.346. he grappled in the dark, locked limb with limb, 8.347. and strangled him, till o'er the bloodless throat 8.348. the starting eyeballs stared. Then Hercules 8.349. burst wide the doorway of the sooty den, 8.350. and unto Heaven and all the people showed 8.351. the stolen cattle and the robber's crimes, 8.352. and dragged forth by the feet the shapeless corpse 8.353. of the foul monster slain. The people gazed 8.354. insatiate on the grewsome eyes, the breast 8.355. of bristling shag, the face both beast and man, 8.356. and that fire-blasted throat whence breathed no more 8.357. the extinguished flame. 'T is since that famous day 8.358. we celebrate this feast, and glad of heart 8.359. each generation keeps the holy time. 8.360. Potitius began the worship due, 8.361. and our Pinarian house is vowed to guard 8.714. Olympus calls. My goddess-mother gave 8.715. long since her promise of a heavenly sign 8.716. if war should burst; and that her power would bring 8.717. a panoply from Vulcan through the air, 8.718. to help us at our need. Alas, what deaths 8.719. over Laurentum's ill-starred host impend! 8.720. O Turnus, what a reckoning thou shalt pay 8.721. to me in arms! O Tiber, in thy wave 8.722. what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723. hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead 9.77. tands howling at the postern all night long; 9.78. beneath the ewes their bleating lambs lie safe; 9.79. but he, with undesisting fury, more 9.80. rages from far, made frantic for his prey 9.81. by hunger of long hours, his foaming jaws 9.82. athirst for blood: not less the envy burned 9.83. of the Rutulian, as he scanned in vain 9.84. the stronghold of his foe. Indigt scorn 9.85. thrilled all his iron frame. But how contrive 9.86. to storm the fortress or by force expel 9.87. the Trojans from the rampart, and disperse 9.88. along the plain? Straightway he spied the ships, 9.89. in hiding near the camp, defended well 9.90. by mounded river-bank and fleeting wave. 9.91. On these he fell; while his exultant crew 9.92. brought firebrands, and he with heart aflame 9.93. grasped with a vengeful hand the blazing pine. 9.94. To the wild work his followers sped; for who 9.95. could prove him craven under Turnus' eye? 9.96. The whole troop for the weapon of their rage 9.97. eized smoking coals, of many a hearth the spoil; 9.98. red glare of fuming torches burned abroad, 9.100. What god, O Muses, saved the Trojans then 9.101. from wrathful flame? Who shielded then the fleet, 9.102. I pray you tell, from bursting storm of fire? 9.103. From hoary eld the tale, but its renown 9.104. ings on forever. When Aeneas first 9.105. on Phrygian Ida hewed the sacred wood 9.106. for rib and spar, and soon would put to sea, 9.107. that mighty mother of the gods, they say, 9.108. the Berecynthian goddess, thus to Jove 9.109. addressed her plea: “Grant, O my son, a boon, 9.110. which thy dear mother asks, who aided thee 9.111. to quell Olympian war. A grove I have 9.112. of sacred pine, long-loved from year to year. 9.113. On lofty hill it grew, and thither came 9.114. my worshippers with gifts, in secret gloom 9.115. of pine-trees dark and shadowing maple-boughs.; 9.116. these on the Dardan warrior at his need 9.117. I, not unwilling, for his fleet bestowed. 9.118. But I have fears. O, Iet a parent's prayer 9.119. in this prevail, and bid my care begone! 9.120. Let not rude voyages nor the shock of storm 9.121. my ships subdue, but let their sacred birth 9.122. on my charmed hills their strength and safety be!” |
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29. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 266 | 8. Returning to Rome under such auspices and attended by so great renown, after celebrating a triumph over the Jews, he added eight consulships to his former one; he also assumed the censorship and during the whole period of his rule he considered nothing more essential than first to strengthen the State, which was tottering and almost overthrown, and then to embellish it as well.,The soldiery, some emboldened by their victory and some resenting their humiliating defeat, had abandoned themselves to every form of licence and recklessness; the provinces, too, and the free cities, as well as some of the kingdoms, were in a state of internal dissension. Therefore he discharged many of the soldiers of Vitellius and punished many; but so far from showing any special indulgence to those who had shared in his victory, he was even tardy in paying them their lawful rewards., To let slip no opportunity of improving military discipline, when a young man reeking with perfumes came to thank him for a commission which had been given him, Vespasian drew back his head in disgust, adding the stern reprimand: "I would rather you had smelt of garlic"; and he revoked the appointment. When the marines who march on foot by turns from Ostia and Puteoli to Rome, asked that an alliance be made them under the head of shoe money, not content with sending them away without a reply, he ordered that in future they should make the run barefooted; and they have done so ever since.,He made provinces of Achaia, Lycia, Rhodes, Byzantium and Samos, taking away their freedom, and likewise of Trachian Cilicia and Commagene, which up to that time had been ruled by kings. He sent additional legions to Cappadocia because of the constant inroads of the barbarians, and gave it a consular governor in place of a Roman knight.,As the city was unsightly from former fires and fallen buildings, he allowed anyone to take possession of vacant sites and build upon them, in case the owners failed to do so. He began the restoration of the Capitol in person, was the first to lend a hand in clearing away the debris, and carried some of it off on his own head. He undertook to restore the three thousand bronze tablets which were destroyed with the temple, making a thorough search for copies: priceless and most ancient records of the empire, containing the decrees of the senate and the acts of the commons almost from the foundation of the city, regarding alliances, treaties, and special privileges granted to individuals. |
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30. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 247 | 9. They worship Mercury as greatest among the gods, he whom they hold it right to propitiate on certain days with human sacrifice. Hercules and Mars they placate with whatever animal life is permissible. Some of the Suebi also sacrifice to Isis: though I have not discovered the source of, and reason for, this alien worship, only that its religious emblem, in the shape of a Liburnian galley, shows that the ritual was adopted from abroad. They also judge, from the greatness of the divine, that a god should not be enclosed within walls, nor given the likeness of a human face, rather they consecrate woods and groves, and give sacred names to a mystery which only awe can behold. |
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31. Tacitus, Histories, 2.78, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 247 | 2.78. After Mucianus had spoken, the rest became bolder; they gathered about Vespasian, encouraged him, and recalled the prophecies of seers and the movements of the stars. Nor indeed was he wholly free from such superstitious belief, as was evident later when he had obtained supreme power, for he openly kept at court an astrologer named Seleucus, whom he regarded as his guide and oracle. Old omens came back to his mind: once on his country estate a cypress of conspicuous height suddenly fell, but the next day it rose again on the selfsame spot fresh, tall, and with wider expanse than before. This occurrence was a favourable omen of great significance, as the haruspices all agreed, and promised the highest distinctions for Vespasian, who was then still a young man. At first, however, the insignia of a triumph, his consulship, and his victory over Judea appeared to have fulfilled the promise given by the omen; yet after he had gained these honours, he began to think that it was the imperial throne that was foretold. Between Judea and Syria lies Carmel: this is the name given to both the mountain and the divinity. The god has no image or temple â such is the rule handed down by the fathers; there is only an altar and the worship of the god. When Vespasian was sacrificing there and thinking over his secret hopes in his heart, the priest Basilides, after repeated inspection of the victim's vitals, said to him: "Whatever you are planning, Vespasian, whether to build a house, or to enlarge your holdings, or to increase the number of your slaves, the god grants you a mighty home, limitless bounds, and a multitude of men." This obscure oracle rumour had caught up at the time, and now was trying to interpret; nothing indeed was more often on men's lips. It was discussed even more in Vespasian's presence â for men have more to say to those who are filled with hope. The two leaders now separated with clear purposes before them, Mucianus going to Antioch, Vespasian to Caesarea. Antioch is the capital of Syria, Caesarea of Judea. 5.5. Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean. |
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32. Martial, Epigrams, 2.48, 4.19, 5.20, 10.51, 10.58.6, 10.74, 10.96, 13.63-13.64 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 199; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 65 | 2.48. ON TELESINA: [Not translated] 10.51. TO FAUSTINUS: The Tyrian bull now looks back on the constellation of the ram of Phryxus, and the winter flees from Castor, visible alternately with his brother. The country smiles; the earth resumes its verdure, the trees their foliage; and plaintive Philomel renews her strain. of what bright days at Ravenna does Rome deprive you, Faustinus! O you suns! O retired ease in the simple tunic! O groves! O fountains! O sandy shores moist but firm! O rocky Anxur, towering in splendour above the azure surface! and the couch, which commands the view of more than one water, beholding on one side the ships of the river, on the other those of the sea! But there are no Theatre of Marcellus or of Pompey, no triple baths, no four forums; nor the lofty temple or Capitoline Jove; nor other glittering temples that almost reach the heaven to which they are consecrated. How often do I imagine I hear you, when thoroughly wearied, saying to the Founder of Rome: "Keep what is yours, and restore me what is mine." 10.74. TO ROME: Have pity at length, Rome, upon the weary congratulatory the weary client: How long shall I be a dangler at levees, among crowds of anxious clients and toga-clad dependents, earning a hundred paltry coins with a whole day's work, while Scorpus triumphantly carries off in a single hour fifteen heavy bags of shining gold? I ask not as the reward of my little books (for what indeed are they worth?) the plains of Apulia, or Hybla, or the spice-bearing Nile, or the tender vines which, from the brow of the Setian hill, look down on the Pomptine marshes. What then do I desire, you ask? — To sleep. 10.96. TO AVITUS: You are astonished, Avitus, that I, who have grown old in the capital of Latium, should so often speak of countries afar off; that I should thirst for the gold-bearing Tagus, and my native Salo; and that I should long to return to the rude fields around my well-furnished cottage. But that land wins my affection, in which a small income is sufficient for happiness, and a slender estate affords even luxuries. Here we must nourish our fields: there the fields nourish us. Here the hearth is warmed by a half-starved fire; there it burns with unstinted brilliancy. Here to be hungry is an expensive gratification, and the market ruins us; there the table is covered with the riches of its own neighbourhood. Here four togas or more are worn out in a summer; there one suffices for four autumns. Go then and pay your court to patrons, while a spot exists which offers you everything that a protector refuses you. |
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33. Martial, Epigrams, 2.48, 4.19, 5.20, 10.51, 10.58.6, 10.74, 10.96, 13.63-13.64 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 199; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 65 | 2.48. ON TELESINA: [Not translated] 10.51. TO FAUSTINUS: The Tyrian bull now looks back on the constellation of the ram of Phryxus, and the winter flees from Castor, visible alternately with his brother. The country smiles; the earth resumes its verdure, the trees their foliage; and plaintive Philomel renews her strain. of what bright days at Ravenna does Rome deprive you, Faustinus! O you suns! O retired ease in the simple tunic! O groves! O fountains! O sandy shores moist but firm! O rocky Anxur, towering in splendour above the azure surface! and the couch, which commands the view of more than one water, beholding on one side the ships of the river, on the other those of the sea! But there are no Theatre of Marcellus or of Pompey, no triple baths, no four forums; nor the lofty temple or Capitoline Jove; nor other glittering temples that almost reach the heaven to which they are consecrated. How often do I imagine I hear you, when thoroughly wearied, saying to the Founder of Rome: "Keep what is yours, and restore me what is mine." 10.74. TO ROME: Have pity at length, Rome, upon the weary congratulatory the weary client: How long shall I be a dangler at levees, among crowds of anxious clients and toga-clad dependents, earning a hundred paltry coins with a whole day's work, while Scorpus triumphantly carries off in a single hour fifteen heavy bags of shining gold? I ask not as the reward of my little books (for what indeed are they worth?) the plains of Apulia, or Hybla, or the spice-bearing Nile, or the tender vines which, from the brow of the Setian hill, look down on the Pomptine marshes. What then do I desire, you ask? — To sleep. 10.96. TO AVITUS: You are astonished, Avitus, that I, who have grown old in the capital of Latium, should so often speak of countries afar off; that I should thirst for the gold-bearing Tagus, and my native Salo; and that I should long to return to the rude fields around my well-furnished cottage. But that land wins my affection, in which a small income is sufficient for happiness, and a slender estate affords even luxuries. Here we must nourish our fields: there the fields nourish us. Here the hearth is warmed by a half-starved fire; there it burns with unstinted brilliancy. Here to be hungry is an expensive gratification, and the market ruins us; there the table is covered with the riches of its own neighbourhood. Here four togas or more are worn out in a summer; there one suffices for four autumns. Go then and pay your court to patrons, while a spot exists which offers you everything that a protector refuses you. |
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34. Suetonius, Domitianus, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 266 | 5. He restored many splendid buildings which had been destroyed by fire, among them the Capitolium, which had again been burned, but in all cases with the inscription of his own name only, and with no mention of the original builder. Furthermore, he built a new temple on the Capitoline hill in honour of Jupiter Custos and the forum which now bears the name of Nerva; likewise a temple to the Flavian family, a stadium, an Odeum, and a pool for sea-fights. From the stone used in this last the Circus Maximus was afterwards rebuilt, when both sides of it had been destroyed by fire. |
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35. Suetonius, Augustus, 28.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 264 | 28.3. Since the city was not adorned as the dignity of the empire demanded, and was exposed to flood and fire, he so beautified it that he could justly boast that he had found it built of brick and left it in marble. He made it safe too for the future, so far as human foresight could provide for this. 29 |
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| 36. Suetonius, Claudius, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 266 |
| 37. Plutarch, Cicero, 44 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28 |
| 38. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.1.6-5.1.7, 6.198 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 251 |
39. Suetonius, Titus, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 266 | 8. He was most kindly by nature, and whereas in accordance with a custom established by Tiberius, all the Caesars who followed him refused to regard favours granted by previous emperors as valid, unless they had themselves conferred the same ones on the same individuals, Titus was the first to ratify them all in a single edict, without allowing himself to be asked. Moreover, in the case of other requests made of him, it was his fixed rule not to let anyone go away without hope. Even when his household officials warned him that he was promising more than he could perform, he said that it was not right for anyone to go away sorrowful from an interview with his emperor. On another occasion, remembering at dinner that he had nothing for anybody all day, he gave utterance to that memorable and praiseworthy remark: "Friends, I have lost a day.", The whole body of the people in particular he treated with such indulgence on all occasions, that once at a gladiatorial show he declared that he would give it, "not after his own inclinations, but those of the spectators"; and what is more, he kept his word. For he refused nothing which anyone asked, and even urged them to ask for what they wished. Furthermore, he openly displayed his partiality for Thracian gladiators and bantered the people about it by words and gestures, always however preserving his dignity, as well as observing justice. Not to omit any act of condescension, he sometimes bathed in the baths which he had built, in company with the common people., There were some dreadful disasters during his reign, such as the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in Campania, a fire at Rome which continued three days and as many nights, and a plague the like of which had hardly ever been known before. In these many great calamities he showed not merely the concern of an emperor, but even a father's surpassing love, now offering consolation in edicts, and now lending aid so far as his means allowed., He chose commissioners by lot from among the ex-consuls for the relief of Campania; and the property of those who lost their lives by Vesuvius and had no heirs left alive he applied to the rebuilding of the buried cities. During the fire in Rome he made no remark except "I am ruined," and he set aside all the ornaments of his villas for the public buildings and temples, and put several men of the equestrian order in charge of the work, that everything might be done with the greater dispatch. For curing the plague and diminishing the force of the epidemic there was no aid, human or divine, which he did not employ, searching for every kind of sacrifice and all kinds of medicines., Among the evils of the times were the informers and their instigators, who had enjoyed a long standing licence. After these had been soundly beaten in the Forum with scourges and cudgels, and finally led in procession across the arena of the amphitheatre, he had some of them put up and sold, and others deported to the wildest of the islands. To further discourage for all time any who might think of venturing on similar practices, among other precautions he made it unlawful for anyone to be tried under several laws for the same offence, or for any inquiry to be made as to the legal status of any deceased person after a stated number of years. |
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40. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 8.24, 9.39, 10.40, 10.49-10.50 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 134, 266 | 8.24. To Maximus: My affection for you is such that I feel compelled not to direct you - for you have no need of a director - but to strongly advise you to keep in strict remembrance certain points that you are well aware of, and to realise their truth even more than you now do. Bear in mind that you have been sent to the province of Achaia, which is the real and genuine Greece, where the humanities, literature, and even the science of agriculture are believed to have been discovered; that your mission is to regulate the status of the free cities, or, in other words, that you will have to deal with men who are really men and free, men who have preserved the rights, given to them by nature, by their own virtues, merits, friendship, and by the ties of treaties and religious observance. Pay all due respect to the gods and the names of the gods, whom they regard as their founders; respect their ancient glory, and just that quality of age which in a man is venerable, but in cities is hallowed. Show deference to antiquity, to glorious deeds, and even to their legends. Do not whittle away any man's dignity or liberties, or even humble anyone's self-conceit. Keep constantly before you the thought that this is the land which sent us our constitutional rights, and gave us our laws, not as a conqueror, but in answer to our request. Remember that the city you are going to is Athens, that the city you will govern is Lacedaemon, and that it would be a brutal, savage, and barbarous deed to take from them the shadow and name of liberty, which are all that now remain to them. You will have noticed that though there is no difference between slaves and freemen when they are in ill-health, the freemen receive gentler and milder treatment at the hands of their medical attendants. Remember, therefore, the past of each city, not that you may despise it for ceasing to be great - no, let there be no trace of haughtiness and disdain in your conduct. Do not be afraid that people will despise you for your kindness, for is any man with full military command and the fasces despised, unless he is craven-spirited or mean, or first shows that he despises himself? It is a bad thing when a governor learns to feel his power by subjecting others to indignities, and a bad thing again when a man makes his power respected by striking terror into those around him. Affection is a far more potent lever by which to obtain what you desire than fear. For fear vanishes when you are absent, but affection remains; and while the former turns to hate, the latter turns to reverence. You must constantly remember - for I will repeat what I said before - to bear in mind the real meaning of the title of your official position, and think what an important duty you are performing in regulating the status of the free cities. For what is more important in civil societies than proper regulations, and what is more precious than freedom? How scandalous it would be if order were to be turned into confusion, and liberty into slavery! You must also remember that you have to rival your own past record; you are burdened by the excellent reputation which you brought back from Bithynia with you after your quaestorship, by the testimonials given you by the Emperor, by your tribuneship, praetorship, and by this very mission, which was assigned to you as a sort of reward for your splendid services. So you will have to do your best to prevent people from thinking that you have shown greater humanity, integrity, and tact in a far-off province than in one nearer Rome, among slaves than among freemen, and when you were chosen for the mission by lot rather than by deliberate choice, and that you were an untried and unknown man, and not one of tried and proved experience. Moreover, as you have often heard and read, it is much more disgraceful to lose a good reputation than to fail to win one. As I said at the outset, I want you to take these words as those of a friend who is advising and not directing you, although I do direct you also, for I have no fear - such is my affection for you - of going beyond the limits of propriety. There is no danger of transgressing where the limits ought to be unbounded. Farewell. 9.39. To Mustius: I have been warned by the haruspices to put into better repair and enlarge the temple of Ceres, which stands on my estate, as it is very old and cramped for room, and on one day in the year attracts great crowds of people. For on the Ides of September all the population of the country-side flocks thither; much business is transacted, many vows are registered and paid, but there is no place near where people can take refuge either from storm or heat. I think, therefore, that I shall be showing my generosity, and at the same time display my piety, if I rebuild the temple as handsomely as possible and add to it a portico, the former for the use of the goddess, the latter for the people who attend there. So I should like you to buy me four columns of any kind of marble you think fit, as well as sufficient marble for the pavement and walls. I shall also have to get made or buy a statue of the goddess, for the old one, which was made of wood, has lost some of its limbs through age. As for the portico, I don't think there is anything that I need ask you for at present, unless it be that you should sketch me a plan to suit the situation of the place. The portico cannot be carried all round the temple, inasmuch as on one side of the floor of the building there is a river with very steep banks, and on the other there runs a road. Beyond the road, there is a spacious meadow which would be a very suitable place to build the portico, as it is right opposite the temple, unless you can think of a better plan - you who make a practice of overcoming natural difficulties by your professional skill. Farewell. 9.39. To Mustius. I have been warned by the haruspices to put into better repair and enlarge the temple of Ceres, which stands on my estate, as it is very old and cramped for room, and on one day in the year attracts great crowds of people. For on the Ides of September all the population of the country-side flocks thither; much business is transacted, many vows are registered and paid, but there is no place near where people can take refuge either from storm or heat. I think, therefore, that I shall be showing my generosity, and at the same time display my piety, if I rebuild the temple as handsomely as possible and add to it a portico, the former for the use of the goddess, the latter for the people who attend there. So I should like you to buy me four columns of any kind of marble you think fit, as well as sufficient marble for the pavement and walls. I shall also have to get made or buy a statue of the goddess, for the old one, which was made of wood, has lost some of its limbs through age. As for the portico, I don't think there is anything that I need ask you for at present, unless it be that you should sketch me a plan to suit the situation of the place. The portico cannot be carried all round the temple, inasmuch as on one side of the floor of the building there is a river with very steep banks, and on the other there runs a road. Beyond the road, there is a spacious meadow which would be a very suitable place to build the portico, as it is right opposite the temple, unless you can think of a better plan - you who make a practice of overcoming natural difficulties by your professional skill. Farewell. 10.40. Trajan to Pliny: You will be best able to judge and determine what ought to be done at the present time in the matter of the theatre which the people of Nicaea have begun to build. It will be enough for me to be informed of the plan you adopt. Do not trouble, moreover, to call on the private individuals to build the portions they promised until the theatre is erected, for they made those promises for the sake of having a theatre. All the Greek peoples have a passion for gymnasia, and so perhaps the people of Nicaea have set about building one on a rather lavish scale, but they must be content to cut their coat according to their cloth. You again must decide on what advice to give to the people of Claudiopolis in the matter of the bath which, as you say, they have begun to build in a rather unsuitable site. There must be plenty of architects to advise you, for there is no province which is without some men of experience and skill in that profession, and remember again that it does not save time to send one from Rome, when so many of our architects come to Rome from Greece. 10.40. Trajan to Pliny. You will be best able to judge and determine what ought to be done at the present time in the matter of the theatre which the people of Nicaea have begun to build. It will be enough for me to be informed of the plan you adopt. Do not trouble, moreover, to call on the private individuals to build the portions they promised until the theatre is erected, for they made those promises for the sake of having a theatre. All the Greek peoples have a passion for gymnasia, and so perhaps the people of Nicaea have set about building one on a rather lavish scale, but they must be content to cut their coat according to their cloth. You again must decide on what advice to give to the people of Claudiopolis in the matter of the bath which, as you say, they have begun to build in a rather unsuitable site. There must be plenty of architects to advise you, for there is no province which is without some men of experience and skill in that profession, and remember again that it does not save time to send one from Rome, when so many of our architects come to Rome from Greece. 10.49. To Trajan: Before my arrival, Sir, the people of Nicomedia had commenced to make certain additions to their old forum, in one corner of which stands a very ancient shrine of the Great Mother, which should either be restored or removed to another site, principally for this reason, that it is much less lofty than the new buildings, which are being run up to a good height. When I inquired whether the temple was protected by any legal enactments, I discovered that the form of dedication is different here from what it is with us in Rome. Consider therefore. Sir, whether you think that a temple can be removed without desecration when there has been no legal consecration of the site, for, if there are no religious objections, the removal would be a great convenience. 10.49. To Trajan. Before my arrival, Sir, the people of Nicomedia had commenced to make certain additions to their old forum, in one corner of which stands a very ancient shrine of the Great Mother, * which should either be restored or removed to another site, principally for this reason, that it is much less lofty than the new buildings, which are being run up to a good height. When I inquired whether the temple was protected by any legal enactments, I discovered that the form of dedication is different here from what it is with us in Rome. Consider therefore. Sir, whether you think that a temple can be removed without desecration when there has been no legal consecration of the site, for, if there are no religious objections, the removal would be a great convenience. 10.50. Trajan to Pliny: You may, my dear Pliny, without any religious scruples, if the site seems to require the change, remove the temple of the Mother of the Gods to a more suitable spot, nor need the fact that there is no record of legal consecration trouble you, for the soil of a foreign city may not be suitable for the consecration which our laws enjoin. 10.50. Trajan to Pliny. You may, my dear Pliny, without any religious scruples, if the site seems to require the change, remove the temple of the Mother of the Gods to a more suitable spot, nor need the fact that there is no record of legal consecration trouble you, for the soil of a foreign city may not be suitable for the consecration which our laws enjoin. |
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| 41. Lucian, The Dance, 15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cybele / magna mater Found in books: Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach, Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond (2021) 90 |
| 42. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 9.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 213 |
| 43. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 5.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 134 |
44. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 2.15, 2.19 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 194, 213 | 2.15. Blessings be upon the Scythian king, whoever he was. When a countryman of his own was imitating among the Scythians the rite of the Mother of the Gods as practiced at Cyzicus, by beating a drum and clanging a cymbal, and by having images of the goddess suspended from his neck after the manner of a priest of Cybele (menagyrtes), this king slew him with an arrow [Herodotus 4.76], on the ground that the man, having been deprived of his own virility in Greece, was now communicating the effeminate disease to his fellow Scythians. All this — for I must not in the least conceal what I think — makes me amazed how the term atheist has been applied to Euhemerus of Acragas, Nicanor of Cyprus, Diagoras and Hippo of Melos, with that Cyrenian named Theodorus and a good many others besides, men who lived sensible lives and discerned more acutely, I imagine, than the rest of mankind the error connected with these gods. Even if they did not perceive the truth itself, they at least suspected the error; and this suspicion is a living spark of wisdom, and no small one, which grows up like a seed into truth. One of them [Xenophanes] thus directs the Egyptians: "If you believe they are gods, do not lament them, nor beat the breast; but if you mourn for them, no longer consider these beings to be gods." Another, having taken hold of a Heracles made from a log of wood — he happened, likely enough, to be cooking something at home — said: "Come, Heracles, now is your time to undertake this thirteenth labour for me, as you did the twelve for Eurystheus, and prepare Diagoras his dish!" Then he put him into the fire like a log. 2.19. Now the most part of the stories about your gods are legends and fictions. But as many as are held to be real events are the records of base men who led dissolute lives: "Be ye in price and madness walk; ye left the true, straight path, and chose the way through thorns and stakes. Why err, ye mortals? Cease, vain men! Forsake the dark night, and cleave unto the light." [Sibylline Oracles, Preface 23]. This is what the prophetic and poetic Sibyl enjoins on us. And truth, too, does the same, when she strips these dreadful and terrifying masks from the crowd of gods, and adduces certain similarities of name to prove the absurdity of your rash opinions. |
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| 45. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 55.26 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 266 |
| 46. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 6.2.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 197 |
| 47. Apuleius, Apology, 55.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 209 |
| 48. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 26.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 134 |
| 49. Justin, First Apology, 1st (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 213 |
| 50. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 20b1.-c (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 134 |
| 51. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 5.17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 213 |
| 52. Paulinus of Nola, Carmina, 19.181, 19.186 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 212, 213 |
| 53. Prudentius, On The Crown of Martyrdom, 1007-1050, 1006 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 195 |
| 54. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.10-3.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 216 |
| 56. Ps.-Hippolytus, Scholia To Clement of Alexandria, 2.19 Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 213 |
| 57. Epigraphy, Ccca, 3.153, 3.258, 3.357, 3.382, 3.395, 3.422, 3.447-3.448, 3.466, 4.7, 4.42, 4.210, 5.153-5.154, 5.337, 5.368, 7.39 Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211 |
| 58. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Colossians, 12.5 Tagged with subjects: •cybele / magna mater Found in books: Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach, Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond (2021) 90 |
| 59. Dem., Synth., 22 Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 264 |
| 60. Arch., Cat., 2.19, 2.29, 3.1, 3.20 Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28, 133 |
| 61. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.8.16 Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 28 |
| 62. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.130 Tagged with subjects: •magna mater (cybele) •magna mater (cybele), temples of •temple of magna mater (cybele) Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 266 |
| 63. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.508, 6.2233, 8.23400-8.23401, 10.3698, 12.1744, 12.5697, 14.429 Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 199, 200, 203, 210, 211, 212, 214 |
| 64. Epigraphy, Ae, 1961.201, 2004.1026, 2005.1123-2005.1124, 2005.1126 Tagged with subjects: •mater magna, mater deum, cybele Found in books: Belayche and Massa, Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (2021) 197, 213, 214 |
