| 1. Leucippus, Fragments, 132 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 80 |
| 2. Philochorus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 249 |
3. Cato, Marcus Porcius, On Agriculture, 134.2-134.3, 141.5 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 61 | 13. Now Antiochus had blocked up the narrow pass of Thermopylae with his army, adding trenches and walls to the natural defences of the place, and sat there, thinking he had locked the war out of Greece. And the Romans did indeed despair utterly of forcing a direct passage. But Cato, calling to mind the famous compass and circuit of the pass which the Persians had once made, took a considerable force and set out under cover of darkness. They climbed the heights, but their guide, who was a prisoner of war, lost the way, and wandered about in impracticable and precipitous places until he had filled the soldiers with dreadful dejection and fear. Cato, seeing their peril, bade the rest remain quietly where they were, while he himself, with a certain Lucius Manlius, an expert mountain-climber, made his way along, with great toil and hazard, in the dense darkness of a moonless night, his vision much impeded and obscured by wild olive trees and rocky peaks, until at last they came upon a path. This, they thought, led down to the enemy's camp. So they put marks and signs on some conspicuous cliffs which towered over Mount Callidromus, and then made their way back again to the main body. This too they conducted to the marks and signs, struck into the path indicated by these, and started forward. But when they had gone on a little way, the path failed them, and a ravine yawned to receive them. Once more dejection and fear were rife. They did not know and could not see that they were right upon the enemy whom they sought. But presently gleams of daylight came, here and there a man thought he heard voices, and soon they actually saw a Greek outpost entrenched at the foot of the cliffs. So then Cato halted his forces there, and summoned the men of Firmum to a private conference. These soldiers he had always found trusty and zealous in his service. When they had run up and stood grouped about him, he said: "I must take one of the enemy's men alive, and learn from him who they are that form this advance guard, what their number is, and with what disposition and array their main body awaits us. But the task demands the swift and bold leap of lions fearlessly rushing all unarmed upon the timorous beasts on which they prey." So spake Cato, and the Firmians instantly started, just as they were, rushed down the mountain-side, and ran upon the enemy's sentinels. Falling upon them unexpectedly, they threw them all into confusion and scattered them in flight; one of them they seized, arms and all, and delivered him over to Cato. From the captive Cato learned that the main force of the enemy was encamped in the pass with the king himself, and that the detachment guarding the pass over the mountains was composed of six hundred picked Aetolians. Despising their small numbers and their carelessness, he led his troops against them at once, with bray of trumpet and battle-cry, being himself first to draw his sword. But when the enemy saw his men pouring down upon them from the cliffs, they fled to the main army, and filled them all with confusion. 13. In Syria, too, as we are told, he had a laughable experience. As he was walking into Antioch, he saw at the gates outside a multitude of people drawn up on either side of the road, among whom stood, in one group, young men with military cloaks, and in another, boys with gala robes, while some had white raiment and crowns, being priests or magistrates. Cato, accordingly, thinking that this could only be some honourable reception which the city was preparing for him, was angry with his servants who had been sent on in advance, because they had not prevented it; but he ordered his friends to dismount, and went forward on foot with them. When, however, they were near the gate, he who was arranging all these ceremonies and marshalling the crowd, a man now well on in years, holding a wand and a crown in his hand, advanced to meet Cato, and without even greeting him asked where they had left Demetrius and when he would be there. Now, Demetrius had once been a slave of Pompey, but at this time, when all mankind, so to speak, had their eyes fixed upon Pompey, he was courted beyond his deserts, since he had great influence with Pompey. Cato's friends accordingly, were seized with such a fit of laughter that they could not recover themselves even when they were walking through the crowd; but Cato was greatly disturbed at the time, and said: "O the unhappy city!" and not a word besides. In after times, however, he was wont to laugh at the incident himself also, both when he told it and when he called it to mind. 49. But Caesar, though he devoted himself to his armies in Gaul and was busy with arms, nevertheless employed gifts, money, and above all friends, to increase his power in the city. Presently, therefore, the admonitions of Cato roused Pompey from the great incredulity which he had indulged in up to this time, so that he had forebodings of his peril. However, he was still given to hesitation and spiritless delay in checking or attacking the threatening evil, and therefore Cato determined to stand for the consulship, that he might at once deprive Caesar of his armed forces, or convict him of hostile designs. But his competitors were both acceptable men, and Sulpicius had actually derived much benefit from Cato's repute and power in the city, and was therefore thought to be acting in an improper and even thankless manner. But Cato had no fault to find with him. "Pray, what wonder is it," said he, "if a man will not surrender to another what he regards as the greatest of all good things?" However, by persuading the senate to pass a decree that candidates for office should canvass the people in person, and not solicit nor confer with the citizens through the agency of another going about in their behalf, Cato still more exasperated the common folk, in that he deprived them, not only of getting money, but also of bestowing favour, and so made them at once poor and without honour. And besides this, he was not persuasive himself in canvassings for himself, but wished to preserve in his manners the dignity of his life, rather than to acquire that of the consulship by making the customary salutations; neither would he permit his friends to do the things by which the multitude is courted and captivated. He therefore failed to obtain the office. 54. Feed for cattle should be prepared and fed as follows: When the sowing is over, gather the acorns and soak them in water. A half-modius of this should be fed each ox per day, though if the oxen are not working it will be better to let them forage; or feed a modius of the grape husks which you have stored in jars. During the day let them forage, and at night feed 25 pounds of hay a head; if you have no hay, feed ilex and ivy leaves. Store wheat and barley straw, husks of beans, of vetch, of lupines, and of all other crops. In storing litter, bring under cover that which has most leaves, sprinkle it with salt, and feed it instead of hay. When you begin feeding in spring, feed a modius of mast, or grape husks, or soaked lupine, and 15 pounds of hay. When clover is in season feed it first; pull it by hand and it will grow again, for if you cut it with the hook it will not. Continue to feed clover until it dries out, after which feed it in limited quantities; then feed vetch, then panic grass, and after this elm leaves. If you have poplar leaves, mix them with the elm to make the latter hold out; and failing elm, feed oak and fig leaves. There is nothing more profitable than to take good care of cattle. They should not be pastured except in winter, when they are not ploughing; for when they once eat green food they are always expecting it; and so they have to be muzzled to keep them from biting at the grass while ploughing. 54. When Cato was dispatched to Asia, that he might help those who were collecting transports and soldiers there, he took with him Servilia his sister and her young child by Lucullus. For Servilia had followed Cato, now that she was a widow, and had put an end to much of the evil report about her dissolute conduct by submitting to Cato's guardianship and sharing his wanderings and his ways of life of her own accord. But Caesar did not spare abuse of Cato even on the score of his relations with Servilia. Now, in other ways, as it would seem, Pompey's commanders in Asia had no need of Cato, and therefore, after persuading Rhodes into allegiance, he left Servilia and her child there, and returned to Pompey, who now had a splendid naval and military force assembled. Here, indeed, and most clearly, Pompey was thought to have made his opinion of Cato manifest. For he determined to put the command of his fleet into the hands of Cato, and there were no less than five hundred fighting ships, besides Liburnian craft, look-out ships, and open boats in great numbers. But he soon perceived, or was shown by his friends, that the one chief object of Cato's public services was the liberty of his country, and that if he should be made master of so large a force, the very day of Caesar's defeat would find Cato demanding that Pompey also lay down his arms and obey the laws. Pompey therefore changed his mind, although he had already conferred with Cato about the matter, and appointed Bibulus admiral. Notwithstanding, he did not find that in consequence of this the zeal of Cato was blunted; nay, it is even said that when Pompey himself was trying to incite his forces to a battle before Dyrrhachium, and bidding each of the other commanders to say something to inspire the men, the soldiers listened to them sluggishly and in silence; but that when Cato, after all the other speakers, had rehearsed with genuine emotion all the appropriate sentiments to be drawn from philosophy concerning freedom, virtue, death and fame, and finally passed into an invocation of the gods as eye-witnesses of their struggle in behalf of their country, there was such a shouting and so great a stir among all the soldiers thus aroused that all the commanders were full of hope as they hastened to confront the peril. They overcame and routed their enemies, but were robbed of a complete and perfect victory by the good genius of Caesar, which took advantage of Pompey's caution and distrust of his good fortune. These details, however, have been given in the Life of Pompey. But while all the rest were rejoicing and magnifying their achievement, Cato was weeping for his country, and bewailing the love of power that had brought such misfortune and destruction, as he saw that many brave citizens had fallen by one another's hands. 55. Store firewood for the master's use on flooring, and cut olive sticks and roots and pile them out of doors. 55. When Pompey, in pursuit of Caesar, was breaking camp to march into Thessaly, he left behind him at Dyrrhachium a great quantity of arms and stores, and many kindred and friends, and over all these he appointed Cato commander and guardian, with fifteen cohorts of soldiers, because he both trusted and feared him. For in case of defeat, he thought that Cato would be his surest support, but in case of a victory, that he would not, if present, permit him to manage matters as he chose. Many prominent men were also ignored by Pompey and left behind at Dyrrhachium with Cato. When the defeat at Pharsalus came, Cato resolved that, if Pompey were dead, he would take over to Italy those who were still with him, but would himself live in exile as far as possible from the tyranny of Caesar; if, on the contrary, Pompey were alive, he would by all means keep his forces intact for him. Accordingly, having crossed over to Corcyra, where the fleet was, he offered to give up the command to Cicero, who was of consular rank, while he himself had been only a praetor. But Cicero would not accept the command, and set out for Italy. Then Cato, seeing that the younger Pompey was led by his obstinacy and unseasonable pride into a desire to punish all those who were about to sail away, and was going to lay violent hands on Cicero first of all, admonished him in private and calmed him down, thus manifestly saving Cicero from death and procuring immunity for the rest. 6. Once more, that temperance which Cato always decked out with the fairest praises, Aristides maintained and practised in unsullied purity; whereas Cato, by marrying unworthily and unseasonably, fell under no slight or insignificant censure in this regard. It was surely quite indecent that a man of his years should bring home as stepmother to his grownâup son and that son's bride, a girl whose father was his assistant and served the public for hire. Whether he did this merely for his own pleasure, or in anger, to punish his son for objecting to his mistress, both what he did and what led him to do it were disgraceful. And the sarcastic reason for it which he gave his son was not a true one. For had he wished to beget more sons as good, he should have planned at the outset to marry a woman of family, instead of contenting himself, as long as he could do so secretly, with the society of a low concubine, and when he was discovered, making a man his father-inâlaw whom he could most easily persuade, rather than one whose alliance would bring him most honour. 6. But in other matters, his self-restraint was beyond measure admirable. For instance, when he was in command of an army, he took for himself and his retinue not more than three Attic bushels of wheat a month, and for his beasts of burden, less than a bushel and a half of barley a day. He received Sardinia as his province, and whereas his predecessors were wont to charge the public treasury with their pavilions, couches, and apparel, while they oppressed the province with the cost of their large retinues of servants and friends, and of their lavish and elaborate banquets, his simple economy stood out in an incredible contrast. He made no demands whatever upon the public treasury, and made his circuit of the cities on foot, followed by a single public officer, who carried his robe and chalice for sacrifices. And yet, though in such matters he showed himself mild and sparing to those under his authority, in other ways he displayed a dignity and severity which fully corresponded, for in the administration of justice he was inexorable, and in carrying out the edicts of the government was direct and masterful, so that the Roman power never inspired its subjects with greater fear or affection. 6. At suppers, he would throw dice for the choice of portions; and if he lost, and his friends bade him choose first, he would say it was not right, since Venus was unwilling. At first, also, he would drink once after supper and then leave the table; but as time went on he would allow himself to drink very generously, so that he often tarried at his wine till early morning. His friends used to say that the cause of this was his civic and public activities; he was occupied with these all day, and so prevented from literary pursuits, wherefore he would hold intercourse with the philosophers at night and over the cups. For this reason, too, when a certain Memmius remarked in company that Cato spent his entire nights in drinking, Cicero answered him by saying: "Thou shouldst add that he spends his entire days in throwing dice." And, in general, Cato thought he ought to take a course directly opposed to the life and practices of the time, feeling that these were bad and in need of great change. For instance, when he saw that a purple which was excessively red and vivid was much in vogue, he himself would wear out the dark shade. Again, he would often go out into the streets after breakfast without shoes or tunic. He was not hunting for notoriety by this strange practice, but accustoming himself to be ashamed only of what was really shameful, and to ignore men's low opinion of other things. When an inheritance worth a hundred talents fell to him from his cousin Cato, he turned it into money, and allowed any friend who needed it to have the use of it without interest. And some of his friends actually pledged to the public treasury both lands and slaves which he offered for this purpose himself, and made good his offer. 61. What is good cultivation? Good ploughing. What next? Ploughing. What third? Manuring. The planter who works his olives very often and very deep will plough up the very slender roots; while bad ploughing will cause the roots to come to the surface and grow too large, and the strength of the tree will waste into the roots. When you plough grain land do it well and at the proper season, and do not plough with an irregular furrow. The rest of the cultivation consists in hoeing often, taking up shoots carefully, and transplanting, at the proper time, as many roots as possible, with their soil. When you have covered the roots well, trample them firmly so that the water will not harm them. If one should ask what is the proper time for planting olives, I should say, at seed-time in dry ground, and in spring in rich ground. 61. Accordingly, Cato decided to detain the bearers of the letters until he felt sure of the attitude of the three hundred. For the Romans of senatorial rank were eager in his cause, and after promptly manumitting their slaves, were arming them; but as for the three hundred, since they were men engaged in navigation and money-lending and had the greater part of their property in slaves, the words of Cato did not long abide in their minds, but lapsed away. For just as porous bodies readily receive heat and as readily yield it up again and grow cold when the fire is removed, in like manner these men, when they saw Cato, were filled with warmth and kindled into flame; but, when they came to think matters over by themselves, their fear of Caesar drove away their regard for Cato and for honour. "Who, pray, are we," they said, "and who is he whose commands we are refusing to obey? Is he not Caesar, upon whom the whole power of Rome has devolved? And not one of us is a Scipio, or a Pompey, or a Cato. But at a time when all men are led by fear to think more humbly than they ought to think, at such a time shall we fight in defence of the liberty of Rome, and wage war in Utica against a man before whom Cato, with Pompey the Great, fled and gave up Italy? And shall we give our slaves freedom in opposition to Caesar, we who ourselves have only as much freedom as he may wish to give us? Nay, before it is too late, poor wretches, let us know ourselves, crave the conqueror's grace, and send men to entreat him." This was the course which the more moderate of the three hundred advised; but the majority of them were laying a plot against the men of senatorial rank, in the hope that by seizing these they might mitigate Caesar's wrath against themselves. 70. Remedy for oxen: If you have reason to fear sickness, give the oxen before they get sick the following remedy: 3 grains of salt, 3 laurel leaves, 3 leek leaves, 3 spikes of leek, 3 of garlic, 3 grains of incense, 3 plants of Sabine herb, 3 leaves of rue, 3 stalks of bryony, 3 white beans, 3 live coals, and 3 pints of wine. You must gather, macerate, and administer all these while standing, and he who administers the remedy must be fasting. Administer to each ox for three days, and divide it in such a way that when you have administered three doses to each you will have used it all. See that the ox and the one who administers are both standing, and use a wooden vessel. 70. Without making any reply to this, but bursting into tears, Demetrius and Apollonides slowly withdrew. Then the sword was sent in, carried by a little child, and Cato took it, drew it from his sheath, and examined it. And when he saw that its point was keen and its edge still sharp, he said: "Now I am my own master." Then he laid down the sword and resumed his book, and he is said to have read it through twice. Afterwards he fell into so deep a sleep that those outside the chamber heard him. But about midnight he called two of his freedmen, Cleanthes the physician, and Butas, who was his chief agent in public matters. Butas he sent down to the sea, to find out whether all had set sail successfully, and bring him word; while to the physician he gave his hand to bandage, since it was inflamed by the blow that he had given the slave. This made everybody more cheerful, since they thought he had a mind to live. In a little while Butas came with tidings that all had set sail except Crassus, who was detained by some business or other, and he too was on the point of embarking; Butas reported also that a heavy storm and a high wind prevailed at sea. On hearing this, Cato groaned with pity for those in peril on the sea, and sent Butas down again, to find out whether anyone had been driven back by the storm and wanted any necessaries, and to report to him. And now the birds were already beginning to sing, when he fell asleep again for a little while. And when Butas came and told him that harbours were very quiet, he ordered him to close the door, throwing himself down upon his couch as if he were going to rest there for what still remained of the night. But when Butas had gone out, Cato drew his sword from its sheath and stabbed himself below the breast. His thrust, however, was somewhat feeble, owing to the inflammation in his hand, and so he did not at once dispatch himself, but in his death struggle fell from the couch and made a loud noise by overturning a geometrical abacus that stood near. His servants heard the noise and cried out, and his son at once ran in, together with his friends. They saw that he was smeared with blood, and that most of his bowels were protruding, but that he still had his eyes open and was alive; and they were terribly shocked. But the physician went to him and tried to replace his bowels, which remained uninjured, and to sew up the wound. Accordingly, when Cato recovered and became aware of this, he pushed the physician away, tore his bowels with his hands, rent the wound still more, and so died. |
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| 4. Plautus, Aulularia, 611 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 87 |
| 5. Plautus, Curculio, 89, 88 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 61 |
| 6. Plautus, Epidicus, 302 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 46 |
| 7. Plautus, Mercator, 908 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 46 |
| 8. Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, 1079 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 200 |
| 9. Ennius, Palliatae, 285-286, 284 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 87 |
| 10. Plautus, Pseudolus, 13-14 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 87 |
| 11. Plautus, Rudens, 499 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 49 |
| 12. Plautus, Trinummus, 283 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 219 |
| 13. Plautus, Truculentus, 13, 12 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 219 |
| 14. Ennius, Scenica (Palliatae, Praetexta, Tragoediae), 285-286, 284 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 87 |
| 15. Plautus, Poenulus, 1258, 1134 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 46 |
16. Cicero, On Divination, 2.76-2.77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •festivals, ludi saeculares Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 186| 2.76. Sed de hoc loco plura in aliis, nunc hactenus. Externa enim auguria, quae sunt non tam artificiosa quam superstitiosa, videamus. Omnibus fere avibus utuntur, nos admodum paucis; alia illis sinistra sunt, alia nostris. Solebat ex me Deiotarus percontari nostri augurii disciplinam, ego ex illo sui. Di immortales! quantum differebat! ut quaedam essent etiam contraria. Atque ille iis semper utebatur, nos, nisi dum a populo auspicia accepta habemus, quam multum iis utimur? Bellicam rem administrari maiores nostri nisi auspicato noluerunt; quam multi anni sunt, cum bella a proconsulibus et a propraetoribus administrantur, 2.77. qui auspicia non habent! Itaque nec amnis transeunt auspicato nec tripudio auspicantur. Ubi ergo avium divinatio? quae, quoniam ab iis, qui auspicia nulla habent, bella administrantur, ad urbanas res retenta videtur, a bellicis esse sublata. Nam ex acuminibus quidem, quod totum auspicium militare est, iam M. Marcellus ille quinquiens consul totum omisit, idem imperator, idem augur optumus. Et quidem ille dicebat, si quando rem agere vellet, ne impediretur auspiciis, lectica operta facere iter se solere. Huic simile est, quod nos augures praecipimus, ne iuges auspicium obveniat, ut iumenta iubeant diiungere. | 2.76. But we shall discuss the latter point at greater length in other discourses; let us dismiss it for the present.Now let us examine augury as practised among foreign nations, whose methods are not so artificial as they are superstitious. They employ almost all kinds of birds, we only a few; they regard some signs as favourable, we, others. Deiotarus used to question me a great deal about our system of augury, and I him about that of his country. Ye gods! how much they differed! So much that in some cases they were directly the reverse of each other. He employed auspices constantly, we never do except when the duty of doing so is imposed by a vote of the people. Our ancestors would not undertake any military enterprise without consulting the auspices; but now, for many years, our wars have been conducted by pro-consuls and pro-praetors, who do not have the right to take auspices. 2.77. Therefore they have no tripudium and they cross rivers without first taking the auspices. What, then, has become of divining by means of birds? It is not used by those who conduct our wars, for they have not the right of auspices. Since it has been withdrawn from use in the field I suppose it is reserved for city use only!As to divination ex acuminibus, which is altogether military, it was wholly ignored by that famous man, Marcus Marcellus, who was consul five times and, besides, was a commander-in‑chief, as well as a very fine augur. In fact, he used to say that, if he wished to execute some manoeuvre which he did not want interfered with by the auspices, he would travel in a closed litter. His method is of a kind with the advice which we augurs give, that the draught cattle be ordered to be unyoked so as to prevent a iuge auspicium. |
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17. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 144-145 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 49| 145. praedia mea tu possides, ego aliena misericordia vivo; concedo, et quod animus aequus est et est et Angelius : esset codd. quia necesse est. mea domus tibi patet, mihi clausa est; fero. familia mea maxima tu uteris maxima tu uteris w : maximat uteris ς : maxima uteris cett. , ego servum habeo nullum; patior et ferendum puto. quid vis amplius? quid insequeris, quid oppugnas? qua in re tuam voluntatem laedi a me putas? ubi tuis commodis officio? quid tibi obsto? si spoliorum causa vis hominem occidere, spoliasti spoliasti om. χ ; quid quaeris amplius? si inimicitiarum, quae sunt tibi inimicitiae cum eo cuius ante praedia possedisti quam ipsum cognosti cognovisti w, Halm ? si metus si metus Madvig : sin metuis codd. , ab eone aliquid metuis quem vides ipsum ab se tam atrocem iniuriam propulsare non posse? sin, quod quod Naugerius: om. codd. bona quae Rosci Sex. Rosci Richter fuerunt tua facta sunt, idcirco hunc illius filium studes perdere, nonne ostendis id te vereri quod praeter ceteros tu metuere non debeas debeas ς : debebas Heusinger ne quando liberis proscriptorum bona patria reddantur? | |
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18. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •festivals, ludi saeculares Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 186 | 2.9. Or are we to make light of the famous augural staff of Attus Navius, wherewith he marked out the vineyard into sections for the purpose of discovering the pig? I would agree that we might do so, had not King Hostilius fought great and glorious wars under the guidance of Attus's augury. But owing to the carelessness of our nobility the augural lore has been forgotten, and the reality of the auspices has fallen into contempt, only the outward show being retained; and in consequence highly important departments of public administration, and in particular the conduct of wars upon which the safety of the state depends, are carried on without any auspices at all; no taking of omens when crossing rivers, none when lights flash from the points of the javelins, none when men are called to arms (owing to which wills made on active service have gone out of existence, since our generals only enter on their military command when they have laid down their augural powers). |
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| 19. Varro, On The Latin Language, 7.26-7.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 402 |
| 20. Cicero, In Catilinam, 3.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 203 |
| 21. Cicero, In Pisonem, 48 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 258 |
| 22. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 151 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 87 |
23. Terence, The Eunuch, 246 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 200| 246. Olim isti fuit generi quondam quaestus apud saeclum prius. | |
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24. Terence, Andria, 568 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 87| 568. Si eveniat quod Di prohibeant, discessio. | |
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| 25. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 10.33.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 87 |
| 26. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 200 |
| 27. Horace, Odes, 3.21.5, 4.4.7, 4.6.42 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 207, 224, 226; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 80 |
| 28. Horace, Carmen Saeculare, 13-17, 19-20, 18 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 242; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 78 |
29. Ovid, Fasti, 1.1-1.2, 1.7-1.8, 1.25, 1.609-1.612, 1.615-1.616, 2.58-2.66, 2.304, 2.335, 2.441, 2.443-2.446, 3.87, 3.177, 3.289-3.391, 3.844, 4.11-4.12, 4.82-4.84, 4.95-4.198, 4.830, 6.613-6.614 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •festivals, ludi saeculares •ludi saeculares Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 2, 19, 133, 186, 189, 194, 195, 197, 242, 243; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 69| 1.1. Tempora cum causis Latium digesta per annum 1.2. lapsaque sub terras ortaque signa canam, 1.7. sacra recognosces annalibus eruta priscis, 1.8. et quo sit merito quaeque notata dies. 1.25. si licet et fas est, vates rege vatis habenas, 1.609. sancta vocant augusta patres, augusta vocantur 1.610. templa sacerdotum rite dicata manu; 1.611. huius et augurium dependet origine verbi, 1.612. et quodcumque sua Iuppiter auget ope. 1.615. auspicibusque deis tanti cognominis heres 1.616. omine suscipiat, quo pater, orbis onus I 15. G CAR 2.58. templa deae? longa procubuere die. 2.59. cetera ne simili caderent labefacta ruina, 2.60. cavit sacrati provida cura ducis, 2.61. sub quo delubris sentitur nulla senectus; 2.62. nec satis est homines, obligat ille deos. 2.63. templorum positor, templorum sancte repostor, 2.64. sit superis, opto, mutua cura tui! 2.65. dent tibi caelestes, quos tu caelestibus, annos, 2.66. proque tua maneant in statione domo! 2.304. traditur antiqui fabula plena ioci. 2.335. intrat, et huc illuc temerarius errat adulter 2.441. Italidas matres inquit sacer hircus inito. 2.443. augur erat (nomen longis intercidit annis, 2.444. nuper ab Etrusca venerat exul humo), 2.445. ille caprum mactat, iussae sua terga puellae 2.446. pellibus exsectis percutienda dabant, 3.87. quod si forte vacas, peregrinos inspice fastos: 3.177. disce, Latinorum vates operose dierum, 3.289. cui dea ‘ne nimium terrere! piabile fulmen 3.290. est,’ ait ‘et saevi flectitur ira Iovis, 3.291. sed poterunt ritum Picus Faunusque piandi 3.292. tradere, Romani numen utrumque soli. 3.293. nec sine vi tradent: adhibe tu vincula captis.’ 3.294. atque ita qua possint edidit arte capi. 3.295. lucus Aventino suberat niger ilicis umbra, 3.296. quo posses viso dicere numen inest. 3.297. in medio gramen, muscoque adoperta virenti 3.298. manabat saxo vena perennis aquae: 3.299. inde fere soli Faunus Picusque bibebant. 3.300. huc venit et fonti rex Numa mactat ovem, 3.301. plenaque odorati disponit pocula Bacchi, 3.302. cumque suis antro conditus ipse latet, 3.303. ad solitos veniunt silvestria numina fontes 3.304. et relevant multo pectora sicca mero. 3.305. vina quies sequitur; gelido Numa prodit ab antro 3.306. vinclaque sopitas addit in arta manus, 3.307. somnus ut abscessit, pugdo vincula temptant 3.308. rumpere: pugtes fortius illa tenent. 3.309. tunc Numa: ‘di nemorum, factis ignoscite nostris, 3.310. si scelus ingenio scitis abesse meo; 3.311. quoque modo possit fulmen, monstrate, piari.’ 3.312. sic Numa; sic quatiens cornua Faunus ait: 3.313. ‘magna petis nec quae monitu tibi discere nostro 3.314. fas sit: habent finis numina nostra suos. 3.315. di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis 3.316. montibus: arbitrium est in sua tela Iovi. 3.317. hunc tu non poteris per te deducere caelo, 3.318. at poteris nostra forsitan usus ope.’ 3.319. dixerat haec Faunus; par est sententia Pici: 3.320. deme tamen nobis vincula, Picus ait: 3.321. ‘Iuppiter huc veniet, valida perductus ab arte. 3.322. nubila promissi Styx mihi testis erit.’ 3.323. emissi laqueis quid agant, quae carmina dicant, 3.324. quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Iovem, 3.325. scire nefas homini: nobis concessa canentur 3.326. quaeque pio dici vatis ab ore licet, 3.327. eliciunt caelo te, Iuppiter, unde minores 3.328. nunc quoque te celebrant Eliciumque vocant, 3.329. constat Aventinae tremuisse cacumina silvae, 3.330. terraque subsedit pondere pressa Iovis, 3.331. corda micant regis, totoque e corpore sanguis 3.332. fugit, et hirsutae deriguere comae, 3.333. ut rediit animus, da certa piamina dixit 3.334. ‘fulminis, altorum rexque paterque deum, 3.335. si tua contigimus manibus donaria puris, 3.336. hoc quoque, quod petitur, si pia lingua rogat.’ 3.337. adnuit oranti, sed verum ambage remota 3.338. abdidit et dubio terruit ore virum. 3.339. caede caput dixit: cui rex parebimus, inquit 3.340. caedenda est hortis eruta caepa meis. 3.341. addidit, hic hominis: sumes ait ille capillos. 3.342. postulat hic animam, cui Numa piscis ait. 3.343. risit et his inquit ‘facito mea tela procures, 3.344. o vir conloquio non abigende deum. 3.345. sed tibi, protulerit cum totum crastinus orbem 3.346. Cynthius, imperii pignora certa dabo.’ 3.347. dixit et ingenti tonitru super aethera motum 3.348. fertur, adorantem destituitque Numam, 3.349. ille redit laetus memoratque Quiritibus acta: 3.350. tarda venit dictis difficilisque fides. 3.351. at certe credemur, ait ‘si verba sequetur 3.352. exitus: en audi crastina, quisquis ades. 3.353. protulerit terris cum totum Cynthius orbem, 3.354. Iuppiter imperii pignora certa dabit.’ 3.355. discedunt dubii, promissaque tarda videntur, 3.356. dependetque fides a veniente die. 3.357. mollis erat tellus rorata mane pruina: 3.358. ante sui populus limina regis adest, 3.359. prodit et in solio medius consedit acerno. 3.360. innumeri circa stantque silentque viri. 3.361. ortus erat summo tantummodo margine Phoebus: 3.362. sollicitae mentes speque metuque pavent, 3.363. constitit atque caput niveo velatus amictu 3.364. iam bene dis notas sustulit ille manus, 3.365. atque ita tempus adest promissi muneris, inquit 3.366. pollicitam dictis, Iuppiter, adde fidem. 3.367. dum loquitur, totum iam sol emoverat orbem, 3.368. et gravis aetherio venit ab axe fragor. 3.369. ter tonuit sine nube deus, tria fulmina misit. 3.370. credite dicenti: mira, sed acta, loquor, 3.371. a media caelum regione dehiscere coepit; 3.372. summisere oculos cum duce turba suo. 3.373. ecce levi scutum versatum leniter aura 3.374. decidit, a populo clamor ad astra venit. 3.375. tollit humo munus caesa prius ille iuvenca, 3.376. quae dederat nulli colla premenda iugo, 3.377. idque ancile vocat, quod ab omni parte recisum est, 3.378. quemque notes oculis, angulus omnis abest, 3.379. tum, memor imperii sortem consistere in illo, 3.380. consilium multae calliditatis init. 3.381. plura iubet fieri simili caelata figura, 3.382. error ut ante oculos insidiantis eat. 3.383. Mamurius (morum fabraene exactior artis, 3.384. difficile est ulli dicere) clausit opus. 3.385. cui Numa munificus facti pete praemia, dixit; 3.386. si mea nota fides, inrita nulla petes. 3.387. iam dederat Saliis a saltu nomina dicta 3.388. armaque et ad certos verba canenda modos. 3.389. tum sic Mamurius: ‘merces mihi gloria detur, 3.390. nominaque extremo carmine nostra sonent.’ 3.391. inde sacerdotes operi promissa vetusto 3.844. venit? et hoc ipsum littera prisca docet. 4.11. tempora cum causis annalibus eruta priscis 4.12. lapsaque sub terras ortaque signa cano. 4.82. me miserum, Scythico quam procul illa solo est! 4.83. ergo ego tam longe—sed subprime, Musa, querellas! 4.84. non tibi sunt maesta sacra canenda lyra. 4.95. illa deos omnes (longum est numerare) creavit: 4.96. illa satis causas arboribusque dedit: 4.97. illa rudes animos hominum contraxit in unum 4.98. et docuit iungi cum pare quemque sua. 4.99. quid genus omne creat volucrum, nisi blanda voluptas? 4.100. nec coeant pecudes, si levis absit amor. 4.101. cum mare trux aries cornu decertat; at idem 4.102. frontem dilectae laedere parcit ovis. 4.103. deposita sequitur taurus feritate iuvencam, 4.104. quem toti saltus, quem nemus omne tremit. 4.105. vis eadem, lato quodcumque sub aequore vivit, 4.106. servat et innumeris piscibus implet aquas. 4.107. prima feros habitus homini detraxit: ab illa 4.108. venerunt cultus mundaque cura sui. 4.109. primus amans carmen vigilatum nocte negata 4.110. dicitur ad clausas concinuisse fores, 4.111. eloquiumque fuit duram exorare puellam, 4.112. proque sua causa quisque disertus erat. 4.113. mille per hanc artes motae; studioque placendi 4.114. quae latuere prius, multa reperta ferunt. 4.115. hanc quisquam titulo mensis spoliare secundi 4.116. audeat? a nobis sit furor iste procul, 4.117. quid, quod ubique potens templisque frequentibus aucta, 4.118. urbe tamen nostra ius dea maius habet? 4.119. pro Troia, Romane, tua Venus arma ferebat, 4.120. cum gemuit teneram cuspide laesa manum: 4.121. caelestesque duas Troiano iudice vicit 4.122. (a! nolim victas hoc meminisse deas!), 4.123. Assaracique nurus dicta est, ut scilicet olim 4.124. magnus Iuleos Caesar haberet avos. 4.125. nec Veneri tempus quam ver erat aptius ullum i 4.126. vere nitent terrae, vere remissus ager, 4.127. nunc herbae rupta tellure cacumina tollunt, 4.128. nunc tumido gemmas cortice palmes agit. 4.129. et formosa Venus formoso tempore digna est, 4.130. utque solet, Marti continuata suo est: 4.131. vere monet curvas materna per aequora puppes 4.132. ire nec hibernas iam timuisse minas. 1. CK. APRIL. NP 4.133. Rite deam colitis Latiae matresque nurusque 4.134. et vos, quis vittae longaque vestis abest. 4.135. aurea marmoreo redimicula demite collo, 4.136. demite divitias: tota lavanda dea est. 4.137. aurea siccato redimicula reddite collo: 4.138. nunc alii flores, nunc nova danda rosa est. 4.139. vos quoque sub viridi myrto iubet ipsa lavari: 4.140. causaque, cur iubeat (discite!), certa subest 4.141. litore siccabat rorantes nuda capillos: 4.142. viderunt satyri, turba proterva, deam. 4.143. sensit et opposita texit sua corpora myrto: 4.144. tuta fuit facto vosque referre iubet. 4.145. discite nunc, quare Fortunae tura Virili 4.146. detis eo, calida qui locus umet aqua. 4.147. accipit ille locus posito velamine cunctas 4.148. et vitium nudi corporis omne videt; 4.149. ut tegat hoc celetque viros, Fortuna Virilis 4.150. praestat et hoc parvo ture rogata facit, 4.151. nec pigeat tritum niveo cum lacte papaver 4.152. sumere et expressis mella liquata favis; 4.153. cum primum cupido Venus est deducta marito, 4.154. hoc bibit: ex illo tempore nupta fuit. 4.155. supplicibus verbis illam placate: sub illa 4.156. et forma et mores et bona fama manet. 4.157. Roma pudicitia proavorum tempore lapsa est: 4.158. Cymaeam, veteres, consuluistis anum. 4.159. templa iubet fieri Veneri, quibus ordine factis 4.160. inde Venus verso nomina corde tenet. 4.161. semper ad Aeneadas placido, pulcherrima, voltu 4.162. respice totque tuas, diva, tuere nurus. 4.163. dum loquor, elatae metuendus acumine caudae 4.164. Scorpios in viridis praecipitatur aquas. 4.165. Nox ubi transierit, caelumque rubescere primo 4.166. coeperit, et tactae rore querentur aves, 4.167. semiustamque facem vigilata nocte viator 4.168. ponet, et ad solitum rusticus ibit opus, 4.169. Pleiades incipient humeros relevare paternos, 4.170. quae septem dici, sex tamen esse solent: 4.171. seu quod in amplexum sex hinc venere deorum. ( 4.172. nam Steropen Marti concubuisse ferunt, 4.173. Neptuno Alcyonen et te, formosa Celaeno, 4.174. Maian et Electram Taygetemque Iovi), 4.175. septima mortali Merope tibi, Sisyphe, nupsit; 4.176. paenitet, et facti sola pudore latet: 4.177. sive quod Electra Troiae spectare ruinas 4.178. non tulit, ante oculos opposuitque manum. 4.179. Ter sine perpetuo caelum versetur in axe, 4.180. ter iungat Titan terque resolvat equos, 4.181. protinus inflexo Berecyntia tibia cornu 4.182. flabit, et Idaeae festa parentis erunt. 4.183. ibunt semimares et iia tympana tundent, 4.184. aeraque tinnitus aere repulsa dabunt: 4.185. ipsa sedens molli comitum cervice feretur 4.186. urbis per medias exululata vias. 4.187. scaena sonat, ludi que vocant, spectate, Quirites, 4.188. et fora Marte suo litigiosa vacent, 4.189. quaerere multa libet, sed me sonus aeris acuti 4.190. terret et horrendo lotos adunca sono. 4.191. da, dea, quem sciter. doctas Cybeleia neptes 4.192. vidit et has curae iussit adesse meae. 4.193. ‘pandite, mandati memores, Heliconis alumnae, 4.194. gaudeat assiduo cur dea Magna sono.’ 4.195. sic ego, sic Erato (mensis Cythereius illi 4.196. cessit, quod teneri nomen amoris habet): 4.197. ‘reddita Saturno sors haec erat, optime regum, 4.198. a nato sceptris excutiere tuis.’ 4.830. auspicibus vobis hoc mihi surgat opus. 6.613. signum erat in solio residens sub imagine Tulli; 6.614. dicitur hoc oculis opposuisse manum, | 1.1. I’ll speak of divisions of time throughout the Roman year, 1.2. Their origins, and the stars that set beneath the earth and rise. 1.7. Here you’ll revisit the sacred rites in the ancient texts, 1.8. And review by what events each day is marked. 1.25. If it’s right and lawful, a poet, guide the poet’s reins, 1.609. And so are temples duly dedicated by priestly hands. 1.610. From the same root comes the word augury, 1.611. And Jupiter augments things by his power. 1.612. May he augment our leader’s empire and his years, 1.615. Attend the heir of so great a name, when he rules the world. 1.616. When the third sun looks back on the past Ides, 2.58. On the Kalends, are now, they are fallen with the lapse of time. 2.59. All the rest would have similarly fallen in ruins, 2.60. But for the far-sighted concern of our sacred Leader, 2.61. Under whose rule the shrines are untouched by age: 2.62. Not satisfied with mere men, he also serves the gods. 2.63. Pious one, you who build and repair the temples, 2.64. May there be mutual care between you and the gods! 2.65. May the gods grant you the length of years you grant them, 2.66. And may they stand on guard before your house! 2.304. Is handed down in an old tale full of laughter. 2.335. Entering, as a reckless lover, he roamed around, 2.441. ‘Let the sacred he-goat pierce the Italian wives’. 2.443. There was an augur (his name is lost with the years, 2.444. But he had lately arrived, an exile from Tuscany), 2.445. He killed a he-goat and, at his command, the wive 2.446. offered their backs, to be beaten by thongs from its hide. 3.87. If you have time examine various calendars. 3.177. Have what you seek, labouring poet of Latin days, 3.289. Can be placated, and fierce Jupiter’s anger averted. 3.290. Picus and Faunus, each a deity native to Roman soil, 3.291. Can teach you the rites of expiation. But they won’t 3.292. Teach them unless compelled: so catch and bind them.’ 3.293. And she revealed the arts by which they could be caught. 3.294. There was a grove, dark with holm-oaks, below the Aventine, 3.295. At sight of which you would say: ‘There’s a god within.’ 3.296. The centre was grassy, and covered with green moss, 3.297. And a perennial stream of water trickled from the rock. 3.298. Faunus and Picus used to drink there alone. 3.299. Numa approached and sacrificed a sheep to the spring, 3.300. And set out cups filled with fragrant wine. 3.301. Then he hid with his people inside the cave. 3.302. The woodland spirits came to their usual spring, 3.303. And quenched their dry throats with draughts of wine. 3.304. Sleep succeeded wine: Numa emerged from the icy cave 3.305. And clasped the sleepers’ hands in tight shackles. 3.306. When sleep vanished, they fought and tried to burst 3.307. Their bonds, which grew tighter the more they struggled. 3.308. Then Numa spoke: ‘Gods of the sacred groves, if you accept 3.309. My thoughts were free of wickedness, forgive my actions: 3.310. And show me how the lightning may be averted.’ 3.311. So Numa: and, shaking his horns, so Faunus replied: 3.312. ‘You seek great things, that it’s not right for you to know 3.313. Through our admission: our powers have their limits. 3.314. We are rural gods who rule in the high mountains: 3.315. Jupiter has control of his own weapons. 3.316. You could never draw him from heaven by yourself, 3.317. But you may be able, by making use of our aid.’ 3.318. Faunus spoke these words: Picus too agreed, 3.319. ‘But remove our shackles,’ Picus added: 3.320. ‘Jupiter will arrive here, drawn by powerful art. 3.321. Cloudy Styx will be witness to my promise.’ 3.322. It’s wrong for men to know what the gods enacted when loosed 3.323. From the snare, or what spells they spoke, or by what art 3.324. They drew Jupiter from his realm above. My song will sing 3.325. of lawful things, such as a poet may speak with pious lips. 3.326. The drew you (eliciunt) from the sky, Jupiter, and later 3.327. Generations now worship you, by the name of Elicius. 3.328. It’s true that the crowns of the Aventine woods trembled, 3.329. And the earth sank under the weight of Jove. 3.330. The king’s heart shook, the blood fled from his body, 3.331. And the bristling hair stood up stiffly on his head. 3.332. When he regained his senses, he said: ‘King and father 3.333. To the high gods, if I have touched your offering 3.334. With pure hands, and if a pious tongue, too, asks for 3.335. What I seek, grant expiation from your lightning,’ 3.336. The god accepted his prayer, but hid the truth with deep 3.337. Ambiguities, and terrified him with confusing words. 3.338. ‘Sever a head,’ said the god: the king replied; ‘I will, 3.339. We’ll sever an onion’s, dug from my garden.’ 3.340. The god added: ‘of a man’: ‘You’ll have the hair,’ 3.341. Said the king. He demanded a life, Numa replied: ‘A fish’s’. 3.342. The god laughed and said: ‘Expiate my lightning like this, 3.343. O man who cannot be stopped from speaking with gods. 3.344. And when Apollo’s disc is full tomorrow, 3.345. I’ll give you sure pledges of empire.’ 3.346. He spoke, and was carried above the quaking sky, 3.347. In loud thunder, leaving Numa worshipping him. 3.348. The king returned joyfully, and told the Quirite 3.349. What had happened: they were slow to believe his words. 3.350. ‘It will surely be believed,’ he said, ‘if the event follow 3.351. My speech: listen, all you here, to what tomorrow brings. 3.352. When Apollo’s disc has lifted fully above the earth, 3.353. Jupiter will grant me sure pledges of empire.’ 3.354. The left, doubtful, considering it long to wait, 3.355. But setting their hopes on the following day. 3.356. The ground was soft at dawn, with a frost of dew: 3.357. When the crowd gathered at the king’s threshold. 3.358. He emerged, and sat in the midst on a maple wood throne. 3.359. Countless warriors stood around him in silence. 3.360. Phoebus had scarcely risen above the horizon: 3.361. Their anxious minds trembled with hope and fear. 3.362. The king stood, his head covered with a white cloth 3.363. Raising his hands, that the god now knew so well. 3.364. He spoke as follows: ‘The time is here for the promised gift, 3.365. Jupiter, make true the words of your pledge.’ 3.366. As he spoke, the sun’s full disc appeared, 3.367. And a loud crash came from the depths of the sky. 3.368. Three times the god thundered, and hurled his lightning, 3.369. From cloudless air, believe what I say, wonderful but true. 3.370. The sky began to split open at the zenith: 3.371. The crowd and its leader lifted their eyes. 3.372. Behold, a shield fell, trembling in the light breeze. 3.373. The sound of the crowd’s shouting reached the stars. 3.374. The king first sacrificed a heifer that had never known 3.375. The yoke, then raised the gift from the ground, 3.376. And called it ancile, because it was cut away (recisum) 3.377. All round, and there wasn’t a single angle to note. 3.378. Then, remembering the empire’s fate was involved, 3.379. He thought of a very cunning idea. 3.380. He ordered many shields cut in the same shape, 3.381. In order to confuse the eyes of any traitor. 3.382. Mamurius carried out the task: whether he was superior 3.383. In his craft or his character it would be hard to say. 3.384. Gracious Numa said to him: ‘Ask a reward for your work, 3.385. You’ll not ask in vain of one known for honesty.’ 3.386. He’d already given the Salii, named from their leaping (saltus), 3.387. Weapons: and words to be sung to a certain tune. 3.388. Mamurius replied: ‘Give me glory as my prize, 3.389. And let my name be sounded at the song’s end.’ 3.390. So the priests grant the reward promised for hi 3.391. Ancient work, and now call out ‘Mamurius’. 3.844. Or because her law ordains ‘capital’ punishment 4.11. From ancient texts I sing the days and reasons, 4.12. And the star-signs that rise and set, beneath the Earth. 4.82. Ah me, how far that place is from Scythia’s soil! 4.83. And I, so distant – but Muse, quell your complaints! 4.84. Holy themes set to a gloomy lyre are not for you. 4.95. She created the gods (too numerous to mention): 4.96. She gave the crops and trees their first roots: 4.97. She brought the crude minds of men together, 4.98. And taught them each to associate with a partner. 4.99. What but sweet pleasure creates all the race of birds? 4.100. Cattle wouldn’t mate, if gentle love were absent. 4.101. The wild ram butts the males with his horn, 4.102. But won’t hurt the brow of his beloved ewe. 4.103. The bull, that the woods and pastures fear, 4.104. Puts off his fierceness and follows the heifer. 4.105. The same force preserves whatever lives in the deep, 4.106. And fills the waters with innumerable fish. 4.107. That force first stripped man of his wild apparel: 4.108. From it he learned refinement and elegance. 4.109. It’s said a banished lover first serenaded 4.110. His mistress by night, at her closed door, 4.111. And eloquence then was the winning of a reluctant maid, 4.112. And everyone pleaded his or her own cause. 4.113. A thousand arts are furthered by the goddess: and the wish 4.114. To delight has revealed many things that were hidden. 4.115. Who dares to steal her honour of naming the second month? 4.116. Let such madness be far from my thoughts. 4.117. Besides, though she’s powerful everywhere, her temple 4.118. Crowded, doesn’t she hold most sway in our City? 4.119. Venus, Roman, carried weapons to defend your Troy, 4.120. And groaned at the spear wound in her gentle hand: 4.121. And she defeated two goddesses, by a Trojan judgement, 4.122. (Ah! If only they hadn’t remembered her victory!) 4.123. And she was called the bride of Assaracus’s son, 4.124. So that mighty Caesar would have Julian ancestors. 4.125. No season is more fitting for Venus than Spring: 4.126. In spring the earth gleams: in spring the ground’s soft, 4.127. Now the grass pokes its tips through the broken soil, 4.128. Now the vine bursts in buds through the swollen bark. 4.129. And lovely Venus deserves the lovely season, 4.130. And is joined again to her darling Mars: 4.131. In Spring she tells the curving ships to sail, over 4.132. Her native seas, and fear the winter’s threat no longer. 4.133. Perform the rites of the goddess, Roman brides and mothers, 4.134. And you who must not wear the headbands and long robes. 4.135. Remove the golden necklaces from her marble neck, 4.136. Remove her riches: the goddess must be cleansed, complete. 4.137. Return the gold necklaces to her neck, once it’s dry: 4.138. Now she’s given fresh flowers, and new-sprung roses. 4.139. She commands you too to bathe, under the green myrtle, 4.140. And there’s a particular reason for her command (learn, now!). 4.141. Naked, on the shore, she was drying her dripping hair: 4.142. The Satyrs, that wanton crowd, spied the goddess. 4.143. She sensed it, and hid her body with a screen of myrtle: 4.144. Doing so, she was safe: she commands that you do so too. 4.145. Learn now why you offer incense to Fortuna Virilis, 4.146. In that place that steams with heated water. 4.147. All women remove their clothes on entering, 4.148. And every blemish on their bodies is seen: 4.149. Virile Fortune undertakes to hide those from the men, 4.150. And she does this at the behest of a little incense. 4.151. Don’t begrudge her poppies, crushed in creamy milk 4.152. And in flowing honey, squeezed from the comb: 4.153. When Venus was first led to her eager spouse, 4.154. She drank so: and from that moment was a bride. 4.155. Please her with words of supplication: beauty, 4.156. Virtue, and good repute are in her keeping. 4.157. In our forefather’s time Rome lapsed from chastity: 4.158. And the ancients consulted the old woman of Cumae. 4.159. She ordered a temple built to Venus: when it was done 4.160. Venus took the name of Heart-Changer (Verticordia). 4.161. Loveliest One, always look with a benign gaze 4.162. On the sons of Aeneas, and guard their many wives. 4.163. As I speak, Scorpio, the tip of whose raised tail 4.164. Strikes fear, plunges down into the green waves. 4.165. When the night is past, and the sky is just beginning 4.166. To redden, and the birds, wet with dew, are singing, 4.167. And the traveller who’s been awake all night, puts down 4.168. His half-burnt torch, and the farmer’s off to his usual labours, 4.169. The Pleiades will start to lighten their father’s shoulders, 4.170. They who are said to be seven, but usually are six: 4.171. Because it’s true that six lay in the loving clasp of god 4.172. (Since they say that Asterope slept with Mars: 4.173. Alcyone, and you, lovely Celaeno, with Neptune: 4.174. Maia, Electra, and Taygete with Jupiter), 4.175. While the seventh, Merope, married you, Sisyphus, a mortal, 4.176. And repents of it, and, alone of the sisters, hides from shame: 4.177. Or because Electra couldn’t bear to watch Troy’s destruction, 4.178. And so her face now is covered by her hands. 4.179. Let the sky turn three times on its axis, 4.180. Let the Sun three times yoke and loose his horses, 4.181. And the Berecyntian flute will begin sounding 4.182. Its curved horn, it will be the Idaean Mother’s feast. 4.183. Eunuchs will march, and sound the hollow drums, 4.184. And cymbal will clash with cymbal, in ringing tones: 4.185. Seated on the soft necks of her servants, she’ll be carried 4.186. With howling, through the midst of the City streets. 4.187. The stage is set: the games are calling. Watch, then, 4.188. Quirites, and let those legal wars in the fora cease. 4.189. I’d like to ask many things, but I’m made fearful 4.190. By shrill clash of bronze, and curved flute’s dreadful drone. 4.191. ‘Lend me someone to ask, goddess.’ Cybele spying her learned 4.192. Granddaughters, the Muses, ordered them to take care of me. 4.193. ‘Nurslings of Helicon, mindful of her orders, reveal 4.194. Why the Great Goddess delights in continual din.’ 4.195. So I spoke. And Erato replied (it fell to her to speak about 4.196. Venus’ month, because her name derives from tender love): 4.197. ‘Saturn was granted this prophecy: “Noblest of kings, 4.198. You’ll be ousted by your own son’s sceptre.” 4.830. Let my work be done beneath your auspices. 6.613. Yet she still dared to visit her father’s temple, 6.614. His monument: what I tell is strange but true. |
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| 30. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 166 |
| 31. Livy, Per., 19 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi, saeculares Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 261 |
32. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.143-1.146, 2.227, 2.744, 3.812 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi, saeculares •ludi saeculares •festivals, ludi saeculares Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 197; Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 207, 225; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 136| 1.143. Hic tibi quaeratur socii sermonis origo, 1.144. rend= 1.145. Cuius equi veniant, facito, studiose, requiras: 1.146. rend= 2.227. Nocte domum repetens epulis perfuncta redibit: 2.744. rend= 3.812. rend= | |
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33. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.80.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •festivals, ludi saeculares Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 242 | 1.80.1. But Aelius Tubero, a shrewd man and careful in collecting the historical data, writes that Numitor's people, knowing beforehand that the youths were going to celebrate in honour of Pan the Lupercalia, the Arcadian festival as instituted by Evander, set an ambush for that moment in the celebration when the youths living near the Palatine were, after offering sacrifice, to proceed from the Lupercal and run round the village naked, their loins girt with the skins of the victims just sacrificed. This ceremony signified a sort of traditional purification of the villagers, and is still performed even to this day. |
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34. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.871-15.879 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •festivals, ludi saeculares Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 243| 15.871. Iamque opus exegi, quod nec Iovis ira nec ignis 15.872. nec poterit ferrum nec edax abolere vetustas. 15.873. Cum volet, illa dies, quae nil nisi corporis huius 15.874. ius habet, incerti spatium mihi finiat aevi: 15.875. parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis 15.876. astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum, 15.877. quaque patet domitis Romana potentia terris, 15.878. ore legar populi, perque omnia saecula fama, 15.879. siquid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam. | |
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| 35. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.20-1.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 78 |
36. Ovid, Tristia, 1.2.103-1.2.105, 2.512 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares •festivals, ludi saeculares Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 19; Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 207| 2.512. maiestas adeo comis ubique tua est— | |
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| 37. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 10.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 195; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 134 |
| 38. Martial, Epigrams, 4.1, 10.63.1-10.63.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 212 |
39. Plutarch, Pericles, 1.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 258| 1.5. διὸ καλῶς μὲν Ἀντισθένης ἀκούσας ὅτι σπουδαῖός ἐστιν αὐλητὴς Ἰσμηνίας, ἀλλʼ ἄνθρωπος, ἔφη, μοχθηρός· οὐ γὰρ ἂν οὕτω σπουδαῖος ἦν αὐλητής· ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν ἐπιτερπῶς ἔν τινι πότῳ ψήλαντα καὶ τεχνικῶς εἶπεν· οὐκ αἰσχύνῃ καλῶς οὕτω ψάλλων; ἀρκεῖ γάρ, ἂν βασιλεὺς ἀκροᾶσθαι ψαλλόντων σχολάζῃ, καὶ πολὺ νέμει ταῖς Μούσαις ἑτέρων ἀγωνιζομένων τὰ τοιαῦτα θεατὴς γιγνόμενος. | 1.5. Therefore it was a fine saying of Antisthenes, when he heard that Ismenias was an excellent piper: But he’s a worthless man, said he, otherwise he wouldn’t be so good a piper. And so Philip Philip of Macedon, to Alexander. once said to his son, who, as the wine went round, plucked the strings charmingly and skilfully, Art not ashamed to pluck the strings so well? It is enough, surely, if a king have leisure to hear others pluck the strings, and he pays great deference to the Muses if he be but a spectator of such contests. |
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| 40. New Testament, Apocalypse, 62 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 464 |
| 41. Phlegon of Tralles, On Miraculous Things, 3.4-3.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 133 |
| 42. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.159, 35.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 204, 210 |
43. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 69.4-69.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 248| 69.4. ὅλον γὰρ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὠχρὸς μὲν ὁ κύκλος καὶ μαρμαρυγὰς οὐκ ἔχων ἀνέτελλεν, ἀδρανὲς δὲ καὶ λεπτὸν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ κατῄει τὸ θερμόν, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἀέρα δνοφερὸν καὶ βαρὺν ἀσθενείᾳ τῆς διακρινούσης αὐτὸν ἀλέας ἐπιφέρεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ καρποὺς ἡμιπέπτους καὶ ἀτελεῖς ἀπανθῆσαι καὶ παρακμάσαι διά τὴν ψυχρότητα τοῦ περιέχοντος. 69.5. μάλιστα δὲ τὸ Βρούτῳ γενόμενον φάσμα τὴν Καίσαρος ἐδήλωσε σφαγὴν οὐ γενομένην θεοῖς ἀρεστήν ἦν δὲ τοιόνδε. μέλλων τὸν στρατὸν ἐξ · Ἀβύδου διαβιβάζειν εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν ἤπειρον ἀνεπαύετο νυκτὸς, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, κατὰ σκηνήν, οὐ καθεύδων, ἀλλὰ φροντίζων περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος λέγεται γὰρ οὗτος ἁνὴρ ἥκιστα δὴ τῶν στρατηγῶν ὑπνώδης γενέσθαι καὶ πλεῖστον ἑαυτῷ χρόνον ἐγρηγορότι χρῆσθαι πεφυκώς· | 69.4. 69.5. |
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| 44. Seneca The Younger, Apocolocyntosis, 1.1, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 211 |
| 45. Plutarch, Publicola, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 201 |
| 46. Tacitus, Agricola, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 212 |
| 47. Statius, Siluae, 1.4.16-1.4.18, 4.1.17-4.1.21, 4.1.35-4.1.39 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 212 |
48. Tacitus, Histories, 4.53 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 78 | 4.53. The charge of restoring the Capitol was given by Vespasian to Lucius Vestinus, a member of the equestrian order, but one whose influence and reputation put him on an equality with the nobility. The haruspices when assembled by him directed that the ruins of the old shrine should be carried away to the marshes and that a new temple should be erected on exactly the same site as the old: the gods were unwilling to have the old plan changed. On the twenty-first of June, under a cloudless sky, the area that was dedicated to the temple was surrounded with fillets and garlands; soldiers, who had auspicious names, entered the enclosure carrying boughs of good omen; then the Vestals, accompanied by boys and girls whose fathers and mothers were living, sprinkled the area with water drawn from fountains and streams. Next Helvidius Priscus, the praetor, guided by the pontifex Plautius Aelianus, purified the area with the sacrifice of the suovetaurilia, and placed the vitals of the victims on an altar of turf; and then, after he had prayed to Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, and to the gods who protect the empire to prosper this undertaking and by their divine assistance to raise again their home which man's piety had begun, he touched the fillets with which the foundation stone was wound and the ropes entwined; at the same time the rest of the magistrates, the priests, senators, knights, and a great part of the people, putting forth their strength together in one enthusiastic and joyful effort, dragged the huge stone to its place. A shower of gold and silver and of virgin ores, never smelted in any furnace, but in their natural state, was thrown everywhere into the foundations: the haruspices had warned against the profanation of the work by the use of stone or gold intended for any other purpose. The temple was given greater height than the old: this was the only change that religious scruples allowed, and the only feature that was thought wanting in the magnificence of the old structure. |
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| 49. Suetonius, Augustus, 7.2, 30.3, 31.4, 35.3, 43.1, 45.1, 89.1, 100.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •festivals, ludi saeculares •ludi saeculares Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 256, 257, 258; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 97; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 19, 186, 189, 194; Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 205, 207 |
| 50. Suetonius, Caligula, 3.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98 |
| 51. Suetonius, Claudius, 11.2, 21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98; Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 210 |
52. Tacitus, Annals, 1.76, 1.76.1, 2.83.1-2.83.2, 3.56, 4.34-4.36, 6.12, 11.11, 15.33-15.34, 16.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares •festivals, ludi saeculares Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 162; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 195, 242; Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 212; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 78, 87; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 138| 1.76. Eodem anno continuis imbribus auctus Tiberis plana urbis stagnaverat; relabentem secuta est aedificiorum et hominum strages. igitur censuit Asinius Gallus ut libri Sibyllini adirentur. renuit Tiberius, perinde divina humanaque obtegens; sed remedium coercendi fluminis Ateio Capitoni et L. Arruntio mandatum. Achaiam ac Macedoniam onera deprecantis levari in praesens proconsulari imperio tradique Caesari placuit. edendis gladiatoribus, quos Germanici fratris ac suo nomine obtulerat, Drusus praesedit, quamquam vili sanguine nimis gaudens; quod in vulgus formidolosum et pater arguisse dicebatur. cur abstinuerit spectaculo ipse, varie trahebant; alii taedio coetus, quidam tristitia ingenii et metu conparationis, quia Augustus comiter interfuisset. non crediderim ad ostentandam saevitiam movendasque populi offensiones concessam filio materiem, quamquam id quoque dictum est. 3.56. Tiberius, fama moderationis parta quod ingruentis accusatores represserat, mittit litteras ad senatum quis potestatem tribuniciam Druso petebat. id summi fastigii vocabulum Augustus repperit, ne regis aut dictatoris nomen adsumeret ac tamen appellatione aliqua cetera imperia praemineret. Marcum deinde Agrippam socium eius potestatis, quo defuncto Tiberium Neronem delegit ne successor in incerto foret. sic cohiberi pravas aliorum spes rebatur; simul modestiae Neronis et suae magnitudini fidebat. quo tunc exemplo Tiberius Drusum summae rei admovit, cum incolumi Germanico integrum inter duos iudicium tenuisset. sed principio litterarum veneratus deos ut consilia sua rei publicae prosperarent, modica de moribus adulescentis neque in falsum aucta rettulit. esse illi coniugem et tres liberos eamque aetatem qua ipse quondam a divo Augusto ad capessendum hoc munus vocatus sit. neque nunc propere sed per octo annos capto experimento, compressis seditionibus, compositis bellis, triumphalem et bis consulem noti laboris participem sumi. 4.34. Cornelio Cosso Asinio Agrippa consulibus Cremutius Cordus postulatur novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset. accusabant Satrius Secundus et Pinarius Natta, Seiani clientes. id perniciabile reo et Caesar truci vultu defensionem accipiens, quam Cremutius relinquendae vitae certus in hunc modum exorsus est: 'verba mea, patres conscripti, arguuntur: adeo factorum innocens sum. sed neque haec in principem aut principis parentem, quos lex maiestatis amplectitur: Brutum et Cassium laudavisse dicor, quorum res gestas cum plurimi composuerint, nemo sine honore memoravit. Titus Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis, Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret; neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Scipionem, Afranium, hunc ipsum Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas, quae nunc vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignis viros nominat. Asinii Pollionis scripta egregiam eorundem memoriam tradunt; Messala Corvinus imperatorem suum Cassium praedicabat: et uterque opibusque atque honoribus perviguere. Marci Ciceronis libro quo Catonem caelo aequavit, quid aliud dictator Caesar quam rescripta oratione velut apud iudices respondit? Antonii epistulae Bruti contiones falsa quidem in Augustum probra set multa cum acerbitate habent; carmina Bibaculi et Catulli referta contumeliis Caesarum leguntur: sed ipse divus Iulius, ipse divus Augustus et tulere ista et reliquere, haud facile dixerim, moderatione magis an sapientia. namque spreta exolescunt: si irascare, adgnita videntur. 4.35. Non attingo Graecos, quorum non modo libertas, etiam libido impunita; aut si quis advertit, dictis dicta ultus est. sed maxime solutum et sine obtrectatore fuit prodere de iis quos mors odio aut gratiae exemisset. num enim armatis Cassio et Bruto ac Philippensis campos optinentibus belli civilis causa populum per contiones incendo? an illi quidem septuagesimum ante annum perempti, quo modo imaginibus suis noscuntur, quas ne victor quidem abolevit, sic partem memoriae apud scriptores retinent? suum cuique decus posteritas rependit; nec deerunt, si damnatio ingruit, qui non modo Cassii et Bruti set etiam mei meminerint.' egressus dein senatu vitam abstinentia finivit. libros per aedilis cremandos censuere patres: set manserunt, occultati et editi. quo magis socordiam eorum inridere libet qui praesenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis aevi memoriam. nam contra punitis ingeniis gliscit auctoritas, neque aliud externi reges aut qui eadem saevitia usi sunt nisi dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere. 4.36. Ceterum postulandis reis tam continuus annus fuit ut feriarum Latinarum diebus praefectum urbis Drusum, auspicandi gratia tribunal ingressum, adierit Calpurnius Salvianus in Sextum Marium: quod a Caesare palam increpitum causa exilii Salviano fuit. obiecta publice Cyzicenis incuria caerimoniarum divi Augusti, additis violentiae criminibus adversum civis Romanos. et amisere libertatem, quam bello Mithridatis meruerant, circumsessi nec minus sua constantia quam praesidio Luculli pulso rege. at Fonteius Capito, qui pro consule Asiam curaverat, absolvitur, comperto ficta in eum crimina per Vibium Serenum. neque tamen id Sereno noxae fuit, quem odium publicum tutiorem faciebat. nam ut quis destrictior accusator, velut sacrosanctus erat: leves ignobiles poenis adficiebantur. 6.12. Relatum inde ad patres a Quintiliano tribuno plebei de libro Sibullae, quem Caninius Gallus quindecimvirum recipi inter ceteros eiusdem vatis et ea de re senatus consultum postulaverat. quo per discessionem facto misit litteras Caesar, modice tribunum increpans ignarum antiqui moris ob iuventam. Gallo exprobrabat quod scientiae caerimoniarumque vetus incerto auctore ante sententiam collegii, non, ut adsolet, lecto per magistros aestimatoque carmine, apud infrequentem senatum egisset. simul commonefecit, quia multa vana sub nomine celebri vulgabantur, sanxisse Augustum quem intra diem ad praetorem urbanum deferrentur neque habere privatim liceret. quod a maioribus quoque decretum erat post exustum sociali bello Capitolium, quaesitis Samo, Ilio, Erythris, per Africam etiam ac Siciliam et Italicas colonias carminibus Sibullae, una seu plures fuere, datoque sacerdotibus negotio quantum humana ope potuissent vera discernere. igitur tunc quoque notioni quindecimvirum is liber subicitur. 11.11. Isdem consulibus ludi saeculares octingentesimo post Romam conditam, quarto et sexagesimo quam Augustus ediderat, spectati sunt. utriusque principis rationes praetermitto, satis narratas libris quibus res imperatoris Domitiani composui. nam is quoque edidit ludos saecularis iisque intentius adfui sacerdotio quindecimvirali praeditus ac tunc praetor; quod non iactantia refero sed quia collegio quindecimvirum antiquitus ea cura et magistratus potissimum exequebantur officia caerimoniarum. sedente Claudio circensibus ludis, cum pueri nobiles equis ludicrum Troiae inirent interque eos Britannicus imperatore genitus et L. Domitius adoptione mox in imperium et cognomentum Neronis adscitus, favor plebis acrior in Domitium loco praesagii acceptus est. vulgabaturque adfuisse infantiae eius dracones in modum custodum, fabulosa et externis miraculis adsimilata: nam ipse, haudquaquam sui detractor, unam omnino anguem in cubiculo visam narrare solitus est. 15.33. C. Laecanio M. Licinio consulibus acriore in dies cupidine adigebatur Nero promiscas scaenas frequentandi: nam adhuc per domum aut hortos cecinerat Iuvenalibus ludis, quos ut parum celebris et tantae voci angustos spernebat. non tamen Romae incipere ausus Neapolim quasi Graecam urbem delegit: inde initium fore ut transgressus in Achaiam insignisque et antiquitus sacras coronas adeptus maiore fama studia civium eliceret. ergo contractum oppidanorum vulgus, et quos e proximis coloniis et municipiis eius rei fama acciverat, quique Caesarem per honorem aut varios usus sectantur, etiam militum manipuli, theatrum Neapolitanorum complent. 15.34. Illic, plerique ut arbitrabantur, triste, ut ipse, providum potius et secundis numinibus evenit: nam egresso qui adfuerat populo vacuum et sine ullius noxa theatrum conlapsum est. ergo per compositos cantus grates dis atque ipsam recentis casus fortunam celebrans petiturusque maris Hadriae traiectus apud Beneventum interim consedit, ubi gladiatorium munus a Vatinio celebre edebatur. Vatinius inter foedissima eius aulae ostenta fuit, sutrinae tabernae alumnus, corpore detorto, facetiis scurrilibus; primo in contumelias adsumptus, dehinc optimi cuiusque criminatione eo usque valuit ut gratia pecunia vi nocendi etiam malos praemineret. 16.35. Tum progressus in porticum illic a quaestore reperitur, laetitiae propior, quia Helvidium generum suum Italia tantum arceri cognoverat. accepto dehinc senatus consulto Helvidium et Demetrium in cubiculum inducit; porrectisque utriusque brachii venis, postquam cruorem effudit, humum super spargens, propius vocato quaestore 'libamus' inquit 'Iovi liberatori. specta, iuvenis; et omen quidem dii prohibeant, ceterum in ea tempora natus es quibus firmare animum expediat constantibus exemplis.' post lentitudine exitus gravis cruciatus adferente, obversis in Demetrium | 1.76. In the same year, the Tiber, rising under the incessant rains, had flooded the lower levels of the city, and its subsidence was attended by much destruction of buildings and life. Accordingly, Asinius Gallus moved for a reference to the Sibylline Books. Tiberius objected, preferring secrecy as in earth so in heaven: still, the task of coercing the stream was entrusted to Ateius Capito and Lucius Arruntius. Since Achaia and Macedonia protested against the heavy taxation, it was decided to relieve them of their proconsular government for the time being and transfer them to the emperor. A show of gladiators, given in the name of his brother Germanicus, was presided over by Drusus, who took an extravagant pleasure in the shedding of blood however vile â a trait so alarming to the populace that it was said to have been censured by his father. Tiberius' own absence from the exhibition was variously explained. Some ascribed it to his impatience of a crowd; others, to his native morosity and his dread of comparisons; for Augustus had been a good-humoured spectator. I should be slow to believe that he deliberately furnished his son with an occasion for exposing his brutality and arousing the disgust of the nation; yet even this was suggested. 3.56. Tiberius, now that his check to the onrush of informers had earned him a character for moderation, sent a letter to the senate desiring the tribunician power for Drusus. This phrase for the supreme dignity was discovered by Augustus; who was reluctant to take the style of king or dictator, yet desirous of some title indicating his pre-eminence over all other authorities. Later, he selected Marcus Agrippa as his partner in that power, then, on Agrippa's decease, Tiberius Nero; his object being to leave the succession in no doubt. In this way, he considered, he would stifle the misconceived hopes of other aspirants; while, at the same time, he had faith in Nero's self-restraint and in his own greatness. In accordance with this precedent, Tiberius then placed Drusus on the threshold of the empire, although in Germanicus' lifetime he had held his judgment suspended between the pair. â Now, however, after opening his letter with a prayer that Heaven would prospect his counsels to the good of the realm, he devoted a few sentences, free from false embellishments, to the character of the youth:â "He had a wife and three children; and he had reached the age at which, formerly, he himself had been called by the deified Augustus to undertake the same charge. Nor was it in haste, but only after eight years of trial, after mutinies repressed, wars composed, one triumph, and two consulates, that he was now admitted to share a task already familiar." 4.34. The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendant's fate â that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:â "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement â so guiltless am I of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: I am said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him 'the Pompeian': yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus â not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Cicero's book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems â still read â of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and I hesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition. 4.35. "I leave untouched the Greeks; with them not liberty only but licence itself went unchastised, or, if a man retaliated, he avenged words by words. But what above all else was absolutely free and immune from censure was the expression of an opinion on those whom death had removed beyond the range of rancour or of partiality. Are Brutus and Cassius under arms on the plains of Philippi, and I upon the platform, firing the nation to civil war? Or is it the case that, seventy years since their taking-off, as they are known by their effigies which the conqueror himself did not abolish, so a portion of their memory is enshrined likewise in history? â To every man posterity renders his wage of honour; nor will there lack, if my condemnation is at hand, those who shall remember, not Brutus and Cassius alone, but me also!" He then left the senate, and closed his life by self-starvation. The Fathers ordered his books to be burned by the aediles; but copies remained, hidden and afterwards published: a fact which moves us the more to deride the folly of those who believe that by an act of despotism in the present there can be extinguished also the memory of a succeeding age. On the contrary, genius chastised grows in authority; nor have alien kings or the imitators of their cruelty effected more than to crown themselves with ignominy and their victims with renown. 4.36. For the rest, the year was so continuous a chain of impeachments that in the days of the Latin Festival, when Drusus, as urban prefect, mounted the tribunal to inaugurate his office, he was approached by Calpurnius Salvianus with a suit against Sextus Marius: an action which drew a public reprimand from the Caesar and occasioned the banishment of Salvianus. The community of Cyzicus were charged with neglecting the cult of the deified Augustus; allegations were added of violence to Roman citizens; and they forfeited the freedom earned during the Mithridatic War, when the town was invested and they beat off the king as much by their own firmness as by the protection of Lucullus. On the other hand, Fonteius Capito, who had administered Asia as proconsul, was acquitted upon proof that the accusations against him were the invention of Vibius Serenus. The reverse, however, did no harm to Serenus, who was rendered doubly secure by the public hatred. For the informer whose weapon never rested became quasi-sacrosanct: it was on the insignificant and unknown that punishments descended. 6.12. A proposal was now put to the Fathers by the plebeian tribune Quintilianus with regard to a Sibylline book; Caninius Gallus, of the Fifteen, demanding its admission among the other verses of the same prophetess, and a senatorial decree on the point. This had been accorded without discussion, when the emperor forwarded a letter, in which he passed a lenient criticism on the tribune "whose youth accounted for his ignorance of old custom": to Gallus he expressed his displeasure that he, "long familiar with religious theory and ritual, had on dubious authority forestalled the decision of his College, and, before the poem had, as usual, been read and considered by the Masters, had brought up the question in a thinly attended senate." He reminded him at the same time that, because of the many apocryphal works circulated under the famous name, Augustus had fixed a day within which they were to be delivered to the Urban Praetor, private ownership becoming illegal. â A similar decision had been taken even at an earlier period, after the burning of the Capitol during the Social War; when the verses of the Sibyl, or Sibyls, as the case may be, were collected from Samos, Ilium, and Erythrae, and even in Africa, Sicily, and the Graeco-Italian colonies; the priests being entrusted with the task of sifting out the genuine specimens, so far as should have been possible by human means. Hence, in this case also, the book in question was submitted to the examination of the Quindecimvirate. 15.33. In the consulate of Gaius Laecanius and Marcus Licinius, a desire that grew every day sharper impelled Nero to appear regularly on the public stage â hitherto he had sung in his palace or his gardens at the Juvenile Games, which now he began to scorn as thinly attended functions, too circumscribed for so ample a voice. Not daring, however, to take the first step at Rome, he fixed upon Naples as a Greek city: after so much preface, he reflected, he might cross into Achaia, win the glorious and time-hallowed crowns of song, and then, with heightened reputation, elicit the plaudits of his countrymen. Accordingly, a mob which had been collected from the town, together with spectators drawn by rumours of the event from the neighbouring colonies and municipalities, the suite which attends the emperor whether in compliment or upon various duties, and, in addition, a few maniples of soldiers, filled the Neapolitan theatre. 15.34. There an incident took place, sinister in the eyes of many, providential and a mark of divine favour in those of the sovereign; for, after the audience had left, the theatre, now empty, collapsed without injury to anyone. Therefore, celebrating in a set of verses his gratitude to Heaven, Nero â now bent on crossing the Adriatic â came to rest for the moment at Beneventum; where a largely attended gladiatorial spectacle was being exhibited by Vatinius. Vatinius ranked among the foulest prodigies of that court; the product of a shoemaker's shop, endowed with a misshapen body and a scurrile wit, he had been adopted at the outset as a target for buffoonery; then, by calumniating every man of decency, he acquired a power which made him in influence, in wealth, and in capacity for harm, pre-eminent even among villains. 16.35. He now walked on to the colonnade; where the quaestor found him nearer to joy than to sorrow, because he had ascertained that Helvidius, his son-inâlaw, was merely debarred from Italy. Then, taking the decree of the senate, he led Helvidius and Demetrius into his bedroom, offered the arteries of both arms to the knife, and, when the blood had begun to flow, sprinkled it upon the ground, and called the quaestor nearer: "We are making a libation," he said, "to Jove the Liberator. Look, young man, and â may Heaven, indeed, avert the omen, but you have been born into times now it is expedient to steel the mind with instances of firmness." Soon, as the slowness of his end brought excruciating pain, turning his gaze upon Demetrius . . . |
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| 53. Suetonius, Nero, 20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98 |
| 54. Suetonius, Tiberius, 6.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 97 |
| 55. Suetonius, Vitellius, 2.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 210 |
56. Tertullian, On The Games, 9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 219 | 9. Now as to the kind of performances peculiar to the circus exhibitions. In former days equestrianism was practised in a simple way on horseback, and certainly its ordinary use had nothing sinful in it; but when it was dragged into the games, it passed from the service of God into the employment of demons. Accordingly this kind of circus performances is regarded as sacred to Castor and Pollux, to whom, Stesichorus tells us, horses were given by Mercury. And Neptune, too, is an equestrian deity, by the Greeks called Hippius. In regard to the team, they have consecrated the chariot and four to the sun; the chariot and pair to the moon. But, as the poet has it, Erichthonius first dared to yoke four horses to the chariot, and to ride upon its wheels with victorious swiftness. Erichthonius, the son of Vulcan and Minerva, fruit of unworthy passion upon earth, is a demon-monster, nay, the devil himself, and no mere snake. But if Trochilus the Argive is maker of the first chariot, he dedicated that work of his to Juno. If Romulus first exhibited the four-horse chariot at Rome, he too, I think, has a place given him among idols, at least if he and Quirinus are the same. But as chariots had such inventors, the charioteers were naturally dressed, too, in the colors of idolatry; for at first these were only two, namely white and red - the former sacred to the winter with its glistening snows, the latter sacred to the summer with its ruddy sun: but afterwards, in the progress of luxury as well as of superstition, red was dedicated by some to Mars, and white by others to the Zephyrs, while green was given to Mother Earth, or spring, and azure to the sky and sea, or autumn. But as idolatry of every kind is condemned by God, that form of it surely shares the condemnation which is offered to the elements of nature. |
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57. Tertullian, On The Crown, 13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 219 | 13. For state reasons, the various orders of the citizens also are crowned with laurel crowns; but the magistrates besides with golden ones, as at Athens, and at Rome. Even to those are preferred the Etruscan. This appellation is given to the crowns which, distinguished by their gems and oak leaves of gold, they put on, with mantles having an embroidery of palm branches, to conduct the chariots containing the images of the gods to the circus. There are also provincial crowns of gold, needing now the larger heads of images instead of those of men. But your orders, and your magistracies, and your very place of meeting, the church, are Christ's. You belong to Him, for you have been enrolled in the books of life. Philippians 4:3 There the blood of the Lord serves for your purple robe, and your broad stripe is His own cross; there the axe is already laid to the trunk of the tree; Matthew 3:10 there is the branch out of the root of Jesse. Isaiah 11:1 Never mind the state horses with their crown. Your Lord, when, according to the Scripture, He would enter Jerusalem in triumph, had not even an ass of His own. These (put their trust) in chariots, and these in horses; but we will seek our help in the name of the Lord our God. From so much as a dwelling in that Babylon of John's Revelation we are called away; much more then from its pomp. The rabble, too, are crowned, at one time because of some great rejoicing for the success of the emperors; at another, on account of some custom belonging to municipal festivals. For luxury strives to make her own every occasion of public gladness. But as for you, you are a foreigner in this world, a citizen of Jerusalem, the city above. Our citizenship, the apostle says, is in heaven. Philippians 3:20 You have your own registers, your own calendar; you have nothing to do with the joys of the world; nay, you are called to the very opposite, for the world shall rejoice, but you shall mourn. John 16:20 And I think the Lord affirms, that those who mourn are happy, not those who are crowned. Marriage, too, decks the bridegroom with its crown; and therefore we will not have heathen brides, lest they seduce us even to the idolatry with which among them marriage is initiated. You have the law from the patriarchs indeed; you have the apostle enjoining people to marry in the Lord. 1 Corinthians 7:39 You have a crowning also on the making of a freeman; but you have been already ransomed by Christ, and that at a great price. How shall the world manumit the servant of another? Though it seems to be liberty, yet it will come to be found bondage. In the world everything is nominal, and nothing real. For even then, as ransomed by Christ, you were under no bondage to man; and now, though man has given you liberty, you are the servant of Christ. If you think freedom of the world to be real, so that you even seal it with a crown, you have returned to the slavery of man, imagining it to be freedom; you have lost the freedom of Christ, fancying it is slavery. Will there be any dispute as to the cause of crown-wearing, which contests in the games in their turn supply, and which, both as sacred to the gods and in honour of the dead, their own reason at once condemns? It only remains, that the Olympian Jupiter, and the Nemean Hercules, and the wretched little Archemorus, and the hapless Antinous, should be crowned in a Christian, that he himself may become a spectacle disgusting to behold. We have recounted, as I think, all the various causes of the wearing of the crown, and there is not one which has any place with us: all are foreign to us, unholy, unlawful, having been abjured already once for all in the solemn declaration of the sacrament. For they were of the pomp of the devil and his angels, offices of the world, honours, festivals, popularity huntings, false vows, exhibitions of human servility, empty praises, base glories, and in them all idolatry, even in respect of the origin of the crowns alone, with which they are all wreathed. Claudius will tell us in his preface, indeed, that in the poems of Homer the heaven also is crowned with constellations, and that no doubt by God, no doubt for man; therefore man himself, too, should be crowned by God. But the world crowns brothels, and baths, and bakehouses, and prisons, and schools, and the very amphitheatres, and the chambers where the clothes are stripped from dead gladiators, and the very biers of the dead. How sacred and holy, how venerable and pure is this article of dress, determine not from the heaven of poetry alone, but from the traffickings of the whole world. But indeed a Christian will not even dishonour his own gate with laurel crowns, if so be he knows how many gods the devil has attached to doors; Janus so-called from gate, Limentinus from threshold, Forcus and Carna from leaves and hinges; among the Greeks, too, the Thyr an Apollo, and the evil spirits, the Antelii. |
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| 58. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 248 |
| 59. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 3.10-3.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), ludi saeculares and Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 132 |
| 60. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 61 |
| 61. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 17.1-17.6, 17.8, 17.10-17.11, 17.13, 17.15 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares •ludi, saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 200, 203, 206, 209; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 261 |
62. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.4.2, 10.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98; Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 212 | 10.2. To Trajan. Words fail me to express the pleasure you have given me, Sir, in that you have thought me worthy of the privileges which belong to those who have three children. * For although in this case you have granted the prayers of that excellent man, Julius Servianus, who is your devoted servant, I still gather from your rescript that you indulged his wishes all the more willingly because it was for me that he asked the favour. I seem therefore to have attained the summit of my ambition now that at the beginning of your most auspicious reign you have allowed me to win this peculiar mark of your regard, and I desire children of my own all the more now, when I even wished to have them in the late terrible regime, ** as you can judge from my having married twice. But the gods have decreed a better fate for me, and have reserved all my good fortune intact to be granted by your bounty. I should much prefer to become a father at a time like this, when my future happiness and prosperity are assured to me. 0 |
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| 63. Babylonian Talmud, Horayot, 17.7-17.15 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 118, 120, 249 |
| 64. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 5.7.5 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 123 |
| 65. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 205 |
| 66. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 1.733 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 61 |
| 67. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.9.1-3.9.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 61, 80 |
| 68. Symmachus, Letters, 1.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 217 |
| 69. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 18.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •septimius severus, l. (roman emperor), ludi saeculares and Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24 |
| 70. Zosimus, New History, 2.6 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 123 |
| 73. Vergil, Eclogues, 4.5 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 200 |
75. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.48, 1.286-1.296, 2.701-2.703, 3.34-3.36, 3.85-3.89, 3.265-3.266, 4.576-4.579, 6.29, 6.792-6.794, 6.851-6.853, 7.259-7.260, 8.70-8.78, 8.572-8.583, 10.252-10.255, 10.676-10.679, 10.773-10.776 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 207, 211, 225; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 46, 49, 69, 78, 80, 87; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 133, 248 | 1.48. year after year, o'er many an unknown sea— 1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.291. in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.294. or heed no more whatever voice may call? 1.295. Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, 1.296. Orontes brave and fallen Amycus, 2.701. our Hector's self. O, yield thee, I implore! 2.702. This altar now shall save us one and all, 2.703. or we must die together.” With these words 3.34. a mound was seen, and on the summit grew 3.35. a copse of corner and a myrtle tree, 3.36. with spear-like limbs outbranched on every side. 3.85. and bade them speak their reverend counsel forth. 3.86. All found one voice; to leave that land of sin, 3.87. where foul abomination had profaned 3.88. a stranger's right; and once more to resign 3.89. our fleet unto the tempest and the wave. 3.265. then spoke: “O son, in Ilium 's doom severe 3.266. afflicted ever! To my ears alone 4.576. was thine, when from the towering citadel 4.577. the whole shore seemed alive, the sea itself 4.578. in turmoil with loud cries! Relentless Love, 4.579. to what mad courses may not mortal hearts 6.29. And Cecrops' children paid their debt of woe, 6.792. of retribution hath o'erwhelmed them there. 6.793. Some roll huge boulders up; some hang on wheels, 6.794. Lashed to the whirling spokes; in his sad seat 6.851. Eridanus, through forests rolling free. 6.852. Here dwell the brave who for their native land 6.853. Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests 7.259. are Saturn's sons, whose equitable minds, 7.260. not chained by statute or compulsion, keep 8.70. within this land are men of Arcady, 8.71. of Pallas' line, who, following in the train 8.72. of King Evander and his men-at-arms, 8.73. built them a city in the hills, and chose 8.74. (honoring Pallas, their Pelasgian sire), 8.75. the name of Pallanteum. They make war 8.76. incessant with the Latins. Therefore call 8.77. this people to thy side and bind them close 8.78. in federated power. My channel fair 8.572. of ruddy-gleaming fires and winged winds; 8.573. then fearful lightnings on the skilful forge 8.574. they welded with loud horror, and with flames 8.575. that bear swift wrath from Jove. Elsewhere a crew 8.576. toiled at the chariot and winged wheel 8.577. wherewith the war-god wakens from repose 8.578. heroes and peopled cities. Others wrought 8.579. the awful Aegis, herald of dismay, 8.580. by angry Pallas worn; they burnished bright 8.581. the golden serpent-scales and wreathing snakes, 8.582. till from the corselet of the goddess glared 8.583. the Gorgon's severed head and rolling eyes. 10.252. close lined, with bristling spears, of Pisa all, 10.253. that Tuscan city of Alpheus sprung. 10.254. Then Astur followed, a bold horseman he, 10.255. Astur in gorgeous arms, himself most fair: 10.676. not knowing doom, nor of events to be! 10.677. Nor, being lifted up, to keep thy bounds 10.678. in prosperous days! To Turnus comes the hour 10.679. when he would fain a prince's ransom give 10.773. upreared in panic, and reversing spilled 10.774. their captain to the ground, and bore away 10.776. Meanwhile, with two white coursers to their car, |
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| 76. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.6.13, 2.4.5, 4.1.10 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 201; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 46, 87; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 119 |
77. Strabo, Geography, 5.4.7 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 97 | 5.4.7. After Dicaearchia is Neapolis, a city of the Cumaeans. At a later time it was re-colonised by Chalcidians, and also by some Pithecussaeans and Athenians, and hence, for this reason, was called Neapolis. A monument of Parthenope, one of the Sirens, is pointed out in Neapolis, and in accordance with an oracle a gymnastic contest is celebrated there. But at a still later time, as the result of a dissension, they admitted some of the Campani as fellow-inhabitants, and thus they were forced to treat their worst enemies as their best friends, now that they had alienated their proper friends. This is disclosed by the names of their demarchs, for the earliest names are Greek only, whereas the later are Greek mixed with Campanian. And very many traces of Greek culture are preserved there — gymnasia, ephebeia, phratriae, and Greek names of things, although the people are Romans. And at the present time a sacred contest is celebrated among them every four years, in music as well as gymnastics; it lasts for several days, and vies with the pmost famous of those celebrated in Greece. Here, too, there is a tunnel — the mountain between Dicaearchia and Neapolis having been tunneled like the one leading to Cumae, and a road having been opened up for a distance of many stadia that is wide enough to allow teams going in opposite directions to pass each other. And windows have been cut out at many places, and thus the light of day is brought down from the surface of the mountain along shafts that are of considerable depth. Furthermore, Neapolis has springs of hot water and bathing-establishments that are not inferior to those at Baiae, although it is far short of Baiae in the number of people, for at Baiae, where palace on palace has been built, one after another, a new city has arisen, not inferior to Dicaearchia. And greater vogue is given to the Greek mode of life at Neapolis by the people who withdraw thither from Rome for the sake of rest — I mean the class who have made their livelihood by training the young, or still others who, because of old age or infirmity, long to live in relaxation; and some of the Romans, too, taking delight in this way of living and observing the great number of men of the same culture as themselves sojourning there, gladly fall in love with the place and make it their permanent abode. |
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| 78. Epigraphy, Lex Coloniae Genetivae Iuliae, 70-71 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 544 |
| 80. Epigraphy, Eaor, None Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 544 |
| 81. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 12 |
| 82. Phlegon, Long., 215.10 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 257 |
| 83. Epigraphy, Ils, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 402, 544; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98 |
| 84. Epigraphy, Ivo, 56 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 97 |
| 85. Naev., B. Punic., 16.3.3 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 80 |
| 86. Pacuv., Trag., 9.549 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 69 |
| 87. Jul. Max., Sat., 12.176 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 87 |
| 88. Caes. Bassus, Carm., 1.4.27 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 46 |
| 89. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 544 |
| 90. Festus, Ll, 440 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 119 |
| 91. Calpurnius Piso, F, None Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 120 |
| 92. Zosimus, Extracts of History’ ¢‚¬„¢’¢‚¬Å¡Š‚£’¢¢Š¬…¡’‚¢¢¢‚¬Å¡‚¬¦‚¡, 2.1-2.7, 2.4.1-2.4.2 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 119, 120, 133, 249 |
| 94. Catull., Catull., 14.23, 43.8 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 219 |
| 95. Zosimus (Hist.), Symp., 2.6 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 257 |
| 96. Verrius Flaccus, In Festus Gloss. Lat., 420 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 201 |
| 97. Symm., Or., 3 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 225 |
| 98. Aur. Vic., Caes., 15.4, 28.2 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 212, 217 |
| 99. Eutr., Brev., 9.3 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 215 |
| 100. Hist. Aug., Gordiani Tres Iuli Capitolini, 33.1-33.3 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 215 |
| 101. Jer., Chron., 2262-2263 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 215 |
| 102. Various, Gromatici Ueteres, 1.350 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 203 |
| 103. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, R.S., 25 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 544 |
| 104. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, None Tagged with subjects: •ludi, saeculares Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 136 |
| 105. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, None Tagged with subjects: •ludi, saeculares Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 261 |
| 106. Zonaras, Epitome, 8.15 Tagged with subjects: •ludi, saeculares Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 261 |
| 107. Corippus, De Laudibus Justini Augusti, 3.76-3.82, 4.132-4.141 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 217 |
| 108. Virgil, [Catalepton], 13.27 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 258 |
| 109. Optatianus Porfyrius, Carmina, 19.2-19.4 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 225 |
| 110. Epigraphy, Ig Ii², 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •ludi saeculares Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 256, 257, 258 |
