1. Polybius, Histories, 39.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 | 39.6. 1. The Roman general, after the general assembly had left Achaea, repaired the Isthmian course and adorned the temples at Delphi and Olympia, and on the following days visited the different cities, honoured in each of them and receiving testimonies of the gratitude due to him.,2. It was only natural indeed that he should be treated with honour both in public and in private.,3. For his conduct had been unexacting and unsullied and he had dealt leniently with the whole situation, though he had such great opportunities and such absolute power in Greece.,4. If, indeed, he was thought to be guilty of any deflection from his duty I at least put it down not to his own initiative, but to the friends who lived with him.,5. The most notable instance was that of the cavalrymen of Chalcis whom he slew. II. Affairs of Egypt |
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2. Cicero, Pro Murena, 31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38| 31. verum haec Cato nimium nos nos y2 : vos cett. nostris verbis magna facere demonstrat et oblitos esse bellum illud omne Mithridaticum cum mulierculis esse gestum. quod ego longe secus existimo, iudices; deque eo pauca disseram; neque enim causa in hoc continetur. nam si omnia bella quae cum Graecis gessimus contemnenda sunt, derideatur de rege Pyrrho triumphus M'. Manlii Curi, de Philippo T. Titi Flaminini Flaminini Manutius : Flamini codd., de Aetolis M. Marci Fulvi, de rege Perse L. Lucii Pauli, de Pseudophilippo Q. Quinti Metelli, de Corinthiis L. Lucii Mummi. sin sin s : si mei haec bella gravissima victoriaeque eorum bellorum gratissimae gratissimae Lag. 13: gravissimae mei fuerunt, cur Asiaticae nationes atque ille a te hostis contemnitur? atqui ex veterum rerum monumentis vel maximum bellum populum Romanum cum Antiocho cum rege Antiocho Priscian. ( K. iii. p. 74) gessisse video; cuius belli victor L. Lucio Scipio aequa parta aequa parta Kayser : si qua parta (partha S ) codd. : aequiparata Madvig cum P. fratre gloria, quam laudem ille Africa oppressa cognomine ipso prae se ferebat, eandem hic sibi ex Asiae nomine adsumpsit. | |
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| 3. Cicero, Orator, 232 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
4. Cicero, On Duties, 2.76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38| 2.76. Laudat Africanum Panaetius, quod fuerit abstinens. Quidni laudet? Sed in illo alia maiora; laus abstinentiae non hominis est solum, sed etiam temporum illorum. Omni Macedonum gaza, quae fuit maxima, potitus est Paulus tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum. At hic nihil domum suam intulit praeter memoriam nominis sempiternam. Imitatus patrem Africanus nihilo locupletior Carthagine eversa. Quid? qui eius collega fuit in censura. L. Mummius, numquid copiosior, cum copiosissimam urbem funditus sustulisset? Italiam ornare quam domum suam maluit; quamquam Italia ornata domus ipsa mihi videtur ornatior. | 2.76. Panaetius praises Africanus for his integrity in public life. Why should he not? But Africanus had other and greater virtues. The boast of official integrity belongs not to that man alone but also to his times. When Paulus got possession of all the wealth of Macedon â and it was enormous â he brought into our treasury so much money that the spoils of a single general did away with the need for a tax on property in Rome for all time to come. But to his own house he brought nothing save the glory of an immortal name. Africanus emulated his father's example and was none the richer for his overthrow of Carthage. And what shall we say of Lucius Mummius, his colleague in the censorship? Was he one penny the richer when he had destroyed to its foundations the richest of cities? He preferred to adorn Italy rather than his own house. And yet by the adornment of Italy his own house was, as it seems to me, still more splendidly adorned. |
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| 5. Livy, Per., 52 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
6. Ovid, Fasti, 6.613-6.626 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41| 6.613. signum erat in solio residens sub imagine Tulli; 6.614. dicitur hoc oculis opposuisse manum, 6.615. et vox audita est ‘voltus abscondite nostros, 6.616. ne natae videant ora nefanda meae.’ 6.617. veste data tegitur, vetat hanc Fortuna moveri 6.618. et sic e templo est ipsa locuta suo: 6.619. ‘ore revelato qua primum luce patebit 6.620. Servius, haec positi prima pudoris erit.’ 6.621. parcite, matronae, vetitas attingere vestes: 6.622. sollemni satis est voce movere preces, 6.623. sitque caput semper Romano tectus amictu, 6.624. qui rex in nostra septimus urbe fuit. 6.625. arserat hoc templum, signo tamen ille pepercit 6.626. ignis: opem nato Mulciber ipse tulit, | 6.613. Yet she still dared to visit her father’s temple, 6.614. His monument: what I tell is strange but true. 6.615. There was a statue enthroned, an image of Servius: 6.616. They say it put a hand to its eyes, 6.617. And a voice was heard: ‘Hide my face, 6.618. Lest it view my own wicked daughter.’ 6.619. It was veiled by cloth, Fortune refused to let the robe 6.620. Be removed, and she herself spoke from her temple: 6.621. ‘The day when Servius’ face is next revealed, 6.622. Will be a day when shame is cast aside.’ 6.623. Women, beware of touching the forbidden cloth, 6.624. (It’s sufficient to utter prayers in solemn tones) 6.625. And let him who was the City’s seventh king 6.626. Keep his head covered, forever, by this veil. |
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7. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 3.401-3.402 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 234| 3.401. Si Venerem Cous nusquam posuisset Apelles, 3.402. rend= | |
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| 8. Livy, History, 27.16.7, 27.25.7, 29.11.13, 40.29.2-40.29.14, 45.40 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38, 41 |
| 9. Horace, Letters, 2.1.192-2.1.193 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
10. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.27.7, 4.40.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41 | 4.27.7. Besides these achievements in both peace and war, he built two temples to Fortune, who seemed to have favoured him all his life, one in the market called the Cattle Market, the other on the banks of the Tiber to the Fortune which he named Fortuna Virilis, as she is called by the Romans even to this day. And being now advanced in years and not far from a natural death, he was treacherously slain by Tarquinius, his son-inâlaw, and by his own daughter. I shall also relate the manner in which this treacherous deed was carried out; but first I must go back and mention a few things that preceded it. 4.40.7. And it was made clear by another prodigy that this man was dear to the gods; in consequence of which that fabulous and incredible opinion I have already mentioned concerning his birth also came to be regarded by many as true. For in the temple of Fortune which he himself had built there stood a gilded wooden statue of Tullius, and when a conflagration occurred and everything else was destroyed, this statue alone remained uninjured by the flames. And even to this day, although the temple itself and all the objects in it, which were restored to their formed condition after the fire, are obviously the products of modern art, the statue, as aforetime, is of ancient workmanship; for it still remains an object of veneration by the Romans. Concerning Tullius these are all the facts that have been handed down to us. |
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| 11. Propertius, Elegies, 3.9.11 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 234 |
| 12. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 8.2.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
| 13. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
14. Plutarch, Pompey, 2.2, 46.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 230| 2.2. ᾗ καὶ τοὔνομα πολλῶν ἐν ἀρχῇ συνεπιφερόντων οὐκ ἔφευγεν ὁ Πομπήϊος, ὥστε καὶ χλευάζοντας αὐτὸν ἐνίους ἤδη καλεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον. διὸ καὶ Λεύκιος Φίλιππος, ἀνὴρ ὑπατικός, συνηγορῶν αὐτῷ, μηδὲν ἔφη ποιεῖν παράλογον εἰ Φίλιππος ὢν φιλαλέξανδρός ἐστιν. Φλώραν δὲ τὴν ἑταίραν ἔφασαν ἤδη πρεσβυτέραν οὖσαν ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ μνημονεύειν τῆς γενομένης αὐτῇ πρὸς Πομπήϊον ὁμιλίας, λέγουσαν ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἐκείνῳ συναναπαυσαμένην ἀδήκτως ἀπελθεῖν. 46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας. | 2.2. 46.1. |
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15. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 22.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38| 22.2. πυρὶ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἔδοσαν τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ κωλύσαντος, ὡς λέγεται, δύο δὲ ποιησάμενοι λιθίνας σοροὺς ὑπὸ τὸ Ἰάνοκλον ἔθηκαν, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν ἔχουσαν τὸ σῶμα, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους ἃς ἐγράψατο μὲν αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τοὺς κύρβεις, ἐκδιδάξας δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔτι ζῶν τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ πάντων ἕξιν τε καὶ γνώμην ἐνεργασάμενος αὐτοῖς, ἐκέλευσε συνταφῆναι μετὰ τοῦ σώματος, ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἐν ἀψύχοις γράμμασι φρουρουμένων τῶν ἀπορρήτων. | 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. |
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| 16. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41 |
17. Plutarch, Marcellus, 21.2-21.5, 28.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38| 21.2. ὅπλων δὲ βαρβαρικῶν καὶ λαφύρων ἐναίμων ἀνάπλεως οὖσα καὶ περιεστεφανωμένη θριάμβων ὑπομνήμασι καὶ τροπαίοις οὐχ ἱλαρὸν οὐδʼ ἄφοβον οὐδὲ δειλῶν ἦν θέαμα καὶ τρυφώντων θεατῶν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ Ἐπαμεινώνδας τὸ Βοιώτιον πεδίον Ἄρεως ὀρχήστραν, Ξενοφῶν δὲ τὴν Ἔφεσον πολέμου ἐργαστήριον, οὕτως ἄν μοι δοκεῖ τις τότε τὴν Ῥώμην κατὰ Πίνδαρον βαθυπτολέμου τέμενος Ἄρεως προσειπεῖν. 21.3. διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον εὐδοκίμησε παρὰ μὲν τῷ δήμῳ Μάρκελλος ἡδονὴν ἐχούσαις καὶ χάριν Ἑλληνικὴν καὶ πιθανότητα διαποικίλας ὄψεσι τὴν πόλιν, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις Φάβιος Μάξιμος, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐκίνησε τοιοῦτον οὐδὲ μετήνεγκεν ἐκ τῆς Ταραντίνοις πόλεως ἁλούσης, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χρήματα καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐξεφόρησε, τὰ δὲ ἀγάλματα μένειν εἴασεν, ἐπειπὼν τὸ μνημονευόμενον· 21.4. ἀπολείπωμεν γὰρ ἔφη, τοὺς θεοὺς τούτους τοῖς Ταραντίνοις κεχολωμένους. Μάρκελλον δʼ ᾐτιῶντο πρῶτον μὲν ὡς ἐπίφθονον ποιοῦντα τὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεῶν οἷον αἰχμαλώτων ἀγομένων ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ πομπευομένων, ἔπειτα ὅτι τὸν δῆμον εἰθισμένον πολεμεῖν ἢ γεωργεῖν, 21.5. τρυφῆς δὲ καὶ ῥᾳθυμίας ἄπειρον ὄντα καὶ κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδειον Ἡρακλέα, φαῦλον, ἄκομψον, τὰ μέγιστʼ ἀγαθόν, μέγιστʼ ἀγαθόν with Coraës, as in the Cimon , iv. 4: μέγιστά τε ἀγαθόν . σχολῆς ἐνέπλησε καὶ λαλιᾶς περὶ τεχνῶν καὶ τεχνιτῶν, ἀστεϊζόμενον καὶ διατρίβοντα πρὸς τούτῳ πολὺ μέρος τῆς ἡμέρας, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις ἐσεμνύνετο καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὡς τὰ καλὰ καὶ θαυμαστὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἐπισταμένους τιμᾶν καὶ θαυμάζειν Ῥωμαίους διδάξας. 28.1. παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχήν πρῶτον μὲν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ μέγα κίνημα πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ἔπαυσε καὶ κατεπράϋνεν ἐπελθὼν τὰς πόλεις· ἔπειτα ναὸν ἐκ τῶν Σικελικῶν λαφύρων ᾠκοδομημένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Δόξης καὶ Ἀρετῆς καθιερῶσαι βουλόμενος, καὶ κωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ ἀξιούντων ἑνὶ ναῷ δύο θεοὺς περιέχεσθαι, πάλιν ἤρξατο προσοικοδομεῖν ἕτερον, οὐ ῥᾳδίως φέρων τὴν γεγενημένην ἀντίκρουσιν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ οἰωνιζόμενος. | 21.2. but filled full of barbaric arms and bloody spoils, and crowned round about with memorials and trophies of triumphs, she was not a gladdening or a reassuring sight, nor one for unwarlike and luxurious spectators. Indeed, as Epaminondas called the Boeotian plain a dancing floor of Ares, and as Xenophon Hell. iii. 4,17. speaks of Ephesus as a work-shop of war, so, it seems to me, one might at that time have called Rome, in the language of Pindar, a precinct of much-warring Ares. Pyth. ii. 1 f. 21.3. Therefore with the common people Marcellus won more favour because he adorned the city with objects that had Hellenic grace and charm and fidelity; but with the elder citizens Fabius Maximus was more popular. For he neither disturbed nor brought away anything of this sort from Tarentum, when that city was taken, but while he carried off the money and the other valuables, he suffered the statues to remain in their places, adding the well-known saying: 21.4. Let us leave these gods in their anger for the Tarentines. Cf. the Fabius Maximus , xxii. 5. And they blamed Marcellus, first, because he made the city odious, in that not only men, but even gods were led about in her triumphal processions like captives; and again, because, when the people was accustomed only to war or agriculture, 21.5. and was inexperienced in luxury and ease, but, like the Heracles of Euripides, was Plain, unadorned, in a great crisis brave and true, A fragment of the lost Licymnius of Euripides (Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag. 2 p. 507). he made them idle and full of glib talk about arts and artists, so that they spent a great part of the day in such clever disputation. Notwithstanding such censure, Marcellus spoke of this with pride even to the Greeks, declaring that he had taught the ignorant Romans to admire and honour the wonderful and beautiful productions of Greece. 28.1. After assuming his office, he first quelled a great agitation for revolt in Etruria, and visited and pacified the cities there; next, he desired to dedicate to Honour and Virtue a temple that he had built out of his Sicilian spoils, hut was prevented by the priests, who would not consent that two deities should occupy one temple; he therefore began to build another temple adjoining the first, although he resented the priests’ opposition and regarded it as ominous. |
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| 18. Plutarch, Lucullus, 39 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 99 |
19. Plutarch, Fabius, 22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38| 22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. | 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods. |
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20. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 11.5-11.6, 61.4-61.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 230, 234| 61.4. ἀπωσαμένου δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἅπας ὁ δῆμος ἀνεκρότησεν αὖθις δὲ προσφέροντος ὀλίγοι, καί μὴ δεξαμένου πάλιν ἅπαντες, οὕτω δὲ τῆς πείρας ἐξελεγχομένης Καῖσαρ μὲν ἀνίσταται, τὸν στέφανον εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀπενεχθῆναι κελεύσας, ὤφθησαν δὲ ἀνδριάντες αὐτοῦ διαδήμασιν ἀναδεδεμένοι βασιλικοῖς. καί τῶν δημάρχων δύο, Φλάουϊος καί Μάρυλλος, ἐπελθόντες ἀπέσπασαν, καί τοὺς ἀσπασαμένους βασιλέα τὸν Καίσαρα πρώτους ἐξευρόντες ἀπῆγον εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον. 61.5. ὁ δὲ δῆμος εἵπετο κροτῶν, καί Βρούτους ἀπεκάλει τοὺς ἄνδρας, ὅτι Βροῦτος ἦν ὁ καταλύσας τὴν τῶν βασιλέων διαδοχὴν καί τὸ κράτος εἰς βουλὴν καί δῆμον ἐκ μοναρχίας καταστήσας. ἐπὶ τούτῳ Καῖσαρ παροξυνθείς τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἀφείλετο τῶν περὶ τὸν Μάρυλλον, ἐν δὲ τῷ κατηγορεῖν αὐτῶν ἅμα καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐφυβρίζων πολλάκις Βρούτους τε καὶ Κυμαίους ἀπεκάλει τοὺς ἄνδρας. | 61.4. 61.5. |
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21. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 16.7-16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41| 16.7. ὁ δὲ θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ λογισμῷ πρῶτος ἐμβαλὼν τόν τε ἵππον ἀποβάλλει ξίφει πληγέντα διὰ τῶν πλευρῶν ἦν δὲ ἕτερος, οὐχ ὁ Βουκεφάλας, καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ἀποθανόντων καὶ τραυματισθέντων ἐκεῖ συνέβη κινδυνεῦσαι καὶ πεσεῖν,ʼ πρός ἀνθρώπους ἀπεγνωκότας καὶ μαχίμους συμπλεκομένους. λέγονται δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν δισμύριοι τῶν βαρβάρων, ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχίλιοι πεντακόσιοι πεσεῖν. τῶν δὲ περὶ τόν Ἀλέξανδρον Ἀριστόβουλός φησι τέσσαρας καὶ τριάκοντα νεκροὺς γενέσθαι τοὺς πάντας, ὧν ἐννέα πεζοὺς εἶναι. 16.8. τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐκέλευσεν εἰκόνας ἀνασταθῆναι χαλκᾶς, ἃς Λύσιππος εἰργάσατο. κοινούμενος δὲ τὴν νίκην τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἰδίᾳ μὲν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἔπεμψε τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τριακοσίας ἀσπίδας, κοινῇ δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις λαφύροις ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιγράψαι φιλοτιμοτάτην ἐπιγραφήν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Φιλίππου καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων τῶν τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικούντων ἐκπώματα δὲ καὶ πορφύρας, καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα τῶν Περσικῶν ἔλαβε, πάντα τῇ μητρὶ πλὴν ὀλίγων ἔπεμψεν. | 16.7. But he, influenced by anger more than by reason, charged foremost upon them and lost his horse, which was smitten through the ribs with a sword (it was not Bucephalas, but another); and most of the Macedonians who were slain or wounded fought or fell there, since they came to close quarters with men who knew how to fight and were desperate. of the Barbarians, we are told, twenty thousand footmen fell, and twenty-five hundred horsemen. Diodorus ( xvii. 21, 6 ) says that more than ten thousand Persian footmen fell, and not less than two thousand horsemen; while over twenty thousand were taken prisoners. But on Alexander’s side, Aristobulus says there were thirty-four dead in all, of whom nine were footmen. 16.8. of these, then, Alexander ordered statues to be set up in bronze, and Lysippus wrought them. According to Arrian ( Anab. i. 16, 4 ), about twenty-five of Alexander’s companions, a select corps, fell at the first onset, and it was of these that Alexander ordered statues to be made by Lysippus. Moreover, desiring to make the Greeks partners in his victory, he sent to the Athenians in particular three hundred of the captured shields, and upon the rest of the spoils in general he ordered a most ambitious inscription to be wrought: Alexander the son of Philip and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians from the Barbarians who dwell in Asia. But the drinking vessels and the purple robes and whatever things of this nature he took from the Persians, all these, except a few, he sent to his mother. |
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| 22. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 32-34 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41 |
| 23. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 8.155, 8.197, 34.36, 34.40, 34.64-34.65, 35.6, 35.23, 35.26-35.28, 35.65, 35.88, 35.91, 35.93, 35.102-35.103, 35.131-35.132, 35.155-35.157, 36.163 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38, 41, 99, 230, 234 |
| 24. Statius, Siluae, 1.1.84-1.1.86 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 230 |
| 25. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
| 26. Suetonius, Iulius, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 230, 234 |
| 27. Martial, Epigrams, 6.13, 7.84 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 99 |
| 28. Martial, Epigrams, 6.13, 7.84 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 99 |
29. Tacitus, Annals, 2.73 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 230| 2.73. Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur. | 2.73. His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, â to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, â compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: â "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other's temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. |
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30. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 43.14.6, 44.6.1, 56.29.1, 58.7.2, 68.29.1, 68.30.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38, 41, 230, 234 | 43.14.6. And they decreed that a chariot of his should be placed on the Capitol facing the statue of Jupiter, that his statue in bronze should be mounted upon a likeness of the inhabited world, with an inscription to the effect that he was a demigod, and that his name should be inscribed upon the Capitol in place of that of Catulus on the ground that he had completed this temple after undertaking to call Catulus to account for the building of it. 44.6.1. As he seemed to like all this, a gilded chair was granted him, and a garb that the kings had once used, and body-guard of knights and senators; furthermore they decided that prayers should be offered for him publicly every year, that they should swear by Caesar's Fortune, and should regard as valid all his future acts. 56.29.1. During a horse-race at the Augustalia, which were celebrated in honour of his birthday, a madman seated himself in the chair which was dedicated to Julius Caesar, and taking his crown, put it on. This incident disturbed everybody, for it seemed to have some bearing upon Augustus, as, indeed, proved true. 58.7.2. (for he was wont to include himself in such sacrifices), a rope was discovered coiled about the neck of the statue. Again, there was the behaviour of a statue of Fortune, which had belonged, they say, to Tullius, one of the former kings of Rome, but was at this time kept by Sejanus at his house and was a source of great pride to him: 68.29.1. Then he came to the ocean itself, and when he had learned its nature and had seen a ship sailing to India, he said: "I should certainly have crossed over to the Indi, too, if I were still young." For he began to think about the Indi and was curious about their affairs, and he counted Alexander a lucky man. Yet he would declare that he himself had advanced farther than Alexander, and would so write to the senate, although he was unable to preserve even the territory that he had subdued. 68.30.1. Trajan learned of this at Babylon; for he had gone there both because of its fame â though he saw nothing but mounds and stones and ruins to justify this â and because of Alexander, to whose spirit he offered sacrifice in the room where he had died. When he learned of the revolt, he sent Lusius and Maximus against the rebels. |
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31. Augustine, The City of God, 8.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 99 | 8.23. The Egyptian Hermes, whom they call Trismegistus, had a different opinion concerning those demons. Apuleius, indeed, denies that they are gods; but when he says that they hold a middle place between the gods and men, so that they seem to be necessary for men as mediators between them and the gods, he does not distinguish between the worship due to them and the religious homage due to the supernal gods. This Egyptian, however, says that there are some gods made by the supreme God, and some made by men. Any one who hears this, as I have stated it, no doubt supposes that it has reference to images, because they are the works of the hands of men; but he asserts that visible and tangible images are, as it were, only the bodies of the gods, and that there dwell in them certain spirits, which have been invited to come into them, and which have power to inflict harm, or to fulfil the desires of those by whom divine honors and services are rendered to them. To unite, therefore, by a certain art, those invisible spirits to visible and material things, so as to make, as it were, animated bodies, dedicated and given up to those spirits who inhabit them - this, he says, is to make gods, adding that men have received this great and wonderful power. I will give the words of this Egyptian as they have been translated into our tongue: And, since we have undertaken to discourse concerning the relationship and fellowship between men and the gods, know, O Æsculapius, the power and strength of man. As the Lord and Father, or that which is highest, even God, is the maker of the celestial gods, so man is the maker of the gods who are in the temples, content to dwell near to men. And a little after he says, Thus humanity, always mindful of its nature and origin, perseveres in the imitation of divinity; and as the Lord and Father made eternal gods, that they should be like Himself, so humanity fashioned its own gods according to the likeness of its own countece. When this Æsculapius, to whom especially he was speaking, had answered him, and had said, Do you mean the statues, O Trismegistus? - Yes, the statues, replied he, however unbelieving you are, O Æsculapius - the statues, animated and full of sensation and spirit, and who do such great and wonderful things - the statues prescient of future things, and foretelling them by lot, by prophet, by dreams, and many other things, who bring diseases on men and cure them again, giving them joy or sorrow according to their merits. Do you not know, O Æsculapius, that Egypt is an image of heaven, or, more truly, a translation and descent of all things which are ordered and transacted there, that it is, in truth, if we may say so, to be the temple of the whole world? And yet, as it becomes the prudent man to know all things beforehand, you ought not to be ignorant of this, that there is a time coming when it shall appear that the Egyptians have all in vain, with pious mind, and with most scrupulous diligence, waited on the divinity, and when all their holy worship shall come to nought, and be found to be in vain. Hermes then follows out at great length the statements of this passage, in which he seems to predict the present time, in which the Christian religion is overthrowing all lying figments with a vehemence and liberty proportioned to its superior truth and holiness, in order that the grace of the true Saviour may deliver men from those gods which man has made, and subject them to that God by whom man was made. But when Hermes predicts these things, he speaks as one who is a friend to these same mockeries of demons, and does not clearly express the name of Christ. On the contrary, he deplores, as if it had already taken place, the future abolition of those things by the observance of which there was maintained in Egypt a resemblance of heaven, - he bears witness to Christianity by a kind of mournful prophecy. Now it was with reference to such that the apostle said, that knowing God, they glorified Him not as God, neither were thankful, but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened; professing themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the likeness of the image of corruptible man, Romans 1:21 and so on, for the whole passage is too long to quote. For Hermes makes many such statements agreeable to the truth concerning the one true God who fashioned this world. And I know not how he has become so bewildered by that darkening of the heart as to stumble into the expression of a desire that men should always continue in subjection to those gods which he confesses to be made by men, and to bewail their future removal; as if there could be anything more wretched than mankind tyrannized over by the work of his own hands, since man, by worshipping the works of his own hands, may more easily cease to be man, than the works of his hands can, through his worship of them, become gods. For it can sooner happen that man, who has received an honorable position, may, through lack of understanding, become comparable to the beasts, than that the works of man may become preferable to the work of God, made in His own image, that is, to man himself. Wherefore deservedly is man left to fall away from Him who made Him, when he prefers to himself that which he himself has made. For these vain, deceitful, pernicious, sacrilegious things did the Egyptian Hermes sorrow, because he knew that the time was coming when they should be removed. But his sorrow was as impudently expressed as his knowledge was imprudently obtained; for it was not the Holy Spirit who revealed these things to him, as He had done to the holy prophets, who, foreseeing these things, said with exultation, If a man shall make gods, lo, they are no gods; Jeremiah 16:10 and in another place, And it shall come to pass in that day, says the Lord, that I will cut off the names of the idols out of the land, and they shall no more be remembered. Zechariah 13:2 But the holy Isaiah prophesies expressly concerning Egypt in reference to this matter, saying, And the idols of Egypt shall be moved at His presence, and their heart shall be overcome in them, Isaiah 19:1 and other things to the same effect. And with the prophet are to be classed those who rejoiced that that which they knew was to come had actually come - as Simeon, or Anna, who immediately recognized Jesus when He was born, or Elisabeth, who in the Spirit recognized Him when He was conceived, or Peter, who said by the revelation of the Father, You are Christ, the Son of the living God. Matthew 16:16 But to this Egyptian those spirits indicated the time of their own destruction, who also, when the Lord was present in the flesh, said with trembling, Have You come here to destroy us before the time? Matthew 8:29 meaning by destruction before the time, either that very destruction which they expected to come, but which they did not think would come so suddenly as it appeared to have done, or only that destruction which consisted in their being brought into contempt by being made known. And, indeed, this was a destruction before the time, that is, before the time of judgment, when they are to be punished with eternal damnation, together with all men who are implicated in their wickedness, as the true religion declares, which neither errs nor leads into error; for it is not like him who, blown here and there by every wind of doctrine, and mixing true things with things which are false, bewails as about to perish a religion, which he afterwards confesses to be error. |
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32. Strabo, Geography, 6.3.1 Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 | 6.3.1. Iapygia Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italy as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape) the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from Brentesium as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thither around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundred stadia. The distance from Metapontium is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor, which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess, the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city — the part that is near the isthmus — has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remts of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm. Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city. |
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| 33. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.8, 1.1.12, 1.8.11 Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38, 41 |
| 34. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 178-182 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 234 |
| 35. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.3-1.11.5 Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41 |
36. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.836-6.837 Tagged with subjects: •lysippus, and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 | 6.836. Or smites with ivory point his golden lyre. 6.837. Here Trojans be of eldest, noblest race, |
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