1. Aeschylus, Suppliant Women, 387-390, 392-396, 391 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 115| 391. ὡς οὐκ ἔχουσιν κῦρος οὐδὲν ἀμφὶ σοῦ. Χορός | |
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2. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 859, 858 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 115| 858. σὺ δʼ ἐν τόποισι τοῖς ἐμοῖσι μὴ βάλῃς | |
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| 3. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.45.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 511 |
| 4. Lysias, Fragments, 33/71 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 114 |
| 5. Lysias, Fragments, 33/71 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 114 |
| 6. Lysias, Orations, 20.26 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 511 |
| 7. Isaeus, Orations, 2.36 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 285 |
| 8. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 468-469, 467 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 70 |
9. Herodotus, Histories, 2.81, 5.65-5.69 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 682| 2.81. ἐνδεδύκασι δὲ κιθῶνας λινέους περὶ τὰ σκέλεα θυσανωτούς, τοὺς καλέουσι καλασίρις· ἐπὶ τούτοισι δὲ εἰρίνεα εἵματα λευκὰ ἐπαναβληδὸν φορέουσι. οὐ μέντοι ἔς γε τὰ ἱρὰ ἐσφέρεται εἰρίνεα οὐδὲ συγκαταθάπτεταί σφι· οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον. ὁμολογέουσι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι Ὀρφικοῖσι καλεομένοισι καὶ Βακχικοῖσι, ἐοῦσι δὲ Αἰγυπτίοισι καὶ Πυθαγορείοισι· οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτων τῶν ὀργίων μετέχοντα ὅσιον ἐστὶ ἐν εἰρινέοισι εἵμασι θαφθῆναι. ἔστι δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν ἱρὸς λόγος λεγόμενος. 5.65. καὶ οὐδέν τι πάντως ἂν ἐξεῖλον Πεισιστρατίδας οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· οὔτε γὰρ ἐπέδρην ἐπενόεον ποιήσασθαι, οἵ τε Πεισιστρατίδαι σίτοισι καὶ ποτοῖσι εὖ παρεσκευάδατο, πολιορκήσαντές τε ἂν ἡμέρας ὀλίγας ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην. νῦν δὲ συντυχίη τοῖσι μὲν κακὴ ἐπεγένετο, τοῖσι δὲ ἡ αὐτὴ αὕτη σύμμαχος· ὑπεκτιθέμενοι γὰρ ἔξω τῆς χώρης οἱ παῖδες τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων ἥλωσαν. τοῦτο δὲ ὡς ἐγένετο, πάντα αὐτῶν τὰ πρήγματα συνετετάρακτο, παρέστησαν δὲ ἐπὶ μισθῷ τοῖσι τέκνοισι, ἐπʼ οἷσι ἐβούλοντο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὥστε ἐν πέντε ἡμέρῃσι ἐκχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς. μετὰ δὲ ἐξεχώρησαν ἐς Σίγειον τὸ ἐπὶ τῷ Σκαμάνδρῳ, ἄρξαντες μὲν Ἀθηναίων ἐπʼ ἔτεα ἕξ τε καὶ τριήκοντα, ἐόντες δὲ καὶ οὗτοι ἀνέκαθεν Πύλιοί τε καὶ Νηλεῖδαι, ἐκ τῶν αὐτῶν γεγονότες καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ Κόδρον τε καὶ Μέλανθον, οἳ πρότερον ἐπήλυδες ἐόντες ἐγένοντο Ἀθηναίων βασιλέες. ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ καὶ τὠυτὸ οὔνομα ἀπεμνημόνευσε Ἱπποκράτης τῷ παιδὶ θέσθαι τὸν Πεισίστρατον, ἐπὶ τοῦ Νέστορος Πεισιστράτου ποιεύμενος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην. οὕτω μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι τυράννων ἀπαλλάχθησαν· ὅσα δὲ ἐλευθερωθέντες ἔρξαν ἢ ἔπαθον ἀξιόχρεα ἀπηγήσιος, πρὶν ἢ Ἰωνίην τε ἀποστῆναι ἀπὸ Δαρείου καὶ Ἀρισταγόρεα τὸν Μιλήσιον ἀπικόμενον ἐς Ἀθήνας χρηίσαι σφέων βοηθέειν, ταῦτα πρῶτα φράσω. 5.66. Ἀθῆναι, ἐοῦσαι καὶ πρὶν μεγάλαι, τότε ἀπαλλαχθεῖσαι τυράννων ἐγίνοντο μέζονες· ἐν δὲ αὐτῇσι δύο ἄνδρες ἐδυνάστευον, Κλεισθένης τε ἀνὴρ Ἀλκμεωνίδης, ὅς περ δὴ λόγον ἔχει τὴν Πυθίην ἀναπεῖσαι, καὶ Ἰσαγόρης Τισάνδρου οἰκίης μὲν ἐὼν δοκίμου, ἀτὰρ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι· θύουσι δὲ οἱ συγγενέες αὐτοῦ Διὶ Καρίῳ. οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐστασίασαν περὶ δυνάμιος, ἑσσούμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν δῆμον προσεταιρίζεται. μετὰ δὲ τετραφύλους ἐόντας Ἀθηναίους δεκαφύλους ἐποίησε, τῶν Ἴωνος παίδων Γελέοντος καὶ Αἰγικόρεος καὶ Ἀργάδεω καὶ Ὅπλητος ἀπαλλάξας τὰς ἐπωνυμίας, ἐξευρὼν δὲ ἑτέρων ἡρώων ἐπωνυμίας ἐπιχωρίων, πάρεξ Αἴαντος· τοῦτον δὲ ἅτε ἀστυγείτονα καὶ σύμμαχον, ξεῖνον ἐόντα προσέθετο. 5.67. ταῦτα δέ, δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἐμιμέετο ὁ Κλεισθένης οὗτος τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μητροπάτορα Κλεισθένεα τὸν Σικυῶνος τύραννον. Κλεισθένης γὰρ Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας τοῦτο μὲν ῥαψῳδοὺς ἔπαυσε ἐν Σικυῶνι ἀγωνίζεσθαι τῶν Ὁμηρείων ἐπέων εἵνεκα, ὅτι Ἀργεῖοί τε καὶ Ἄργος τὰ πολλὰ πάντα ὑμνέαται· τοῦτο δέ, ἡρώιον γὰρ ἦν καὶ ἔστι ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀγορῇ τῶν Σικυωνίων Ἀδρήστου τοῦ Ταλαοῦ, τοῦτον ἐπεθύμησε ὁ Κλεισθένης ἐόντα Ἀργεῖον ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς χώρης. ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐχρηστηριάζετο εἰ ἐκβάλοι τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οἱ χρᾷ φᾶσα Ἄδρηστον μὲν εἶναι Σικυωνίων βασιλέα, κεῖνον δὲ λευστῆρα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ θεὸς τοῦτό γε οὐ παρεδίδου, ἀπελθὼν ὀπίσω ἐφρόντιζε μηχανὴν τῇ αὐτὸς ὁ Ἄδρηστος ἀπαλλάξεται. ὡς δέ οἱ ἐξευρῆσθαι ἐδόκεε, πέμψας ἐς Θήβας τὰς Βοιωτίας ἔφη θέλειν ἐπαγαγέσθαι Μελάνιππον τὸν Ἀστακοῦ· οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι ἔδοσαν. ἐπαγαγόμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν Μελάνιππον τέμενός οἱ ἀπέδεξε ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ πρυτανηίῳ καί μιν ἵδρυσε ἐνθαῦτα ἐν τῷ ἰσχυροτάτῳ. ἐπηγάγετο δὲ τὸν Μελάνιππον ὁ Κλεισθένης ʽ καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο δεῖ ἀπηγήσασθαἰ ὡς ἔχθιστον ἐόντα Ἀδρήστῳ, ὃς τόν τε ἀδελφεόν οἱ Μηκιστέα ἀπεκτόνεε καὶ τὸν γαμβρὸν Τυδέα. ἐπείτε δέ οἱ τὸ τέμενος ἀπέδεξε, θυσίας τε καὶ ὁρτὰς Ἀδρήστου ἀπελόμενος ἔδωκε τῷ Μελανίππῳ. οἱ δὲ Σικυώνιοι ἐώθεσαν μεγαλωστὶ κάρτα τιμᾶν τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ γὰρ χώρη ἦν αὕτη Πολύβου, ὁ δὲ Ἄδρηστος ἦν Πολύβου θυγατριδέος, ἄπαις δὲ Πόλυβος τελευτῶν διδοῖ Ἀδρήστῳ τὴν ἀρχήν. τά τε δὴ ἄλλα οἱ Σικυώνιοι ἐτίμων τὸν Ἄδρηστον καὶ δὴ πρὸς τὰ πάθεα αὐτοῦ τραγικοῖσι χοροῖσι ἐγέραιρον, τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον οὐ τιμῶντες, τὸν δὲ Ἄδρηστον. Κλεισθένης δὲ χοροὺς μὲν τῷ Διονύσῳ ἀπέδωκε, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην θυσίην Μελανίππῳ. 5.68. ταῦτα μὲν ἐς Ἄδρηστόν οἱ ἐπεποίητο, φυλὰς δὲ τὰς Δωριέων, ἵνα δὴ μὴ αἱ αὐταὶ ἔωσι τοῖσι Σικυωνίοισι καὶ τοῖσι Ἀργείοισι, μετέβαλε ἐς ἄλλα οὐνόματα. ἔνθα καὶ πλεῖστον κατεγέλασε τῶν Σικυωνίων· ἐπὶ γὰρ ὑός τε καὶ ὄνου τὰς ἐπωνυμίας μετατιθεὶς αὐτὰ τὰ τελευταῖα ἐπέθηκε, πλὴν τῆς ἑωυτοῦ φυλῆς· ταύτῃ δὲ τὸ οὔνομα ἀπὸ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ ἀρχῆς ἔθετο. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ Ἀρχέλαοι ἐκαλέοντο, ἕτεροι δὲ Ὑᾶται, ἄλλοι δὲ Ὀνεᾶται, ἕτεροι δὲ Χοιρεᾶται. τούτοισι τοῖσι οὐνόμασι τῶν φυλέων ἐχρέωντο οἱ Σικυώνιοι καὶ ἐπὶ Κλεισθένεος ἄρχοντος καὶ ἐκείνου τεθνεῶτος ἔτι ἐπʼ ἔτεα ἑξήκοντα· μετέπειτα μέντοι λόγον σφίσι δόντες μετέβαλον ἐς τοὺς Ὑλλέας καὶ Παμφύλους καὶ Δυμανάτας, τετάρτους δὲ αὐτοῖσι προσέθεντο ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἀδρήστου παιδὸς Αἰγιαλέος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ποιεύμενοι κεκλῆσθαι Αἰγιαλέας. 5.69. ταῦτα μέν νυν ὁ Σικυώνιος Κλεισθένης ἐπεποιήκεε· ὁ δὲ δὴ Ἀθηναῖος Κλεισθένης ἐὼν τοῦ Σικυωνίου τούτου θυγατριδέος καὶ τὸ οὔνομα ἐπὶ τούτου ἔχων, δοκέειν ἐμοὶ καὶ οὗτος ὑπεριδὼν Ἴωνας, ἵνα μὴ σφίσι αἱ αὐταὶ ἔωσι φυλαὶ καὶ Ἴωσι, τὸν ὁμώνυμον Κλεισθένεα ἐμιμήσατο. ὡς γὰρ δὴ τὸν Ἀθηναίων δῆμον πρότερον ἀπωσμένον τότε πάντων πρὸς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ μοῖραν προσεθήκατο, τὰς φυλὰς μετωνόμασε καὶ ἐποίησε πλεῦνας ἐξ ἐλασσόνων· δέκα τε δὴ φυλάρχους ἀντὶ τεσσέρων ἐποίησε, δέκαχα 1 δὲ καὶ τοὺς δήμους κατένειμε ἐς τὰς φυλάς· ἦν τε τὸν δῆμον προσθέμενος πολλῷ κατύπερθε τῶν ἀντιστασιωτέων. | 2.81. They wear linen tunics with fringes hanging about the legs, called “calasiris,” and loose white woolen mantles over these. But nothing woolen is brought into temples, or buried with them: that is impious. ,They agree in this with practices called Orphic and Bacchic, but in fact Egyptian and Pythagorean: for it is impious, too, for one partaking of these rites to be buried in woolen wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this. 5.65. The Lacedaemonians would never have taken the Pisistratid stronghold. First of all they had no intention to blockade it, and secondly the Pisistratidae were well furnished with food and drink. The Lacedaemonians would only have besieged the place for a few days and then returned to Sparta. As it was, however, there was a turn of fortune which harmed the one party and helped the other, for the sons of the Pisistratid family were taken as they were being secretly carried out of the country. ,When this happened, all their plans were confounded, and they agreed to depart from Attica within five days on the terms prescribed to them by the Athenians in return for the recovery of their children. ,Afterwards they departed to Sigeum on the Scamander. They had ruled the Athenians for thirty-six years and were in lineage of the house of Pylos and Neleus, born of the same ancestors as the families of Codrus and Melanthus, who had formerly come from foreign parts to be kings of Athens. ,It was for this reason that Hippocrates gave his son the name Pisistratus as a remembrance, calling him after Pisistratus the son of Nestor. ,This is the way, then, that the Athenians got rid of their tyrants. As regards all the noteworthy things which they did or endured after they were freed and before Ionia revolted from Darius and Aristagoras of Miletus came to Athens to ask help of its people, of these I will first give an account. 5.66. Athens, which had been great before, now grew even greater when her tyrants had been removed. The two principal holders of power were Cleisthenes an Alcmaeonid, who was reputed to have bribed the Pythian priestess, and Isagoras son of Tisandrus, a man of a notable house but his lineage I cannot say. His kinsfolk, at any rate, sacrifice to Zeus of Caria. ,These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally. 5.67. In doing this, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, for Cleisthenes, after going to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric poems, in which it is the Argives and Argos which are primarily the theme of the songs. Furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out from the land Adrastus son of Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in the very marketplace of Sicyon because he was an Argive. ,He went then to Delphi, and asked the oracle if he should cast Adrastus out, but the priestess said in response: “Adrastus is king of Sicyon, and you but a stone thrower.” When the god would not permit him to do as he wished in this matter, he returned home and attempted to devise some plan which might rid him of Adrastus. When he thought he had found one, he sent to Boeotian Thebes saying that he would gladly bring Melanippus son of Astacus into his country, and the Thebans handed him over. ,When Cleisthenes had brought him in, he consecrated a sanctuary for him in the government house itself, where he was established in the greatest possible security. Now the reason why Cleisthenes brought in Melanippus, a thing which I must relate, was that Melanippus was Adrastus' deadliest enemy, for Adrastus had slain his brother Mecisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus. ,Having then designated the precinct for him, Cleisthenes took away all Adrastus' sacrifices and festivals and gave them to Melanippus. The Sicyonians had been accustomed to pay very great honor to Adrastus because the country had once belonged to Polybus, his maternal grandfather, who died without an heir and bequeathed the kingship to him. ,Besides other honors paid to Adrastus by the Sicyonians, they celebrated his lamentable fate with tragic choruses in honor not of Dionysus but of Adrastus. Cleisthenes, however, gave the choruses back to Dionysus and the rest of the worship to Melanippus. 5.68. This, then, is what he did regarding Adrastus, but as for the tribes of the Dorians, he changed their names so that these tribes should not be shared by Sicyonians and Argives. In this especially he made a laughing-stock of the Sicyonians, for he gave the tribes names derived from the words ‘donkey’ and ‘pig’ changing only the endings. The name of his own tribe, however, he did not change in this way, but rather gave it a name indicating his own rule, calling it Archelaoi, rulers of the people. The rest were Swinites, Assites and Porkites. ,These were the names of the tribes which the Sicyonians used under Cleisthenes' rule and for sixty years more after his death. Afterwards, however, they took counsel together and both changed the names of three to Hylleis, Pamphyli, and Dymanatae, and added a fourth which they called Aegialeis after Aegialeus son of Adrastus. 5.69. This is what the Sicyonian Cleisthenes had done, and the Athenian Cleisthenes, following the lead of his grandfather and namesake, decided out of contempt, I imagine, for the Ionians, that his tribes should not be the same as theirs. ,When he had drawn into his own party the Athenian people, which was then debarred from all rights, he gave the tribes new names and increased their number, making ten tribe-wardens in place of four, and assigning ten districts to each tribe. When he had won over the people, he was stronger by far than the rival faction. |
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| 10. Aristophanes, Birds, 1292-1296, 1291 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 682 |
11. Aristophanes, Clouds, 985, 984 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 682| 984. ἀρχαῖά γε καὶ Διιπολιώδη καὶ τεττίγων ἀνάμεστα | 984. UNJUST DISCOURSE: What antiquated rubbish! Have we got back to the days of the festivals of Zeus Polieus (Dipolia?), to the Buphonia, to the time of the poet Cecydes and the golden cicadas? JUST DISCOURSE: 'Tis nevertheless by suchlike teaching I built up the men of Marathon. But you, you teach the children of today to bundle themselves quickly into their clothes, and I am enraged when I see them at the Panathenaea forgetting Athene while they dance, and covering themselves with their bucklers. Hence, young man, dare to range yourself beside me, who follow justice and truth; you will then be able to shun the public place, to refrain from the baths, to blush at all that is shameful, to fire up if your virtue is mocked at, to give place to your elders, to honour your parents, in short, to avoid all that is evil. Be modesty itself, and do not run to applaud the dancing girls; if you delight in such scenes, some courtesan will cast you her apple and your reputation will be done for. Do not bandy words with your father, nor treat him as a dotard, nor reproach the old man, who has cherished you, with his age. |
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| 12. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1390b 30 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 511 |
13. Demosthenes, Orations, 43.13-43.15, 43.73, 43.77-43.78, 43.81-43.82, 57.46 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 70, 114, 285, 711 | 43.13. And I was the one to render him this service, since I was husband to the daughter of Eubulides, she having been adjudged to me as being the nearest of kin, and I introduced this boy to the clansmen of Hagnias and Eubulides, to which fellowship Theopompus, the father of Macartatus here, belonged during his lifetime, and to which Macartatus now belongs. 43.14. And the fellow-clansmen of Macartatus here, who knew better than any others the pedigree of the family, seeing that he himself did not choose to risk a contest and did not remove the victim from the altar, as he should have done had the introduction of this boy not been legitimate, but demanded that they commit perjury,6 took the ballot while the victims were still burning, and carried it from the altar of Zeus Phatrius So named, as god of the clan (phratry)—which was a religious institution. in the presence of the defendant Macartatus, and gave a just verdict, men of the jury—that this boy was duly and rightfully introduced as the adopted son of Eubulides into the family of Hagnias. 43.82. And when he was being introduced, the rest of the clansmen cast their votes secretly, but the defendant Macartatus by an open vote declared that this boy was being rightly introduced as a son to Eubulides; for he did not wish to lay his hand upon the victim or to remove it from the altar, and thus make himself responsible; nay, he even received his portion of the flesh from the hand of this boy, and took it away with him, as did the rest of the clansmen. 57.46. Well then, that I am a citizen on both my mother’s and my father’s side you have all learned, partly from the testimony which has just been given and partly from that previously given regarding my father. It remains for me to speak to you about myself—and my statement is, I think, the simplest and the most reasonable—, that, since I am of civic birth on the side of both parents and have shared by inheritance both the property and the family, I am a citizen. Nevertheless I will produce witnesses to establish also all the circumstances which befit a citizen—that I was inducted into the clan, that I was enrolled on the register of the demesmen, that by these men themselves I was nominated among the noblest-born to draw lots for the priesthood of Heracles, and that I passed the scrutiny and held offices. (To the clerk.) Call them, please. The Witnesses |
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14. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.101 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 852| 2.101. quaero autem quid sit, quod, cum dissolutione, id est morte, sensus omnis extinguatur, et cum reliqui nihil sit omnino, quod pertineat ad nos, tam accurate tamque diligenter caveat et sanciat ut Amynomachus et Timocrates, heredes sui, de Hermarchi sententia dent quod satis sit ad diem agendum natalem suum quotannis mense Gamelione itemque omnibus mensibus vicesimo die lunae dent ad eorum epulas, qui una secum philosophati sint, ut et ut et et ut A sui et Metrodori memoria colatur. | 2.101. However in spite of this I understand the meaning intended. What I want to know is this: if all sensation is annihilated by dissolution, that is, by death, and if nothing whatever that can affect us remains, why is it that he makes such precise and careful provision and stipulation 'that his heirs, ')" onMouseOut="nd();"Amynomachus and Timocrates, shall after consultation with Hermarchus assign a sufficient sum to celebrate his birthday every year in the month of Gamelion, and also on the twentieth day of every month shall assign a sum for a banquet to his fellow-students in philosophy, in order to keep alive the memory of himself and of Metrodorus'? < |
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| 15. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 15.79.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 511 |
16. Plutarch, Pericles, 29.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 511| 29.2. ψηφισαμένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου τὴν βοήθειαν ἀπέστειλε δέκα ναῦς μόνας ἔχοντα Λακεδαιμόνιον, τὸν Κίμωνος υἱόν, οἷον ἐφυβρίζων· πολλὴ γὰρ ἦν εὔνοια καὶ φιλία τῷ Κίμωνος οἴκῳ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους. ὡς ἂν οὖν, εἰ μηδὲν ἔργον μέγα μηδʼ ἐκπρεπὲς ἐν τῇ στρατηγίᾳ τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίου γένοιτο, προσδιαβληθείη μᾶλλον εἰς τὸν λακωνισμόν, ὀλίγας αὐτῷ ναῦς ἔδωκε καὶ μὴ βουλόμενον ἐξέπεμψε. | 29.2. But when the people had voted to send the aid and succour, he despatched Lacedaemonius, the son of Cimon, with only ten ships, as it were in mockery of him. Now there was much good-will and friendship on the part of the house of Cimon towards the Lacedaemonians. In order, therefore, that in case no great or conspicuous achievement should be performed under the generalship of Lacedaemonius, he might so be all the more calumniated for his Iaconism, or sympathy with Sparta, Pericles gave him only a few ships, and sent him forth against his will. 20. He also sailed into the Euxine Sea Probably about 436. B.C. with a large and splendidly equipped armament. There he effected what the Greek cities desired, and dealt with them humanely, while to the neighboring nations of Barbarians with their kings and dynasts he displayed the magnitude of his forces and the fearless courage with which they sailed whithersoever they pleased and brought the whole sea under their own control. He also left with the banished Sinopians thirteen ships of war and soldiers under command of Lamachus to aid them against Timesileos.,When the tyrant and his adherents had been driven from the city, Pericles got a bill passed providing that six hundred volunteers of the Athenians should sail to Sinope and settle down there with the Sinopians, dividing up among themselves the houses and lands which the tyrant and his followers had formerly occupied. But in other matters he did not accede to the vain impulses of the citizens, nor was he swept along with the tide when they were eager, from a sense of their great power and good fortune, to lay hands again upon Egypt and molest the realms of the King which lay along the sea.,Many also were possessed already with that inordinate and inauspicious passion for Sicily which was afterwards kindled into flame by such orators as Alcibiades. And some there were who actually dreamed of Tuscany and Carthage, and that not without a measure of hope, in view of the magnitude of their present supremacy and the full-flowing tide of success in their undertakings. |
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| 17. Plutarch, Moralia, 841d-843, 534c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 677 |
18. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.1.3, 1.26.6, 9.27.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 715, 1227| 1.1.3. θέας δὲ ἄξιον τῶν ἐν Πειραιεῖ μάλιστα Ἀθηνᾶς ἐστι καὶ Διὸς τέμενος· χαλκοῦ μὲν ἀμφότερα τὰ ἀγάλματα, ἔχει δὲ ὁ μὲν σκῆπτρον καὶ Νίκην, ἡ δὲ Ἀθηνᾶ δόρυ. ἐνταῦθα Λεωσθένην, ὃς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ τοῖς πᾶσιν Ἕλλησιν ἡγούμενος Μακεδόνας ἔν τε Βοιωτοῖς ἐκράτησε μάχῃ καὶ αὖθις ἔξω Θερμοπυλῶν καὶ βιασάμενος ἐς Λάμιαν κατέκλεισε τὴν ἀπαντικρὺ τῆς Οἴτης, τοῦτον τὸν Λεωσθένην καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἔγραψεν Ἀρκεσίλαος . ἔστι δὲ τῆς στοᾶς τῆς μακρᾶς, ἔνθα καθέστηκεν ἀγορὰ τοῖς ἐπὶ θαλάσσης—καὶ γὰρ τοῖς ἀπωτέρω τοῦ λιμένος ἐστὶν ἑτέρα—, τῆς δὲ ἐπὶ θαλάσσης στοᾶς ὄπισθεν ἑστᾶσι Ζεὺς καὶ Δῆμος, Λεωχάρους ἔργον. πρὸς δὲ τῇ θαλάσσῃ Κόνων ᾠκοδόμησεν Ἀφροδίτης ἱερόν, τριήρεις Λακεδαιμονίων κατεργασάμενος περὶ Κνίδον τὴν ἐν τῇ Καρικῇ χερρονήσῳ. Κνίδιοι γὰρ τιμῶσιν Ἀφροδίτην μάλιστα, καί σφισιν ἔστιν ἱερὰ τῆς θεοῦ· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀρχαιότατον Δωρίτιδος, μετὰ δὲ τὸ Ἀκραίας, νεώτατον δὲ ἣν Κνιδίαν οἱ πολλοί, Κνίδιοι δὲ αὐτοὶ καλοῦσιν Εὔπλοιαν. 1.26.6. ἱερὰ μὲν τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἐστιν ἥ τε ἄλλη πόλις καὶ ἡ πᾶσα ὁμοίως γῆ—καὶ γὰρ ὅσοις θεοὺς καθέστηκεν ἄλλους ἐν τοῖς δήμοις σέβειν, οὐδέν τι ἧσσον τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν ἄγουσιν ἐν τιμῇ—, τὸ δὲ ἁγιώτατον ἐν κοινῷ πολλοῖς πρότερον νομισθὲν ἔτεσιν ἢ συνῆλθον ἀπὸ τῶν δήμων ἐστὶν Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα ἐν τῇ νῦν ἀκροπόλει, τότε δὲ ὀνομαζομένῃ πόλει· φήμη δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ ἔχει πεσεῖν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἐπέξειμι εἴτε οὕτως εἴτε ἄλλως ἔχει, λύχνον δὲ τῇ θεῷ χρυσοῦν Καλλίμαχος ἐποίησεν· 9.27.2. Ἔρωτα δὲ ἄνθρωποι μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ νεώτατον θεῶν εἶναι καὶ Ἀφροδίτης παῖδα ἥγηνται· Λύκιος δὲ Ὠλήν, ὃς καὶ τοὺς ὕμνους τοὺς ἀρχαιοτάτους ἐποίησεν Ἕλλησιν, οὗτος ὁ Ὠλὴν ἐν Εἰλειθυίας ὕμνῳ μητέρα Ἔρωτος τὴν Εἰλείθυιάν φησιν εἶναι. Ὠλῆνος δὲ ὕστερον Πάμφως τε ἔπη καὶ Ὀρφεὺς ἐποίησαν· καί σφισιν ἀμφοτέροις πεποιημένα ἐστὶν ἐς Ἔρωτα, ἵνα ἐπὶ τοῖς δρωμένοις Λυκομίδαι καὶ ταῦτα ᾄδωσιν· ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπελεξάμην ἀνδρὶ ἐς λόγους ἐλθὼν δᾳδουχοῦντι. καὶ τῶν μὲν οὐ πρόσω ποιήσομαι μνήμην· Ἡσίοδον δὲ ἢ τὸν Ἡσιόδῳ Θεογονίαν ἐσποιήσαντα οἶδα γράψαντα ὡς Χάος πρῶτον, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτῷ Γῆ τε καὶ Τάρταρος καὶ Ἔρως γένοιτο· | 1.1.3. The most noteworthy sight in the Peiraeus is a precinct of Athena and Zeus. Both their images are of bronze; Zeus holds a staff and a Victory, Athena a spear. Here is a portrait of Leosthenes and of his sons, painted by Arcesilaus. This Leosthenes at the head of the Athenians and the united Greeks defeated the Macedonians in Boeotia and again outside Thermopylae forced them into Lamia over against Oeta, and shut them up there. 323 B.C. The portrait is in the long portico, where stands a market-place for those living near the sea—those farther away from the harbor have another—but behind the portico near the sea stand a Zeus and a Demos, the work of Leochares. And by the sea Conon fl. c. 350 B.C. built a sanctuary of Aphrodite, after he had crushed the Lacedaemonian warships off Cnidus in the Carian peninsula. 394 B.C. For the Cnidians hold Aphrodite in very great honor, and they have sanctuaries of the goddess; the oldest is to her as Doritis ( Bountiful ), the next in age as Acraea ( of the Height ), while the newest is to the Aphrodite called Cnidian by men generally, but Euploia ( Fair Voyage ) by the Cnidians themselves. 1.26.6. Both the city and the whole of the land are alike sacred to Athena; for even those who in their parishes have an established worship of other gods nevertheless hold Athena in honor. But the most holy symbol, that was so considered by all many years before the unification of the parishes, is the image of Athena which is on what is now called the Acropolis, but in early days the Polis (City). A legend concerning it says that it fell from heaven; whether this is true or not I shall not discuss. A golden lamp for the goddess was made by Callimachus fl. 400 B.C. ? 9.27.2. Most men consider Love to be the youngest of the gods and the son of Aphrodite. But Olen the Lycian, who composed the oldest Greek hymns, says in a hymn to Eileithyia that she was the mother of Love. Later than Olen, both Pamphos and Orpheus wrote hexameter verse, and composed poems on Love, in order that they might be among those sung by the Lycomidae to accompany the ritual. I read them after conversation with a Torchbearer. of these things I will make no further mention. Hesiod, Hes. Th. 116 foll. or he who wrote the Theogony fathered on Hesiod, writes, I know, that Chaos was born first, and after Chaos, Earth, Tartarus and Love. |
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| 19. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 134e, 134d (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 975 |
20. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 10.16 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 852 | 10.16. and then, having bidden his friends remember his doctrines, breathed his last.Here is something of my own about him:Farewell, my friends; the truths I taught hold fast:Thus Epicurus spake, and breathed his last.He sat in a warm bath and neat wine quaff'd,And straightway found chill death in that same draught.Such was the life of the sage and such his end.His last will was as follows: On this wise I give and bequeath all my property to Amynomachus, son of Philocrates of Bate and Timocrates, son of Demetrius of Potamus, to each severally according to the items of the deed of gift laid up in the Metroon, |
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| 21. Donatus, Donati Commentum Adelphorum, 351 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 114 |
| 22. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, zeuxantidai (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 715 |
| 23. Plutarch, Kim., 16.1 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 511 |
| 24. Kratinos, Deliades F, 32 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 682 |
| 25. Various, Fgh 244, f158 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 715 |
| 26. Various, Fgh 344-6, 0 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 715 |
| 27. Oliver, Oliver, J. H. 1970, 4 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 711 |
| 28. Various, Fgh 107, f6 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 511 |
| 29. Various, Fgh 359, 0 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 715 |
| 30. Epigraphy, Migeotte 1992, 20 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 715 |
| 31. Papyri, P.Oxy., 281 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 70 |
| 32. Epigraphy, Ls, 15 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 677 |
| 33. Epigraphy, Lambert 1997, f16a.19-21, f16a.22-3, f6 b 28 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 715 |
| 34. Epigraphy, Brenne 2001, 253 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 682 |
| 35. Epigraphy, Ieleus, 275, 301, 435, 95, 300 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 418, 711, 715 |
| 36. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, l4b Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 711 |
| 37. Epigraphy, Reinmuth 1971, 12 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1001 |
| 38. Aeschylus, Aeschines, 1.97-1.105 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 140 |
| 39. Anon., Scholia Aristophanes Eq., 407 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 511 |
| 40. Andocides, Orations, 1.97-1.105, 1.117-1.123 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 140, 711 |
| 41. Epigraphy, Syll. , 585 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 715 |
42. Epigraphy, Seg, 2.7, 16.168, 29.127, 30.85, 37.161-37.162, 43.26, 49.188, 54.307, 56.235, 58.265 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 418, 677, 682, 711, 975, 1001, 1080 | 43.26. Decree 1 Diogenes son of Naukydes proposed: since Phanomachos the treasurer in the archonship of Praxiboulos (315/4) both sacrificed all the sacrifices to the gods and heroes in the year on behalf of the demesmen (5) and managed the Dionysia well and [with love of honour (philotimōs)] with the demarch Oinophilos and made a libation bowl (phialēn) of silver weighing a mina (= 100 dr.) according to the [law] and has given a full account of his ficial administration (hōn diōikēsen) both to the (10) city and to the demesmen within the times specified in the laws of the city and the demesmen and has deposited (katabeblēken) with the Acharnians the surplus of the money from his ficial administration (dioikēseōs), 329 drachmas, and rendered (15) his accounts (euthunas), in which he was deemed to have held office as treasurer justly, and managed everything else that the Acharnians required of him well and with love of honour (philotimōs); the Acharnians shall resolve, to praise Phanomachos son of Nikodemos of Acharnai and (20) crown him with a foliage crown for his love of honour (philotimias) and justice towards the demesmen; and the secretary of the demesmen shall inscribe this decree on a stone stele and stand it in the sanctuary of Athena Hippia; (25) and the treasurer shall give [20] drachmas for inscribing the stele and account for it to the demesmen. Decree 2 Diogenes son of Naukydes proposed: since the demarch Oinophilos and the treasurer Phanomachos and (30) the manager of the Dionysia have managed well and with love of honour (philotimōs) both the sacrifice to Dionysos and the procession and the competition and are administering (dioikousin) everything else on behalf of the demesmen according to the laws, the Acharnians shall resolve, (35) to praise the demarch Oinophilos son of Oinophilos and the treasurer Phanomachos son of Nikodemos and the manager, Leon son of Dion, and crown each of them with an ivy crown and the demarch shall announce these (40)crowns at the Dionysia in Acharnai in the competition; and the demarch Oinophilos shall inscribe this decree on a stone stele and stand it in the sanctuary of Athena Hippia; and the treasurer Phanomachos shall give 20 drachmas (45)for inscribing the stele and account for it to the demesmen; and they shall have a seat of honour, themselves and their descendants, for all time at the Dionysia at Acharnai in the competition, in the front row (epi tou prōtou bathrou). text from Attic Inscriptions Online, SEG 43.26 - Two honorific decrees of the deme Acharnai, 315/4 BC |
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| 43. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1604.87, 1009, 1136, 1146, 1201, 1202, 1215, 1244, 1245, 1246, 1247, 1248, 1492a, 2333a, 2334, 2492, 2752, 3473, 3474, 3484, 3485, 3486, 3523, 3524, 3678, 380, 3870, 388, 4329, 47, 4962, 7504, 463 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1001, 1080 |
44. Epigraphy, Ig I , 247, 306-308, 330-332, 7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 677 | 7. The Council and People decided. [- was the prytany]. - was secretary. [- was chairman. - proposed]: concerning the request [of the Praxiergidai to write up the oracle] of the god and the [decrees] formerly [made about them] (5) on a stone stele [and set it down on the acropolis (polei)] behind the old temple; . . . . . . ; and the money . . . . . . of the goddess according to ancestral tradition . . . the payment officers (kolakretai) shall give them the money. (10) Apollo issued the following oracle: it is better [for the Praxiergidai] to put the peplos on [the goddess and make preliminary sacrifice] to the Fates, to Zeus Leader of the Fates, to Earth . . . Uninscribed space These are the ancestral traditions of the Praxiergidai . . . . . . Uncertain amount of text missing (15) . . . provide (?) (parechen) . . . [for the Praxiergi?]dai . . . the fleece (koidion) . . . according to [tradition] . . . provide (parechen) (20) . . . Thargelion . . . the archon shall give (?) . . . in accordance with ancestral tradition. The Praxiergidai shall put on [the peplos]. (25) The Praxiergidai shall pay for (apotinen?) (?) a medimnos of barley. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3 7 - Decree about genos Praxiergidai |
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| 45. Epigraphy, Id, 1653, 2229, 2614 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 715 |
| 46. Epigraphy, Be, 1964.392 Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, family and kin Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 285 |
| 47. Epigraphy, Sema, 1580, 174, 176, 50, 52, 527, 589, 175 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 115, 711 |
| 48. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 1152, 212-213, 323, 337, 340, 360, 434, 518-519, 63, 75, 958, 1026 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 677 |
